The Sun.
London, England, 1860-08-04 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

FIRST READINGS.
The Landlord and Tenant, the East India Stock Trans-
fer, and several other bills were brought up from the Com-
mons and read a first time.
LANDLORD AND TENANT.
The Earl of DERBY presented a petition from Cork
praying the house to pass a measure protecting the rights
of the tenant without infringing those of the landlord.
• THE SLAVE TRADE.
Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the Anti-
Slavery Society, complaining of the conduct of Spain,
which country having received compensation for the losses
sustained by the abolition of slavery, had, in forgetfulness
of that compensation, permitted the importation of slaves
to conti lue and increase in Cuba to the extent of at
least 40,000 unfortunate slaves a year. The petitioners
prayed that the house would take immediate steps to compel
Spain to effectually carry out her engagements. The noble
lord then presented another petition complaining of slavery,
and was proceeding to enter at length into the subject men-
tioned therein, when
The LORD CHANCELLOR rose and called the noble
and learned lord to order, observing that it was against the
rules of the house to make speeches on the presentation of
petitions.
Lord BROUGHAM said his experience on the
woolsack had not been as many years as his
noble and learned friend's had been months. He
was not forgetful of the privileges of noble
lords in presenting petitions, and he would then read the
prayer of the petition.
Earl GRANVILLE said his noble friend had been called
upon by the clerk at the table to proceed with the motion
that stood on the paper in his name for that evening, and
he was therefore out of order in going at length into the
subject of a petition.
Lord BROUGHAM said, had the noble earl been in his
place at five o'clock, he should have presented the petition
within the quarter of an hour allowed for that purpose.
Earl GRANVILLE said he was in the house at the
time mentioned by the hon. and learned lord.
Lord BROUGHAM said whether he had been under the
benches or under the table he could not say; at any
rate he was not in his place. (Laughter.) The noble lord
then, without farther preface, presented the petition.
PUBLIC BUSINESS.
Lord BROUGHAM then proceeded to move that the
report of the House of Commons, contained in private bills,
should be reprinted. The noble lord then commented on
the inconvenient system in which the business was
now carried on in the House of Commons, and more parti-
cularly referred to the bad practice of allowing motions for
adjournment of the house to be taken advantage of for the
purpose of raising desultory discussions upon various sub-
jects. He was of opinion that improvement was very much
required in the conduct of business in Parliament, and with
a view of effecting so desirable an object, he made the
present motion.
The motion was agreed to.
RETIREMENT OF BISHOPS.
Viscount DUNGANNON called the attention of the
house to the case of Dr. Hinds, the Bishop of Norwich,
who had retired from office without a pension, and asked
whether it was the intention of the Government to intro-
duce a bill next session to provide for retiring bishops.
Earl GRANVILLE said he was not at present prepared
to afford any satisfactory information.
Tho Naval Discipline Bill passed through committee.
SYRIA.
Lord STRATFORD de REDCLIFFE rose to move
for copies or extracts of despatches received by her Majesty's
Government in reference to the late outrages in Syria. The
noble lord said it would be in the recollection of the house
that, some few weeks ago, he had asked a question on the
subject, when a noble and learned lord, who was not then
present, expressed a hope that at some future time he (the
noble lord) would enter more fully into the question. He
should have acted upon that suggestion at an earlier peried,
but he was in hopes that some noble lord, better able than
himself to deal with the subject, would have taken it up.
