The Sun.
London, England, 1860-01-31 00:00:00

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1.4 EVENING, JANUARY 31, 1860.

„
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- • •-• •
CELEI3RATEI) READJNG SAUCE,
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Tv SECRETARY of the SECRETA OF STATR
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THE POPE'S ENCYCLICAL LETTER.

The Univers publishes an encyclical letter from
the Pope-headed thus,-" To our venerable brethren
the Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops,
and others, ordinaries of places in ,grace and in
communion with the Apostolic See." We select the
following passages as the most important :
" Since the publication of our encyclicatletter of
the 18th of Junerlast year' and the two allocutions
which were subsequently delivered in Consistory,
Sou have learnt, your souls full of grief, with what
evils religious and civil society in Italy is over-
whelmed, and what audacious and abominable acts
of revolt were directed both against the legitimate
Princes of the Italian States and the legitimate and
sacred sovereignty which belong to us, to this Holy
See ; and, responding to our wishes and our cares,
yon hastended, without loss of time, and with n
zeal which nothing could arrest, to order public
'prayers in your diodeses. You did not content
yourselves with. the letters so full of' devotion and
love, which you addressed to us, but, to the glory
of your name and pint. order, raising the epis-
copal voice, you published writings full of science
and of piety,• defending energetically the cause
of our most . holy religion, and stigmatis-
ine• the religious attempts directed against
the civil sovereignty-of -the Roman Church. Con-
stantly defending that sovereignty, you made it a
glory to avow and to teach that,- by a particular
design of Divine Providence, who directs and go-
verns all thingi, it has been given to the Roman
Pontiff, in order' that, not being subject to any
Civil Power, he may exercise in complete liberty,
and without hindrance throughout the universe,
the supreme charge of the. Apostolic Ministry,
which has been divinely intrusted to him by Christ
our Lord. Instructed by your teaching, and in-
cited by your example, the well-beloved children
of the-Catholic Church 'have taken, and are still
adopting, every means to testify to us the same sen
timents. From every part of the Catholic world
we have received letters, the number of which, can
scarcely be counted, signed by ecclesiastics and by
lairs of every condition, of every rank, of every
•order, sometimes reaching to hundreds of thousands,
which, while expressing the most ardent sentiments
of veneration and love for us, and for this chair of
St. Peter, and the indignation felt by them at the
audacious acts accomplished in certain of our pro,
vinces, declare that the patrimony of the blessed
St. Peter shall be preserved inviolate in all its in-
tegrity, and protected from all attack. Many of
those who signed these letters have, moreover,
established with much force and knowledge that
truth in published writings. These strikingmani-
festations of your sentiments; and of the sentiments
of the faithful, worthy of all honour and of all
praise, and which will remain inscribed in ietters
of gold in the annals of the Catholic Church, have
caused us such emotion. that we could not, in our
joy, refrain from crying out Blessed be God, the
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father of
Mercy and God of all Consolation, who consoles us
in our tribulation."

The Pope then alludes to the Imperial letter :
" Recently, as many of you already know, the
Paris, journal entitled the &toniteur published a
letter of the Emperor of the French, replying to a
letter from us, in which we earnestly prayed his
Imperial Majesty to protect with his powerful
patronage, in the Congress of Paris, the integrity
and inviolability of the temporal dominion of the
Holy See, and to free it from a criminal rebellion.
Repeating in his letter certain advice which a short
time before he offered us relative to the rebellious
provinces of our Pontifical dominions, the very.
exalted Emperor counsels us to renounce the pos-
session of those same provinces, finding in such
renunciation the only remedy for the present dis-
order of affairs "

