The Sun.
London, England, 1869-03-18 00:00:00

LOIVDON, 1 11URSDAY, MARCH 18, 1869.

Whatever opposition is going to be adventured
upon in regard to the Irish Church Bill, will be in-
dicated this evening in the House of Commons im-
mediately Mr.GLADSTONE moves the Second R-2ading.
The amendment is, that it be read this day six months.
For and against the measure, a considerable number
upon both sides of the House are known to be very
desirous of speaking. The probabilities are that,
in consequence of this, the discussion about
to be commenced almost immediately after we have
gone to press, will be continued during same three
nights, the division at the close of the debate giving
a clear majority of over one hundred to her MA-
JESTY'S Government. These, we repeat, are the pro-
babilities. Supposing which probabilities to be realised,
the whole question, so far as the House of
Commons is concerned, would be, to all intents and
purposes, decided b.:fore Easter. Then in due course,
of course, would come—the modification or the re-
vision, or, so to speak, the perfecting of the bill, as a
proposed enactment of the most comprehensive cha-
racter, in Committee—and subsequently on its going
(after the proforma third reading and passing through
the Lower House) to the Upper House, there would
ensue the inevitable tug of war, in the which the
lawn sleeved occupants of the Bench of Bishops
would conspicuously participate. All this, however,
is purely conjectural—rumours actually flying about
just now to the effect that there will be no contest at
all in the Lords, or a mere make-believe of opposition
of some sort, in the event—certainly the OTCPPriinCry
probable event—of theßillgoingup, for the most part
intact, from the House of Commons. however this
may be, there can be no doubt whatever about the
immense numerical preponderance of the supporters
of this great Government measure in the popular
branch of the Legislature. So perfectly obvious is the
disproportion between the serried ranks of the members
on the side of her MAJESTY'S Government, and f
her
the
compact phalanx of the members on the side of
MAJESTY'S Government, that—although the question
at issue is one involving some of the grandest con-
sti utional principles lying at the very root
of our complex but thoroughly free and indepen-
dent system of Government—the struggle, such as
it is, which will be commenced in real earnest this
evening, has long since come to be regarded less as a
contest between two great political parties, than as a
Parliamentary j mst of a remarkable kind between
two great Leaders of Party, each of them eminent
as a master of debate, both illustrious as ora-
tors, one the ex-Prime Minister, the other
the actual Prime Minister of England. Insomuch
is it all looked upon in this light—insomuch is the
whole regarded as a dispute already settled, as by a
foregone conclusioc, before the discussion positively
has commenced either in the Lords or in the Com-
mons—that the majority of allusions now being
made to it--purely as a matter for conjecture, or by
way of anticipation, will be found, when they are
glanced at, to be only of the most good-humoured
and jocular kind imaginable. Apropos to the Ox-
ford and Cambridge Boat Race of yesterday, for
example, the jokes indulged in, whether written or
pictorial—and equally it should be said from
both sides—are, as we may say, run to the
death ! One of the merriest conceits of
all, of this precise description, is the one
setting forth—purely in Fee, of course —the rival
crews of the Universities just ready to start. Under
the title " OFF "—Coxswain DIZZY loguitur—" If we
can't beat him off the Church [the spire of which is
visible in the distance] we must try and make a foul
of it." The coxswain's face being, just in two words,
inimitably pencilled! Directly upon the opposite tack,
comes forth the Conservative Caricaturist, with his
wish father to the thought as to the upshot, or rather
it should be said, as to the dowushot of the Political
Boat Race—one boat plunging down the rapid, the
other gliding between the sluicegates cleverly mani-
pulated by JOHN BULL as the Leek-keeper. Happiest
of all these characteristic applications of the joke
about the contest between the rival University crews
and the great Parliamentary struggle about to be
commenced this evening in the House of Commons, be-
tween the Leader of the Government and the Leader
of the Opposition, is the brilliant comparison most
humorously instituted between the two in au article
we are tempted to give elsewhere, in our impression
of this evening, and which is excerpted from the
columns of this morning's issue of the Daily Telegraph.
Written throughout in the most perfect good humour,
it exactly describes the Political Situation. Already
the result of to-night's debate is regarded as even
now clearly arrived at. Feeling secure as to the
ultimate success of this really great, and, as
we believe, just and beneficent measure intro-
duced by Mr. GLADSTONE as the Leader of her
MAJESTY'S Government, we cannot but regard it
as due to the position occupied by his distinguished
antagonist that we should give, as we are certainly
only disposed to give, the most earnest and considerate
attention to the arguments which will be brought
forward this evening against the Bill by the right
hon. gentleman, the leader of her MAJESTY'S Oppo-
sition.

AT length the long-looked-for report of the
Trades Union Commission has been published. It
is a very ably-written document, and will carry
great weight, though, unfortunately, the commis-
sioners were not always unanimous. They were ten
in number—Sir WILLIAM ERLE, Lord LICHFIELD,
Lord ELcno, Sir D. GoocH, Mr. H. MERIVALE, Mr.
BOOTH, Mr. ROEBUCK, Mr. HUGHES, Mr. HARRI-
SON, and Mr. MATTHEWS. On most of the main
points they were united, and though Mr. HUGHES
and Mr. lIARErsos, who may be looked upon as the
special advocates of the unionists, passed a more
favourable verdict upon trades unions than the rest
of the commissioners felt able to give, all were
pretty well agreed as to the leading features of the
legislation which they recommend. Certainly they
spared no labour in acquiring the information neces-
sary for them to prepare their report. They
examined more than 100 witnesses, and put
to them nearly 20,000 questions. They
called before them employers of labour and workmen
in the building, iron and coal, ship building, tailoring,
glass, printing, and other trades, the presidents
of unions, members of Parliament, solicitors, actuaries;
in fact, everyone who could give them any assis-
tance in forming a right judgment. They also
caused special investigations to be made and evidence
to be taken on oath at Manchester and Sheffield.
Altogether this is a most exhaustive report,
and no doubt it is very costly. But neither
toil nor money will have been spent in vain
if the result should be a reconciliation between the
hostile armies of capitalists and workmen. That
they are hostile there can, unfortunately, be no
doubt. The commissioners cannot deny it. In fact,
the whole of their recommendations are based upon
the supposition that the two parties are at
present antagonistic. We say the parties, rather
than the interests, because it is quite possible
for individuals, or even classes, to assume
a hostile position without any essential or inevi-
table antagonism. It is painfully certain that
there is no longer that feeling of unity between
employers and employed which once existed. As
the commissioners say, " it is not pretended that in
framing the rules of the union any regard is had to
the convenience of the employer," The rules,