The Sun.
London, England, 1869-04-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

The Times, in commenting upon the Glasgow bancinet,
says that Lord Stanley is conscious that he has been, and
is,-on his trial, and hence the tone of apology which can
be.discerned in his speech. We do not complain of Lord
Stanley because he desires to act in the only way in which
an English statesman can effectually act—as a member of
a party. Our complaint is that by persisting in retaining
a position which was at first unavoidable he cripples his
energies, and deprives England of the service he could
render the nation, because he is in affiance with menwhose
opinions he does not share. While Lord Stanley was in
office he attended to foreign affairs, and he did his business
well, but he could do nothing else. Now that he is in
Opposition he can do nothing. He pointed out to the working
men of Glasgow many real dangers to be avoided, but as
a member of the Opposition he is nearly powerless to avert
them, while in his proper position he could exercise an
immense influence. The essential excuse for adhesion to
a party wholly fails. He must act with a party to be effi-
cient, but acting with the Conservative party he is ineffi-
cient. No one supposes that the existing combinations
can endure for ever, and Lord Stanley, still in early
manhood, has it in his power to assume a station whence
he could control the future. Circumstances, it will be
said, are too strong for him, and undoubtedly they become
stronger day by day and year by year as each fresh con.
cession is made to their power; but we cannot admit that
ii2e external facts of Lord Stanley's position, strong as
the./ are, are sufficient to explain continued submission to
their thraldom. If circumstances forbid him to betake
himself to his proper place, we must understand by " cir-
cumstances" not merely hereditary ties and political rela-
tions, we must extend thephrase to include excessive self-
distrust, a moral timidity, a lack of confidence in himself
and in his career, which, like clay mingled with gold,
destroys the strength and power of his character.
The Daily News says that in his Glasgow speech Lord
Stanley confesses practically how wide the divergence is
between himself and his late colleagues. While Lord
John Manners strains his voice in crying "No Surrender,"
and Mr. Gathorne Hardy vows resistance to the last, he
declares that the vote in the House of Commons on the
Irish Church question is practically without appeal.
To attempt to reverse its decision must be vain. He
bows to the decree of the country, limiting his aspira-
tion to the hope that something may be saved out
of the fire. Lord Stanley is alarmed by what he conceives
to be the general desire on the part of the majority of the
Irish people for the repeal of the Union, and he looks
with apprehension to the influence of the Catholic
hierarchy. To do justice to Ireland is, however, the
surest means of creating attachment to the Union, and of
weakening the political influence of the priesthood.
He raises bugbears, less, probably, because hi
has. any real terror, than for the sake of justi-
fying his past concessions to the party of reac-
tion, and of sustaining the character which for
the present is forced upon him of a Conservative poli-
tician. He declares, nevertheless, that the voluntary
principle is evidently gaining ground in religions matters,
and describes titular distinctions and marks of dignity
which spring from the Church's connection with the State
as not worth retaining. This is the language of Mr. Miall
,rather than of Dr. Ball, of Mr. Bright and not of Mr.
Disraeli. In truth, throughout Lord Stanley's speech,
Liberal opinions are latent under Conservative phrase.
ology.
The Telegraph declares that though, in the politics of
the hour, birth, circumstances, and the balance of neces-
sities lmve given him to the Conservative side, Lord
Stanley belongs, as we have lately remarked, to all of us,
and is an "Englishman of Englishmen." In Britain a
man must go to one side or the other ; the habit of the
national mind demands a distinct profession of political
opinion. Thus Lord Stanley, who would have the best
and highest right to a seat by himself, if carefully-studied
opinion and sober judgment could confer it, has obviously
done a necessary violence to his convictions, and
accepted with intellectual reluctance the name
of Tory. By that adhesion his party gains, no
doubt, a weighty name, an admirable capacity, and an
influence which helps to keep Mr. Gathorne Hardy
reasonable and to make Mr. Disraeli safe. Lord Stanley
is at once the pride and the despair, the comfort and the
terror, of the Tory party. They can't possibly do without
him; but he never opens his mouth without causing an un-
intentionalpang in the bosoms of the squires. His " con-
founded common-sense " is for ever announcing to them
the dismal necessity of acknowledging accomplished
events, and looking facts in the face. Lord Stanley's
declaration, that the Conservative party must
"the recorded decision of the country onhe subject of
the Irish Church, really surrenders all the genuine old
Tory doctrine, which held some things to be so sacred
that, even in the nation itself, they could not find a court
of final appeal. The utterance is really that of the most
advanced Liberalism ; and in no more emphatic words
could Lord Stanley have expressed the full significance of
the immense majority by which the disestablishment and
the disendowment of the Irish Church were virtually
decreed.
The Herald is inclined to regret that Mr. Forster's
educational measure cannot be extended to nnendowed
establishments, and thinks that there are many existing
schools, both proprietary and private, in which the system
pursued is superficial and unsound. In both classes there
is a strong temptation to push forward a few clever boys
who can gain the school credit in competitive examina-
tions to the neglect of the duller majority. Very
often the presiding genius of the place has himself no
pretensions whatever to be qualified as instructor,
save possibly in one or two of the least important
subjects that the pupil can take up. Il contrivca
to get together a staff of tutors and a collection of pupils.
The work that is done proceeds by fits and starts. So far
from there being any of that moral discipline which is one
of the most precious adjuncts of a school training, the
atmosphere is full of anarchy and misrule. The great
object studied is to enable the learner to pass a given
examination : education, in the true sense of the word, is
a purely secondary affair. There never was a time at
which education of one kind or another, good or bad,
was more readily accessible than at present. Precisely
for this reason it becomes the duty of all who have any
interest in the well-being of boys to exercise an
increased degree of discrimination and judgment. The
task thus imposed upon them is by no means unreasonably
heavy; and we have indicated the main principles which
should guide them in the performance of this task. What
we want, at any rate for the classes whose educational
interests we have here been considering, is not more
schools, or opportunities of instruction. It is simply
required that parents should exercise caution in the selec •
tion of these, and if only they will do this, it is tolerably
certain that the conductors of all educational establish.
meats will readily take the hint, and quickly have to put
their own houses in order.
The Standard thinks the turret-ship is decidedly victorious
.n the House of Commons, whatever may be the fate of
that peculiar style of craft elsewhere. 122
against 46 the House in committee has
declared By
its o votes
that it is perfectly possible to build turret-shippinis which
shall be safe and serviceable as ocean cruisers.
The vote
was the more emphatic inasmuch as the two turret-ships pro-
posed by the Admiralty were in everyrespect " thorough,"
being fitted with twin screws and having no masts. The
real strength and energy of the Admiralty have been
thrown into the adaptation of the broadside principle to
the heavyguns and ponderous armour of the new era. It
is now requisite that the same zeal should be displayed for
the purpose of making the steady platform, the all-round
fire, and the massive armour of the turret-ship available
for ocean service The " trials "we are now asked to wait
for have themselves been delayed too long. We have been
scheming with broadsides until we are brought into the
awkward predicament of seeing that what we have done is not
to be trusted, while at the same time we are not quite sure
as to what we ought to do. But the race must come to an
end, and the broadside-ship is falling into the rear. We
have been trying to make broadside-ships powerful. We
must now tax our ingenuity to make turret-ships seaworthy
and comfortable. It is the growing power of naval ord-
nance which has driven us to this pass, and which compels
us to adopt a type of war-ship having little else to recom-
mend it than its ability to give and take in the battle of
big guns and terrible projectiles.