After remarking that it was impossible for him
,o remain silent after such aff tirs, his Holiness con-

inues:—

" We hastened to reply to the same Emperor,
and in the apostolic liberty of 'our soul we clearly
and openly declared to him that we could in no
manner adhere to that. counsel; because, consider-
ing our dignity and that of the Holy See, it was
attended with insurmountable difficulties, and con-
sidering our sacred character and the rights of this
same See, which do not belong to the dynasty of
any royal family, but to all Catholics. And at the
same time we declared that we could not surrender
what does not belong to us; and that we perfectly
understood that the victory which might be accorded
to the revolted of the would be a stimulant
to commit the same attempts to the native and fo-
reign disturbers of the other provinces when they
should witness the success of the rebels. And,
among other things, we •causedit to be made known
to the same that we cannot abdicate the aforesaid
provinces of our Pontifical dominions without
violating the solemn oaths_ which bind us, without
exciting complaints and insurrection in the rest of
our States, without doing an injury to all Catholics,
and, finally, without weakening the rights not only
of the princes of Italy who have been unjustly de-
spoiled of their domains, but also of all the princes
of the Christian universe, who could not see with
indifference the introduction of certain most perni-
cious principles. ,We do not omit to observe that
oaohvne n
ab, e .e
andn
other
his Majesty was not ignorant by what men, with'
what money, and what succour the recent attempts
at rebellionogrtay ina the excited
towns,and aaccomplishwhileedthe at
Bologna, great
m
people remained stupified at those
risings, which they in nowise expected, and which
they were by no means disposed to follow.
And, inasmuch as the ,Most, Serene Emperor
thought that those proVinees were 'kV be abdicated
by us, by reason of the seditious movements which
were excited there from time to time, we oppor-
tunely replied to him that this argument had no
value, because it proved too much, as similar move-
ments took place frequently both in the States of
Europe and elsewhere; and no one could use it as a
legitimate argument to reduce the possessions of a
civil Government. Neither have we omitted to
a very re-
mindEmror that he addressed to us a
different kind from his last before
etter which brought us conso-
hewar letter o the
f in
I sameta l
lation and not affliction. And, from some words in
Prayed his Majesty, in the
the Imperialhe
o nl
iettetler.
), publishedw we
in the journal afore-
saidefit he should completely
Moved by this paternal
OnwamnegoofodthaendChhuisrcohw,ntbheant, in, consideration of his
remove our apprehension.
charity, with which we are bound to
tow ahticshmoiv.nedr
the eternal safety of all, we recalled
that we all should one day have to render a strict
account before the tribunal of Christ, and undergo
ausilloousgt
hstevtoerdeoj depended on him
to merit mercy rather than justice.
uedngermgeentitc,aalnl3di..wthhaatt therefore each of
" Such are the things which, among others, we
answered to the very great Emperor of the French ;
and' we considered it our duty to communicate them
to you, and to the whole Catholis universe, in order
that you might know more and more that with the
aid of God, and fulfilling the duty of our most im-
portant ministry, we try all without fear, and spare
no effort to defend courageously the cause of reli-
gion and of justice; to maintain entire and invio-
late the civil power of the Roman Church, with its
temporal possessions, and its rights, which app(r-
taiu to the whole Catholic universe ; and, finally to
gu trantee the just cause of the other Princes."
His Holiness then goes on to declare his reßdinef

I laJi AO iSilli .t.;

to eufferithe severest trials ; expresses his anguish at
.‘‘ the danger of the souls in his troubled provinces,
where pestilential .writings menace.each day more
dpplotably the piety, the religion, the faith, and the
purily.ef morals ;" exhorts those whom lie addresses
ttedefend "zealously and incessantly the Catholic
Clkurelr and tire-Holy See, " as well as the mainte-
nance bf:illet,tiiirl)o,:vec or the same See and of .the
patrimony uf:S Peter ;" and concludes by exhort-
' ingeth,(4l4,lo..offer their prayers to Heaven for the.
attain9pt _these objects. The, encyclical letter
"bears -date t e 10. th 'inst.

(Fronithe Times.)

