The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-01 00:00:00

other quarter than from the forces of FRANCIS I
Surely we have not spent £34,000,000 this year on
our naval and military forces, to be mocked by the
Emperor of the FRENCH in this style. His inter-
vention so unceasingly and increasingly at Rome, is
scarcely bearable; but to have him interfering
again, just when and how he pleases, and, above
all things, at sea also, is intolerable. If he inter-
venes, we say, one of two things—either he must
withdraw his intervention, or we must follow his
example and redress the balance. If it please him
better we can send ship for ship for those of
Admiral PERSANO, whom he forbids to act by the
threat of his broadsides, and give the order to our
tars for a little gun practice at Gaeta. How
would our brave fellows who spent their holiday
in working GARIBALDI'S guns against Capua,
" Hurrah for a go at Gaeta "—why, the walls of
the fortress would fall like those of Jericho, at that
shout, before a gun was fired—that the hearts of
the garrison would fall or fail, we may be pretty
sure ; and we should like to see whether his
Majesty the Emperor of the French would " send
a frigate to stop the firing" of English ships:
But seriously, for surely enough it would not
come to that, Lord PALMERSTON has but to inform
LOUIS NAPOLEON that, as we did not intervene
for the people of Italy, so we could not, and
would not, allow him to intervene for
a second tyrant in Italy—the telegraph would
convey an immediate order to the French fleet
to let PERs.kNo alone, and we would instruct
our Admiral to inform PERSANO that liberty of
action was restored to him. Lord PALMERSTON
has every argument in his favour, He can point
the EMPEROR to what consistency with his own pub-
lished views demands—and he can point him also
to the impossibility of his maintaining pleasant re-
lations with England if he thus insults the strongest
public sentiment of the country. Lord PALMERSTON
may truly enough tell him that he could not face
Parliament for a day, next spring, if he could not
show that he bad gone to any lengths in prevent-
ing intervention against Italian liberties. He may
point to the speech but yesterday of a zealous Tory
like Mr. PULLER, at an agricultural meeting, too,
as proof of the unanimity of Englishmen of all
parties in regard to Italian liberty—and in regard
to non-intervention, too. And he may certainly
tell him that the nation which spends thirty-four
millions for war purposes, and raises two hundred
thousand volunteers, by one impulse, is not exactly
the nation to understand, by intervention, tying
its own hands, and letting those of a French Emperor
to do all the mischief they can to the cause which
England adores.
For ourselves, the more:we think of this impudent
interference the more we believe it to be for the
basest purposes. It will be coupled, doubtless, with
other obstructive communications and proceedings.
And we believe, and must believe, till we see a better
explanation, that the EMPEROR is bent on a second
robbery. He has succeeded so well in Savoy and
Nice that he is really bent on something
more. He will make himself such a thorn in the
side of a renovated Italy, that CATOUR will be
glad, again, th buy him off with a cession. Eng
land cannot at the present moment do more
towards the rescue of Sardinia and Genoa than by
sending decisive orders to our Mediterranean
fleet—preceded, of course, by an intimation to the
EMPEROR that England insists on non-interven-
tion at Gaeta. Let it be remembered, also, that
these unnatural annexations will be the ground of
future wars. It may be so even yet in regard to
Nice and Savoy. But the cession of Genoa, of all
places in Italy, and of Sardinia, would certainly,
some day, issue in a war. This is not the time for
cutting up nationalities again ; and the Emperor of
;he FRENCH is, of all men, the most inconsistent
n making the attempt.

One of our most popular female novelists—Mrs.
GASKELL, authoress of " Mary Barton"—wrote
two or three years back a serial tale in Mr.
DICKENS'S Household Wards, a story called
" North and South," in which were brought into
vivid contrast the characteristic peculiarities of our
northern and southern population. A wider con-
trast than any there presented to view admits just
now of being very readily illustrated by the hand
of an American writer of
.imagination through the
juxtaposition within the framework of a single
truthful, and picturesque narrative of the North.
and Sough, not of the United Kingdom, but of the
United States. What a hint for an episode that
daringly adventurous but disastrous invasion of
Virginia, led on by old JOHN BROWN,
and known now far and wide in both
hemispheres as the Harpet's Ferry Insurrection !
How terrible a historical romance it might be with-
out its writer venturing anywhere upon one single
particle of exaggeration! From the initial chapter
to the denouement it would need only (for the ex-
' citing of a profound sense of horror in the mind of
its reader) it need only be " ower true"—a tale
founded upon fact—a rom‘nce born of reality.
Supposing, in this hypothetical fiction comnaemo •
rative of the days of Mr. BUCHANAN'S Presidency
--supposing, at one part of his narrative the
novelist were to describe a poor book-hawker of New
England, driving his humble cart laden with
itinerant literature one fine morning in the early

