The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-19 00:00:00

EI'IRIT OF THE :PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Times asks the Americanfeto consider calmly what
they have to acknowledge, as well as to complain of, in
the matters now actually in dispute. We did beyond
doubt treat a civil war in America as if it were an ordinary
war, instead of regarding it as something altogether
exceptional and beyond the application of ordinary rules.
It is no secret that the leaders of the secession did build
their hopes to a great extent upon the action of this
country. They confidently calculated not only on
" recognition," but on intervention. There was a time
when the Americans would have made any bargain with
us to avert this dreaded intervention, ant. at that same
time, as they well know, we were pressed to intervene by
an ally so powerful that if tl.e combined weight of the two
nations had been thrown into the scale against the North,
the Southern half of the Union A% mild never have been re-
covered. Yet we resisted these solicitations and we endured
the loss of the greatest trade in the world, rather than
depart from that Leutiality for which we al e now prose-
cuted. Mr. Sumner says we are chargeahle fur half the
war. Poo those who approve his w.rds forget that Mr.
Jefferson Davis said the very same thing? 'J he Confede-
rate President declared in the heat of the contest that, but
fer the prodigious supplies which the Tederals drew from
this country, the war would not have lasted six months.
Mr. Ada ins, in his correspondence with Lord Russell,
made admissions to the same dire. A:1 intelligent
Americans know, and all candid Americans would admit,
that the cominct of our Government during their civil war
either was, or v:.13 intended to be, void of offence towards
them. If the plivate opinions or sympathies of a people
arc to lie flow made, for tl.e first time in history, a subject
of international litigation, the Americans should ask
themselves to what countercharges they would themselves
be liable in a cause so founded ; but the wiser course is to
put such matters out of the'question altogether, and con-
fine the scope of diplomatic negotiations to such affairs as
are within the cognizance of public law.

The Staxdard says that in the brief interval which will
elapse between the final stage of amendment in the House
of Commons and the first reading in the Upper House, it
may be useful once more to review the progress of the
Irish Church Bill in committee, and recapitulate the fate
of the various amendments proposed. The matters
already pointed out as particularly objectionable were the
price charged for the gleLe-Louse, the confiscation of the
northern glebe-lands, given by a Protestant King for Pro-
testant purposes ; the injustice of not allowing the tithe-
rent charge payer an equivalent for his present legal right
to deduct poor rate, and the adoption of fourteen years'
value as a measure of capitalisation for Maynootl► but not
for the Clud!. The price for the glebe-houses has been
reduced from twelve to ten years; the Church Body
may buy, or refuse to buy, as seems expedient ; the
result of this being in round numbers that the houses may
be had for (according to Mr. Gladstone's calculation) about
X 90,000, instead of for about £2C0,000, as proposed in the
original scheme. The landlords are now allowed fifty-two
instead of forty-five years to redeem the tithe rent-charge,
and instalments are to be allowed for poor rate. These
are the whole concessions of any pecuniary value, and after
a fair and full allowance for them, the bill remains a
monument of unrelenting confiscation and oppression.
Whether as such it should be wholly rejected, or allowed
to be read a second time by the House of Lords, is for the
Conservative leaders in that House to determine, but cer-
tain we are that under no circumstances should it be
allowed to become law without provisions enabling a
general and not an individual commutation of life incomes,

and the preservation of glebe-houses free of charge, and
of the Ulster glebes for the new Church.
The Daily News remarks that Lord Cairns has every
qualification for leadership, except its conscious power. A
very acute and shrewd, and not unkindly critic, with
unusual opportunities of observation, has described Lord
Cairns as less the leader of the Tory party than their man
of business. He is their confidential agent, their bailiff, or
their land-steward, rather than their chief. This cha-
racter is the more conspicuous from the fact that Lord
Cairns succeeds Lord Derby—for the ref -faineant period
of Lord Malmesbury's vain efforts to lead need not be taken
into account. Lord Derby spoke as a feudal chief giving
orders to his vassals ; Lord Cairns speaks like an attorney
who has received his instructions—in each case, of course,
with decent disguise and circumlocution. In both there
is a kind of self-confidence ; hut in the one it is
the self-confidence of the smart man of business.
in the other of conscious personal ascendancy -and social
superiority. In manner, address, and in yet smaller
matters, Lord Cairns is the brisk professional man. He
altogether wants the easy negligence of Lord Derby and
Lord Salisbury. He exercises no magnetic influence upon
his party. He is not in social feeling sufficiently at one
with them to I_c sure that in speaking his own mind he is
speaking theirs ; nor Las he the authority to impose his
mind upon them. He is prosa.c and lawyer-like. The
difficulty which this fact presents will probably be evaded
during what remains of the present session by Lord Derby's
return to the field to take the command of the Conserva-
tive forces the battleuf the Irish Church. Lord Cairns
will make an excellent second, and will probably do, and
do well, the work which Dr. Ball discharged in the House
of Commons. When the next great occasion arises, he
may have more thoroughly learned his business ; or Lord
Salisbury, who is the natural leader of the Tory party,
may be ready to assume the place which awaits him.

