The Sun.
London, England, 1869-10-22 00:00:00

Fl-I E SUN, LONDON, FRI I)AY EVENING„ OCTOBER 22, 1869. Is

HE THIRD EDITION OF ,c 17HE SUN,"
giving all the Srairl'lN G NEWS of the day, may be seen
at JEM YDI tN'TON'S house, "The Swan and Horse Shoe,"
Little Britain, City, E.C.

LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN "
A_ supplied, as soon as published, Every Evening, by W
ALEXANDER (late Brooks), Newspaper Agent, Ao. 4, Old
Cavendish street, Oxford-street.

THE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN ''
may be seen at Eight o'clock every Evening at Mr. J.
NEWPORTS', the Oxford Arms, High-street, Camden-town.

THE LATEST EDITION of " THE SUN "
supplied as soon as published, every Evening, by S.
WILSON, newsagent, and special agent for the North-western
district, 24, Delancey-street, Camden-town, N.W.

THE SUN.—LATEST EDITION to be seen
every, Evening, at Eight o'clock, at Mr " The
Wheatsheaf," High-street, I'amdLn-town.

THE LATEST or SPECIAL EDITION of
"'THE •iIIN " every Evening, at Eight o Clo lc, at 11r
ROBE las', "The Black Cap," High-street, Camden-town.

TIE SUN.—LATEST EDITION to be seen in
the Coffee Room, at the "Southampton A rms," nigh-
street, Camden-town, where all Sporting and Political events
are freely discussed.

THE LATE EDITION of "THE SUN " at
J. SMITH'S. 38, Bow-street, Covent-garden.

1111 E LATE EDITION of "TILE SUN" at
W. SMITH'S " Camden Stores," 78, Park-street, Camdeu
. _

town.

MIIE LATE EDITION of " TILE SUN' at
JAMES SPEEDY'S, "The Wellington," Wellington-street,
3 rand.

THEATRE-ROYAL DRURY-LANE.
sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. F. B. Chatterton.
THIS EVENING, at 7, BELLES OF THE KITCHEN. At 8,
FORMOSA : Messrs. Barrett, H Irving, David Fisher, Brittain,
Wright, John Rouse; Mrs Billington, Misses M. Brennan, Mac-
donald. and Katharine Rodgers. Conclude with BORROWED
PLUMES,

LONDON, FRIDAY, OCT. 22, 1869.

The systematic opponents of intemperance have
certainly reason to feel, as they are evidently be-
ginning to feel, hopeful, and more than hopeful,
sanguine even to confidence. Their numbers are
multiplying. Their organization is becoming, month
by month and year after year, matured and strength.
ened. Their supporters within the House of Commons
amount in number to nearly one-sixth of the whole
of that great assemblage. Sir WILFRED LAWSON'S
Permissive Bill was supported upon a division during
last session by only half-a-dozen short of one hun-
dred. And those ninety-four members of the popular
branch of the Legislature are, the majority of them
at least, amongst the most energetic of our national
representatives. The periodical gatherings, again, of
the central association of the advocates for the Total
Suppression of the Liquor Traffic, an association
honourably known as the United Kingdom Alli-
ance, is each time attracting more and more
attention by its increasing importance. It would
bo no exaggeration whatever to assert, for example,
that the latest of these great public meetings, the one
which took place on Tuesday last in the Free-Trade
Hall at Manchester, was more enthusiastic and, in
many ways, more remarkable than any one of its pre-
decessors. Immense though the place of assembly,
it was crowded to overflowing. And as a signal indi-
cation of the sympathy ace srded at last to the asso-
ciation by an influential portion of the English
Church Establishment, the chair was occupied
by the Bishop Designate of Exeter, Dr.
TEMPLE. Conspicuous among the letters of apology
for non-attendance, in consequence of unavoidable
circumstances, there were three from as many Arch-
bishops—from his Grace the Archbishop of CANTER-
BURY, from his Grace the Archbishop of YORK, and
from his Grace Archbishop MANNING, head of the
Roman Catholic Hierarchy in England. As afford-
ing signal evidence of the cordial nature of the
sympathy felt by the first and third of these Arch-
bishops—restricting our attention, for the moment,
to these two, not by any means invidiously in regard
to his Grace of YORK, but simply by reason of
their being the chiefs of the two confronting
hierarchies— we aro tempted to give an extract
from their respective communications, from the
letters of the Protestant Archbishop of CANTER-
BURY, and of the Roman Catholic Archbishop of
WESTMINSTER. 'I he former, addressing himself to
the Archdeacon of COVENTRY, hesitates not to write
thus deliberately and emphatically:—" I do not know
enough of those who are to compose the meeting to
be able to pronounce any opinion as to how far I could
enter into the reme lies they propose, and this would
of itself have prevented me from being present as they
kindly wished had I been in England. But as to the
magnitude and gravity of the evil against which they
protest no one can have any doubt after reading the
report of Convocation, on which you bestowed so
much self-denying labour. None can be more inte-
rested in the means adopted to check this evil than
the clergy of the Church of England, if they are
faithful to the souls of those committed to them."
Than which assurances, the United Kingdom Al-
liance could hardly, in reason, wish for any more
formal recognition of the wisdom and beneficence of
their labours, from the lips or rather from the pen
of his Grace the Archbishop of CANTERBURY. Of
Archbishop MANNING'S sympathy with this emi-
nently philanthropic movement, the United King-
dom Alliance has long had knowledge. His Grace
has not only given it the assistance of his sympathy,
he has aided it, time and again, by his active per-
sonal co-operation. He has taken part in its pro-
ceedings. He has appeared on public platforms,
and advocated with eloquent zeal the prin-
ciples which the promoters and supporters of the
Alliance
.have so earnestly at heart. Precluded by
circumstances from the chance of taking part per-
sonally in the proceedings of Tuesday at Manchester,
Archbishop MANNING wrote, at any rate, cn Monday
last, in so many words,—" It is with great regret that
I find myself unable to attend the meeting of the
United Kingdom Alliance, at Manchester, to-morrow.
I would ask you to express to the meeting my un-
abated interest in the great work it is labouring for,
and my desire to promote it by all means in my
power. Had I been able to attend I should have en-
deavoured to urge on all who desire to repress drunk-
enness in the next generation to labour together
with all their might to maintain intact, and to ex-
tend all over the country, a sound Christian educa-
tion. I earnestly hope that I shall hear tidings
of great progress in the next Session of Parlia-
ment." Coming from the Roman Catholic Arch-
bishop of WESTMINSTER, that earnest reference to
the great and permanent need there is of " Christian

