The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-17 00:00:00

UNIVERSITY COLLEGE.

The winter session in the Faculty of Arts and Laws was
opened yesterday, when Professor Beesly, A.M., delivered
the introductory lecture. This being Mr. Beesly's first
lecture since election to the professorship of history, mere
than usual interest was excited, and there was consequently
a very full attendance, including a considerable number of
ladies.

The subject selected by the lecturer was " The Relation
of History to Political Science," which he dealt with logi-
cally and in great detail, illustrating his argument by fami-
liar comparisons. His object was, he said, to prove that history
was a suitable subject en which to spend valuable time—
that at present it was much neglected by those whose duty
it especially was to promote its study, and that such neglect
was the cause of great injury to society in general. It
would be said that everybody recognised the importance of
history as a branch of education ; but what he contended
was that the grounds on which, as a branch of education,
it was popularly based were altogether inadequate to its
importance and its bearing upon social happiness. The
history of the world must be taken from the beginning,
not, as some .supposed, as furnishing a guide to action in
similar circumstances, because in no two ages or countries
would exactly similar circumstances occur, but as showing
the gradual progress of society in its course of develop-
ment, and the connection which the events of the past had
with the present, and their influence even from the most
remote times on the existing social condition of man. Re-
ferring to -our own Parliamentary history, he remarked
that, had the Ministers, relying upon the support the
House of Commons received from the public in former
times when resisting encroachments upon their exclusive
privilege of taxation, resolved upon setting the power of
the House of Lords at defiance in the recent case of the
paper duties, they would have found that the circumstances
were not parallel, for the people regarded thequestion with
comparative apathy. Consequently the history of the past,
in the instance of ship money and other precedents which
might have been thought applicable, could have proved no
sufficient guide to their conduct. Prevision, not preven-
tion, was the quality which should be disiderated by states-
men. The reasons usually assigned for the study of history
were not therefore paid; and that it was a popular study
he attributed to the natural interest all persons felt in facts
that had occurred, to the inherent attractiveness of his-
torical reading, and perhaps in some degree to popular
good sense, which admitted its importance without exactly
knowing 'why. The real motive which should induce the
study of history, however, was the desire to improve the
social condition of mankind. All other influences on man's
happiness were as nothing compared with social influence,
and the success of our efforts to ameliorate the condition of
mankind from the lessons of the past must depend upon
our knowledge of the laws of social development, the science
of sociology. The means which we possessed for the in-
vestigation of those laws were observation, experiment, and
comparison. He then proceeded to examine the practical
application and use of those means, showing that the first
two, observation and experiment, were closely dependent
upon history, and that the principal branch of the third
method, viz., the comparison of consecutive states of
humanity, was in effect the philosophy of history, and was
not only by far the most important resource of the science,
but was, in fact, identical with its dynamical aspect. In
short, the amelioration of man's condition on earth was
dependent upon a science which could not be pursued a
step without the aid of history. Such was the chain of
argument on which he would rest the advantage and neces-
sity of historical studies. History enabled us to ascertain
the laws which governed the past, and to form a comparison
with them, so as to judge of their influence upon the present.
Contemporary history was not sufficient, perhaps because
its nearness prevented our appreciating its importance ; yet
to judge by the debates in Parliament one would suppose
human society was not more than 200 years old. We heard
occasionally reference to the times of Canning, of Castle-
reagh, and of Pitt, and now and then, but very rarely, to the
glorious Revolution; but the continuity of history, and
the bearing of the events of one period on those of
another, seemed to be lost sight of altogether. In this the
19th century, it would not do to ignore past history, or
treat society as having nothing to do with events be-
yond the last two centuries. A Government composed of
statesmen who had properly studied history as a science
would know its own mind about India and Oriental ques-
tions. They would inquire what right we had to hold India,
and if we had the right they would be able to show what
advantage resulted from it. They would not be content to
go on year afteryear with a deficit of L 5,000,000 or £6,000,000
for want of nerve to meet the difficulty boldly in the face.
And with regard to the labouring classes, they would know
that they had in the course of social development risen from
slavery to their present comparatively free condition, and
were progressing to still greater importance in the social
scale. Take the case of slavery in America ; a proper
knowledge of history would enable the abolitionists to treat
the question argumentatively, instead of with empty rant.
It would enable them to show that while slavery was suit-
able to ancient times—that in its origin it was a step towards
civilisation, being a mitigation of the doom which ordi-
narily befel the vanquished—it was utterly incompatible
with the present advanced state of social progress. Then
it might be asked, was the study of history in this way ne-
cessary in all cases ? He would not exalt sociology at the
expense of other sciences. The best education was that
