The Sun.
London, England, 1869-10-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 20, 1860.

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=13,) •
(Ifit c' 4441""‘ SIM
-0

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, OCT. 20, 1869.

An official contradiction has just just now been
given to the last of the many wild rumours afloat as
to the sinister designs of the French EMPEROR. M.
ROUHER, it is stated, is not to be recalled to power
at the head of a new Administration. He is still to
retain Lis present position as President of the
Senate. The statement to the contrary was recog-
nizable at the moment of its utterance, as in the
highest degree improbable. About as likely this
recall of M. ROUHER from the Senate to the Minis-
try, as it was likely the EMPEROR would abdicate
either wholly or partially in favour:of his son, or as it was
likely that he was preparing another coup d'etat, and
allow the imminent approach of it to be blurted
out. immediately beforehand. Nothing has occurred
as we have all along been insisting—nothing what-
ever has occurred since the first announcement by the
EMPEROR of his political programme, or rather of the
entire transformation by him of a Personal Government
into a Government of a purely Constitutional and Par-
liamentary character—not one single incident has oc-
curred to falsify the fair promises there and then held
out that the close of the interval of Dictatorship is
assured. The EMPEROR'S illness, althOugh it was
monstrously exaggerated into one of a most alarm-
ing end, at ona time, even of (as was stated confi-
dently by those whose wish was father to the
thought) an inevitably fatal kind, was sufficiently
protracted to account for whatever delays have arisen
in the carrying out of the work of this great consti-
tutional transformation. Fortunately for France,
the ruler of the country has so completely recovered
from his indisposition that he is now described, by
those who have the best possible opportunities for
judging, as in better health and spirits than he
has been in for some years past. It is evident
enough that his health must be in the highest degree
satisfactory, or as a matter of certainty the EM-
PRESS would not have ventured on her prolonged tour
through the Eastern countries—particularly at a
moment immediately following the illness of her Im-
perial husband, and at a juncture immediately pre-
ceding the transformation of the Imperial Constitu-
tion. With France herself rests the responsibility of
peacefully carrying out the labour of that transforma-
tion. Let her tranquilly avail herself of the op-
portunity now happily placed by events—with
the consent of the EMPEROR—within her reach,
and a nobler future than ever lies immediately before
her. Events themselves, as we just now said, have
brought about for France—have placed within her
reach thus—this enviable opportunity. The im-
mense concession upon which the EMPEROR has ad-
ventured, implies now a dignified assent on his part
to a necessity brought about by the sheer force of
circumstances, rather than created by himself indivi-
dually. Nevertheless, while the fact is thus, we
cannot regard its so being as in any way derogating
from the merit or the majesty of his act, in thus
realising that the time had at length arrived for the
Crowning of the Edifice. For twenty years he has
been so entirely Master of the Situation that he
might, had he so pleased, remained obdurately deaf,
and blind, and dumb to the recognition of what, on
the contrary, he was the first himself to acknowledge
and proclaim. Strategically Paris—which is still
France—is helplessly at his feet and at the feet of his
legionaries. As the spokes of a wheel radiate
from the central point of the axle, so do the streets
and boulevards of the French capital now
under that transforming Right Hand of the
EMPEROR—the wonder-working Prefect of the Seine.
NAPOLEON 111., still to this moment Master of the
Situation—with Paris at his feet, with the most power-
ful, the most numerous, and the most highly-discip-
lined army in the world at his beck and call—wisely
prefers (to retaining despotic power within his grasp)
the constitutionalizing of his Government and the
popularizing of his dynasty.

