The Sun.
London, England, 1860-04-26 00:00:00

ject of the difference caused by the constitutional'
question of Hesse."
The motion was rejected by a large majority.
The resolution proposed by the committee on M.
Vincke's motion, implying confidence in the Govern-
ment, in its conduct in the question oc Hesse, and
expressing the hope that it would co,ltinue firm in
adhering to it, was then put, and c; rried by 207
votes against 68.

A letter from Berlin, of the 22d inst., says. :
" The resolution of the committee on Vmcke's
motion respecting Hesse has been adopted by 207
votes to 68. The interest taken in the debate was
very great. Long before the doors were opened
every approach was thronged by persons eager to
get in. Prince Frederick William was present both
days, and the gallery set apart for the diplomatic
corps was quite full; the English Ambassador was
present. The result of the vote was received with
loud cheers. As the vote implied a vote of confi-
dence in the Government, the Ministers abstained
from voting."

(From the Times)

We believe that few portions of the Times are
looked at with less pleasure, or we might say with
more impatience, by the general public than those
letters which treat, however summarily and suc-
cinctly, of the internal politics of the German Con-
federation. In the first place, the proceedings of
this mediaeval body, so often extinguished and so
perpetually reviving, are in themselves very diffi-
cult to understand : and, in the next place, the
spectacle they present of the manner in which the
interests of a great nation are frittered away in
order to serve the petty selfishness and paltry am-
bition of rival States, has in it something inexpres•
sibly revolting to minds which do not dwell
willingly on the weakness and follies of human
nature.

Amid the clash of minor ambitions are distinctly
marked the forms of the would-be Athens and
Sparta of this modern Amphictyonic Council—
Austria, who trusts everything to the sword, the
willing ally of every despot, the natural enemy of
every oppressed people, small or great, the emblem
of the past and the danger of the present, seeking
to sacrifice every one else to a system to which she
has so signally sacrificed herself; and Prussia,
hitherto timid and irresolute, balancing between
dynastic sympathies and liberal proclivities, too
much a rival of Austria to be a sincere ally of
despotism, too much committed to the cause of
order and the hierarchy of Monarchs to appear as
the uncompromising champion of German freedom.
To these succeed several States of the second rank
—Hanover, Wurtemberg, Bavaria, Saxony, Baden,
and Electoral Hesse ; and below them, again, are a
crowd of minute dukedoms and principalities, the
six-pound householders of the monarchical class.
To win the goodwill of these States has been the
struggle of the last fifty years--a struggle still un-
decided, mainly because, though Austria has taken
up perfectly intelligible ground and marked her
position with the utmost distinctness, Prussia has
vacillated between " I would" and " I dare not,"
and has naturally failed to conciliate confidence to
a policy in which she appears to have no confidence
herself.