The question was one of very magnified importance, and he
thought it ought to be considered by their lordships before
Parliament broke up, as he believed it would be considered
by the other House of Parliament. He did not think it
necessary to enter into a detail of the atrocities which had
taken place in Syria, for they were but too painfully im-
pressed on the papers presented to the house, and had been
commented on in every form by the public journals. It was
impossible to lose sight of the importance of these proceed-
ings, and to the necessity of measures being promptly taken
to put a stop to them and to prevent any further loss of life,
with the least possible delay. He gave the Government
full credit for doing what they deemed to be necessary, and
the circumstance of a commissioner being appointed to pro-
ceed to Syria proved that they were alive to the necessity
of immediate action, and he trusted that appointment would
be attended with advantage. But it was not merely the
sending out a commissioner and communicating with other
powers that would have the effect of putting a stop to the
atrocities which had been committed in Syria. He believed,
so far as the present state of the case was concerned, there
was much reason to hope that some kind of arrangement
had already been made to stop the effusion of blood ; but it
was impossible to lose sight of what had already taken
place, and the dreadful circumstances attending the out-
break. It might become necessary to allow the interference
of some of the European powers, or some European power,
and it even might be that the landing of a considerable
force in Syria was to be expected; and if the Turkish Go-
vernment were not able to put down the disturbances in
question, he should not regret such interference taking
place under proper arrangements. But it had been said that
considerable danger might arise on that point, as Syria was
the key to Egypt. There was no question but that the
Turkish Government had always lamented its inability to
deal with that portion of the empire, and that Lebanon had
never been brought under its subjection. If he was rightly
informed, promises had been given to the tribes that their
iniepenlence should be secured, and such a circumstance
rendered it very difficult to deal with their affairs. On the
one haw' they would have to provide for maintaining the
promises made, and on the other to exercise a just mistrust
Vida regard to the entrance of foreign troops into that
country. But there was a paramount consideration which
ought to influence this country in interfering, and that was
that the repetition of such atrocities as had lately occurred
should not take place. (Hear.) He wished he could say
that we might rely on the Turkish Government giving us
security against any repetition of these disturbances. It was
impossible, after reading the correspondence on their lord-
ships' table, not to suspect that the officers of the Porte had
been guilty of unpardonable remissness, and even of con-
nivance, in the atrocities in question. It was shown that
on more than one occasion, when they had a force sufficient
to check the contending parties, they acted with remarkable
partiality towards one of them, and after inducing the side
most exposed to danger to give up their arms, had opened the
gags of the town and allowed them to be butchered. He
hoped that with the measures proposed to be taken: there
would be one of a judicial character. (Hear, hear.) From
the papers he found an officer mentioned under the name
of Osman Bey, who seemed to have himself led the way to
one massacre, not merely of armed men, but of help-
less women and children. Among the difficulties con-
nected with this question were those of interpreting
a part at least of the causes of these calamities. One of
the cause--could we give credit in any degree to the Sultan
for not willingly conniving at any crimes of this kind—was
the weakness of his power. He (Lord Stratford de Red-
cliffe) would take the liberty of asking what was the cause
of that weakness, from whence was it derived ? It appeared
that at the time these disturbances broke out the number of
troops in that part of the empire was very small, and that
the Turkish Government were not prepared with the means
of sending a largo force into that country, their attention
having been directed to a distant part of the empire near
the Russian frontier. The Turkish Government was always
exposed to dangers of this kind from one side or the other.
Through itsinjudicious conduct insurrections were frequent,
which they had hitherto had the good fortune to put down,
• but every successive exertion of that kind had only increased
its weakness. In short, nothing less than a complete in-
ternal reform could prevent that catastrophe which it was
the objeet of every statesman in Europe to avoid. He was
free, however, to say that it was by no means absolutely
necessary such weakness should exist. It was the state of
the finances of Turkey that made it so difficult to keep up
an army, and he understood that in this case the troops,
which had been called out to suppress the insurrection,
were greatly in arrear as to their pay. The Porte had been
repeatedly warned as 1,0 ,the state of its finances, and against
the old system of financial administration, but he could
solemnly say from his own personal experience that no at-
tention whatever had been paid to such good advice. The
consequence was that the Government had gon3 step by
step into gradually increasing difficulties, until at last it
was incapable of keeping up the amount of force necessary
even for the maintenance of internal order. How could
they under such circumstances look back with satisfaction
atv the efforts which this country had made when the Porte
was threatened. by Russia—efforts in which it was but
siitecfreestayour powerful neighbour joined with a degree
th_ whichG ought to have secured the gratitude of
adopted
had proclaimed
It was true that the Sultan had
proclaimed a scheme of reform, which
i f properly
carried
out would hive prevented these disasters.