which began with mathematics and followed on until it
reached sociology, which was the highest. The University
of London (continued the lecturer), though it still lingers too
much in the old ruts, and makes the most important sub-
ject a mere appendage to literature or the pretended science
of the metaphysicians, does make some effort to tread in
this path. Still it is very clear that at present and for
some time to come, if no one approached sociology until
he had passed through the whole previous course, that
study would be left untouched by almost every one. We
are not all of us Cabinet Ministers or M.P.'s, but some of
us are electors—not a large proportion of the community it
is true—still it is not uncommon to meet a man who has
a vote. Whenever that man votes he exercises a
political function. If he happens to be a man who has
learned to regard politics as an art based on a science, he
will deplore the rude institutions of his country which call
upon him to share in the government of society, whether
he has been qualified by a special training in sociology or
not, simply because he is a £lO householder. Still, he will
act for the best. He will not waste his opportunity, but
record his vote, even if he has to do so with 10,000 others
—not folding his hands in sulky conceit, like the wealthy
electors in metropolitan boroughs, because he has not got
it all to himself—as if there was such a very appreciable
difference between the 1000th and the 10,000 th part of a
talker in the "national palaver." If Parliamentary Go-
vernment is a clumsy, barbarous machine, and if half the
people who work it do so in an ignorant and reckless
manner, so much the more need that the other half should
try to prevent mischief—if nothing else, till political science
is better understood. We have seen within the last few
years to what a degree the most vital principles may be at
stake when a general election takes place. Surely, then, the
political—that is, the historical—education of the voters is
of vast importance, and its need becomes every day more
urgent and pressing. (Hear, hear.) To those who take
an interest in political and social questions, but who are not
voters, a true knowledge of history was of equal import-
ance, for to their influence we must look in a great measure
for improvement. We are not all newspaper editors; but
we are all newspaper readers, and if it is demand which
creates supply, we are not without our influence, each one
of us, on the public press. Now, we are always talking
about the power of the press. We talk so much about it that
I fear we deceive ourselves into thinking that we are really
on our guard against anonymous and irresponsible influ-
ence. A scientific conviction is the only protection,
though an ample one, against the "sparkling igno-
rance" that too frequently lays down the law in
al
or
newspapers. Ido not allude specially to any jourias
any particular shade of politics, but I say that dach 0120
of us ought to have his conscience wide awake when he
a. Let
reads his newspaper—whether it sots id. or 5i
v.ews,
him require not so much agreement with his.own
ti a
as truth, morality, and consistency. Let him no
it systematically
journal panders to a popular cry—tiecaflly
"barks" unpleasant truth—if it bass
its tone on foreign
one who would reform an abuse— ifnical sneer for any
questions (China, for instance) is habitually brutal and fle-
d when he notes it let
basing to the national moralitY
and do his best in his own
him loudly express hisp
pit in
so industriously circulated
sphere to counteract thee
# do this, and I say he will be
through society.
gni'e..fican
t way the duty of an honest and
fulfilling in no insio
But there is a class beyond those he
enlightened citizen. But
of labour on a large scale.
I referred to—
more jutsteiffed in speaking ofantahesthe,e bheicgahuseanla.
I feel the the honour,
know that this college has
anxious responsibility, of educating many of that class. To
I would
say, you are the destined rulers of society ;
them is not far distant when the barren and aimless
struggles of party shall give place to great economical and
social questions, which you, and you alone, will have to
decide. You will find yourselves face to face with a vast
body of those you employ. They will stand before you—
intelligeat upon the whole—moral upon the whole, and it
may be with a keener perception than you of the needs and
destinies of society. They will say to you, " Accept your
position—feed us, educate us, care- for us, and rule us."
You will accept their terms—your pecuniary profits will
probably not be so large ; your responsibility and mental
anxiety will be immeasurably greater—but you will be re-
conciled to your functions by the proud sense that you have
taken the place of Parliaments and Cabinets, and other
worn-out machinery of Government. But if you take this
place, it will not be to govern as they did in blind and not
always well-meaning ignorance of political science. To you,
inthis final reorganisationof society will belong the office of
applying practically to the government of the world accord-
ing to your discretion the principles that are elaborated by
speculative philosophy. Hence the supreme necessity to
you of a timely introduction to the general principles of
social science, illustrated in and based upon the history of
the past—trained in, such a discipline your education as
a class will have begun, and though the preparation of the
first generation may be imperfect and feeble, your sons .l
grasp more firmly the idea which you have seen lint taa.
darkly.
In conclusion, he pointed out how history should be
II;
—viz., by following the progress of htunanir
profrgresswes
earliest times, marking each successive st age
and aotini
O
it was eyolyed from the d iot,
e that Frew»

its influence upon that which followed. It must be studied
free from a blind reverence for antiquity-on the one hand
or a contempt for it on the other, and having regard to its
connexion with hums opinions.
The Professor was loudly cheered at the conclusion of
his lecture.