It must -be :said 'flitqlie Emperor Napoleon that
if he does sometimes-perplex us by doubtful policy
7ancl'EtAibigugui larguage, when he has once taken
molutionsthere is no man who follows it out with
:Mere cleesision. But a little while ago everybody
was in doubt which side he was about to espouse--
'w Nether he would throw his sword into the scale
of Italy; or,,as the letter of the Treaty of Villa-
franca seemed 'to promise, lend himself—content
‘ls.th' tbst.s.renown of two splendid victories—to
patebiag up the tattered glories of Austria. But
the Emperor has 'Made his election ; and, having
made it, he follows rout to its legitimate conclu-
sion with no falteribt-step. He has determined
that he cannot do fc3rJhe Pepe what he will notdo
for Austria, and viol Vis the case -of the Romagna
exaotlysin•:the same light as he had before regarded
Abe position of,Moslepa, Parma, and Tuscany. Al-
theugh the.SoverpigpVf a Roinan Catholic State,
'he has reftisselp sses7ria- difference in tbe case_ of
Clearly ascertained mi. yernment between the Pope
and other Italian Pi
In his manner brjr: 2 g with the Emperor Na-
poldbvi the Pope ..iss4i6re than eodinarily fallible,
even according to the rule which-we apply to tem-
poral potentates. For ten years has he been main-
-tained on his throne by French arms, and for ten
years has he listened with a.passive and immutable
obstinacy to the constant admonitions which he has
received to reform his Government and redress the
miseries of his people. No doubt, the Pope and his
profound ecclesiastical advisers thought that they
might safely despise the admonitions of a Prince
newly seated on a'precarious throne, and who would
be sure to befriend th* for the sake of a support
from his clergy, so necesSiiry to the permanency of his
dynasty. They never thought that the time would
come when a Prince who had endured so much
would at last assume a tone better corresponding to
the power Which he disposes, and can scarcely now
believe that the.hand which has hitherto supported
them can be so suddenly and so unceremoniously
withdrawn.. " The eldest son of the Church," " the
Most Christian King," holds to the head of that
Church pretty nearly the same language as he
would-to any temporal Prince. He tells him plainly
that he has no choice but to acquiesce in the deci-
sion of his own revolted subjects, and that he will
be no party to forcing back on the people of the
Itomagna a yoke whioh they have just shaken loose.
To such an announcement the Pope replied at the
beginning of this month with a conditional blessing,
and now,. at the cad of the month, has arrived at
the point of launching an encyclical letter against
the Emperor, in which there is neither blessing nor
condition, but a downright and straightforward 'des
nunciation. The breach has widened rapidly, and
the thunder of theiarmsof this world is answered by
those thunders of the Vatican which at one time or
other have shaken the foundation of every throne
in Europe: The Pope pats forward every consi-
deration except one that a deposed Prince could
urge in his behalf. His rights are inviolable, hia•
patrimony is sacred, his dominions are the residence
of the head of the Church on earth, the necessary
appanage of the successor of the Fisherman of
Galilee. He is bound- not to desert them; he is
answerable for the souls committed to his charge,
-his -fate would break the bonds of obedience which
bind other subjects to other Sovereigns. There is in
the letter every plea that could be put forward ex-
cept the one that, would avail the most—the argu-
ment that the continuance of the government of
the Pope is necessary to the temporal
.well-beinc, of
his Subjects. This lie does not venture to assert, or
rather he-passes it by. as a thing. too far below the
dignity of the Holy See to be worth stating at all:
lools!too much like an admission that the

