The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-10 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT,

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDIY).
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

Earl FITZ WILLIAM presented a petition from Cam-
bridge in favour of the Oath of Abjuration Bill.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented several peti-
tions against the Maynooth Grant.
Earl NELSON presented several petitions from places
in Gloucestershire against the abolition of Churoh rates
until an equivalent bad been provided.
Lord CALTHORPE presented similar petitions.
Lord BROUGHAM presented several petitions in
favour of an amendment on the County Courts Act, and
al,o a petition from Liverpool in favour of an amend-
ment of the mercantile law.
Lord LYNDHURST presented a similar petition
from Bristol.

JUDICIAL STATISTICS.
Lord BROUGHAM laid on the table a bill upon the
subject of judicial statistics.
The bill was read a first time.

THE QUEEN'S MESSAGE PENSION TO
GENERAL WILLIAMS.
The CLERK at the table having read the message of
her Majesty in reference to the pension to General
Williams,
Earl GRANVILLE then rose and moved a re-
solution thanking her Majesty for her most gracious
message, and to assure her that the house would cor-
dially co-operate with her Majesty in conferring a pen-
sion of one thousand pounds a-year upon General
Williams of Kars. (Loud cheers.) The noble earl
then proceeded to review the military career
of General Williams, and to pass a glowing euloginm
upon the gallant officer. The noble earl stated that
General Williams first distinguished himself at Ceylon,
where he fulfilled the office of an engineer. It was impos-
sible to read the despatches of General,Williams, written
under circumstances of great difficulty, without coming
to the conclusion that the gallant officer was possessed
of very superior qualities, and was quite worthy of any
honour it was in the power of this country and the Bri-
tish Parliament to confer upon him. Col. Lake, Major
Teesdale, and the other British officers by whom Gen.
Williams was surrounded while endeavouring to defend
the beleaguered city of Kars, were also well deserving
of the highest commendation for the great skill and in-
tegrity they displayed during that memorable siege. Dr.
Sandwith had also done himself immortal honour on the
same occasion, and in the interesting book which he had
written upon the subject, he described Major Teesdale
as an officer only about 23 years of age, but who had
shown the most extraordinary coolness and intrepidity
even when standing amidst a shower of bullets. The
noble Earl also paid a tribute of praise to the Turkish sol-
diers, who had acted gallantly under the most distressing
circumstances. These gallant men had been known
to stand guard, whilst in a starving condition, over flour,
and falling dead at their posts rather than unlawfully touch
the means whereby their lives might have been saved.
The noble earl concluded by moving the resolution he
had read at the commencement of his speech.
The resolution was agreed to non. con.
STANDING ORDERS.
Lord REDESDALE moved the resolution, of which
he had given notice, viz., that this house will not read
any bill a second time after Tuesday, the 221 July, ex-
cept bills of aid, or supply, or any bill in relation to which
the house shall have resolved, before the second reading
is moved, that the circumstances which render legisla•
tion on the subject of the same expedient are either of
such recent occurrence or real urgency as to render the
immediate consideration of the same necessary.
After a short discussion, in which Earl GRANVILLE,
Earl GREY, and other peers took part, the resolution
was agreed to.

