The Sun.
London, England, 1860-05-15 00:00:00

THE JAPANESE EMBASSY.

The following account of the Embassy is from
the San Francisco News Letters:--The Embassy,
in conformity with the principle of political
organizations of that country, consists of two
principal ambassadors, princes of the highest rank
among the nobility of the empire, and their asso-
ciates, nobles of nearly equal rank with themselves.
Their arrival at Honolulu excited the greatest in-
terest among all classes of the community. Quick,
intelligent, and inquisitive, the curiosity of these
visitors is constant and vivacious. Every object
that is new to them is inspected, inquired into, de-
scribed, and sketched—for a draughtsman .of very
superior abilities accompanies the Embassy for the
purpose of furnishing the official report with the
necessary illustrations. The Embassy was re-
ceived with all the honours that the Court of
Hawaii could bestow, while private hospitalities
were extended to it on every hand. On Friday,
March the 9th, the King held a Court at the Palace
for the reception of the distinguished visitors. They
were received with military honours, and the four
principal gentlemen of the embassy, occupying dis-
tinguished ranks in the Japanese empire, were pre-
sented by Admiral Tatnall and Mr. Borden to his
Majesty, who welcomed them to his Court, and ex-
pressed his desire to make their stay in this place
agreeable. The total number of persons connected
with flip embassy. is 72—viz., two ambassadors,
one censor, one vice-governor, 16 under officers
and secretaries, and 52 servants cr soldiers. The
rank of the four principal dignitaries connected
with the embassy is as follows :-1. Ambassador—
Simme-Bujen-no-kami (Simms, Lord or Priace of
the province of Bujen.) Simme is the hereditary
name of this Prince, who ranks a little higher, or is
more powerful in Japan, than the following. 2.
Ambassador—Muragake-Agawe-no-kami (Mura-
gake, Lord or Prince of the province of Agawe.) 3.
Censor—Ogure, Lord or Prince of province of Bun-
go. These three are hereditary princes or rulers
of provinces and about equal in rank. The
proper title of each in England would be
his Royal Highness, and in the United States
his Excellency, being the highest titles under the
sovereign or ruler. The office of the censor is to
act as secretary to the embassy, it being his duty to
record everything for the information of the em-
bassy. The fourth dignitary (Morita Okataro) ap-
pears to be not so high in rank. He is sent out to
act as treasurer, and on account of his sound judg-
ment and prudence it is his province to advise and
counsel. The treasurer has very prudently brought
with him 100,000 Mexican dollars, so that if Uncle
Sam, by any accident, should not discharge all the
expenses which the Japanese Embassy may incur,
it will have something to fall back upon. lie ap-
pears to be clothed by the Emperor with very high
powers. All these four officers are from the no-
bility—the advisers and counsellors of the Empe-
ror, The origin of this Embassy, it will be remem-
bered, is attributable to the diplomatic skill of
Commissioner Hal ris, who, having impressed upon
the Japanese the importance of becoming more ac-
quainted with foreign nations, persuaded the
authorities to stipulate in the laq treaty that an
Embassy should bc sent to the United States within
a limited period. The United States' Government
paps the entire expense of the Japanese Ernbassyd
both in going to and returning from Washington.

NI; TITSP _I PERS' CONVEYANCE BILL.

(From the Times.)

May-hill is beginning to tell on the consumptive
members of the legislative family. The Newspapers
Conveyance Bill, not yet printed, not even seen by
mortal eye, breathed last night its' first and last
sigh.
av
se
to doubtgoes. thatsi r
Rowland
reason
hill,s i ,
o v ed is
r-
powered by the work of the Post-office, and the
anxieties lierse far
ten
have
a state of transition, has been
obliged to ask for siz months' rest, and, as nothing
atrnue a
a
can be done without him, the bill is shelved for the
session—for how much longer none can say. No-
body who knows what real work is, and who con-
sequently knows how to do honour to those who
really work, will criticise self-devotion in an un-
kindly spirit. Sir Rowland I-lill deserves the sym-
pathy of every man who does his duty. But it is
natural to suspect that if he had adopted the line
of enlarging his establishment to keep up with its
work, instead of attempting to keep the work down
to the capacity of an utterly inadequate building
and staff; he would not have found hiniself contend-
ing with impossibilities. There is however an end
for the present of the scheme for excluding news-
papers from the letter-post, and consigning them to
the limbo of " other printed matter." For one more
year, at least, tile public is to be indulged with the
supposition that the post carries news, that the
news of the whole world deserves the aid of a
public department as much as the news transmitted
by A to B. and that it is notthebusiness of Govern-
ment to check the natural growth of the organs for
the transmission of public intelligence. Every ad-
ditional thought that can be given to the subject
must, we believe, be in our favour. Time and
reflection are all that is wanted. It is the merest
matter of mechanical convenience—in other words,
of money. Were it even alleged that the Post-office
is something out of pocket by the transmission of
newspapers, that would be no reason for check-
ing it in these days when Government itself
pays largely, for the transmission of news and
diffusion of knowledge. The very least trouble
of the Post is that which arises from mere bulk.
It has only to state it.i difficulty, and it
will have a carte blanche for,every increase of staff,
of power, of trains, of times, and all that belongs to
the postal service.