But that scheme
was
one
of the
not•been carded out, and the present
i the
state of Syria
consequences of that neglect.
it
Was impossible, when lookingeatthe affairs of Syria, to
dieconnect them with the affairs
whole empire, and it
would be in vain to put down these disturbances
stanch the blood, unless we found means, —itt vain to
make the Turkish
Government t &deem its pledges, and giveeffect to its promised
reforms. -Without that, anything they should do
would .
be
only patching up the difficulty for a moment, and
[sowing the
seeds hf future and still more disastrous insurrections. If this
were the first time when events like the distenbances
in
the Lebanon had happened, the
question might be confined
to narrow grounds, and the assurances of the Turkish Go-
vernment accepted that proper measures would be taken
with or without the concurrence of Europe ; but he repeated
that many circumstances must show their lordships that

this was only the partial symptoms of a general weakness,
and that unless the Turkish Government should redeem its
pledges, there would be no security for the future. Although
sorry to take up their lordships' time, he could not leave
the subject without stating some of his reasons for the mo-
tion of which ho had given notice. He must confess that
the impression made on his mind by the papers which had
been produced was, that they were not very comprehensive
in their contents. In the first place, the papers were nothing
but relations from the different consuls of the dangers which
they had passed. It appeared that a memorial was pre-
sented by the merchants to the consuls on the 20th May,
and that apprehensions of disturbance had for a long time
previous been entertained. That apprehension was subse-
quently fulfilled, and its expression should have been re-
ceived with great attention. He saw in the papers no
proof of such attention having been paid, further than that
the consul-general at Beyrout had, in conjunction with
the other consuls, made a representation to the Pacha. It
appeared that in doing so the consul-general had only ac-
ceded to the request of the other consuls, and that notwith-
standing the representation made, the Pacha of Beyrout set
off for the mountains with an armed force. He should there •
fore like to know what instructions Mr. Moore had, or whe-
ther he was kept totally ignorant of the views of his Go •
vemment. (Hear.) He thought it requisite that Parliament
should have some information on this subject. He found
that one transaction had taken place no less than a year
ago, when the Syrians of the mountains met in collision not
far from Beyrout, and when there was a considerable loss of
life. It was surely the duty of the consul to have reported
this both at home and at Constantinople, and he must have
received. some instructions in consequence which ought to
be produced. There were other points in the papers, also,
which were well worthy of attention, but upon which the
Foreign-office were totally silent. There might be reasons
for this reserve, but unless there were, it was only right
that Parliament should have fuller information. These cir-
cumstances presented to his mind considerations of even
still greater importance than what related to the Turkish
empire. It was impossible to follow the course of events
without perceiving that palliatives had been exhausted,
and that they had only temporarily escaped the conflict of
principle which must sooner or later take place. It appeared
to him they got nearer to it every day, an it would require
all the judgment and vigour of persons in authority in order
to prevent a crisis. In proof of what he said let their lord-
ships look at current events. In France they saw principles
advanced, and upon which the Government rested, which
were totally opposed to the foundations of European institu-
tions. In Austria, again, the Government was exposed to
the action of principles which were shaking the empire to its
foundations. If they carried their views still further he
thought they might find evidence of some change in our
Indian posssessions, and he was sure that in that country
which the combined forces of France and England had so
recently attacked, there was evidence of the operation of new
principles. Indeed he was not sure that we were quite free
from them in this country, and therefore he came back to the
first position, viz., that the period for palliatives had passed
away, and that the strongest measures were necessary to
prevent the tremendous consequences that might be impend-
ing. He must say that he saw in the present state of af-
fairs the means of keeping together what remained of the
Turkish empire, and to put an end to the distractions in
Syria. It was not for him to dictate to Government the
policy they should adopt; his disposition was to trust to
them, but he must say that it was of great consequence that
under such circumstances the attention of Parliament
should be directed to the subject, that time should not be
lost in the carrying out of temporary measures, but that
they should keep themselves perfectly awake to the state
of public affairs. He confessed he had read with great satis-
faction the result of the debate of the previous evening in
the other Howe of Parliament. Notwithstanding the elo-
quence with which illusions had been supported, he was
gratified to find that the measure which was then under the
consideration of the house had passed by so large a majo-
rity. After an allusion to the treaty of Paris, the noble lord
concluded by saying that his object was not to impose on
the patience of the house, but he felt it to be his duty to
bring these matters under their lordships' notice before the
close of the session. There was no greater calamity than to
see nations shaken by their own internal weakness, and he
trusted that in the present alarming crisis a proper amount
of energy would be exhibited by all parties concerned. The
noble lord concluded by reading the terms of the motion.