and pamphlets, were overturned and smeared with
tar and ignited for the roasting to death there
and then summarily upon the spot of the unhappy
roving bookseller. Supposing the narrator then
added that none but the wretches actually engaged
in the arrangement of this impromptu auto da fe
could endure to remain within hearing while the
flames of this terrible pyre were doing their devilish
work of destruction. And supposing we were
then simply informed by the historical novelist
that all this was simply but too true, that it was the
faithful narrative of what did actually occur in the
spring of 1860, in the State of Texas during the
later months of the rule of Mr. BUCHANAN
as the Pro-Slavery President 1 We should
merely in that case be reading the record
of an actual occurrence. We should only be
glancing down one page of the hideous "Reign of
Terror" in the Southern Division of the United
States in the years 1859 and 1860—the last two
years of our boasted modern civilisation ! Lynch
law being there so paramount, that during those
years of the rule of this last Pro-Slavery President
in those Southern States, "every stranger," we
read, "was dogged, suspected, and more or less
persecuted: Governesses and schoolmistresses
were expelled from their abodes, or turned back
on their road to their situations, merely because
they were supposed to be of Northern origin. Com-
mercial travellers were searched and pointed out
to public suspicion ; and two had half their heads
and beards shaved, and were sent away, after a
scourging, to the train, attended by a jeering mob.
The scourgings—by an insane imprudence inflicted
by negroes—of artisans, ministers of religion,
hawkers of goods, and others ; and the tarring and
feathering, the ducking, the hideous mock proces-
sions to exhibit the victim to indignity and ill-
usage, are abundantly sickening." Turning from
these melancholy particulars, however, of the bar-
barous cruelties rife in the Southern States of the
American Republic in 1859 and 1860—let us revert
awhile to the consideration of the incidents capable
of being presented to view by any novelist who
would accurately trace, side by side, the actual
condition of things in the North and South of the
United States. Look, might the novelist write,
"upon this picture and on this !" taking his data
from the same reliable sources as those which have
recently contributed their store of facts to the
calculations of one of the able reviewers in the
Edinburgh. Referring, for example, to the state
of agriculture in the North and in the South, in
language thus positive, and certainly most impres-
sive :—" In regard to agriculture, which is the
pride of the South, the contrast is remarkable.
Every acre and. every husbandman in the North
produces twice as much as in the South ; so
that now the annual hay crop alone of the
Free States exceeds in value the total produce of
the South, including cotton, tobacco, sugar, and
farm crops of every kind." Referring thus to the
state of manufactures in the Free and Slave divi-
sions of the Republic :—" The manufactures of
Massachusetts alone exceeded last year those of
the entire range of Slave States in which various
factories have been set up within a few years, in
the vain hope of employing the slaves profitably in
them." Nay, developing the contrast no less strik-
ing, in regard to industry and commerce, canals
and railroads, churches and charities, in the man-
ner following :—" In commerce the case is the
same. Throwing out New York, on the one hand,
and admitting New Orleans on the other, the
supremacy of the North is astonishing, the tonnage
of Massachusetts alone exceeding that of the col-
lective Slave States. Last year, Maine alone built
more shipping than the whole South. The imports
and exports of New York alone were last year
larger than those of not only Virginia, once the
leading State, but of all the Southern ports
together. Railroads and canals go with the in-
dustry and commerce, and both show three times
the length in the North that they have in the wide
levels of the South, so favourable to their forma-
tion. No Slave State pays for its mail transport,
and the entire group does not pay one-third of the
mail charge ; whereas Massachusetts, after paying
for herself, yields a surplus larger than the whole
amount raised in South Carolina. Churches and
charities follow the proportions of population, and
the peculiarities of ' the domestic institution,' so
that the inferiority of the South is a matter of
course. The church property of the South is less
than one-third that of the North ; and Massachu-
setts gives to the support of missions alone eight
times the amount of charity afforded by open-
handed South Carolina." As to the educational
contrast, thus writes the reviewer :—" The two
sections were once so nearly equal in their appara-
tus of college education, that there are now only
two more colleges in the Free than in the Slave
States—the numbers being 61 to 59 ; but the Slave
States are educating 747 ministers of the Gospel,
while the Free States educate that number anp
nearly 10,000 more—viz., 10,762; and something
of the same proportion is shown by the profes-
sional schools, where the South shows 3,812 stu-
dents, to 23,513 in the North. In the free schools
of the North there is a larger proportion of the
small, despised, free-negro element of the popula-
tion, than there is in the South of the dominant
white population. There are nearly three millions
of pupils in the one section, to little more than half
a million in the other ; and the difference is not
compensated for by private schools, which are
everywhere inferior to those of the North. As for
the press, South Carolina, which leads the march
of intelligence in the South, and is five times as
large as Massachusetts, had, at the last census, 141
printers, and not one publisher, to the 1,229 prin-
ters and 59 publishers of Massachusetts. Qf authors,
South Carolina had two and Massachusetts 17."
Enough, however, and more than enough, illustra-
tive of the deteriorating influences of Slavery.
Evidence it certainly does afford to us, that no one
surely can fail to appreciate to the full, that Mr.
BUCHANAN, by reason of his pro-slavery policy,
will, at the close of his really lamentable rule, be-
queath to his successor labours sufficiently hercu-
lean to fill up the whole of that successor's four
years' tenure of the throne-like chair of the Pre2i•
dentship, with all its solemn responsibilities.

Lord and Lady John Russell and Misses Russell,
who are staying with the Duke of Bedford, at Woburn
Abbey, return to Pembroke Lodge, Richmond, to-morrow.