THE approaching municipal elections will witness
a change far more important than that which the last
parliamentary elections beheld. Mr. DISRAELIS
Reform Bill conferred the political franchise upon a
certain section of male adults who had not previously
possessed it. But there was a measure passed through
Parliament last session without observation, which
conferred the municipal franchise upon a whole
sex. On next November 1, women paying borough
rates and taxes will be entitled to vote
for town-councillors. In other words, it
has been conceded that the principle, "No taxation
without representation," is to apply to women as well
as to men. It is true that the application has been
restricted to the local Parliament. But it is mani-
festly impossible that this restriction can be of long
continuance. There is not one argument in favour of
the concession already granted which is not appli-

cable to the concession of a full and complete repre-
sentation. To say that a woman ought to have a
voice in the levying and the expenditure of taxation
for paying police, but ought to have none in the
levying and the expenditure of taxation for paying
soldiers and sailors, is a paradox that will not be
tolerated for many years in a country like ours, and
in an age like this. The antagonists of women's
rights who are now tardily awaking to the incon-
sistency of granting the one franchise while the other
is withheld, are perfectly justified in pointing out
that inconsistency. But it is too late to
rectify it in the way they would wish. To
retrace our steps in this matter is out of the
question. There is no help for us but to push
forward, and to complete the work which has been
begun, and half completed with such remarkable
quietude. Women are generally supposed to be pecu-
liarly noisy and clamorous whenever they have any-
thing to demand. There was no noise or clamour
with regard to the female municipal franchise. There
were no processions through the London streets, and
no demonstrations in the parks and the squares;
there was no stump oratory, and no female BEALES
there were no excited debates in Parliament,
much less any" Ministerial crises. This great
reform—great alike in its political and in its social
results—was effected without observation ; and pro-
bably it will not be until the approaching Ist of
November that a large number of persons will know
that the change has taken place.
There is an additional reason why the concession
of the parliamentary franchise to women should
follow that of the municipal fremehiw. Women
are not especially interested in municipal legis-
lation. They are concerned merely in the same
way as male ratepayers are. But they have a very
strong reason for wishing to be represented in
Parliament. If Parliament has not hitherto legis-
lated for them, that is the more reason why they
should be placed in a position to urge such legislation.
There is abundant need of it. The fact that the
monstrous injustice exists whereby the earnings of
the industrious woman are at the disposal of a
drunken and profligate husband—that he may
abandon her and their children, leaving them to fight
with poverty alone; and when she has just enough
to save them from starvation, may return to her
and squander the whole amount upon himself—
this fact alone is sufficient reason why men
should no longer be entrusted solely with the right of
legislating for women. If after all these ages, during
which men have had the monopoly of legislative
power, they still persist in exposing women to such
an intolerable injustice—if, while calling women the
weaker vessels, they take advantage of that weakness
to inflict so grievous a tyranny upon them—it is only
another proof of the fact, confirmed in many other
ways, that no class or section can be safely en-
busted with unlimited and irresponsible power over
mother. _