Lord WODEHOUSE wished to state certain reasons why
he could not grant the papers which were asked for by his
noble friend. The papers which had been produced were
merely the despatches of the consuls, showing the actual
progress of events, the object,of the Government being to
put Parliament in possession of the facts. In the other
house also papers had been moved for respecting 1857,
1858, and 1859, but his noble friend moved also for corre-
spondence of a very recent date, the despatches of the Sec-
retary of State, the consular correspondence, and copies
and extracts of the instructions. Now these despatches re-
lated to matters of the greatest consequence, and the ut-:
most delicacy, and which were at this moment under dis-
cussion by the powers of Europe. If these were published
it would be impossible to conduct the negotiations which
were going on, and he was confident that his noble friend
would see that under such circumstances Government eould
not accede to his motion without detriment to the public
service. A most active correspondence had been going on
with the consul at Beyrout, and he could only say that that
gentlemen on this, as on every occasion had displayed the
utmost energy and activity. His noble friend had referred
to those negotiations which took place some years ago, the
result of which was an agreement between the Druses and
Maronites, and under which those two populations were to
be guided by certain officials of their own appointment.
That arrangement had endured more or less to the present
time.
Lord STRATFORD de REDCLIFFE was understood
to say the arrangement was proposed by the European
powers, and accepted by the Porte.
Lord WODEHOUSE, after thanking his noble friend
for the correction, said that unfortunately that arrange-
ment had bean interrupted, and the disagreement had led
to such atrocities that the more one read of them the more
horror pervaded the mind. (Hear, hear.) The Government
had received further papers this day respecting what had
taken place at Damascus. They were written while the
atrocities were going on, and the writer gave a full account
of the calamities which had occurred. It appeared from the
events which had happened, and from the papers, that the
recent disturbances were not confined to the quarrel between
the Druses and Maronites, but that the origin of the out;
break were insults to the Christian population by some part
of the Mohammedan population. Those insults led to a
punishment which consisted in their being compelled to
sweep the streets. That might have been a mistaken order
on the part of the Turkish authorities, but at any rate it
was carried out. It was perfectly clear that although the
recent events did not commence by a war between the
Druses and Maronites, yet they had been continued in con-
sequence of the strong feeling of hatred which existed be-
tween the Chi istians and Mohammedans, and they were
fraught with the greates' dangers to the Turkish empire,
with far greater and far more important consequences than
in any former time. His noble friend said their lordships
ought to take these questions into their sober and serious
consideration, and he admitted that it was impossible for
the great powers of Europe to stand by and witness what
had been committed without making some attempt to re-
dress the evils which were inflicted. (Hear.) That sober
and serious consideration was peculiarly necessary, because
those who took notice of these events could not but be in-
fluenced by a strong feeling of sympathy in favour of those
who had so seriously suffered, and by a great desire to
render them assistance in obtaining redress. His noble
friend had justly said that the position of the Turkish em-
pire required in dealing with it the utmost caution and
delicacy, and he could assure his noble friend that the great
powers had felt the truth of that observation on the present
occasion, and especially in the recent consultation which
had taken place at Paris. The result of those consultations
had been the production of a protocol, and it had actually
been signed. It set forth the conditions under which the
European powers were to act, and what should take place.