- - -- -
THE GOVERNMENT AND THE
TELEGRAPHS.

MONEY AND 13USINESS-.

advance in prices, affording many holders a handsome
profit upon the principal, has brought. but feW bonds upon
the market ; holders appear to consider their investments
good ones, even at present high prices; and as Congress
is not likely to do anything calculated to impair the public
credit, but rather otherwise, it seems reasonable to con-
clude that the future of prices must depend mainly upon the
course of the money market and the general state of trade.
Some sensitiveness is felt respecting the consequences
that may arise from the President's well-known views
upon the Alabama question, and from the fact that his
position is likely to be backed, at an early day, by in-
fluential Senators. The Cuban revolution, with the
possibility that the President might take an early op-
portunity of recognizing the rebel party as belliger-
ents is also becoming an element in the prospects
of the premium. The foregoing considerations,
with no counteracting influences which have not about
exhausted their force, do not appear favourable to the con-
tinuance of the premium at present low figure. At,tho
moment large sales have been made upon the supposition
tkat, the currency on hand in the Sub-Treasury having
been reduced to about 85,000,000, the Government will
have to sell a portion of its gold. It appears, however, that
the change in the currency balance arises from the transfer
of a large amount to the Pension Bureau ; so that the
decline is rather apparent than real. The Sub-Treasuries at other points are understood to be well supplied with
funds, and a portion of their balance will probably bo
transferred to New York. Next month the income t•is
becomes payable; whoa the Treasury will receive about
$25,000,000 of currency from that source; connecting
with this fact, the known opposition of Secretary Boutwell
to selling the Treasury gold, and the further fact that the
Committee of Ways and Means have recently expressed
an opinion uufavourab!e to the Treasury carrying a large
balance in currency, it would seem quite possible that the
expectation of sales of coin by the Treasury may be dis-
appointed.

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