The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-28 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLI9EIV CE.

SOUTHWARK.
Yesterday evening a meeting of the friends and
supporters of Mr. A. H. Layard was hcld in the
Temperance-hall, Mill Pond-bridge, Bermondsey,
for the purpose of hearing the enunciation of that
gentleman's political principles.
Mr. MEEK was unanimously called to the chair,
and expressed his belief that if Mr. Lay and were
elected he would give them entire satisfaction.

,Cheers.)
Mr. LAYARD came forward and was well received.

His, friend had called him their member, and he

hoped the result some ten days hence would verify
his prognostication. He was surprised to see, by
a speech that had been reported of Mr. Scovell's,
that he had asserted that he (Mr. Layard) had been

brought forward by a clique. Now, from the en-
thusiastic meetings he had attended he could only

say that if he were brought forward by a clique,
the cliques:of Southwark were very different from
those of other places. He then disclaimed having

said anything derogatory to Mr. Scovell on Satur-
day last, but, on the contrary, had spoken of him
in the highest terms of respect. He commented
with some severity on Mr. Scovell's putting forviard
a letter in which another gentleman, who had
retired, had handed over those who would have
promised to vote for him. He would scorn to do
that, but would ask the electors to vote only ac-
cording to their own consciences. (Hear.) He
had certainly met with many friends in Bermond-
sey, but he had met with one whom he could not
always depend upon. He referred to Punch, who
had come to his assistance, and had threatened
Southwark that if they did not return him he
would reduce the borough to that state in which
he (Mr. Layard) had found Nineveh. (Laugh-
ter.). He could only say that if that event
did take place he would come and dig them
out. (Renewed laughter.) Now he was 'what
was termed an independent member, and in stating
that he would say that nearly every great question
that had been carried in Parliament had been origi-
nated and carried by those who were stigmatised as
" independent members." (Cheers.) He might refer
to the laws which oppressed the Dissenters, the
Catholic emancipation, the Reform Bill, the Corn-
laws, and other such measures. He approved of
the conduct of the Government in their measures,
one of the most important of which was the treaty
with France, the result of which would show that it
was better to have treaties with peoples instead of
with Governments. (Hear, hear.) He was an advo-
cate for retrenchment and economy, and that was
to be effected by having our foreign policy
placed upon a different footing. The vast sums that
were spent in keeping up large armies and navies
arose from the treaties being made with cliques
and kings instead of with peoples. (Cheers.) The
taxes of this country were very great, and large
sums were extravagantly expended, but he regretted
to see that the system of retrenchment generally
commenced at the bottom instead of the top, and
the persons who felt the effects of it first were the
poor clerks with salaries of £BO a year, instead of
commencing at the head of the list—those who had
£BOO and £l,OOO a year. (Hear, hear.) He felt
that the present Government were proceeding in
the right direction, and the only black spot in their
administration was the Reform Bill. He believed
that that bill could have been passed—(hear, hear)
—and he hoped that during the next session a
strong and practical measure of reform would be
passed. (Hear.) Having canvassed the con-
duct of the various members, he called upon the
electors of Southwark to show that the borough
could carry an immaculate election by returning
a member independently of any considerations of
pecuniary influence. He concluded by expressing
his readiness to answer any questions that might
be put to him.
Mr. LAYARD, in rep]y to various questions, said
that he was for the equalisation of the poor rate,
and also for the reform of the Bankruptcy Laws.
He should have voted for the bill brought in had he
been in Parliament.
On the motion of Mr. GALAGHER, seconded by
Mr. HICKMAN, a vote of confidence in Mr. Layard,
and pledging the electors to support him, was car-
ried unanimously.
A vote of thanks to the chairman closed the
proceedings.
Mr. LAYARD also addressed a crowded meeting of
the electors at the Ragged School, Russell-street,
Bermondsey, last evening, and was most enthusias-
tically received—resolutions of confidence and sup-
port being unanimously passed.

ALDERMAN SALONONS AT

DEPTFORD.

Last night Mr. Alderman Salomons addressed a
portion of his constituents at Deptford. The hall
in which the meeting took place was crowded. Mr.
Duvall was called to the chair.

Mr. Alderman SALOMONS began by expressing
his belief that when the feeling excited by the
budget had subsided the last session of Parliament

would be classed among those which had been most
useful to the country. The budget, no doubt, dis-
turbed many large and important interests, while
the French treaty was always open to the objection
that it gave a great deal to France and secured com-
paratively little to England in exchange. But the
testing time was near at hand. All the negotiations
which were left unsettled when Parliament was

prorogued had now been brought to a conclusion,
and we should soon see whether 1861 was destined

to realise the anticipations of those who supported
the financial measures of Mr. Gladstone. France

was our nearest neighbour, and contained an inge-
nious and gifted population, and it would be very
strange if, when we had arranged a tariff by which
the productions of France could be freely received
in this country, and those of England be sent to
France at moderate duties, there should not be a

large extension of trade to the benefit of both na-
tions. (Hear.) As the budget was the chief measure,
so the Reform Bill might be called the great mis-
carriage of the last session. He believed that the
passing of a Reform Bill in the sense of a whole-
sale amendment of the constitution did not so much