The Government had not received the instrument in its
final state, but he believed he could give their lordships the
leading features of it. The instrument had taken the form
of a protocol and not a convention, for the reason that if a
convention had been agreed upon it would have been neces-
sary that full powers should have been previously sent to
all the ambassadors, and that proceeding would have
caused great delay. (Hear, hear.) There were precedents
for a protocol in what took place in 1840, and in the Bel-
gium question, and those were quite sufficient to authorise
the form of this instrument on this occasion. Their lord-
ships might be told, however, that a convention was pro-
vided for. The protocol had been signed by the five re-
presentatives of the great powers, and by the represen-
tative of the Porte, and it stated that the 'great powers
had offered the Sultan their assistance in order to put an
end to those disturbances which had arisen in Syria, and
that the Sultan had accepted the offer of such assistance.
The agreement was to the effect that forces belonging to
the European powers should be sent to Syria, but that they
should not exceed 12,000 troops, and of that number the
Emperor of the French was to send 6,000, and they wore to
proceed to the scene of the disturbances without any delay.
The ether 6,000 men were to be furnished by such one of the
great powers as upon further consultation should appear to
be expedient. The period of the continuance of the troops
in Syria was to be limited to six months. Besides making
provision as to details there was an additional protocol
whereby the different poers had expressed their anxious
desire that the assurances given by the Porte in 1856 in re-
ference to improving the condition of all the subjects of the
Porte should be carried out, and the different Powers on
this occasion, as they did in 1840, expressed their entire dis-
interestedness in regard to these disturbances, in Syria—
merely taking part in quelling them for the exclusive ad-
vantage of the Porte, and without any view to the influence
es territorial addition to themselves, or making any stipu-
lations as to commercial matters on the part of any of them.
(Hear, hear.) That instrument had been actually signed.
The measures which the Porte had taken were in sending
troops and special commissioners to Syria with full powers
to act as might be required, and the Sultan himself and his
Government had given assurances of their de' ermination to
inflict condign punishment upon all persons who had taken
part in these outrages. If these assurances were carried
out the result would be salutary. The different Powers
would 8430 send commissioners to Syria, and Lord Dufferin

would proceed there on the part of her Majesty's Govern-
ment. It would be their duty to inquire fully into the
whole matter, and those inquiries would be of a most
searching kind, in order that all the offenders might be
brought to justice. He was obliged to say that one of
i the chief offenders was the late Pacha of Damascus, but
he would be punished, and was indeed already in cus-
tody. The Turkish Government had ordered him to be
tried forthwith, and if the proceedings were conducted with
impartiality, the trial would have a good effect. The Go-
-1 ''' vernment had received a telegram which stated that order
had been restored at Damascus, that a new governor had
arrived there, and that he had commenced his duties, and
was proceeding with them in a manner highly conducive
to the safety and tranquillity of the place and the people.