CAPITAL PUNISHMENT.
The Bishop cf OXFORD rose to move for a select
committee to inquire into the mode of administer-
ing capital punishment. It was not his intention
to' enter into the question as to whether the capital
punishment should be public or private ; but what he
wished to ascertain was what was the measure and na-
ture of public executions. The right rev. prelate then
instanced the evil consequences arising from executions
as at present carried out, and said that in a great num-
ber of the United States of America the mode of execu-
tion had been altered, by requiring only the presence of
certain prescribed witnesses ; and he had been assured,
by eminent Americans, that there was not a single man
in the Union who would return to the old practice. He
might refer to the continent of Europe—te Prussia and
Bavaria, for examples of the same kind. If the real way
of deterring from crime was to diminish the horrors of
punishment, which appeared to be the current of our re-
cent legislation, they still kept up executions as public
spectacles. They had abolished quartering and disem-
Dowelling, and the whole course of their legislation had
been to do away with those forms of punishment which
merely addressed themselves to the feelings. The evils of
the present system were not merely hardening men to the
sight of blood, or accustoming them to witness that spirit
of obduracy which elevated a miserable criminal to the
dignity of a hero, but the experience of every year made it
more difficult to carry iota effect the last sentence of law
in those cases in which capital punishment ought to be
inflicted. Nothing could be more injurious than to have
the severe penalties of the law fitfully carried into exe-
cution. Unless they could reduce the punishment to
certainty its deterring effect was destroyed. Of late
there had been very few instances of the execution of
women for the very highest class of offences. He ad-
mitted that it was not for Parliament to consider the
manner in which the royal prerogative of mercy had in
any case been administered ; but he must notice that
where there was a string of cases of murder, and that
for no reason which met the public eye mercy had been
extended to the offenders, that course certainly appeared
to hold out a temptation to other criminals that they
would equally escape the last sentence of the law. He
must say that he was wholly unable to conceive the
reason why in those cases the royal attribute of mercy
should have been extended. It seemed to him• that it
bad peen extended to cases in which, so far as the public
knew, there were the strongest reasons why, if murder
was to be punished at all, the sentence ought to have
been entorcet When a woman appointed a child five
years old to meet her at a certain place, intending to dye
her hand in the blood of that child, with the deliberate
intention of inflicting a wound on the father, he could
not conceive a stronger case in which the life of the
offender should be forfeited to the law. Civil society
was the institution of God, and they could not deter
from ceime unless they declared that civil society on be-
half of God punished criminals—that, in the words of the
New Testament, "The civil magistrate beareth not the
sword in vain"—that was, "to execute justice on him
who doeth unrighteousness." But if the spectacles of
public executions created great difficulty in the way of
carrying into effect the sentence of the law in those cases
which required the infliction of capital punishment, they
would, if they abstained from dealing with the subject,
make themselves accessories to its fitful and uncertain
execution, which was, perhaps, the worst evil which
could attend the administration of justice. For these
reasons he would venture to ask the house to appoint
this select committee, which would include in its delibe-
rations the particular mode in which criminals were to I
be put to death. (Hear.)
Lord CAMPBELL said he wished that some of his
noble friends near him had stated whether it was the in-
tention of the Government to oppose or support the mo-
tion of the right rev. prelate. If the Government did
did not intend to oppose it, he (Lord Campbell) should
be exceedingly brief in his observations, because he very
much concurred in the sentiments which had been ex-
pressed by his right rev. friend. He had always felt the
great evils which had arisen from pablic executions.
Those executions had been described by Fielding and by
another novelist not second to Fielding—Mr. Charles
Dickens; but he (Lord Campbell) still felt that Kreat evils
might arise from privateexecutious. When he was a mem-
ber of the House of Commons, a proposal was made by
Mr. Rich on the subject, but it was received by that
house with horror. It was said that his hon. friend intend-
ed that criminals should be smothered or poisoned in pri-
son, and his proposal was not listened to. But since that
time there had been a considerable alteration in the feel.
her of the public. In America a different system had
been introduced with good effect. He would give no
decided opinion upon the subject, but he strongly con-
curred with his right rev. friend that the question was
one which ought to be referred to a committee of inquiry
in the House of Commons. It had been said that nobody
would believe that the private execution had been car-
ried into effect, and the case of Governor Wall had been
mentioned in support of that assertion. Governor Wall
had been convicted of murder—most improperly convicted
as he (Lord Campbell) thought, but it he bad been pri-
vately executed the public would never have believed
that the sentence had been carried into effect.
Lord REDESDALE said that he did not
not con-
vinced to the
js
appointment of the committee, although he sva
that any case for a change had been established.
In some cases—those connected with political offences—
it would be most undesirable to have the execution in
private. He should rejoice, if means could be taken to
destroy that morbid excitement which executions occa-
sioned in low minds by keeping the death and struggles
of the criminal more out of sight. Those who reed
the daily papers could hardly see one which did not
contain some account of crimes committed by women
—of the bodies of children being found exposed in
some part of the country or another. He believed that
there was a general inclination on the part of judges,
juries and all the parties concerned to let these crimi-
nals off, but it was well known that of those who had
been convicted under the most aggravated circumstances
not one for a series of years had been executed. ,He must
state that he had not made up his mind as to the advan-
tage of private executions.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that he could
not consent to the appointment of this committee, if he
understood that it was the intention of the right rev.
prelate to substitute private executions—properly so
called, for public executions. He believed that, in con-
sequence of the confusion, tumult, mobbing, and other
disgraceful circumstances which attended public execu-
tions, doubts were raised in the minds of persons, espe-
cially among the lower orders, as to whether the proper
individuals had been executed. He recollected that in
his schoolboy days a general belief was entertained that
Dr. Dodd had not been executed, and that some con-
trivance cr another had been adopted for deceiving the
public. He thought the country was greatly indebted
to the right rev. prelate for having called attention to
to this subject, with the view of ascertaining whether
some other mode of execution could be adopted which
would .be more effectual in repressing the commission of
rime.
Tae.Bishop of OXFORD observed that whatever other
med*s Rf execution were adopted, he should object to
any shedding of blood at an execution. The noble mar-
quis had mentioned the case of Dr. Dodd ; but another
remarkable case, in which uncertainty existed as to the