The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-03 00:00:00

over the Ministerial decisions ? It is difficult to
account for the anomaly on any other supposition,
and it is surely time that the People and the Par-
liament of Great Britain should speak out boldly
and distinctly on this all-important topic. We
give precedence to the People, partly because
they are the true source of legitimate power,
and should supply fitting instructions to their
representatives ; and partly because a month must
elapse before the meeting of Parliament will afford
aim opportunity to the members of both branches
of the Legislature to explain. their views and
wishes.

Russia must have relied on some such secret
influences before she dared to forward such auda-
cious and insolent propositions as those to which we
alluded in our leading columns yesterday. It was
she, it appears, that took the initiative—that
afforded this striking instance of moderation (!)
before Count ESTERTIAZY had been despatched on
his mission to St. Petersburg with suggestions
which can now only be regarded as "counter pro-
positions." The impolicy, the derogatory charac-
ter of the act is, therefore, materially enhanced
by this disgraceful fact. In place of repudiating
with just indignation the outrageous insult thus
offered, which would imply that Russia had been
so successful during the past campaign that she
cciisidered we might now gladly accept terms
which we unhesitatingly rejected in April last, we
send off counter prepositions far more favourable
than she could have anticipated, even if her flag
still floated over Southern Sebastopol—over Eupa-
toria, Kinbourn, and Kertch
In one respect we may learn a valuable lesson
from the enemy. She has always asserted her
right to deal directly with the adversary, has even
denied the right of the Western Powers to " in-
terfere." Her latest proposition is that she should
settle with Turkey the amount of their respec-
tive fleets in the Euxine—forgetting that France
and England have, by their vast expenditure of
men and money, earned the right of interference.
We may, however, profit by the principle ; and
should Austria or Prussia again seek to inter-
meddle, inform them that "if they wish for peace
they must at least make vows for or against us ;
that in the midst of a grave European conflict
indifference is a false calculation and silence an

error."

In another column will be seen three letters
from the pen of the late Duke of WELLINGTON,
adduced by us with special reference to existing
circumstances. As our readers are but too pain-
fully aware a large number of superior officers and
others possessing influence at the Horse Guards
have obtained leave of absence from the Crimea
on the plea of "urgent private affairs," a consi-
derable number preferring the same plea having
their applications rejected. The Newspaper Press
knowing that a disease presenting the same symp-
tom was prevalent in the Peninsula, and suffi-
ciently acquainted with the doctrine of chances to
have its observation stimulated, waited curiously
to see how far the plea would be justified on their
arrival—nor'was their curiosity unrewarded or their
suspicion dispelled. To their indignation, if not
to their surprise, they found these " urgent pri-
♦ate affairs" resolve themselves into an urgent de-
sire to escape from the rigorous labours of the
camp and participate in the luxuries and plea-
sures of the metropolis, and the country residences
of the great. Sufficiently acquainted with COCKER
to know that if four men have a certain duty to
perform and one escapes his share, one of three
things must happen—either another must be
found to supply his place, the remaining three
must do his duty for him, or it must go undone ;
and aware that with regard to these officers
no new substitute had been provided, they
naturally came to the conclusion that gross in-
justice was being done, and as a matter of
course spoke out. Either the necessary service
was being neglected, or brave and honourable men
were being imposed upon, in either case to the
detriment of the interests of the country. On
the one hand, if the duties these absentees were
paid to perform were suffered to go undischarged,
the nation was paying for services it did not get,
and was being exposed to injury by the want of
them. On the other, if the duty was discharged
by those who remained, the latter were wronged,
and must feel they were wronged ; and,
so feeling, must be discouraged by a favourit-
ism so glaring and unjust—a result which, with
all their high honour, could not fail in the long
run to operate injuriously on the service. No-
thing can be more obvious than that men who have
done their duty, exposing themselves cheerfully to
all risks, whether of the sword or the climate,
must feel as a rankling sore a favouritism shown
at their expense ; and, as fatigued with excessive
toil, they retired to their tents and perused the
news from home, must have burned with indigna

tion when they learnt how the absentees were em

ploying their leisure; and more especially must this
have been the case when the army was doing
duty i❑ the trenches, unless indeed anger found
a safety-valve in contempt. Aware of all this,
the Press, i❑ the discharge of what was obvi-

viously an incumbent duty, spoke out, as we have
previou4ly said—charged horse and foot on the

skulkers--called the attention of the Government
to an instance of favouritism so gross, and a laches
se reprehensible—in short, did its best to shame
both into doing their duty.
The hangers-on of the aristocracy and the de-
fenders of Horse Guards' abuses became alarmed
for their patrons, and knowing well the generosity
of the British public, and its indestructible love
of fair play, felt that something must be done to
stay the murmurs of slissatisfaction that every'
where arose. They had recourse to a whine of
complaint. These newspaper fellows knew nothing
of the matter, and were only bent on mischief.
Would the generous British public be so hard a
taskmaster as to make a sacrifice of a pleasure
Would they suffer the private affairs of gallant
men who delighted to serve them to go to wreck

and ruin when there was no real necessity for it, or
would they complain because a few of their brave
defenders enjoyed themselves a little at home after
incurring so much risk and enduring unheard-of
hardships in their service abroad ? And, above
all, would they peimit the " pluck " of such men
to be doubted ?
Leave of absence had always
been granted, and
when the newspaper fellows
made the granting of it a ground of complaint
they not only did injustice to the absentees and
the public, but also displayed
of the subject, as they did ignoranceofawpraorfoi7dgeneral, a
s
every veteran of the Peninsular could testify, (3,7 c.,
dz.c. The public, however, wero not to be gulled,
nor the Press to be assailed with impunity, and
proof after proof was forthcoming that the news.
papers were in the right ; and now, as an iNdis.,
putable witness to the service done the country
by the Press, and the justifiable nature of its com-
ments, we point to the Iron Duke. That illus-
trious commander, it will be seen, had to contend
with similar malingering in his time, and had to
take the most decided measures to put a stop to it.
He was not the man to believe that the most urgent
"private affairs" of a soldier were not to do his

duty, nor to suffer that duty to be neglected, if lie

could prevent it. Accordingly, we find him not only