(Hear.) The state of things in Syria was such as required
a very strong hand to restore peace, and it could not be
denied that the Porte, though with good intentions, had
not been able to carry out to the full extent those inten-
tions. His noble friend stated that in consequence of the
former events in Syria, the greatest caution would be ne-
cessary on the part of her Majesty's Government in dealing
with this question. He could assure his !noble friend that
the Government felt that that caution was required, but at
the same time they did not conceal from themselves the
fact that the outrages which had been perpetrated required
that the great powers should take immediate and effectual
measures to repress them. (Hear.) It would be impossible
to tell how far these disturbances might extend if they were
allowed to be continued. His noble friend said the time had
passed for half measures to be resorted to, and that mea-
sures should be taken- to prevent the Turkish empire from
falling to pieces, but that had been the policy of this coun-
try for many years past. His noble friend had alluded to
the want of information as to whether Sir Henry Bulwer
had taken steps to instruct the different consuls in Syria,
and (Lord Wodehouse) wished to point out thiet the mo-
ment Sir H. Bulwer received the news of the outbreak, he
telegraphed to them instructions to the effect that :they
were to take the most active measures to restore order. It
would not be necessary that he should on this occasion
enter into a discussion of the general question which had
been noticed by his noble friend. (Hear, hear.) It was
sufficient to deal with this single question, which in itself
was of a most difficult kind. He could assure their lord-
ships that the Government had earnestly directed their
attention to it, in order that proper steps might be
taken by the great Powers of Europe, with the joint
concurrence of the Porte. There was no desire to neglect
the question, but to look it fairly in the face, in the hope
that they might arrive at a satisfactory conclusion. This
was a question which all those who were acquainted with
the affairs of the East 'knew was one of the
most dangerous as it regarded the Turkish empire—(hear,
hear)—and also as it might affect the peace of Europe, and
the good understanding which existed among the different
powers. The Government did not disguise from themselves
that the difficulties of the Eastern question might interfere
with the general policy of the Governments of Europe, and
that it would be impossible that any great catastrophe
conlfl take place in the Ottoman empire without involving
in it calamities and dangers to Europe as to which no man
would be able to see the end. (Hear.)
The Earl of DERBY said he did not intend to enter upon
a discussion of the general question, though he felt with the
noble viscount opposite that it was a question of the greatest
importance and of immense delicacy. (Hear.) He thought
it ought to be the policy of all persons in this country to
abstain as far as possible front saying anything which might
have a tendency to embarrass the course which the Govern-
ment desired to pursue, because from the uncertainty which
surrounded the question it would be impossible to render
any assistance to the Government, and therefore the duty
of the house would be to allow the Government to perform
their duties, and leave the question in their hands to be
dealt with by them. He merely rose to ask a question as
to whether a statement which had appeared in some of the
newspapers was true or not. If it were true, it reflected the
greatest credit upon the gentleman to whom it referred.
The statement was to the effect that a gentleman of the
name of Harvey, the commander of a British ship, had, on
an application being made to him for assistance by the people
of Tyre, landed his small crew, and had so placed the can-
non which he had on board that he, through his determi-
nation and courage, rescued from danger and bloodshed the
population of the place. Such vigour and energy deserved
to be noticed, and he wpuld repeat that, if the statement
were true, it reflected the highest credit upon that gentle-
man. He asked the noble lord the Under-Secretary for
Foreign Affairs whether the Government had received any
information of the occurrence. (Hear.)
Lord WODEHOUSE said the facts were, he believed,
as stated by the noble earl, and their lordships would find
them recorded in the papers laid on the table. Nothing
could have been more creditable to any man than the con•
duct of Mr. Harvey, and nothing could better have shown
the great respect in which the English name was held in
that part of the world. If his noble friend at the head of
the Foreign-office had an opportunity he would state to that
gentleman his high opinion of his conduct. He might state,
however, that Mr. Harvey did not land his crew, but he
placed his ship in such a position, and so well directed his
small guns, that he impressed the inhabitants with the idea
that his vessel yeas a British ship of war, and the result was
that they were saved from the calamities which, but for his
conduct, might have happened. He would mention to their
lordships another case deserving of notice. The Government
had been informed that a Mahommedan lady took into her
house 300 Christian women at the time whenthe massacres
were going on, and no doubt they would have been mas-
sacred if she had not taken them underher protection. The
conduct of that lady reflected the highest credit upon her.
(Hear.)
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said there was another
individual who deserved great praise, and that was Abd-el-
Kader. The course he pursued was highly meritorious.
