The Sun.
London, England, 1860-06-18 00:00:00

VII.

But his Royal Highness the Prince of Prussia would
make a dangerous mistake were he to suppose that the
national movement is powerful enough to dispense with any
assistance. However strong may be the impulsion which
leads the mass of Germans towards a Prussian monarchy, all
well-regulated minds (tons les bons esprits) will resist the
current, and throw themselves back if the Court of Berlin
does not meet them half-way. Democratic Germany is wise
and patriotic enough to r lly round a King, but she will
e guarantees which the Prussian constitution does not
as yet present.
First of all it would be necessary that Prussia should
make a choic3 between the two priiciples which divide
Europe at the present day. Divieertght.and popular right
are in presence. IN hilst a number of princess obstinately
clasp a false legitimacy, really legit mate empires Eve being
founded upon the democratic basis of universal suffrage.
The King of Naples stoutly asserts that-his subjects are his
property, and the nation meets this pretended right with an
armed denial. The Emperor of the French and the King
of Sardinia declare, in conformity with the tenets of modern
philosophy, that a people only belongs to itself, and two
great nations, by a nearly unanimous vote, elect them their
chiefs. Does the Prince of P, ussia side with Divine right,
with the King of Naples, or with popular right, with the
King of Sardinia and the Emperor of the French? A
choice must be made.

It is the more necessary as the King of Prussia had
chosen, and very badly chosen, in 1849. A national As-
sembly, the issue of universal suffrage, offered him in his
own palace a legitimate crown. What did he do ? He
pronounced for Divine right against ropular right. He
declared that he would oily accept the crown if it were ten-
dered him by princes. The Prussian squirearchy applauded
this anti-democratic resolution; and history has recorded
the formula by which they expressed their assent. "We
do not (they said) want a crown which democracy has spit
upon."

Not content with refusing the empire the King of Prussia
cruelly persecuted the upright and honourable men who had
offered it to him. The people of Baden and Saxony, inter-
preting in favour of unity the vote by universal suffrage,
had dethroned their Sovereigns. Two Prussian armies in-
vaded, in the name of the "Divine right," the kingdom of
Saxony and the Grand Duchy of Baden. The King of
Saxony was replaced on his throne by the Prussian forces.
The Grand Duke of Baden was restored in his turn, in virtue
of the same right, and by the same power. But more than
this was done. When the battle was won, and the campaign
closed—when the democratic army le Baden, 10,000 strong,
had retired to the territory of Switzerland—whim all resist-
mice to the legitimacy of Divine right was overpowered—
the Prussian army shot, in the period of three months, in
the midst of the silence of peace, 26 German patriots. Their
bones rest in the churchyards of Friburgh, ltadstadt, and
Mannheim; their names are almost all forgotten, yet Ger-
many still remembers with admiration, mingled with sor-
row, young Max. Dortu, an authusiastic boy; Valentine
Streuber, a harmless and honest burgher of Mannheim ;
the old patriot Boning; and above all Adolphus Trutxchler,
deputy to the Frankfort Parliament, member of the Court
of Appeal of Dresden, a man of upright convictions and
large fortune. He will long survive in the memory of Ger-
manic democracy, together with his glorious friend and ac-
complice, Robert Blum.