The Sun.
London, England, 1860-02-13 00:00:00

THE ITALIAN QUEX'TION.

The Nord publishes the following important
document addressed by M. Thouvenel, the new
French Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Count do
Persigny, the Freich Ambassador at London:—
To lIIS EXCELLENCY M. LE CO3ITE DE PERSIGNT,
AMBASSADOR AT LONDON.

Paris, Jan. 30.
Monsieur le Comte,—The Ambassador of England
has communicated to me a despatch. in which, after
having examined the situation in Italy, and stated
the necessity of an accordance on the measures
best suited to re-establish a durable and satisfactory
state of things in the (Italian) Peninsula, the prin-
cipal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs points
out the general bases upon which, in the opinion
of the Government of her Britannic Majesty, that
understanding ought to be founded. The English
Cabinet, judging that it is necessary fiat of all to
obtain the assent of France and of Austria, has
charged Lord A. Loftus to make a similar commu-
nication to the Cabinet of Vienna, and I have the
honour to send you herewith copies of those two
documents. They comprise, as you see, M. le Comte,
four distinct propo:itions.
1. France and Austria should renounce hence-
forth any interference in the internal affairs of
Italy, unless called upon by the unanimous assent
of the great Powers.
2. The Government of the Emperor should come
Ai an understanding with the Holy Father to eva-
cuate the Roman States when the organisation of
his army should allow it, and when our troops could
be withdrawn from Rome ,without danger to the
maintenance of order. Our army should also leave
the north of Italy within a suitable period.
3. The internal organisation of Venetia should
he excluded from the negotiations between the
Powers.

4. Finally, the King of Sardinia should be re-
quested by the Government of the Emperor, and
by that of her Britannic Majesty; acting in concert,
not to send troops into Central Italy until those
different States and provinces shall have, by a new
vote of their Assemblies after a new election,
solemnly declared their wishes, and should those
Assemblies pronounce themselves in favour of the
annexation, France and Great Britain should no
longer object to the entrance of the Sardinian troops.
I have submitted Lord John Russell's despatch
to Lord Cowley to the Emperor, and, after having
taken the orders of his Majesty, I have brought to
the cognisance of the English Ambassador in what
light we think we may view the overtures of the
Government of her Britannic Majesty.
The first of the four English propositions could
not, I told him, give rise to any difficulty. The
principle of non-intervention is a national rule, the
importance and authority of which no one appre-
ciates more than we do, and, in our opinion, it con-
stitutes one of the most essential elements of any
serious and final settlement of the Italian question.
If the Government of the Emperor intervened itself,
it only did so ceding to imperious circumstances,
because in the state of affairs in Italy its interests
imposed the necessity upon it, and it always looked
upott the term of its efforts in the Peninsula as the
establishment of a political system of a nature to
prevent any intervention in future. Our views in
this respect have been publicly expressed. by the
Emperor himself on the most solemn occasions.
The propositions of the English Government would,
therefore, only give a diplomatic sanction to a wish
as evidently sincere as it has been repeatedly re-
newed. I told Lord Cowley that the Government
of his Majesty adhered to it without reserve. I
added that our opinion on this point had never
varied, and that we, therefore, should feel ourselves
fully justified in acquiescing in it without entering
into explanations with the other Cabinets.
On the second point, to make known to the Eng-
lish Ambassador the views of the Government of
the Emperor, I could refer to its previous declara-
tions, and especially to that of the first French
Plenipotentiary at the Congress of Paris. Now, as
then, we sincerely desire to put an end to the mili-
tary occupation of the-Roman States, The Govern-
ment of his Majesty is ale* anxious to evacuate the
Lombard Provinces, and thus to put an end to an
armed intervention which the very principles of
cur policy urge us to make as short as possible.
We therefore most willingly accept the English
proposition as well as regards the Roman
territory as Lombardy ; but the proper moment
for doing so is an important point, which,
moreover, the English Government has not
overlooked, and I have been enabled to make use
of the very cautions which it recommends such a
measure to be accompanied with, fully to establish
that the evacuation of Rome ought necessarily to
remain subordinate to the certainty that no serious
danger should result therefrom to the safety of the
Holy See, and that the evacuation of Lombard',
should not take place until the joint consent, tacit
or declared, of the great Powers should guarantee
the new organisation of Italy.
Passing to the third proposition, I declared to
the English Ambassador that it did not appear to
me to give rise to an objection, and that the Go-
vernment of the Emperor can in principle but give
its assent to it. I, however, observed to Lord Cow-
ley that it appeared to us advisable to provide for
the eventuality should Austria think it possible to
negotiate private conditions by offering concessions
to Venetia, and that in sueli case it would bo well
to reserve the right of examining the overtures
which should be made by the Vienna Cabinet.
As regards the fourth and last point, M. le Comte,
it touches upon an order of considerations which
did not allow me to give at present a definitive
answer, and I had to remind Lord Cowley of the
position of the Government of the Imperor towards
the other great Powers, especially towards Austria.
It is impossible for us to disavow the obstacles
which the provisions of the treaty of Zurich meet
with. After having honestly exerted for many
months its incessant efforts to facilitate their realise-

