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PRICE 4D. STAMPED, SD.

still, if needs be, defend the Pope against anarchy ;
but if the political authority of the Holy Father
everywhere else is destined to go through other
crises, the responsibility must not fall upon the
generous nation which has done everything to
obviate them, and which will be always ready to
grant that trusty support which is ignored to-day."

(From Me Times.)
We are now in possession of the whole of the
article in the Constitutionnel, signed by M. Grand-
guillot, the editor of that journal, and in this un-
pretending shape we find a State paper of great
importance, well considered, clearly arranged, logi-
cally reasoned, and evidently emanating from the
highest authority in France. This is not left to
conjecture, but is clearly disclosed by the document
itself, which almost ostentatiously parades its con-
nexion with the Imperial Government. The first
question which suggested itself to the mind of the•
editor of the Constitutionnel upon receiving the
encyclical letter of the Sovereign Pontiff was whe-
ther such a document could be legally given to the
world. If he had been an Englishman, M. Grand-
guillot would have instructed his attorney to lay a
case before counsel, and, after the expenditure of
several guineas and several days, would have re-
ceived the answer of the oracles. Being a French-
man, however, M. Graudguillot had nothing to do
but to turn to his Code, and there, under the head
of the Organic Law which regulates the relations
of Franco with the Court of R rule, he found that
no Bull or other document from the Court of Rome
could bo received, published, printed, or otherwise
publicly put into execution, without the authority
of the Government. This provision left no doubt
on the mind of M. Graudguillot, and he was about,
in his character of a good subject, to renounce with
a sigh the pleasure which he would have had as a
good Catholic in scientifically dissecting and
anatomising the epistle of the Sovereign Pontiff.
Just at this critical moment he was informed
that he, as well as his brethren of the Press,
was at liberty to reproduce the Papal mani-
festo in the pages of the Constitutionnel. We
cannot think that the mandate stopped short
at this point, for the document assumes through-
out to speak in the name of the French Govern-
ment, to declare its policy, and to define its
political position—a liberty which no editor of a
newspaper, even in England, would venture to
take, unless at the suggestion of the Government
in whose name he undertook to speak. Whatever
be the authority it carries with it, however, we are
bound to say that the manifesto of the Constitu-
tionnel presents a most advantageous contrast to
the circular arguments and roundabout statements
of the encyclical letter of the Pope—not impro-
perly so called. We do not think that the Admi-
nistration of France has any reason to reproach it-
self with its tolerance in this instance, and we hope
that the success which has crowled this controver-
sial effort will encourage a further patience of con-
tradEttion. The letter of the Pope, we are told, in-
spires respect, and that respect is to be scrupulously
observed. But the letter does not concern matters
of faith, and even in matters of faith the Pope is
not absolute, unless lie conforms to the authority
of the canons and is fortified by the judgment of
the Universal Church. The present question is not
a matter of faith, but of policy, and that the Pope
has no jurisdiction on such a question is proved by
the memorable declaration of 1682, to whieh the
name of Bossuet is appended :—" St. Peter and his
successors. vicar: of Jesus Christ, and even the
whole Church, have only received power from God
to: things spiritual, which concern salvation, and not
over things temporal and civil." Thus, then, the
Pope, it is concluded, has been guilty of an abuse
of jurisdiction, and is not entitled to that deference
to which he would have a claim in matters purely
spiritual. These are grave words and of high sig-
nificance, and announce a change of policy even
more complete than is expressed in the determina-
tion of the Emperor to suffer no intervention be-
tween the Pope and his revolted subjects. The one
course might be prejudicial to the temporal power
of the supreme Pontiff, but the other strikes a far
deeper blow when it calls in question the ecclesias-
tical dogma of Papal infallibility. The Pope is not
only treated as a bad Sovereign who has lost his sub-
jects by misgovernment„ but,. as a spiritual despot
who has gained by encroachment powers which the
Constitution of the Church of which he is the
head never bestowed upon him. An infallibility
which is to be measured by its conformity with
canons and councils submits itself virtually to the
jurisdiction of private judgment, and is, in fact, no
infallibility at all. Since the French Revolution
Sovereigns of Roman Catholic countries have been
so anxious to strengthen their title by a claim to
Divine right that they have lost that jealousy of
the interference of the Pope in things both tem-
poral and spiritual which was a leading feature in
the policy of Ferdinand and Isabella, Philip 11.,
Louis XIV., and other props and pillars of the
Church. Again, we remind our Ultramontane
fellow-subjects that these things are not written by
a Protestant pen, and that this attempt to limit the
spiritual as well as the temporal jurisdiction of
Rome comes direct from the Government of that
nation of whose adherence to the ancient faith the
Pope has most reason to be proud.