Thus has the great German nation been tanta-
lised and divided, the talents of her best statesmen
wasted on these endless eternal conflicts, or em-
ployed in the business of a paltry State, compared
with whose affairs the transactions of a large rail.
way company are imperial and gigantic. As long
as this dualism continues, German politics must
continue to be what they are now—the most repul-
sive of subjects; and the affairs of the confederacy
must go on from bad to worse. There seems no
prospect of one of these great Powers annihilating
the other. There remain, therefore, only two ways in
which we can expect to see this unhappy state of
things terminate. Either Austria and Prussia will
come to an agreement which will result in combined
action, or Prussia will at last define more sharply
the difference between them, and the Confederacy
will range itself definitely on one side or the other.
Of the former result we regret to say that there
appears no chance whatever. Austria has earned
a character for constancy under misfortunes, but
has never been celebrated for turning the lessons
they teach to good account. Her influence is
lowered by defeat, her power is paralysed by finan-
cial difficulties. Prussia, on the other hand, is
developing daily a stronger tendency to liberal
views, and it probably may he said of her with
truth that, if Austria retains the confidence of
Princes, Prussia has made some way in gaining fer
herself the regard and esteem of nations. It is, there-
fore, probable that the stirring events of the last
year, acting powerfully on the public mind of Ger-
many, may lead to a final disruption of the Con-
federation, and an occasion for such disruption is
not wanting. By her shameful support of the
Elector of Hesse-Cassel in the destruction of the
Constitution of his States, Austria, at the time she
needed it most, has effectually cut herself off from
the sympathies and wishes of the German nation ;
while Prussia, by protesting against this decision,
and declaring boldly that she does not mean to
respect it, has obliterated many disagreeable
reminiscences caused by the conduct of the King
in whose name she is still governed.
An attempt has been made in the Prussian
Chambers to censure the Government for its con
duct in this affair, but that attempt has not only
failed, but has resulted in the adoption of a resolu-
tion, moved by Baron Von Vincke, the leader of
the Liberal party, cordially approving the proceed-
ings of the Government. The debate is itself very
important. The majority-207 to 68—was decisive,
and the public interest extraordinary. But what
strikes us still more is the tone of the speeches
throughout the debate. There was nothing abstract
or pedantic about them—no attempt whatever to
reduce the great interests and stirring events of
national life to the formulae of some metaphysical
system. No orator endeavoured to show that the
present state of things in Germany was the de-
velopment of some principle or some idea, or the
reconciliation of two contraries, or any such scho-
lastic trifling. The speakers spoke as men in earnest
do speak—in plain, short sentences, and to the point.
The speeches, one and all, were perfectly intelligible,
and there was a remarkable agreement between
them. Prussia, it seemed to be agreed on all hands,
has nothing to hope from Austria, overwhelmed
with debt, sunk in the opinion of the world, having
learnt nothing, having forgotten nothing, and medi-
tating plans for wresting Italy from Piedmont
rather than for defending Germany from France.
Prussia has no hope from Russia, occupied with her
own domestic affairs, and full of designs on the
East—no hope from England, bribed by her com-
mercial treaty, and unprepared to renew in the 19th
century the coalition policy of William 111. in the
17th—no hope from the smaller States of Germany,
too large to die and too small to live, clinging with
desperate tenacity to any Power that will prolong
an existence which, if estimated by the good it has
done, ought certainly not to be desired.
One might have thought that, having taken
all these pains to show how completely they are
isolated, and how urgent is their danger from
a u
the ambitious designs of France, the Prussian
o
emwenout ; ldbuetvinneoethisneg o some
ef
symptoms
aopfp e
ad
ri
ss
e r at ors
They tell us plainly that the only
hope of safety left
for Prussia and for Germany • the exclusion. of
Austria, the leadership of Prussia,ls and the union of
Germany under that leadershi Prussia kno.ws
well that such an union can never be effected with
the goodwill of the German Princes, and those who
take up this ground, therefore,
,virtually maintain
that the future safety of Germany against France
can only he asserted by a revolution in the liberal
sense. Prussia has, at any rate, a full perception of
the danger with which she is menaced. She also
appears to have made up her mind as to the only
way of escaping that danger. i
Her Chamber has
energetically supported these views, and it s quite
possible that we may in a short time see the focus
of political interest removed from the south to the
north of the Alps.

THE MURDER ON THE HIGH SEAS.—The state
of fearful suspense to which the prisoner Charles Annois
has been for so many months subjected, was brought to a
conclusion by a respite during her Majesty's pleasure being
sent to Mr. Jones, the governor of the gaol of Newgato, on
Monday evening. The notification was made to him by the
governor, and it is needless to say that he appeared deeply
gratified for the clemency shown to him. The capital sen-
tence will in all probability be commuted to ono of penal
servitude for a long period, possibly for the remainder of the
life of the prisoner.

[ADVERTISEMENT.).—We have read with much pleasure
Du Barry's Report on the cure of Indigestion (Dyspepsia),
Flatulency, Constipation, Nervous, Bilious, and Liver
Complaints, Cough, Asthma, Consumption, and Debility,
without medicine, by DA Barry's Food. The following
are a few extracts which appear to merit the attention of
many :—Cure No. 47,121.—Mi5s Elizabeth Jacobs, of
Hazing Vicarage, Waltham -cross, Hefts : a cure of ex-
treme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and
nervous fancies. Cure No. 48,314.—Mi5s Elizabeth Yeo-
man, Gateacre near Liverpool : a cure of ten years' dyspepsia
and all the horrors of nervous irritability. Cure No.
54,812.—Mi5s Virginia Zeguers, cured of consumption,
after her medical advisers had abandoned all hopes of re-
covery. Cure No. 51,514.—8ar0n de Polentz, Prefect of
Langenau, of many years' horrible sufferings of the
nerves, and of an obstinate liver complaint, for which
the German spas had been tried in vain for years.
Cure No. 48,721.—General Baron de Zaluskowski, of
many years fearful disorders of the digestive functions.
In. tins, at is. 6d. ; 11b., 3s. ; 21b., ss. 9d. ; 51b., 125.; 121 b.,
265. The 101 b. and 121 b. tins carriage free, on receipt of post -
?Floe order.- Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, London;
Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182, Piccadilly ; Abbis, 60,
Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63, and 150, Oxford-
street; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 and 60, Bishopso-ate-
street ; Tottenham-court-road. nait-
RAlasirao
efettanlldacliz:
Bewley 'anBsd
at Liverpool, Nixon and Thew • at Alanchester, Sharp
Scott; at York, Raimes, Blanchard, and Co.; atMSoutkan
ampton, Randal 'and Bon