inhabitants of the Romagna had right to he' consi-
dered as somethin better than mere in struments for
supporting the Papal dignity ; indeed, the existence
of his people once admitted, the Pope might be
shock tail_avi th-- sT)I4I ous Airte re nee_ t kat titr
had a duty to peiform towards these same people,
not only as priest, but as Sovereign. The Emperor
of the French by no means flinches from the con-
troversy. His semi-official journals announce that,
though the Emperor will still observe the utmost
moderation towit-rds the Pope, though he will even
defend him by arms should he be menaced with ex-
pulsion from Rome ; .yet, if the political authority-
of the Pope bb everywhere else destined to experi-
ence another crisis, the responsibility. will fall, not
on France, but on himself. Nor is this all. The
'encyclical letter of the Pope appeared in the
Univers, but it was the last song of the dying swan.
The Univers has been suppressed. The right divine
of the French Government to put down, in humble
imitation of the Pope, all opinions which are not in
strict accordance With its feelings or its interests,
has been exercised without scruple, and the Univers
is mute. The Pope has met a man as little disposed
to allow his opinion to be contradicted as himself,
and must feel, while he regrets the fate of his un-
fortunate advocate, some degree of satisfaction at
this remarkable instance of the triumph of autho-
rity over opinion. Nay, we cannot doubt that our
poor friend the Univers itself, did its unhappy des-
tiny permit it to moralise on its own fate, would
pay the genuine tribute of an extorted and unwill-
ing adini:ation to the exercise of arbitrary power
by which it has been overthrown. How often has
England been reviled by the pen of M. Veuillot
for the licentious freedom of its discussions, and for.
the encouragement it gave to heresy and anarchy
by leaving its people utterly unprotected to
judge between the most contradictory arguments
on every subject! The Univers fer once is on
the . Protestant side, and has met from the
eldest sen of the Church with exactly the same
measure of toleration as it would itself have ex-
tended to Protestants. Smell reasoning as it has
put forth is only valid so long as it is urged by
the stronger party. The thoment that power is on
the other side, the Univers itself must accept the
position of a martyr to the rights of man and a
sufferer in the cause of free discussion. _ . -

For ourselves, we may;ery—wcllafford to stand
on one side, and leave the question to be fought
out among Roman Catholics themselves, by the or-
thodox Emperor and his ally the Pope. There is
no occasion for a Protestant nation to mingle in
these broils. The Pope has no right to complain
that to is who dissent from the religion of which
he is the head he is nothing more than any other
temporal Prince, to be measured by the same prin-
ciples and treated with the same fairness and im-
partiality. We never claim the right to interfere
with his temporal sway; we deny his spiritual su-
premacy, and we may therefore fairly be excused if
we, leave him to settle matters as best he may with

the occupant of the throne of St. Louis, Soiereign
of 36,000,000 of his spiritual subjects. For our
own part, we find it difficult to believe that the
loss of temporal sovereignty will be as great an evil
as the Pope seems to imagine. That bauble which
a Dioclesian or a Charles V. could fling aside "as
no longer worthy the hand of a wise man ought
not to adhere too firmly to the grasp of a
priest, and we confess that we are more aston-
ished than edified by the littleness of that
faith which can believe that the preservation of
Divine truth on earth really depends on the acci-
dent of possessing a few square leagues of desolate
land or a few thousands of discontented subjects.
We should have thought that, freed from the
littleness of a paltry sovereignty, exempted from
the cares of government, from the scandal of lot-.
teries, and the disgrace of a systematic perversion
ofjustice, the successor of St. Peter would have stood
higher, not only in his own opinion, but in that of
the Catholic world at large, and that his authority
on' matters connected with the next world would
have become more weighty exactly in proportion to
his alienation from the pomps and follies of this.
If, however, this be not so, and if the same power
that makes him an infallible spiritual guide does
not watch over the perpetuity of his temporal do-
minion, the Pope has no cause of complaint against
the Protestant Powers, but must address himself to
the Catholic subjects who will no longer tolerate
his rule, and the Catholic Emperor who refuses any
longer to be the instrument of his oppression.

SPECIAL SERVICES AT ST. PAUL'S.—The follow-
ing is the list of preachers at the Special Services, at St.
Paul's, appointed by the Bishop of London, for February:
—Feb. 5, the Rev. Henry I lelvill, Canon of St. Paul's ;
Feb. 12, the Rev. Dr. Thomson, Provost of Queen's Col-
lege, Oxford ; Feb. 19, the Rev. T. Rowsell, of Stepney;
Feb.,26, the Lord Bishop of Carlisle.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]—ir. 11euso;,—Ludgate-hill, has just,
published a new illustrated paniphlet on watches (free by post
for two 'stamps). It should be read by all who are about
baying a watsh, as it contains prices and important informa-
tion as to—What wateh to buy ! where to buy it ! and how to
ye It

...:d::::•) i_,.x~.,

T E, GLOUCESTER ELECTION.