While this strong argument exists in favour of the
enfranchisement of women, no one, after recent
electioneering disclosures, can venture to say that
men have earned the right to retain their present
monopoly, even if it were justifiable originally. There
must be both a very strong prima facie reason for
the conferring of exclusive rights, and a clear proof
that these rights have been properly used, before they
can stand the investigation to which all institutions
are being subjected at the present day. Granting,
for the sake •of argument, that there was good reason
at the outset why men alone should have the right
of representation, they cannot hope to uphold it
unless they can shew that their exercise of it has
been pure and blameless, and for the general good.
Who will venture to say that this has been the case
after reading the disclosures at Bridgwater, Beverley,
and the other corrupt boroughs whose sins are just
now being brought to open judgment? It is monstrous
to assert that the State is better served by the en-
franchisement of the men who sell their votes
for a pot of beer, or for any more sub-
stantial consideration, than it would be by
the enfranchisement of Miss CoUTTS, Miss
MARTINEAU, and Miss CARPEINITER. It has been
frequently urged as an objection to the female suf-
frage that women would be influenced by improper
motives. It is quite possible that some of them would
be ; it is certain that a large number of men already
are. If we are to make the unworthy use of
the franchise by certain members of a class
a reason for disfranchising that class, then the
class of male adults ought to be disfran-
chised ten times over. Women at least have
not yet been found guilty of betraying this trust, and
should, therefore, have a fair trial. If they fail, then
let us deal with them and with men on the same
terms, and with the same severity. It may be said
that women have been proved corrupt already, that
the election commissions have shewn how often
women were the recipients of bribes on behalf of their
husbands. This is true. It was not safe to bribe the
husbands, because they were electors; it was less
dangerous to bribe the wives, because they were
non-electors. Remove the women from the second
class into the first, make them also electors whom it
is illegal to bribe, and a fresh obstacle will be placed
in the way of bribery. Moreover it must be remem-
bered that women being hitherto without the fran-
chise have not had any political education. They
know nothing of the great questions which have to
be decided in the Legislature, because they have no
voice in the selection of the legislators. It is
only natural, therefore, that they should think
more of their families than of the nation,
twenty-poundshould keenly
naoptper:illiateconftheer upon the first, while
having a very dim, or absolutely no, conception of the
advantages which the presence of Mr. A. rather than
of Mr. B. in Parliament will confer upon the second.
If it be said that this is really an argument against
the female franchise, inasmuch as it implies that
women will forsake their " proper sphere "—the
family—when they take up national politics,
we say that this is a gratuitous assumption.
The husband and father, however keen a
politician he may be, does not on that account
neglect to provide an income for his family ; and
there is no reason why the wife and mother should
be rendered thereby incompetent to administer that
income. It is not, however, necessary to urge this
argument, for there is no intention of enfranchising
married women whose husbands are living. All that
the advocates of the female suffrage ask is, that
whenever a woman is at the head of a household,
and is called upon to contribute to the local
rates or to the imperial taxes, she shall be
at liberty to exercise her judgment as
to who are the most fit and proper persons to tax her.
For generations we excluded Roman Catholics and
Jews from the franchise even while we taxed them. But
the injustice was remedied at last, and we have esta-
blished the principle that a man's religion ought not
to deprive him of the right of representation. We
' have now to establish the principle that a woman's
sex ought not to deprive her of that right. The
admission of women to the municipal franchise is a
long step in the proper direction.

?
en Yin
COT

HER MAJESTY.

BALMORAL CASTLE, Oct. 17.

The Queen, with their Royal Highnesses
Princess Louise, Prince Leopold, and Princess
Be:Arice, with the Ladies and Gentlemen in
waiting, attended Divine service in the parish
church, Crathie.

LVAUGURATION OF THE LEIGH BUM

111E11101?ItIL.

This monument, erected by subscription to the
memory of Leigh Hunt, was publicly unveiled yes-
terday, at the liensal- green Cemetery, by Lord
Houghton, in the presenc3 of a numerous gather-
ing of the friends and admirers of the late poet and
essayie, amongst whom were Mr. Thornton Hunt,
Miss Hunt, Mr. S. C. Hall, Mrs. S. C. Hall, Mr.
R. Townshend Meyer, Mr. E. Oilier, Mrs. Procter,
Mr. C. Gruneisen, Mr. G. Godwin, Mr. J. A.
Herand, &c.
The company assembled in one of the small mor-
tuary chapels of the cemetery, and in consequence
of the inclemency of the weather the inaugural ad-
dress by Lord Houghton, which was intended to
have been delivered at the monument, was spoken
in the chapel, and the company subsequently pro-
ceeded to the grounds to witness the c:?,remony of
uncovering the memorial.