Education" cannot but be recognised as having at this
moment an especial signidcauce. The drift of it is
in harmony with the temperance organisation, to
whose hearing and judgment it was especially ad-
dressed. The association, moreover, is in a position
now calculated to hearten it on in its philanthropic
labours for the amelioration generally of the
great mass of the population. In a pecu-
niary point of view, its resources are
more than ever satisfactorily increasing and multi-
plying. The subscriptions within this past year have
amounted to going-on-for ten thousand pounds
(£9,2oo)—its annual income at the same timo from
all resources exceeding an aggregate of thirteen thou-
sand ( £l3,s66)—while next year it is expected that
the guarantee fund, already so considerable, will attain
an aggregate of £50,000. Everything considered,
we cannot wonder that the friends of the United King-
dom Alliance should have manifested so much enthu-
siasm upon the occasion of their great meeting on
Thursday last in the Free-Trade Hall at Manchester.

THE business-like style in which the National
League has opened the education campaign at Bir-
mingham has won general respect. Even those who
most dissent from the programme of free, secular, and
rate-supported schools, admit that the League pro-
mises to become a dangerously active organisation.
There was no superfluous debating, no conflict of
crotchets at the Birmingham meeting. The League
settled the bases of its proposed Educational Bill,
and then proceeded to debate them. It finished the
business first and talked about it afterwards. There
is really much to be said on behalf of this seemingly
illogical course. So much has been lost to previous
organisations of the kind through empty discussions,
so many great reforms have been spoiled by absurd
compromises, that the new society may well
entertain a virtuous horror of all tempo-
rizing. But this unbending spirit must not
be carried too far. The League has very severe
work before it. Every one of the recognised educa-
tional bodies in the country will take more or less
exception to the Birmingham scheme ; and though it
is well that people should fight to the last on behalf
of their vital doctrines, the determination to yield
nothing may not improbably end in losing everything.
On some points the Leaguers will meet with no
effective opposition. Few persons now contend
that the voluntary system is sufficient for the wants
of the country, and the plan of supplying the
deficiencies by schools supported to the extent of two-
, thirds by a rate, and one-third by a Government
grant, must command an almost certain majority. It
is identical with the scheme proposed in the mea-
sure drawn up last year under the auspices of
Mr. BRUCE and Mr. FORSTER. And it is
really not easy to perceive that there is any
alternative. If voluntary subscriptions will not suffice,
some plan of compulsory support must be devised.
Either the money for the maintenance of new schools
must come wholly from the central government or be
divided between a local rate and a grant. Very
obvious arguments point in favour of the latter course.
There is less probability that the League will succeed
in establishing enforced attendance ; but here also
the chances do not seem against the League.
There is no doubt, as we have repeatedly
shewn, that the party favouring compulsion is on
the increase. Nor is it confined to any one class
or sect, but musters a strong body of supporters in
every direction. The BRUCE-FORSTER bill contained
no provision for reducing negligent parents to order ;
but the great difficulty of securing efficient in-
struction to the whole population without some such
power, the very general use of compulsory means
in foreign countries, and the actual recognition of the
principle in England in the shape of the Factory Acts,
are all arguments which must have very serious
attention.