The report of the commissioners appointed to in-
quire into the Corrupt proceedings for which the
last election at Gloucester had become so notorious,
W3S made-public yesterday. The report is -accom-
panibcl by the evidence taken before tire 'eorninis--
sioners, and: the Trhole forms a blue-book of the
largest size, containing more than Goo pages.• The
.evidence, however, has been already. published,
and the report alone remains to be examined.
The commissioners begin by stating at length the
circumstances out of which the election' rose. They
then, after premising that "the evidence which we
have received places it beyond all doubt that hardly
had Sir R. Carden announced himself as a candi-
date before the agencies of 'bribery and treating
were employed to secure `his election," proceed to
narrate the facts with which the public has been
long familiar. The commissioners interrupt their

narrative to say :
" The evidence, as it affects the part taken by
Sir W. Hayter and Mr. Moffatt, does not lead
us to the conclusion that either of: those gentle-
men was cognisant of the bribery to which the
money entrusted to Thompson was subseqoently
appliod. Had not Thompion .been employed,'and.
had any money reacned its destination through a
banker, or been conveyed by a clerk to Gloucester,
as Mr. Prise stated it -to have been his intention
when he requested that it might be sent by " pri-
vate hand,'- no -suspicion could possibly have at-
tached eitaer to 'Sir W. ILtyter or Mr MOffaft,
neither of whom had any knowledge of r. Wal-
ton's intenderAcaladiugsAerts-7-,Flutiv-g: for,.
saiding ;the money to him: in particular, otirer`than
the directions they had received from .111 r, Price;
and having regard to. the circumstances , under
which ThompSon \vas employed, the fact of hiSfem-
ploymerit had in reality no influence on the transaC
tions Whieli afterwards took place at GlouCester,
and does not, in our opinion, make the case stranger
against them than it would have heen.if the money
had been sent by a clerk. Alekongh we think Mr.
Moffatt did not give proper effect to the suspicion
which his interview with Thompson Must have ex-
cited in his mind, yet the give credit to his emphatic
statement that the money was sent down with' a,
bona fide belief that it was to be-spept in licrfectly
legal expenses.'
"As regards Sir W. Hayter, we are. of opinion
that he—relying on the fact which had been com-
municated to hini by Mr. Moffatt,' that the 'money •
was provided at the instance and was to be sent
down in obedience to the instructions of Mr. Price

—relying also upon the character of Mr. Price as a
guarantee for the legitimate expenditure of. the
money, and upon the character of Gilbert, that his
application would have resulted in the selection of
a responsible person—had no reason to infer that
the money would be employed in any other than a
legitimate manner, and did not intend that such a
person as Thompson should be entrusted with its
conveyance to Gloucester. We therefore exonerate
both Sir Yir' ~llayter and qr. Moffatt from the charge
Of being: accessories to the bribery which was 'sub-
seqUently practised at Gloucester." •
The moral disorder, the commissioners afterwards
say, which seemed to have attacked the people of
Gloucester, was " the Substitution, of money for
principle," and they give it as their opinion
that bribery will not be checked until the briber
is regarded by law, and punished as the more cul-
' pable persdn than the receiver of-the bribe. - Fur-
ther on again they say :—" From what we have
stated we think -the deduction is inevitable that
purity of election must be impossible so long a;
voters, and the relatives of voters; are permitted to
be employed as messengers at elections. Payments
on account of -chairing;, cockades, ribbons, music,
and banners, the fertile sources of bribery in earlier
times, were made illegal by the 7th section of The
Corrupt Practices Prevention Act, 185.1,' and it
seems surprising that the employment of messem:
gers, as it fell, within the spirit, should not have
been included within the prohibitory language of
that section.": , .

conunissiouers .write as _follows of. Sir R.