The TeTe:. mph. thinks that tie rt cent news from America
seems to confirm the justice of the original opinion, that
the immediate importance of Senator Sumner's speech
had been somewhat over-estimated in this country. It is
now more than ever clear that neither the speaker nor his
audience interpreted the remediable utterance in the
sense of a distinct declaration of hostility ; and, though
we see no reason to modify our view regarding the injustice
and extravagance of his solemn indictment against Eng-
land, we note with satisfaction that the Americans appear
to agree with ns in considering it rather as an expression
9f public opinion than as an official exposition of national
policy. For the present we anticipate no immediate action
with reference to the Alabama claims. It is, no doubt,
undesirable that the question should be left open ; but, in
the present excited condition of American feeling, we see
no possibility of arriving at any very speedy and satis-
factory settlement. Beyond a general desire to do what
is right and fair, this country has no interest whatever in
concluding an Alabama Convent:on, except in so far as .
such an agreement might protect our own commerce here.
afte: from depredations similar to those which Captain
• 'Noted upon the Federal merchant marine.
Semmes I,—.
:enment like that of the United States,
And,
with a G 0.,,
ruling over so immenso an area, and exercising so little
over the States, no Convention
direct authority
be enforced in .„,:ee of war, unless the
could practically
1 to reprisals
public opinion of the country were 0pp,..7
er can be
against Englani. An excellent service, bow,e. ,
7orld
rendered, not to the two countries only, but to the
at large, if the representative statesmen of each nation
will but honestly and faithfully keep their people informed
on the actual views and state of feeling in the other
country—and will Outs, by force of that reciprocal
" understanding" which is the basis of all trust and
friendship, pave the way towards a conciliatory and final
settlement.
The Times heartily welcomes the address of Archbishop
Leahy. There is much in the style of his order that
generally offends English taste. The chi-As of the Church
are often stilted and verbose, and in Ireland there is some-
thing ostentatious and condescending in theirloyalty, which
rather provokes one at hating to accept it. The gist of the
archiepiscopal address is that Irishmen should obey tl:e
laws, abstain from the sin of bloolguiltineas, and await
the changes which popular opinion and the altered spirit '
of British statesmen will shortly produce. The moral
reprobation of m n rder conveyed in the Archbishop's address
'is entirely satiafttetory, and will, we trust, produce excel-
lent effects.. The political argument is hardly of the same
weight, for though it is equaliy intended to dissuade tenants
from taking the last vengeance into their own hands,
the conclusion as against minor agitation is not so clear.
Whatever may lie the reasoning by which the higher
Romish priesthood arrives at the
aonelusion that it is its
duty to interfere energetically anti
down th
lcomeders
of Westmeath and Tipperary, we sha..ll
e disor
we the
result. We should be glad to find theM na:!ignant at
the crime, without an argumentation which may .Qeem
to extenuate it ; hut, allowing for national and religiot,s
prepossessions, the part the Boorish clergy have taken
is no doubt touch ti their credit, and we cannot afford to
neglect such allies. Let the priesthood consider, as, in
fact, the Archliiehop tells his flock, that the less of outrage
there is, the mare likely is Parliament to approach with
due consideration the question of thewrong.; of Ireland.
Without bartering their support for favourable legis-
lation, the whole body of Irish priests can advance the
political cause of their country by restoring, as fa as in
them lies, social tranquillity during the period which must
elapse before the new Irish legislation is brought to a close.