depend upon the state of opinion within Parliament
as upon the state of opinion without. (Hear.) It
was for those who felt that they were deprived of
privileges which they thought they ought to possess
to call for a Reform Bill, to urge on the Govern-
ment of the country, and to act by every means in
their power upon the members of the House of Com-

mons: He was afraid, however, after the experience
of the last few years, that a thorough amendment
of the constitution in one session was impossible
without such a combination of parties, both in
Parliament and in the country, as existed in 1832.
Reformers, therefore, should make up their minds
to 'get that by piecemeal which they could not
expect to secure as a whole. An extension of the
borough and county franchise, together with a
more equal distribution of seats, could never be

carried In one session without such a tumult in the

country as few would wish to see. In 1832 almost
all classes of the community were determined that
the old state of things should be changed ; but now'
there were great differences of opinion on the sub-
ject of Reform, and the existence of those differences
made it very difficult, if not impossible, to pass a
comprehensive measure without Governments being
overthrown and Parliaments dissolved. But Go-
vernments disliked being overthrown, and Parlia-
ments had a great aversion to dissolution, and hence
the necessity of accepting what was called bit-by-
bit Reform. His own opinion was that Reformers
should abandon reconstruction and confine them-
selves to reparation. The edifice of the constitu-
tion was reconstructed in 1832 ; it now only re-
quired to be repaired and improved. (Hear, hear.)
The last session was further distinguished by the
labours of numerous committees appointed to con-
sider local and social questions. Among the sub-
jects thus dealt with were the affairs of gas com-
panies, the Local Management Act, drainage, and
the embankment of the Thames; There was also a
committee on merchant shipping, and he believed
one of the results of its labours would be the abo-
lition of compulsory pilotage, so that henceforth
any competent person would be allowed to pilot
any ship up and down the river without the neces-
sity of becoming connected with Trinity-house.
That would be a great advantage to the watermen
of the Thames. (Hear, hear.) In the last session,
unfortunately, Parliament was obliged to impose
very heavy taxes in order to meet the expenditure
of the country. Some people were for direct, others
for indirect taxation. We had got abundance of
both, so that all parties ought to be satisfied. (A
laugh.) For his part, he hoped that taxation had
arrived at its culminating point. (Hear, hear.)
We were at peace, but we had a war expenditure.
He was afraid a good deal of it was inevitable.
We had a very powerful neighbour, who had a
large army, and wanted to have a large navy. All
the other Continental States had large armies, and
Europe was very unsettled. No one could wish a
great country like England to depend upon the for-
bearance of its neighbours. We always liked to have
the last word, and we sometimes said a saucy word.
Hence it was necessary that we should be prepared
to defend ourselves. But our interest was to be at
peace with all other nations, for we were the great
buyers and sellers of the world. In 1859 the total
value of our imports amounted to the astonishing
sum of £179,000,000 while our exports reached the
enormous figure of 1130,000,000. England was a
great trading country, with an immense productive
and purchasing power, and it was therefore her in-
terest that large standing armies, which wasted the
substance of nations, should not be maintained.
But at the same time, he did not mean to say that
we should disband our army, dismantle our fleet,
and discourage our Volunteers. No; let Englishmen
show that they were patriotic, and in proportion as
they proved themselves capable of defending their
own they would be treated with respect by sur-
rounding nations, and be quoted as an example of
how a people could be at once free, powerful, and
independent. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman next re-
ferred to the coming session, stating his belief that
Parliament would be called upon to deal chiefly
with social questions. One of the first measures in-
troduced, he said, would be a bill to amend the
bankruptcy and insolvency laws, which were at
present in a very unsatisfactory state. The subject
was not a very easy one; it would be difficult to
frame a bill to please all the interests represented
in Parliament, but he trusted something would be
done to remedy an acknowledged evil. Some attempt
would dcubtless be made to deal with the city of
London. Old lines of communication must be im-
proved, and new streets must be opened. The Me-
tropolitan Board of Works would also come again
before Parliament. Hitherto they had done nothing
but raise money and burrow in the ground. T heir
tax papers were everywhere, but the ratepayers
knew nothing of their performances. He had no
doubt that any bill which they might lay before
Parliament would be well and carefully considered,
and he, for one, would make it his duty to
watch over the interests of his constituents.
Hitherto he had striven to redeem the
pledge which he had given at his election,
and he hoped not altogether without success.
Ia the future he should act upon the same principles
as in the past. He was opposed to church rates,
and he trusted that during the coming session some
means would be found for bringing that vexed
question to a happy and satisfactory settlement.
He should continue to vote for non-intervention,
economy, and the Ballot. The Chinese war was
very expensive ; it did not seem likely to add to our
glory, and he trusted it would be terminated as
soon as possible. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman then
adverted to some local topics, upon which his state-
ments and explanations seemed to give unqualified
satisfaction, and he concluded amid loud cheers by
thanking the meeting for the attention paid to his
address.
A vote of thanks to Mr. Salomons for his ser-
vices in Parliament terminated the proceedings.