But this is early to begin the annual " Vassacre
of the Innocents.' Nature has only just put out
her leaves, and the leaves of legislation are falling
already. What next ? Will the repeal of the
paper duty, will the various new stamp duties, will
the Reform Bill arrive at maturity and pass into
law? There is a growing conviction that Mr.
Gladstone has attempted too much for a session.
He entered the house like the well-known figure
carrying more fruit than arms and hands can em-
brace, and consequently parting with some of its
burden at every step. Now an apple, now a bunch
of grapes, now a shower of small fruit descends to
the ground. Mr. Gladstone has immense capacity
and marvellous powers of utterance, hut they may
be overcharged. His admirers are not content un-
less he is doing more than any man can do. Such
fecundity of tongue, such copiousness of words, must
surely indicate corresponding powers of action.
Unfortunately, the most eloquent men are not
always the most practical or the most judicious.
The fatal gift by which they mislead so many others
reacts on themselves, and they persuade themselves
into impossibilities. A third of Mr. Gladstone's
scheme—the reduction of the wine and spirit duties,
and a few trifles besides, would have made a very
grand budget under existing circumstances. I t
would have supplied the long expected boon that was
to make the year 1860 memorable in finance, and
celebrate the extinction of the terminable annuities.
Had anybody else proposed the repeal of the paper
duty, Mr. Gladstone could have ,met the proposi-
tion with some of his most grandiloquent phrases in
favour of public honour, retrenchment, virtuGus
endurance, and patient expectation. The whole
finance of the session,Then, might have been over
by this time; and Parliament might have had a
clear coast for reform, supposing its zeal unabated
in that cause. As it is, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer clone has work enough for the
,session. By the time he has finished'ull his aboli-
tions, reductions, and impositions of Nixes, there
will not be much time left for the reconstruction of
the British representative system.
The House of Commons and the British people
are often charged with • an excessive appetite for
business. They can'never undertake too much, it
is said, and they think to succeed by much speaking
and much doing. But this is more the fault of our
statesmen than of the people, who are very apt to
concentrate their attention on one or two objects.
The whole of Mr. Gladstone's budget has been a Sur-

prise. Not an item in it could have'- -- nnficipated,
or was the subject of any but the Mildest popular
agitation. The very secrecy with which the treaty
was negotiated exempts the British people from all
responsibility. As to the repeal of the paper duty,
it has had its compact body of constant and zealous
partisans now for many years ; and, if there was to
be any faith in importunity and a good c ruse, the
duty must one day be abandoned. But that itself
was rt reason for not pressing immediately a con-
summation certain to arrive before long ; and when
we are told of more incorhe.tax, or even a loan, as
.the price we may possibly have to pay for the repeal
of the duty, we trust it is no treason to the cause of
knowledge to wish a better opportunity for its re-
lief. Therein is the chief aggravation of this mour.-
tain of work which the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer has undertaken to get through Parliament
before August, in addition to the Reform Bill. His
monster budget is to plunge us into a deficiency
the full extent of which we may not know till
next year. There was a time when finance went
on certainties, and always kept within the mark.
If it was impossible to control the Minister, or the
Foreign Secretary, and there was a war expenditure
beyond calculation, the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer closed his portfolio of schemes, and bowed de-
putations out of the room. He could do nothing
for them. There would be no' surplus, and there-
fore no remission of taxes. Mr. Gladstone ap-
pears to have regarded his office as wholly clear of
the responsibilities undertaken by his colleagues.
We presume he has given them notice that they
must shift for themelves, and that if they go their
ways he means to go his. But this, unfortunately,
is not the theory of the constitution, nor is it com-
patible with business. A cabinet is not a company
with limited liability. If one department spends,.
another must find the money, and if that other
cannot find the money the whole must go out. If
before the beginning of next session it turns out -
that our present income-tax will not square ac-
counts, and that we shall have to pay a shilling the
next year, and we know not how_ long, it will take
more than Mr. Gladstone's eloquence to reconcile
us all- to the unpleasant discovery.