Lord HOUGHTON said—Ladies and gentlemen,
my presence here to-day suggests a remonstrance
and a regret. It is strange that a man of letters
whose acquaintance with Mr. Leigh Hunt can only
have been iu the later years of his life, and who had
no other intimate association with him except from
the circumstance of having been a biographer of a
young poet in whose fame he was deeply interested,
should be addressing you instead of one of those Ma-
ture men who have become the glory of our English
literature. I am told that one reason why such a
person is not addressing you is that objections
are entertained in some quarters to ceremonials
like the present. I can, 104102 and gentlemen,
nave no such plea, because I cannot see how
such a simple ceremonial as this can be injurious
to any one. (Hear, hear.) I am sure that they are'
useful to ourselves and to the community. (Cheers.)
We are not a hero-worshipping people, and there
is no fear that such meetings would degenerate into
vulgar adulation. We are reticent of our praise ;
we are careful of our applause. Therefore I will
say that 1 cannot admit that plea for the absence
of such men. At the same time it is a matter of
deep regret that, among the great contemporaries
of Leigh Hunt, so few are left who could be pre-
sent at this ceremonial. Perhaps the only one who
might be considered of his generation in literature
is Mr. Procter, known to us as Barry Cornwall,
and who, I am sure, would have been here to-day
had not the infirmities of age prevented him. (Hear,
hear.) It is true that Leigh Hunt represents a past
generation—perhaps I might say two past genera-
tions—cf our literature, and that, I think, is all the
more reason wby we should honour him to-day.
The tomb which we are about to visit will not stand
clone in the associations of men of letters. It will
beckon many an observer to the marshy shores of
Greece, where the tumultuous.spirit of Lord Byron
passed away ; to the beautiful Roman cemetery,
where the autumnal flowers are at this moment
growing over the young form of Keats ; to the
storm-bowed, storm-cast heart of Shelley. It will
lead many a one to those pleasant hills among the
Westmoreland lakes where the placid form and frame
of Wordsworth rest; and it will take some of us to
more familiar graveyards not far from this place,
where the witty tongue of Charles Lamb is silent
and the busy brain of Coleridge speculates no more.
Among the generation of poets Leigh Hunt was re-
cognised as a companion, and by the best of them he
was beloved as a friend. This is not the place, nor
am I the man, to adjust his place in the illustrious
company, but I will say here, and 1 will say every-
where, that he was a true English poet. (Cheers.)
Not merely the faculty of imagination ; not merely
the presence of wit ; not merely great and sedulous
accomplishment in our literature ; not these things
alone made him a poet, but he was born one, and
he died one. (Hear, hear.) There was one sphere
of literature in which, 1 think, I may say he was
absolutely eminent. I mean that of poetical
criticism. In that field I may place him before
any other man of letters in this country. What
made him so eminent in this was no less the acute-
ness of his penetration and the tenderness of his
taste than the generosity and nobility of his dis-
position. (Cheers.) With him criticism, which is
too often an enemy or a detective, was a gracious
patron and a faithful friend. He criticised because
he admired and because he loved, and whilst on the
works of his contemporaries he passed over every
error and fault which he could not conceal from
himself, and rested upon everything that was
gracious and beautiful, so in his contemplation of
the past be brought forward and presented to
the English mind for ever the beauties of our
poetic literature, in a manner so vivid, in a style so
graceful, that it is impossible to overrate the value
of that contribution to the intellectual education of
our race. (Cheers.) Much as Leigh Hunt did for
literature, he might have done, and he would have
done, still more, but for the circumstances of his
position. His life was not that of an easy
man of letters, it was that of the hard-working
journalist of the daily press, and that occupation
led him early in his youth to mix himself with the
politics of his time. Those were hard times for a
young man to connect himself with political writ-
ings. They were the saddest times in which per-
haps the politicians of our country have ever lived.
They were the days when the highest hopes of hu-
manity generated by the French Revolution had
been crushed down and trampled under foot with
every circumstance of cruelty and indignity. It was
bad enough that those hopes were lost, but it was
worse to find that the sneers of the selfish and ma.
licious were all of them justified, and that the pro-
phecies of all the stupid had become true. In those
days, therefore, it was no wonder that Leigh Hunt
got himself into political difficulty, and for an article
in a newspaper—which would now be passed over
altogether, or at the worst regarded for the moment
as in bad taste—he was sentenced to two years' im-
prisonment and separated from his fellows and his
kind. But this was not all, for after he left prison
he was followed for many years by persistent ob-
loquy and injustice, which in our time would seem
absolutely incredible, and which can only be ex-
plained by the circumstance that those who wrote
about him were utterly ignorant of the man.
(Hear, hear.) He was regarded as a rabid Re-
publican, though whilst in fact half an American
he bad an especial dislike for a Republic, and
had no objection whatever to the Monarchical
form of Government, except that he did not think
that monarchs did all the good which he be-
lieved they were capable of doing. (Laughter.) He
was regarded and held up to shame as an enemy
of religion, whereas he was a man from whose
heart there ever came a flowing piety, spreading it-
self over all nature and in every channel in which
it was possible to run. I remember a passage in
one of his works, in which he says that he never
passed a church, of however unreformed a faith,
without an instinctive wish to go in and worship
for the good of mankind. And all this obloquy,
all this injustice, all this social cruelty, never for
one moment soured the disposition or incited a re-
vengeful feeling in the breast of this good man, who
had, as it were—l have no other phrase for it—a
superstition of good. (Cheers.) He did not be-
lieve almost in the existence of evil, and when it
pressed even in the bitterest form against himself
he shut his eyes to it and believed it to be good.
Now, with this disposition, with this character, and
with these elements of life, surely we do well in
honouring this man to-day. Surely it is some-
thing that ten years after his death there should
have been some who felt it was not well but that
there should be some substantial memorial of his exist-
ence—something which would tell people more than
the books they were reading that there had hem
in England such a man. In opening the worm-
went, which we are about to do in a few minutes,
we shall honour not only the man, but we shall
honour the poetic intelh ct—we shall honour the de-
lightful faculty which gives to mankind its purest
form of intellectual contemplation, and which,
somehow or other, adapting itself to differ- ,
cut temperaments, always either strengthens,
or put ifies, or expands the mind of its
pos,esser. Thus it is that Leigh Hunt,
though naturally of a tender and perhaps of a
timid temperament, confronted the public opi-
nion of his day with a courage quite equal
to that of either the angry Byron or the enthusias-
tic Shelley. Thus it is that he never for a mo-

