The Sun.
London, England, 1869-10-29 00:00:00

sexes, about population, about the relative positions
of labour and capital, abotit,parliamentary representa-
tion, but none of these peculiarities of thought would
be any obstacle to his entering the House of Commons.
On the other hand, if a theologian is only suspected
of not being quite sound oa such points as inspiration,
or the double procession, cr the Trinity, he is held up
to hatred and contempt, and his promotion
to any office in the Church is the signal
for an agitation from the Tweed to the Fal.
The most singular part of this great difference is
that, whereas a man's poltical opinions may to some
extent influence legislation, that is, may have a prac-
tical result, a man's tholog,ical opinions generally
have none. If a politician, holding the belief that
labour has not its fair share of profits, is
sent to Parliament, he may, and very likely
will, have an opportunity for giving effect
to his opinion by originating or supporting a measure
which will alter the proportion. But if a theologian
holding the belief that the Second Person of the
Trinity is of like (instead )f identical) substance with
the First, be raised to the episcopate, his promotion
can make not the smallest real difference to the
Church or to Christianity. This startling contrast
is due to the fundamental error that in re-
ligious matters the first consideration is a
right creed instead of right conduct, that " before
all things it is necessary tc hold the Catholic faith,"
instead of before all things it is necessary to lead
the Christian life. This grievous mistake is due to
human frailty. It is so much more easy to repeat a
certain set of phrases than to lead a pure and self-
denying life, that it is not surprising if men
who have little of Christianity save the
name, are perpetually dweling upon the first, rather
than upon the second, are perpetually seeking out
doctrinal errors on the part of others rather than
correcting their own faults of temper and conduct.
Fortunately for England, fortunately for the human
race, we are not a metaphysical people. Although
our religious newspapers would give a foreigner the
impression that we thought of nothing but abstruse
questions of dogma, the impression would be
false. The great body of Englishmen do not read the
religious journals at all. We do not find the fish-
mongers of Billingsgate or the costermongers of
Shoreditch wrangling about the Hypostatic Union as
their congeners did in Alexandria fifteen centuries ago.
The street-hawker of to-da.l, would not comprehend
the most elementary terminology of religious jour-
nalism. Religious journalism has absolutely
no hold over him ; it does not exist for
him. The influence which it might have
enjoyed had it taken up with such questions as
sanitary reform, false weights, bribery, temperance,
education, is monopolised by the secular journals.
The clergy have for the most part followed the
disastrous example set by their newspapers. The
clergy might have been the leaders of the people in
all great social reforms ; but they looked upon
them with indifferent eyes, they preferred to dispute
about questions of words, " words of little meaning,"
and thus lost, as we believe for ever, a golden oppor-
tunity. They have abdicated the throne that might
have been their's, and given place to the politi-
cian. Politics are every day becoming less a matter
of party, and more a matter of philanthropy,
while religion-Lthe religion of the religious
press, not the religion of St. James—is
becoming more and more a matter of
metaphysics. This marked difference gives an irre-
sistible opportunity- to the Secularist and the Posi-
tivist. They ask their hearers and readers what
religion has done for them except set them by the
ears; and then they point to Free Trade, factory
legislation, sanitary improvements, and co-operation
as the fruits of the Secularist and Positivist gospel.
Who shall blame the people if, while acknow-
ledging the difference, they fail to see
that all the mischief wrought by religious
journalism is due to irreligion, to neglect of the very
first principles of Christianity—the principles of doing
unto others as you would that men should do unto
you, and of judging not, that you may not be judged?
Who can blame them if they do not discern that, in
so far as Secularism and Positivism have done any
good at all, they owe it to the teaching of that very
religion which the advocates of those creeds despise ?
The blame rests not with the people ; it must lie at

the door of the professional teachers of religion, who
have forgotten that the first element of religion is
love—the clergy and the journalists who are devoured
by religious partizanship."

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.
THE much-dreaded 26th of October has passed off
in Paris without the slightest disturbance. It rained
very heavily on Tuesday, and a shower is a
sure antidote to all revolutionary projects; but it
does not appear that even fair weather would have
tempted the Democrats to riot. The Members of
Parliament who at first proposed extreme
measures had renounced their intention, and
the mob, although it threatened, did not
choose to act without its leaders. The
proposed demonstration has proved a fiasco; but it
ought to have the effect of teaching the Government
that concessions, if made at at all, ought to be made
in perfect good faith, and that no people of the
calibre cf the French are likely to be
satisfied with a policy of giving with one hand and
taking away with the other. The cause of this panic—
of the rumours of plots and of the military prepara-
tions in Paris during the last few days—is a very
curious one. Last July the EMPEROR yielded greater
power and liberty to the Parliament and the nation ;
but simultaneously with this concession he abruptly
dismissed the Legislative Body—the French House of
Commons—whilst in the act of investigating the returns
of the general election just held. This arbitrary act
caused widespread dissatisfction ; but the Liberals
contented themselves with the assurance that the
reassembling of Parliament could not long be postponed.
By the terms of the Constitution the utmost limit up
to which the Government could delay would expire
on Tuesday. It was soon discovered, however, that
the Government had no intention of paying heed
to the Constitution. No intimation was given that
the Chamber would be opened before the 26th, and
at length it was ' notified that Parliament would
not meet until above a month after the con-
stitutional limit. Whereupon, a storm of indig-
nation broke out all over France. It cannot
be doubted that in this instance the EMPEROR
had furnished his opponents with a substantial griev-
ance. To what purpose did he grant a more perfect
Constitution, if he would not observe that which
already existed ? The power of the Sovereign in France
is so great that there is the less excuse for disregard-
ing those few restrictions which are actually imposed
upon him. And surely this delay at the time of
granting reforms was an offensive proceeding, inti-1
mating that the power of giving and withholding was
vested solely in the EMPEROR, and that though he
might grant more liberties to the Parliament, he
could, if he chose, prevent it from even meeting.
But though the Government was clearly wrong,
the expedient hit upon by some of the Radicals was
not less so. One deputy proposed that the Liberal
members of Parliament should present themselves in
a body at the Chamber on Tuesday, demand admis-
sion, and get to business. Several of his colleagues,
including the able GAMBETTA, agreed to support
this unwise scheme. But reflection soon brought
about a change of purpose. It was evident enough
that the deputies could not do any business even if
they secured admission to the Chamber, whilst their
conduct might furnish the Administration with an
excuse for still more repressive measures. All
the ground that had been gained would be lost
by such an act. The deputy who first
made the proposal renounced his design, and
the others followed, except one. This was M. Ras-
PAIL, a politician of so extreme a typo, that Messrs.
FAWCETT and MILL are ultra Tories in comparison.
It is jocosely said of him that if a Red Re-
public were established in France he would
I take his place on the Extreme Left ! But even
M. RASPAIL at the last moment gave up his design
I of marching in solitary state to the Chamber, and thus
) the storm passed over, The Paris mob were furiously