The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-04 00:00:00

endeavours to show that Mr. LINCOLN i$ rather an

object of pity than of dread. That he is so fettered
by a majority both in the Senate and the House of
Representatives that he will be powerless for evil.
The present laws, Mr. DOUGLAS argues, and with
too much truth, are all such as the South must
wish to keep, and Mr. LINCOLN cannot repeal
them. He cannot even fail in his duty as a Presi-
dent without finding himself " a poisoner before
the High Court of Impeachment." In a minority
in both Houses of Congress, and with the Supreme
Court (the same which gave the infamous DRED
SCOTT decision), to expound the laws he will be
powerless for evil. Mr. DOUGLAS does not deem it
possible that the President should be able to per-
petrate any act which would interfere with the
rights of individual citizens, or invade the reserved
rights of the States on the subject of Slavery.
Even his nominations to office must be confirmed
by the Senate, so that a body in which the South
confides can prevent his appointing any bad man
to a public post.

Mr. Senator TRUMBULL joins, to a great extent,'
in the same line of reasoning with Mr. DOUGLAS.
He also shews that hot a single illegal aet has been
committed to justify the idea of secession, but he
disclaims besides for his party any thought of trench-
ing on the rights of the States. Mr. LINCOLN will
be, he says, the President of the whole country,
and as ready to protect and defend the State from
which he has not received a solitary vote, against
any encroachment on its constitutional rights as
the one in which he has received the largest majo-
rity. Those who elected him knew that they
elected a President with limited and delegated
ere ; they contemplated no inroad upon the
rights of any of the States ; on the other hand, the
Republican party will rejoice in an opportunity of
showing that they are " not for interfering with
the domestic institutions of any of the States, nor
the advocates of negro equality, or amalgamation,
with which so many have charged them."
Secession, he says, is an impracticability, or
rather an impossibility. The Constitution provides
no way by which a State can withdraw from the
Union. If all the Federal officers in South Carolina
were to resign, and the State to declare itself out
of the Union, the only result would be inconveni-
ence to the State itself, so long as it did not venture
to interfere with the collection of the Federal re-
venues. And, then, as to its raising an army, what
is the army to do ? With whom is it to fight P
Revolution would not begin till they attacked the
Federal officers in collecting the revenue; but there
is no complaint against the Revenue laws. He shews
that the clamour of S. Carolina is, in fact, a sham.
She complains of the non-execution of the Fugitive
Slave Law ; yet she is so surrounded by slave States
that just in her case the law is never needed. He
warns them, however, that the great mass of the
people of the States will not tolerate separation in
any form—that " the Union must and shall be
preserved."
But if the South have so little to fear from
the triumph of Republicanism, we may well
begin to ask what all the stir has been about.
We cannot do better on this pcint than quote
Senator TRumnuLfs own words—" Should any
Republican inquire what has been gained by the
triumph of Republicanism, I answer much. We
have gained a decision of the people in favour of a
Pacific Railroad—a homestead policy—a judiCious
tariff—the admission into the Union of Kansas as
a free State—a reform in the financial department
of the Government—and, more important than all,
the verdict of the people—the source of pourer, and
from whose decision there is no appeal, that the con-
stitution is not a slavery extending instrument. No

more DRED SCOTT decisions will now be made. Free

men, both of the North and of the South, will here-
after be protected in all their constitutional
rights. The policy of the Government, as of old, will
now set in favour of freedom, and not for the
supremacy of slavery, as has been the case for the
last six years. Freedom henceforth will be the law
of the territories, because the people, in their
majesty, have so ordered, and neither courts nor
COligresses will be able to thwart their will. When
full effect shall have been given to all these great
measures of the Republican party, and the preju-
dices engendered against it in the minds of many, by
the artful appeals of demagogues, who have mis-
represented its objects, shall have been removed
by actual knowledge of its acts, we may expect the
bitterness of party spirit to subside, the cry of dis-
union to be hushed, and the principles of Republi-
canism to become the permanent policy of the
Gcvernment, under which it will flourish and pros-
per, as I trust, for ever."

One of the most illogical arguments it has ever
been our fortune to read has but just now been
endited by Lord DIIIRY in depreciation of the
newly projected Society for the Relief of Distress
in the Metropolis. At the very outset of these
strictures by the noble lord, he takes occasion
somewhat perversely and petulantly to designate
S. G. 0. " a chartered libertine." 'Without indulg-
ing in any such direct vituperation upon W. D. B.
the noble lord insinuates as plainly as possible that
he is fain to regard the gentleman represented by
those now familiar initials as one of the most
indiscreet and crotchetty of living philanthropists.
Lord EMMY, when he sat down to write this long
yarn of his, at Moor Park, on Saturday, the Ist of
Decertiber, was evidently in ill-humour with nearly
everybody (himself included) and with nearly
everything. His aid he bad some time since
accorded, he acknowledges, to the recently defunct
Society for the Establishment of Playgrounds in
London and Westminster. He is "put out" at the
failure of that benevolent scheme—" I confess," he
says, "I am not disposed to criticise with undue
severity the conduct of those who "—had the
management of the undertaking ! He has just
written " I had no hand in its management." And
he goes on to protest that he has no inclination to
fall foul with those who had. Observe he is
burning to be " at" them—tooth and nail—hammer
and tongs—at the very time he deprecates any such
intention or even predisposition. He has given
his name, he has given his guineas, so that if
possible all the gamin: de 'Andres may bowl their
hoops, spin their tops, fly their kites, fillip
their marbles, tip their "cats," and so forth
through the whole Book of Games in
their own nicely gravelled and smoothly sodded
Playgrounds. He is sorely vexed that the whole
Project has collapsed. Most of all he must be
irritated against the management under which it
has collapsed.
obvious, he has Yet in spite of all this, which is so
not the smallest wish, he protests,
to criticise with undue severity that same manage- I

1:11A1-.
Ilaving tied his own hands from the chance
of flinging even a single gibe against the
I.:Jeently deceased association that never came
to anything beyond a public •
diuner and a
prospectus and a subscription list
upon the
principle, of course, de mortals et cetera : Lord
EMMY turns round savagely upon the little
callow project of benevolence that has but just
chipped the shell in its nest under the eaves of the
Thatched House. His - lordship can heave a sigh,
could almost drop a tear, for the unaccountable
failure of the attempt to supply toys, or, at any