It is in respect of its mode of settling, or rather
removing, the religious difficulty, and its proviso that
education in the rate-supported schools shall be free,
that the Birmingham programme will incur the
greatest danger. The League stipulates that there
must be no denominational teaching in these
municipal schools. Ministers of religion may instruct
pupils of their own creed in the class-rooms; but the
scholars generally are to receive no sectarian exposi-
tions of doctrine. The local authorities are to decide
whether the Bible is to be read without dogmatic
comments, or whether there is to be no religious
teaching whatever. This part of the forthcoming
bill will undoubtedly meet with the fiercest antagonism.
It seems impossible to conceive of education from
which the religious element is wholly excluded. There
could surely be no harm in withholding option from
the local board, and in deciding that in all the rate-
supported schools certain portions of the Bible, at
least, should be read. Beyond this it is extremely
difficult to go without plunging into one of those sec-
tarian conflicts in which so many previous plans have
been wrecked. It must be borne in mind that the
League's scheme does not propose to supersede the
existing denominational and voluntary schools. The
vast organisation now flourishing will not be
interfered with, and thus an abundant supply of reli-
gious teaching will still be retained. It must be
remembered, too, that in a great many places the
existing schools afford sufficient accommodation,
there will be no necessity for any rate, and the
go on with their
conscience
a s
do n willo. w
they . But where there
is a lack of intellectual food it is hard that the poor
should be deprived of it through sectarian differences.
There is no help for it ; the State must come to the
aid of the voluntary system, and it is self-evident that
in schools supported by rates and taxes no one
denomination can, in these days, be preferred to
another. Whilst there ought to be some religious
teaching, controverted matters must ho carefully
avoided. The bill of 1868 differed from the Birming-
ham programme hi this particular—it provided
that where the educational appliances were
declared inefficient, notice must be given,
and time would be allowed for voluntary effort
before imposing a rate. The rate would be the
last resort. The Spectator prefers this plan, on the
ground that it best avoids the religious difficulty, for
in most cases some denomination would come for-
ward and supply the needed school—a strict con-
science clause being of course enforced. But facts are
against this assumption. It is because the voluntary
system has failed that a more certain means is needed,
and yet the BRUCE-FORSTER plan was founded on
the hypothesis that voluntaryism is capable of great
extension. The fact is, that subscriptions are now
lamentably insufficient. In many parishes heavy
burdens fall upon the clergymen because the
neighbouring magnates will not come forward. It
is hopeless to expect that voluntaryism would so
revive at the prospect of a rate as to fill all places de-
clared vacant and cultivate all spots pronounced
barren. The remedy must be more sure and speedy.
Besides, even granting that subscriptions flowed in
liberally to establish denominational schools where
a lack of education had been declared, it is
pretty certain that all the deficiencies would not be
so made up. A rate would be wanted somewhere, and
the religious difficulty would still have to be faced in
such cases.

The proviso in the League's scheme that education
in all rate-appointed schools must be free met with
well-deserved dissent even at Birmingham. It is
illogical and inconsistent in more than one respect.
For instance, it was affirmed that if the parents
contributed towards the rate, they would pay
all that ought to be expected of them. But
such contributions would not be equal. The
ratepayer who has no children and he who
sends half a dozen to the municipal school will
be mulcted in the same amount. If school fees be
demanded of all children whose parents can afford it,
the money thus raised will cover an important part
of the school's expenses, and the rate will be relieved
to that extent. The municipality will contribute the
same amount, but those who most profit by the school
will pay the largest share towards its support. A.
direct payment for education must haTe a beneficial

effect in encouraging that independent feeling which
ought to be carefully fostered. Many British working
men would not care to have their children taught at
a "charity school." It is true that very many scho-
lars must be admitted free, because their parents
would be unable to pay. This, however, is no reason
why those who are able should be let off.
Under the present system many scholars get
free education, through various agencies, whilst
the majority pay. But the most formidable
objection remains. The League, in its programme
and the speeches of its supporters, proposes only to
supplement the schools now at work. It has no
desire—and very justly—to sweep away the present
voluntary organisation, but only to furnish instruction
in those places where voluntaryism fails to reach.
But is it not palpable that the effect of free schools
must be in great measure to destroy those which
impose fees ? How can the denominational schools
hold their own without fees when they only
laboriously struggle on with the assistance of the
children's pence ? It will be difficult enough under
any circumstances to secure harmony between
the rate and the subscription systems, but on
such terms of disparity it would be quite
impossible. When the Leaguers find such advocates
as Mr. FAWCETT speaking against the principle of
free education, it is surely time to reconsider their
position.

71A A _
_tow hr.&
glinM If* EltrUhlt