The Sun.
London, England, 1860-07-28 00:00:00

long months, have been wasted in attempting to carry out
an illusory programme which was the pretext on which the
change of government was carried. That is the true cause,
that is the real cause, that is the sole causo, of the position
in which the House of Commons is placed, and which, I
cannot conceal from myself, has placed it lower in the opi-
nion of the country than it otherwise would have been.
That is the true cause why we are not equal to the occasion,
but find ourselves at the end of the session with exhausted

energies, called upon to fulfil the highest duties, and when
we are obliged to submit to a lecture from the treasury
bench, that we must talk as little as we possibly can, saying
of course what is useful and practical, but not for a moment
venturing to diverge into any of those consilerations the
contemplation of which affords so vast and colossal a theme
as India would naturally be supposed to create in the minds
of English statesmen. Sir, in my mind this is not by any
means a satisfactory position. This has been the longest
session of parliament—it probably will be the longest ses-
sion that has occurred for the last 20 years. We probably

maysitto the:end:of August. There is little hope now that

we shall pass any measure—l will not say of importance,
because it is not improbable that some of these Indian mea-
sures may pass—but no measure of importance carried with
maturity of thought, with that adequate and sufficient de-
bate which measures of this kind require. And the cause is
open to all why so little time is left to the real business of

the country. Sir, Ido not feel lam justified in the House
of Commons, placed in the condition t o which I have referred
on the present occasion to make invidious comments on these
two principles. Ido not think the House of Commons

although they have made, no doubt, a great mistake on the
subject of parliamentary reform—although, no doubt, they
have made a great mistake on the subject of our relations
with France—ought to rise up and accuse the Government,
which they have formed on those principles whose practice
has proved to be utterly illusory and futile. Sir, it is our-
selves on these benches—the minority, which might prefer
these claims and pleas of objection. We do not. (Ironical
cheers.) We regret very much the time that has been
wasted. (Laughter.) The time that has been wasted has
been the inevitable consequence of a majority—a bare majo-
rity of the House of Commons, choosing to form a Govern-
ment on principles which every human being knew could
not be practised. We knew very well that it was utterly
impossible that the country would be deluded by a measure
of Parliamentary Reform such as that shadowed forth in
the programme on which they destroyed the late Govern-
ment. We, at least some of us who from our position were
obliged to be acquainted with the facts, knew very well that
there was nothing in the history of political misrepresen-
tation more false and flagitious than those misrepreser.ta-
tions which pretended that the late Government, in. their
management of our foreign relations, were false to the in-
terests and holtour of England. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
We knew all this. We knew very well that when you
chose to displace an administration on such a plea, and
form a Government on such grounds, you were building a
house on the sands. But we are not going to take advan-
tage of your inconsistency. The government of this coun-
try is not to be made the shuttlecock of contending parties.
You determined—and you solemnly determined—to estab-
lish and form and maintain the present administration.
You have no right to accuse the Government for that waste
of time. You have voted for an impossible Reform Bill.
You sanctioned the accusation respecting our foreign policy,
which, if you had knowledge, you must have known to be
false.; which, if you were igaorant, you were not justified
in giving your vote fur. (Cheers.) And now what
is the best course to take to maintain the reputation of this
house, and to satisfy the fair claims of the country ?
So far as I am concerned, I will give an impartial
consideration to the measures which her Majesty's Go-
vernment may bring forward even at the end of July.
(Ironical cheers.) I shall support them if they are con-
sistent with sound principles of government and with the'
true policy of the country. Nor should I have risen on
this occasion, when this controversy was taking place be-
tween the Government and their general supporters—con-
troversies to which we are now accustomed—had it not
been that not once, not twice, but frequently, in this dis-
cussion comparisons were made to which I could not sub-
mit with any feeling of self-respect—comparisons made
first by others than the noble lord, and then by the noble
lord himself, who spoke of the present scandalous position
of the House of Commons as being attributable to the
cause of very imp aiant business having engaged the at-
tention of the house during the first months of the session
—important business which really never had any existence
—brought forward to fulfil the pledges of faction, and which
I should not have murmured at myself had it not wasted
the precious time of the nation. But one topic there is
upon which I must address an inquiry to the noble lord.
We have heard to-night from the itoble lord that the well-
considered programme of public business announced last
night is now to be changed. On this subject I should like
that there should be no misapprehension on the part of the
house. I ventured last night to say that there was a gene-
ral disposition on the part of the House of Commons to as-
sist the leader of the house as far as possible in the conve-
nient management of public business. I think we have a
right to expect from the Government, as I ventured to say
then, a spirit equally frank and confiding. Last night the
noble lord made an arrangement which at this time of the
year Is more important than at any other, and everything
that falls from the lips of a Minister in the conduct of pub-
lic business is important at all times—last night the noble
lord made an arrangement which the house finally ac-
cepted without hesitation, cheerfully and with satisfac-
tion. I understand that on the 6th of August the pro-
posed change in the paper duties will certainly—if the Go-
vernment persist in that measure—be brought forward.
I take it for granted, notwithstanding the change which
the noble lord has made with respect to the Fortifications
Bill, I take it for granted that the arrangement with regard
to the paper duty will be adhered to.
Lord PALMERSTON—Yes, certainly.
Mr. DISRAELI—I am glad to hear that assurance,
which I am sure will give satisfaction on both sides of the
house. We shall now enter on the discussion. of this
measure (the Indian Army Bill). I shall take that course
which I consider consistent with the course I have taken
previously, and that I have always expressed ; and I have
only risen because the course of public business has been
referred to, and the position of the House of Commons has
been so treated that a general impression would go about
that it was the fault of individual members—who are only
doing their duty to their constituents in this house, in ex-
pressing opinions on public matters—that we are in our pre-
sent mournful condition ; and it is only because that
assertion has been more than once repeated, that I have
risen to make any protest against it. (Cheers.)
The SPEAKER—Perhaps the house will permit me
again to put the question before it, which is that the house
at its rising, do adjourn till Monday next. Two or three
of the later speeches which had been addressed to the house
have passed into the question which is really waiting-for
discussion—(hear, hear)—and if this debate goes further, I
must request that hon. gentlemen who may farther address
the house will not fall into that error. (Cheers from both
sides of the house.)
The motion for the adjournment of the house was then
agreed to at 11 o'clock.