Fully aware of the importance of this declaration,
and of its historic connexion with the ancient
policy of France, the author of this article pro-
ceeds significantly to observe that the days of
schism and heresy are past, and that there is no
reason to suppose a temporary misunderstanding
likely in these enlightened days to produce any re-
sult of the kind. But nothing shows more clearly
how complete the estrangement has become than
that any necessity should be felt for such an avowal.
The Constitutionnel proceeds to lament that in so
grave a document the eternal cause of the Church
should be identified in a partnership of profit and
loss with those paltry Italian Powers who rely
on the arms of Austria, and can only return
to Italy in her train. In the same spirit the
Pope is bitterly taunted with allowing himself to
be made the tool of Austria at the very moment
when he is putting forward pretensions which, by
absorbing the temporal into the spiritual, would
place him above all the Sovereigns of the earth.
The Constitutionnel concludes by assuring the
Pope that he has no cause to apprehend
that the power of the French, who has for 10 years
maintained the Pope on his throne, bearing pa-
tiently the rejection of his counsels and the gradual
increase of the evils against which he protested,
will now lose either temper or Patience. He has
offered advice to the Pope; the Pope has rejected
that advice, as he had every right to do. The Em-
peror, therefore, has taken his course ; he will not
suffer the Head of the Church or his subjects to be
molested in Rome ; but if, through his wilful obsti-
nacy, the Pope chooses to alienate from himself the
rest of his dominions, ho must look for no foreign
aid to assist him to carry the sword of Perugia
through the streets of his other cities.
Treating this, as we have no hesitation in doing,
as virtually a manifesto of the French Government,
we are bound to say that it is clear, consistent, and
logical. 'We should be glad to hear from the fran-
tic declaimers ou the other side of the Channel in
what respect such a manifesto is unworthy either
of a good Sovereign or a good Catholic. It is no
part of any religion professed by any civilised
nation to sacrifice on the altar of faith all power of
discrimination. The Pope has his jurisdiction as
well as the Emperor ; and that Prince does a her-
vise still more to Catholics than to Protestants who
seeks clearly to define those limits, and to prevent
all encroachment and transgression. Nor is it less
the part of a good temporal Sovereign to recognise
in other nations that right of choosing their own
government by virtue of which he himself reigns,
and to refuse any longer to supply the amount of
force which is necessary to perpetuate a tyranny.
Such an attitude is in itself not only consistent and
commanding—it is not without many of the ele-
ments of moral greatness. There has been a long
period of forbearance, and although that period is
the
last come to an end, it is only because up to
last moment the Pope has studiously refused to give
have
ear to those counsels which alone could
saved him from the distress into
fallen. But the French Emperor d
d' ic d
himself to be carried away by lovehsie
any sense of stunhotil:ulfifaesr
neglect or discourtesy. lle can speak of the
s
neglect of his counsels withoutense of
whatger,aiii:ldrueecatlol
the Supreme Pontiff to a
himself and his spiritual and
attemptn tcipor
al
of
subjectsti Popewith
calmness and propriety.
to bring his spiritual powers toi the aid of his tem-
poral repudiated without harshness, but
the very
no mwoitmhoeluittfaltering
he
eis oi rn
informed
iet adt othna;t a
hn
ed alitas
suc-
cour to expect in the attempt to rivet anew the
fetters of the Romagna, he is told that he may
count on the help of the French army to preserve
his power, should it be threatened within the gates
of Rome. A Government that can take up a posi-
tion at once so strong and so moderate might have
allowed the Univers to rail its fill, and feel as con-
fident in its success in controversy as in war.