It is vet y far from our intention, says the Post,to impute
insincerity to the Holy See, or to Archbishop Leahy. But
when we are told that there is no criminal conspiracy, we
must say the actual condition of Ireland appears to de.
=nil a better explanation, and particular!y since the
A rchhishep admits in effect that the Irish Roman Catholics
lave no secrets which are not open to their clerical guar-
dians. It is a large and frank admission of sacerdotal
ascendancy. It is an acceptance of respnisibility which
cannot possibly be exaggerated. The Roman Catholic
clergy are certainly not answerable-for the crimes of a few
desperadoes ecting singly. They have black sheep in
their flochs, as other shepherds have. But it comes
to this—that no organised movement can be
from their searching inspection, and almost that
such a movement depends on their countenance or conni-
vance. If they denounce it from the altar it fails dead at
their feet. Its life is in their hands. It seems, however,
if we are not misinformed as to the procedure in this
instance, that the Pope felt bound to complain of the reti•
cence they observed in the presence of outrages which
offended the public conscience, and that Archbishop
Leahy's pastoral was dictated by an instructed apprecia.
tion of events. This is not the lan
interpreting the Pope's sentiments the Archbishop has,
guage of reproach, In
we are convinced, expressed his own views. Still we may
be permitted to hope that in the perion of transition or
which Ireland is entering the Holy Father will-contribute
to the restoration of the peace and order which are easen•
tial to the ha vas and u:2aperitx2l23wilalge.l7_44.
tattOSSta-trrt, •

Osprey
Needle Gun
Reflection

Gamos
I,ioness f
holland d ;•

THIRD youroN

NOTICh.

The Third Edition of " The Sun " of last Evening was
published in time for delivery in town at 7.15 p.m.

SUN OFFICE, 7 o'CLocs.

SFORTIICG INTELLIGENCE—Tbis Day

BATH AND SOMERSEI.' RACES—TiIIs DAY.
(BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH)
DYRHAM PARK 11ANDICAP.

Five rnn.

BADMINTON STAKES.

Perfutn e
Conrad
Syznntetry c
Seven ran.
K- ELSTON STAKES.

Cast-off .
Usley
Out and Out:l%.
F.ve ran.
WESTON STAK S.

'l'%v lye ran.
!SOME RSETSIII FIE S'T'AKES.
Bon:ping Girl
Juolge

W ELTER STAKES.

Laird
Robespierre
Minster , . 3

Five ran.

LATEST BETTING ON THE COURSE.
DERBY.
0 to 4 agst Pretender (offered take sto 2)
600 to 200 agst Pero Gomez (taken)
4 to 1 sgst Delladrum (taken)
20 to 1 agst Ladas (taken)
1000 to 40 agst Drummer (offered—take 33 to to 1)
1000 to 15 agst Ethus (offered)
SOMERSETSHIRE STAKES.—Ligurian was E c rat ch tic' at
1.15 p.m. this day.

MANCHESTER MEETING —Tms DAY.
WES EMORLAND HANDICAP.
White Slave 1
Man of Rose.
Laren .

3
PENDLETON STAKES.

Flying Jib
Parma
Star and Garter

PHILIPS' HANDICAP.

Morning Star ....... 1
Emily
Palmatine .. 3
Nine ran.
DE TRAFFORD CUP.
Jerry Hawthorn
Lady lienriette.
Edinburgh
Eight rau.

LONDON BETTING—Tuts DAY.

,~

DERBY.

sto 2 agst Pretender (offered)
to 1 agst Pero Gomez (taken and offered)
4to 1 r.gst Beiladrum (offered)
20 to 1 agst Perry Down (taken)
25 to 1 agst Martyrdom (taken)
25 to 1 eget Ludas (taken)
40 to 1 agst Vagabond (offered-50 to 1 taken)
40 to 1 agat Drummer (offered)
40 to 1 agst Pyshworth (offered)
1000 to 20 agst Rupert offered—take ICOO to 15)
1000 to 15 agst lie Vere (offered)
1000 to 10 agst Brennus (offered)
1000 to 7 agst Elermione e. (offered)
1000 to 4 agst King Cophetua (offered)

THE OAKS.
100 to 30 agst Morna (offered)

RACING FIXTURES.
J riCE.

Croydon 2,3, 4 Newcastle 22, 23, 21
Newton '', 3, 4 1 Odiharn 22
Newark 3 Bibury Club 23
Ascot —B, 9, 10, 11 1 Stockbridge 24, 23, 26
Windsor to, 16 Chelmsford
Hampton l5, 18 I Liverpool Summer _2ll, 30
Curragli ........ ....22, 23, 21 Sutton Park .....t9, 30

Jt LY
Worcester l, 2 , Souiliatupton 13,13
Newinarka J Lily 6, &c.. 1 lteudiug 15, 16
Ca.rlislo
Poutefruct 9, 10 i Stmoloid ... '''', 23
llotodon . l2, 13 1 Goodwood 27, 2zl,'_9, SO
Nuttinglvon l3, 11