ment lost the connection between literature and
liberty. We, therefore, shall honour, not only the
English poet, not only the great essayist, not only
the partially successful dramatist, but we shall
honour the honest and brave politician. Thus it
is that as a man who has mixed both in literature
and politics I feel I am much honoured by- being
allowed to pronounce these words to-day.
(Cheers.) It is not my business to enter upon
the circumstances of his private life ; all we know
is that they were not easy, that with a sensitive en-
joyment of luxury, such as belongs to the poetic
temperament, he was a most self-denying man ;
that although cognisant of all the advantages
which social position could give him, he, neverthe-
less, carefully refused all temptations to that so-
ciety which might hamper his independence or
hinder his political work. Thus we know that
through all the difficulties of a more than usually
hard life he maintained till the end a cheerfulness
of temperament which the most successful might
have envied and the wealthiest might have adored.
In his own beautiful words, all we can now think
of is—

" Tho woe was short, 'tis fugitive, 'tis past ;
The song that sweetened it may always last."

(Cheers.)
The company then proceeded to the spot in the
cemetery where the monument was erected over
the remains of Leigh Hunt, and upon their
arrival,
Lord HOUGHTON, taking up a position in imme-
diate proximity to the monument, said—ln the
name of the subscribers to this memorial, and the
friends of Leigh Hunt who remember him and
are careful of his fame, I present this monument
to his family, to the country, and to posterity.

The monument was then unveiled amidst cheers.
It consists of a simple pedestal of white marble,
surmounted by a bust of Leigh Hunt in the same
material, beautifully executed by Mr. Durham,
A.R. A., and bearing the following inscription on
the pedestal :

"JAMES HENRY LEIGH HUNT,
Born October 18, 1784,
Died August 28, 1859."
"Write me as one that loves his fellow-mon."

Mr. Thornton Hunt briefly and gracefully
thanked Lord Houghton and the subscribers on
behalf of the family of Leigh Hunt for the manner
in which they had promoted the memorial, and ex-
pressed his gratification at the excellent likeness
which the artist had produced.
Mr. Durham having bowed his thanks in response
to an expression by Lord Houghton on behalf of
the company, thanking him for the excellence of
his work, the proceedings terminated.

LATEST INTELL MENGE

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)