The Sun.
London, England, 1869-03-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 6, 1869.

flicted for those offences, and of providing more
efficient means for the discovery and prevention
f fratid." Five other members followed him
with more or less apropos observations of their own
—conspicuous among them being the right hon. gen-
tleman the President of the Board of Trade. Even-
tually Lord EUSTACE CECIL'S motion was withdrawn.
So that, in Parliamentary slang, the subject in-
volved in it had, after all, been merely ventilated.
There is good, however, in the mere ventilation, once
again, of matters of this kind—even though nothing
more comes of it at the moment than the eliciting from
the responsible Minister of the Crown, who happens
to be appealed to, some such answer as that uttered
immediately before the close of his remarks yesterday
by Mr. BRIGHT, namely, when he assured the house
that the Commission now sitting will soon report,
adding—" It is, I believe, the intention of the Govern -
meat, as it would be my own disposition, when it is
made, to take such steps as may appear best,
with a
.view of asking Parliament- for fresh
legislation on this subject.". When Mr. BRIGHT says
a thing like that, we may rest assured that he really
means it. And although it proves to be his opinion
that the evils complained of by the noble lord the
member:for West Essex, have been and still are very
greatly exaggerated—all the facts, which have
been brought to light, whether by the Commission of
Inquiry appointed some years ago by the Legislature,
or by that other very well known Commission
popularly spoken of as the Lancet Commission, the
Commission presided over with conspicuous ability
by a man no less competent to do so than Dr.
HASSALL, go distinctly to disprove any such remark
as that of Mr. BRIGHT'S, as indicative on his part of
something very better than an amiable hallucination.
As to the Question, so far as it relates to False
Weights and Measures, the disproof is shown only
too strikingly by the return alluded to by Lord
EUSTACE CECIL as having been moved for by him only
last Session—a return show.ing the number of con-
victions for the use of fraudulent [Mr. BRIGHT objects
to the word, but we are restrained to leave it so] of
fraudulent weights and measures in the metropolitan
districts in a single year—namely, from the Ist of
July, 1867, to the Ist of January, 1868. Exclusive
of six districts, from which, for some unexplained
reason, there was no return whatever, that report
showed that within those six months there had been no
less than 659 convictions ! Otherwise putting it—at
the rate of 1,300 convictions for the use of fraudu-
lent weights and measures in the year ! Yet,
with a stubborn fact like that before us, we are told
that there is, on this matter, exaggeration !- And so,
too, in regard to the question of adulteration—the
adulteration of food, of drinks, and of drug-. With
Dr. HASSALL'S appalling Report of the results of the
Lancet Inquiry actually on record--purchaseable and
readable by any one who lists—we are told, in regard
to that likewise, that there is great exaggeration
in respect to this question about the adulteration of
food. The remark is really unworthy of Mr. BRIGHT.
The facts of the case are dead against him. There is
absolutely, as one may say, in these matters, no room
for exaggeration. It is true that alum may be a good
thing in bread, for inasmuch as it arrests the decompo-
sition of gluten in flour, as shown by Baron LIEBIG.
But, while that is so—there may at the same time, as
the old proverb has it, be toomuch of a good thing there
as elsewhere. And so also in the blending of chicory
with the ground-up coffee berry. And so with other
not necessarilyin j urious ingredients in articles of every-
day consumption so long as those ingredients are
employed to their legitimate ends in moderation.
But with respect to cocculus indicus in beer, there is
no getting over the fact that it ought in no instance
to be there at all—as there is certainly no getting
over that other fact that whereas only 68 cwt.
was the quantity of that drug consumed
in this country in 1857 the quantity had
increased in 1858 to 394 cwt.—while in 1867 it had
increased to no less than 689 cwt., and in 1868 actu-
ally to the monstrous total of 1,061 cwt. altogether.
To talk of exaggeration in the presence of fac's like
these, is simply preposterous. There is reason for the
interposition of the legislature between the fraudulent
traders and the humbler class of the consumers in the
United Kingdom. And—it matters little how reluc-
tantly—to that interposition Mr. BRIGHT has now
formally pledged her MAJESTY'S Government.