Carden:—" it is perfeetly.tlear• that at the tithe
Sir R. Carden repaid Mr. Bernard the surnof £5OO
he'had more than'a suspieion that it had been ilk-
. gaily Spent, and when questioned by us as to
Whether he did not believe that it had been ex-
licii-ded-iii-itelbery, he said, "'I liad-no right to sup-
pose that at all. I was sure it must haVe been
spent improperly, but I cannot say I supposed it
was spent in briber; ; it might have been a fee to
some man and when farther questioned as to the
effect of the word 'improperly,' he said that by that
word he meant illegally ;" tut as to Dribery,' he
added, I knew nothing of it whatever.' Although
we think there is great reason to believe that Sir
R. Carden must have known not only that the
money had been illegally spent, but that it had
been expended in the purchase of votes, we hesitate
to come to the conclusion, in direct opposition to
his own declaration to the contrary, that he was
guilty of bribery. The payment to Mr. Bernard
would have been a payment rendering him guilty
of bribery, as falling within the words of the second
section of the statute 17 and 18 Vic , c. 102—' who
shall knowingly pay, or cause to be paid, any money
to any person in discharge or repayment of any
money wholly or in part expended in bribary,' and
it would have been our duty to have found Sir R.
Carden guilty of the offence of bribery if we could
have satisfied ourselves that he knew at the time he
repaid the money that bribery had been committed ;
but as an illegal expeniture of money does not.neces-
sarily imply the practice of bribery, and as we are un-
willing to question the truth of his statement as to the
extent of his knowledge, we have not felt ourselves
warranted in finding that he was guilty of that
offence."

Among the causes tending to engender corrup-
tion at Gloucester the commissioners point to the
practice of employing a great number of attorneys
on each side. They assert also " that the condition
in life and the ostensible circumstances of many of
the voters proved to have been bribed were not
such as to afford any palliation of their conduct on
the plea of poverty; but that, on the contrary, men
apparently possessed of property, and occupying
tenements of value much beyond the minimum
qualification for a household suffrage, received
money for their vote."
The conclusion of the report, in which the re-
sults of the inquiry are summed up, we give below.
"We find that corrupt practices extensively pre-
vailed at the election in 1857. We find that Sir
Robert Waller Carden, William Philip Price, and
Admiral Sir Maurice F. F. Berkeley were not
privy to or cognisant of the corrupt practices which
prevailed at that election. We find that the per-
sons named in Schedule A, to this our report an-
nexed, were guilty of bribery at the election in
1857, by corruptly giving or promising money or
other valuable consideration to voters, for the pur-
chase of their votes, or on account of their having
voted, or by corruptly advancing money for the
purpose of bribery. We find that the persons
named, in Schedule B, to this our report annexed,
were guilty of bribery at the election in 1857, by
receiving money or other valuable consideration
for having given, or to induce them to give, or to
refrain from giving, their votes. We find that the
persons named in Schedule C, to this report an-
nexed, were gailty of treating at the election in
1857. We find that corrupt practices extensively
prevailed at the election in 1859. We find that
William Philip Price and Charles James Monk
were not privy to or cognisant of the corrupt prac-
tices which prevailed at that election. We find
that the several persons named in the Schedule 1),
to this report annexed, were guilty of bribery
at the election in 1859, by corruptly giving or
promising money or other valuable considera-
tion to voters, for the purchase of their votes,
or on account of their having voted, or by
corruptly advancing money for the purpose- of
bribery. We find that the persons named in Sche-
dule E, to this report annexed, were guilty of
bribery as the election in 1859, by receiving money
or other valuable consideration for having given, or
to induce them to give, or to refrain from giving
their votes. We find that the persons named in
Schedule F, to this report annexed, were guilty of
treating at the election in 1859. We find that 151
persons-named in Schedule G, to this report annexed,
were employed as messengers or doorkeepers on the
behalf of Sir Robert Carden at the election in 1859,
and thc‘t those who are therein described as voters
were colourably employed, and paid the sums set
opposite to their names, for the purpose of inducing
them to give their votes to Sir Robert Carden. We
find that 112 persons were employed as messengers
at the election in 1859, on behalf. of Messrs. Price
and Monk, and that the persons named in the Sche-
dule 11, to this report annexed, were voters or rela-
tives of voters, and that the voters were colourably
employed, and were paid the sums set opposite their
respective names, for the purpose of inducing them
" to give their votes for Messrs. Price an& Monlc.
Finally, we report to your Majesty that, with rare
exceptions, corrupt practices have for a long period
prevailed at contested elections for members co
serve in Parliarvent for the city of Gloucester."

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