tion, the Government of the Emperor has come to
the conclusion that it was difficult for it to enter-
tain the hope of triumphing over those obstacles.
It believes it may pay itself the just compliment
of having fulfilled all its engagements in this re-
spect. It is, moreover, disposed to consider the
measures proposed by the English Government as
well suited to effect a solution which would satisfy
the interests of Italy, and which contains guaran-
tees of stability necessary for the general interests.
These measures ate in perfect keeping with the
principles which form the bases of our institutions,
and we should not be justified in challenging the
efficiency when applied to other countries. But,
whatever may ba our opinion upon the value of the
combination of which the Government of her
Britannic Majesty takes the initiative, we regard
ourselves as morally bound first to consult the
Court of Austria on the subject. We must uphold
the upright intentions of the Emperor and the
sincerity of his policy above all suspicion, and, with
the stipulations of Villafranca and of Zurich before
us, we could not bind ourselves at once in a formal
manner.

If the usefulness of our counsels and endeavours
has convinced us of the imposiibility of restoring
the authority of the deposed Princes, we are not
the less bound to prevent any fbase interpretations,
and to set aside all doubts, by redeeming first of all
the word of France in straightforward explanations
with the Court of Austria.

On the other hand, we must not forget that we
recently invited Prussia and Russia to participate
in the Congress, the meeting of which appeared to
us likely at the same time to assure an entente be-
tween the Powers, and to prepare the solution of
the questions that would have been submitted to
its deliberations. It did not depend upon us that
Europe, thus assembled, was not called upon to
sanction a final arrangement, and we should fear to
expose ourselves to tho risk of hurting legitimate
susceptibilities if, finding ourselves now brought by
i
the force of circumstances to place ourselves n
another point of view, we should abstain from noti-
fying to the Cabinets of St. Petersburg and of
Berlin the new situation in which imperious cir:
curnstances places us, and should we neglect to con-
vince them of the necessity of finding more practical
measures for the settlement of questions which can-
not without danger be left much longer in suspense.
I have therefore replied to Lord Cowley that, as
regards the fourth proposition, the Government of
the Emperor, before expressing itself, thought
auagnht itw with
dispensable to explain and justify its position with
the Court of Austria on the one hand,
those of Prussia and of Russia on the other. The
English Ambassador appeared to me to appreciate
the motives which this line of conduct imposes upon'
ernmenty ; ainlldaldmfeietl
ietsonjfiudsteincet
the Government of his Majest
that the English Gov
and its force. The welcome which we have given
to its first three propositions would testify, if neces-
sary, to the sentiments with which we received its
overtures, and it cannot entertain any doubt of our
sincere desire to combine the solutions which the
situation of Central Italy stands in such need of.
You will please read this despatch to and leave a
COpp thereof with the principal Secretary of State
of her Britannic Majesty.
Receive, M. le Comte, the assurances of my high
consideration.

THOUVENEL.

THE WRECK OF THE SCAMANDER STEAMER...,"
Loss OF UPWARDS OF £loo,ooo.—The foundering of this
first-class iron screw steamer in the Bay of Biscay, while
on her voyage to Alexandria and Syria, involves a loss of
upwards of £IOO,COO.
M. de Lamartine has undertaken, says a letter
from Paris in the Nord, to dramatise his novel of " ChM*.
vieve, Histoire dune Servante," for the Porte St. Martin
Theatre: M. Marc Fournier, the mad► Lger, will be his co•
adjutor in the work•