WHATEvEn may be thought of the working of the
Corrupt Practices Prevention Act, whether it be
considered satisfactory, or, as is more likely after such
cues as Salford and Wallingford, a failure; it cannot
be denied that the measure is and must be less com-
prehensive than its title. It is not a preventive Act
at all ; it is a punitive Act. It does not render
bribery, intimidation, or treating one whit less
easy than before. It simply provides means
for punishing those persons who have been guilty
of such acts. The result is that the late election
poves to have been just as bad as any of its
recent predecessors. Roughs were hired to keep the
peace by breaking other persons' heads. The beer
barrels were set flowing by way of clearing the
muddled heads of those whose politics are undefined
and hazy. Influential customers attempted to enforce
unbiassed opinions upon the shopkeeping voter by
threatening to withdraw their custom if he did not
arrive at a certain conclusion and give effect to it with
his vote. There was tumult in the streets, there were
quiet threats in the house. There was the physical-
force intimidation from below, there was the much
more serious moral intimidation from above. In
many instances there has been no attempt whatever
to punish these abuses, and the most rotten boroughs
in England will go free because of their very rotten-
ness. Even where an appeal has been made it has
often failed, though every electoral evil under the
sun was shewn to have prevailed. Clearly, therefore,
we cannot rely upon penal legislation for checking
electoral sins. The absence of a public prosecutor
and the leniency of judges offer so many chances of
escape that politicians will always be found to run
the risk of conviction in order to obtain the coveted
honour of a seat in Parliament.
It is under these circumstances that the Govern-
ment has determined to inquire, by means of a select
committee, into the conduct of parliamentary and
municipal elections. It will be no vague investigation.
It will be charged to consider not only the evils whereof
we have spoken, but the remedies which have been
from time to time suggested. These are chiefly
the abolition of the hustings, with its nomination
and declaration speeches, the closing of public-houses,
the reduction of expenses, and, above all, the Ballot.
We pointed out during the height of the elections
of how little use the hustings was, how it merely
offered an opportunity for rioting, and how easily, as
was proved from the conduct of municipal elections,
it might be abolished. We take for granted that the
general election of November was the last at which
antiquity will be brought out.
this venerable, but most cumbersome,The two
n e
te
pi co
not
sf
we have named have already been under discussion,
and have miscarried hitherto by accident rather than
by design. A lArge number of members in the late
Parliament expressed a decided opinion that no
public-house ought to be used as a committee-room,
and the number in the present Parliament would,
after the recent revelations, be found even larger.
The majority would, we hope, be prepared to go still
farther, and to enact that on the polling-day,
and the day immediately preceding and following
this, public-houses should be closed altogether. The
reduction of expenses is rather a sore subject
just now, and the advanced Liberals, whom the
Government allowed to be beaten by three on Mr.
FAWCETT'S motion, chewed their resentment by
voting against the issue of the writ to Bewdley. But
the mishap of Wednesday will not seriously retard

the change Mr. FAWCETT recommends. Probably
before the next election the cost of polling-booths
and other unavoidable expenses will be thrown upon
the rates ; in that case the rat epayer will be bur-
dened to the value of an ounce of tobacco every three
years. But the prime reform is, as we have said,
the Ballot, and after Mr. BRUCE'S speech in favour of
it, there can be no doubt but that we shall shortly
have so far Americanised or Australianised our
institutions as to adopt the principle of secret voting.
We do not imagine that there is likely to be any
serious opposition to this change. There are a large
number of Conservatives who believe that it would
benefit their party ; and when we read of the Liberal
riots in Monmouthshire and Cambridgeshire, it is
clear that the Conservatives need protection against
the intimidation which comes from below, as much
as the Liberals against that which comes from above.

THE White House has lost perhaps the most
unpopular tenant that ever occupied it, and President
GRANT reigns in his stead. The new head of the
State has taken the Constitutional oath " without
mental reservation," and his long period of
silence has terminated by a most unambiguous
and decisive political programme. General
GRANT'S inaugural proclamation will be hailed with
satisfaction both by the people to whom it is
addressed and by the many nations who have
direct interest in the declaration. The Americans
have clearly hoped much from Mr. JOHNSON'S
successor, not because they looked for a dictator
specially charged to deliver the State from its
burdens, but because General GRANT was the choice
of the majority, and his coming to office would put
an end to the injurious conflict between the branches
of Government. The United States is not, and is
not likely to be, in the position of its great prototype.
The necessity for a CAmILLus or a CINCINNATUS
such as it existed during the civil war, is at an end.
The superiority of Congress has been definitely esta-
blished during Mr. JOHNSON'S term of office.
The disasters of the contest between the late Presi-
dent and the Legislature were such as to leave no
doubt that the greatest of all qualities in an American
ruler is the wisdom to be guided by the decision of
the people, and prefer, whenever it is possible, the
choice of the nation to individual opinion. The
rule of a minority has been the greatest of misfortunes
to the United States since the war. General GRANT takes
office under very different auspices. He was elected
President by 214 representative votes against
the 80 accorded to his opponent, and he
begins his labours supported by a popu-
larity which no President, scarcely even
WASHINGTON, has exceeded. Should his inau-
gural proclamation prove a true presage of
the nature of his rule, Europe can only desire that
his first Presidency may not be his last.

