The Sun.
London, England, 1860-05-11 00:00:00

CUSTOMS BILL.

Earl GRANVILLE, in moving the second reading of
this bill, which had been adopted by the House of Commons,
entered into an explanation of its provisions, the object of
which he said was to simplify the tariff and to give greater
facilities to trade ; but the noble lord spoke in so low a t•ne
of voice that he was scarcely audible in the gallery. On
ordinary occasions he said it was necessary in proposing the
second reading of such a bill to state all the arguments in
its favour; but most of those arguments were connected
with the general question of the French treaty, upon which
a debate had already taken place in that house, and he would
not, therefore, re-open the discussion unless it were neces-
sary or required by their lordships. He should, however,
be happy to give any explanation with regard to the bill.
The Earl of DERBY—My lords, I will offer no opposi-
tion to the proposal which the noble earl has just made upon
the part of her Majesty's Government, and if I abstain at this
time from discussing the policy of the Government upon this
subject, we do not thereby intend to signify an acquiescence
in, much less an approval of, the course they have pursued in
regard to the treaty with France. (Hear, hear.) When the
treaty was first announced, we on this side of the house
stated the objections we entertained to the terms of it so far as
they were then known. We entertained those objections as

strongly when we were better acquainted with the details,
and every day that passes strengthens my conviction that her
Majesty's Government, in making use of very inexperienced
agents, in departing from the ordinary course of diplomacy,
and in entering into the consideration of this subject with
very inadequate means of information, have unfortunately
placed the country in a very serious difficulty by having en-
tered into a very disadvantageous treaty. And at the pre-
sent moment, as regards the advantages supposed to be de-
rived from it, we are absolutely and entirely at the mercy
of the French Government, and from the scanty accounts
we hear I am certainly not disposed to believe that the
French Government will use with very great moderation
the power which has been most unwisely entrusted to them.
(Hear.) At the same time I agree with the noble earl that
the occasions must be very rare indeed when your lordships
may feel it your incumbent duty to reject a proposition con-
nected with the finances and commerce of the country
which has been made on the responsibility of the Govern-
ment and has received the sanction of the House of Com-
mons ; and of course these considerations weil•h with much
greater force when it is not only a question as between the
House of Commons and the country, but a question also
which involves the negotiations with a foreign power, and
the maintenance of a treaty by which, however much we
may disapprove of it, we are in point of fact bound. But,
as your lordships are aware, the bill compromises several
different subjects, and if we object to any one of its provi-
sions it is not possible for us, consistently with the privi-
leges of the House of Commons, to eliminate that one and
send back the bill so amended to the other house. We have
no choice but its acceptance as a whole or its absolute re-

jectien, which would disturb the whole financial arrange-
ments of the Government, and also interfere with those
commercial arrangements which have been entered into on

the full understanding that the system adopted by the
House of Commons would be carried out. I therefore
think that, while on the one hand it would be very unwise
to take on myself the responsibility of asking your lordships
to reject the proposal, I cannot, on the other, avoid saying,
that in my belief the arrangements made, including the
treaty, are of the most improvident and most dangerous

character—(hear, hear)—and that the financial condition of

the country, not only in the present year, but still more in
the next year, is a matter of the deepest anxiety to the
mind of every man. who has seriously turned his attention
to the subject. (Ilear, hear.)' Undoubtedly these are pro-
posals, calculated to aggravate that difficulty, for taking off
duties which, on a fitting occasion, might be very justly and
wisely reduced, but ought not to be reduced in the present
condition of the country. Nevertheless, we are bound to
sanction the present bill. We are compelled to adopt pro-
positions for reductions in the already too small revenue of
the. country. There is, however, another question with
which the terms of the treaty do not in the slightest degree
interfere, and with regard to which no negotiations or com-
mercial arrangements have as yet been made, but in respect
of which her Majesty's Government are calling upon this
country to make a wholly useless and dangerous sacrifice of
the permanent revenue to the amount of £1,500,000. (Hear,
hear.) I need not say that I allude to the bill for the aboli-
tion of the paper duties. (Hear.) My noble friend who sits
on the cross benches (Lord Monteagle) has given notice of
his intention to oppose the second" eading of that bill; and
I feel that so far from embarrassing the Government, or in-
terfering with any of their other arrangements, or in the
slightest degree prejudicing the financial or other business of
the country, the rejection of that bill will tend materially
to improve their whole scheme. The noble earl knows that
no exertion will be wanting on my part to obtain the re-
jection of that bill, and thereby to save to the Government
a very large portion of revenue. I cannot help thinking
that the noble earl has confounded two matters which are
entirely distinct. He speaks of the reductions made in
the tariff being A. relief to the consumer to a certain
amount, and says that the consequent loss to the re-
venue had been considerably lessened by the increased
consumption, but when he assumes there has been a relief to
the consumer he is not entitled to take as that relief the
whale amount of the duty taken off; because he will find
that upon several of those matters upon which the duty
has been taken off the consumer is obtaining no relief
whatever. The price of the articles upon which the duty
has been removed has been kept up, if not increased, and I
cannot therefore admit that the relief to the consumer is
equivalent to the amount of the reduction of duty. I will
not enter further at present into the subject of the commer-
cial and financial arrangements of the Government, or of
their policy. Your lordship will recollect that before Easter
it was stated by the noble earl that he thought it would be
convenient that the whole of these financial arrangements
should be brought under your lordships' discusaion, and I
think the most fitting occasion for that purpOse will be
when you are dealing with that important item of a million
and a half, which is involved in the abolition of the paper
duty. (Hear, hear.)
The bill was then read a second time.
LUNATIC ASULUM IN DONEGAL.
Viscount LIFFORD moved for a copy of the order in
council naming the village of Letterkenny as a place where
the proposed lunatic asylum of the county of Donegal is to
be built. The noble lord objected to Letterkenny as being
too remote from the principal towns, and inconvenient of
noses, and pointed out several other more eligible sites for
the institution. Tie complained that a considerable slight
had been thrown upon a body of gentlemen whose ditties
were bound up with these asylums, viz., the landed proprie-
tors and gentry of the county. "He was authorised by the
Marquis of Abereorn, the lord-lieutenant and largest pro-
prietor in the county) and by the Earl of Arran, the owner
of nearly the whole barony of Innisowen, to express their
strong disapproval of the contemplated site for the building.