He (the Marquis of Clanricarde) felt the delicacy of dealing
with this question as much as anybody, but he thought
they might carry that feeling too far. He found no fault
with the course taken by her Majesty's Government,
but he thought the noble lord the Under-Secretary had not
told them much of what had been done. As to the protocol,
he doubted whether the whole truth and facts of the case
were recorded in it. Her Majesty's Government must not
rest satisfied with the promises of Turkish commissioners,
but they should enforce upon the Turkish Government the
duty of improving the condition of their subjects. (Hear.)
Earl GRANVILLE rather regretted that the subject
was not left where the noble earl opposite (the Earl of
Derby) finished his speech, because the question was a very
difficult and a very delicate one. It must be regretted that
the Turkish Government had shown such weakness during
the late disturbances ; but, on the other hand, they should
remember that the integrity of the Turkish empire had
always been an object of English and European policy. It
was not from any love to the Turks or to the Mahommedan
religion that this country had supported the Turkish em-
pire, but on the broad principle that no one had yet dis-
covered the means of displacing the Turkish Government
by any other Government which would be compatible with
the safety of Europe. There was no doubt, with regard to
the expedition new being planned by France and all the
other powers of Europe, that it was an exceptional measure,
' and if they could place Syria in a more satisfactory state he
should greatly rejoice. He could not concur with the noble
marquis that all danger of further massacre was at an end,
because all the Christians had been massacred who could
be massacred. An awful responsibility would have been
incurred if all had not been done that could have been done
by the European powers to curb the fanatical spirit of the
Turks which had been evinced in Syria, and which was in
danger of being excited in other places. He thought the
heuse would agree with what fell from Earl Derby, that
there were two sides to this question, and that we should
not, because our feelings were aroused, entirely change the
policy which had been hitherto considered to contribute so
greatly to the peace of Europe and to the balance of power.
Lord STRATFORD de REDCLIFFE, in reply, con-
tended that after the sacrifices this country had made to
maintain the integrity of the Turkish Empire, the English
Government had a right to expect that the Sultan would
listen to the counsels of this country, and advantage should
be taken of the present crisis to impress upon the Govern-
ment of Turkey the necessity of making those reforms which
could alone preserve that country from the dangers inciden-
tal to internal disorganisation.
Lord WODEHOUSE said he would give as much in-
formation on the subject as he could, but he could not pro-
duce the correspondence which the noble lord referred to.
The motion was then withdrawn.
The following bills were then read a third time and
passed :—Conjugal Rights (Scotland) Bill, Coast of Africa,
&c., Act Amendment Bill, Crown Debts and Judgments
Bill, Debtors and Creditors Act Amendment Bill, Railways
Act (Ireland) (1851) Amendment Bill, and County Coro
uers' Bill.

SUPERANNUATION ACT (1859) AMENDMENT
BILL.
This bill was read a second time.
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at a quarter past twelve
o'clock.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.

. The Lords' amendments to the Burnham Tidal Harbour
Railways, and the London, Chatham, and Dover Railway
(Metropolitan Extension) Bill were considered and agreed
to, as were the following bills :—Lord de Freyne's Estate
and Caithness Roads.
The following bills wen read a second time :—Beauchamp
Almshouses Estate Bill, Domvile's Estate Bill, Earl of
Longford's Estate Bill, Vis.count Lorton's Estate Bill, and
Giustiniani's Naturalisation Bill.
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.
On the motion for going into committee of supply,
Sir J. SIIELLEY said he felt bound to protest
against the way in which business was brought before
the house. Ude), were now called on to vote a large sum of
money without the knowledge of most of the members,
who had left the house last night before its adjournment,
and the press contained no announcnnent in the usual
form as to the business that would be proceeded with at
this day's sitting. (Hear.) If the votes to-which he referred
• had been postponed until the evening, then there would be
• no ground for complaint. Last year a similar course had
I been adopted, and an absurd vote agreed to, with reference
to the filtration of the Thames, and he thought the time