The proclamation contains no albsion to the war.
In fact, the war and its chief consequence, recon-
struction, have ceased to occupy public attention.
Economy, the rescue of the country from financial
collapse, and the improvement of internal adminis-
tration, are now the most important questions
of the time. It is upon these that the
new President most decisively expresses him-
self. Congress has just passed an Act which
cannot fail to speedily restore the drooping credit of
the Republic. Both Houses have decided that the
American debt must not, in any form, be repudiated,
and General GRANT echoes this sentiment by
declaring that " every dollar of the Government
indebtedness should be paid in gold unless
otherwise expressly stipulated at the time
of being contracted." This assurance is
of moment to Europe, where many mil-
lions of the American debt are held, and it is
hardly possible to over-estimate its bearing upon
the prosperity of the United States. The Americans
have long seemed unable to comprehend why their
credit should be little better than that of Egypt or
Turkey, instead of being second to none in the world.
Their Six per Cent. Bonds have for years remained 20
per cent. below English Three per Cents. The Five-
Twenties, to approach the market value of consols,
considering the difference of interest, ought to' be
quoted at 150. They are now 82, and but a week
ago were at 77, this latter price being then
the highest figure ever reached. The facts
speak for themselves ; the lending public
will be content with less interest rather than incur
the risk of losing part of its capital. Hence the
Americans must not only pay a high interest, but
will be compelled to repay at least one-third more
principal than they received. The new policy will
lighten the national burden by borrowing
cheaply and at full rates. President GRANT
will attempt another important reform. The
revenue frauds are at present a grievous loss to the
nation. Probably not more than two-thirds, certainly
not more than three-quarters, of the taxes collected find
their way to the Treasury. General GRANT has
declared that he will clear the Civil Service of
the " thieves and imbeciles" who have either
failed to collect the revenues or have put the pro-
ceeds in their pockets. Unfortunately he cannot do
this to the full extent, for the Senate has refused to
repeal the Tenure of Office law, and the head of the
State has .no power to remove any office-holder
however flagrant his dishonesty. It would
have been better, doubtless,if a law passed
to provide for an emergency had been
repealed when the original necessity no longer
existed. Still General GRANT can suspend any
official, and though the Senate has not been disposed
to dismiss any Republican, yet much may
be done in this branch of economy. The
new President hopes for a speedy resump-
tion of specie payments, desires that negro
suffrage may be
accepted—which now seems pro-
bable, and will deal with the Indians as humanely as pos-
sible. It is noteworthy that the proclamation contains
no allusion to foreign affairs, except in general terms.
The Alabama Treaty
not mentioned, and the recent
is
is passed over in silence. General
vote respecting Cuba
GRANT no doubt perceives the glaring inconsistency
of preferring demands against England because of
our recognition of the Southern belligerents, and at
the same time supporting by public votes of Congress
the cause of rebellion in any part of the world.
It is no small mark of the new President's wisdom,
that where he cannot approve he is silent. He may
desire the rejection of the Alabama Treaty, but he
cannot give moral countenance to an attempt to
wrest a colony from Spain. It is well Uri, tin the
present condition of American foreign relations so
little should have been said respecting them. The
rest of the proclamation must command unqualified
approval.

PUBLIC INCOME AND EXPENDITURE.

A return published yesterday Morning shews that
the total income of the United Kingdom for the year
ended on the 31st of December last was £71,860,677
12s. Bd., while the expenditure exceeded that amount by
£2,221,602 12s. 9d. The interest and management of
the National Debt cost the country £22,456,066 Gs. 5d.,
and the terminable annuities, interest on Exchequer
bonds and bills and on bank advances for deficiency
swelled the amount to over twenty-six and a half
millions sterling. The charges on the Consolidated Fund
were £1,859,009 18s. 10d., while the army, navy,
Abyssinian expedition, miscellaneous civil services, &c.,
cost £45,186,570 Bs. 6d. Added to these is a little bill
on account for fortifications represented by the figures
£425,000, making a grand total expenditure of £74,082,280
ss. sd. Of the gross income 222,486,000 was derived
from customs, and £20,214,000 from excise. Stamps
yielded .£9,174,000 ; land and assessed taxes, £3,477,000;
property tax, £8,414,000; post office, £4,560,000; Crown
lands, £359,000 ; and the miscellaneous receipts were
£3,176,677 12s. Bd.

A THEATRICAL MANAGER AND HIS
MUSICIANS.

A case has been tried at the Liverpool County Court,
which affords us a small peep behind the scenes.
The proprietors of the Amphitheatre and Theatre
Royal sued Mr. Frederick Duncanson, who had
been engaged as the leader of the orchestra
at the theatresin question. It was part of Mr. Duncanson's
duty to compose and arrange music for the pantomime of
" Red Riding Hood," but during rehearsal one of ternoon—
two days before the pantomime should have been produced—
the defendant took offence at some words which passed,
packed up the music, and walked off. The plaintiffs held that
the music was their property although it had beeir composed
by the defendant. This contention formed one main feature
the case. The evidence throughout is somewhat ;curious,
but the end of it was that his Honour held that the music
was a part of the pantomime, and therefore not the pro-
perty of the individual contributor. The damages were
originally laid at £5O, but a verdict was given for £l6 with
oods.