The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-16 00:00:00

POLICE INTBLLIGENCE-(TIII3 DAT

MARLBOROUGH-STREET.

ASSAULTS THROUGH CRINOLINE.—Mary Ann Stuart, a
female of about 30, was charged before Mr. Tyrwhitt with
assaulting James Reid and Thomas Abrams, two bands-
men of the Coldstream Guards, St. George's Barracks, and
also with smashing the hat of Police constable Chapman,
79 C.

Reid said he had just entered a publiohouse having been
practising with the band at St. George's Barracks, at about 9
the previous night, when the prisoner, without any provo-
cation, struck him in the face. She had previously charged
him and some of his companions with robbing her.
Abrams said as soon as he was in the house the prisoner
began abusing everybody, and then struck him in the face.
The prisoner said she was wearing crinoline at the time.
It was not at all in their way, but the complainants pulled
it about, and then she might have struck them.

Chapman, 79 C, proved going to the public-house, and
seeing the prisoner strike the complainant Reid in the face,
and, on attempting to take her into custody, she knocked
the crown of his hat in.

Mr. Tyrwhitt asked the prisoner what she had to say.
Prisoner said they should have lot her crinoline alone.
:Laughter.)

Mr. Tyrwhitt fined the prisoier 2s. 6d. for each assault,
and ordered her to pay the amount of damage to the con-
stable's hat.

LOUIS BLANC ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

M. L. Blanc, who has lately been lecturing in Scotland,
gave a lecture on Wednesday last to the working men of
Glasgow on " Co-operation." Having been asked to state
his views on the present posture of affairs in Europe, he
gave the following exposition of his opinions:—
" Many and most touching indeed have been the marks
of attachment I have received from working men in Paris
and other parts of France, ever since I have been in exile ;
but I must confess I was hardly prepared to be so warmly
welcomed as I have been by the working classes in this
country—in Glasgow, Kilmarnock, Paisley, and elsewhere;
and I feel more than ever that I have absolutely nothing to
regret in all the calumnies and miseries that I have brought
upon myself by advocating the cause of such men. But the
gentleman who has spoken has expressed a kind desire that
I should give my opinion on the ' Present State of Europe.'
This is rather much. Still I will do my best to satisfy your
curiosity, as briefly, however, as possible for your sakes,
and a little, if you will allow me to add, for my own. Be-
fore I enter into that great question, I beg this opportunity
to repel a most unjust charge that has been brought in this
country against the Provisional Government of 1848. Yes-
terday I was reading a letter in the Ayrshire Express, signed
by a' Lover of Truth,' who asked how I could reconcile the
idea I entertain of the generous policy of the Previsional Go-
vernment with the fact that that Government in 1848 sent
soldiers to Rome in order to crush the Roman rebellion ? My
answer is very simple, and I trust it will appear quite satis-
factory. It is a question of dates. The French soldiers
were sent to Rome on the 27th of November, 1848, and
the Provisional Government of which I formed a part had
resigned Its power in the eyes of the National Assembly as
early as the 4th of May, that is about seven months before.
As for myself, at the very moment the French soldiers
wore sent to Rome, not only was I not in power, but I was
in exile ; I was in London. More than that, the man by
whom I have been cast into exile is just the same man who
sent the French soldiers to Rome, there to crush the Roman
rebellion—l mean General Cavaignac. Now for the pre-
sent state of Europe, which I suppose means Italy, for I
think at present Italy is Europe. In 1848, on hearing that
Charles Albert, father of the present King of Piedmont,
was about to invade Lombardy in order to snatch it from
Austria, the provisional government immediately made up
their minds to back Charles Albert, and wo sent an army
of 30,000 men to tho foot of the Alps, so that if the
Italians happened to be defeated, they would have an
army at least to rescue them from utter destruction. What
do you think the King of Piedmont did ? He sent word to
the provisional government that if we dared so much as to
cross the Alps, ho would take care that we should be duly
fired upon by his own soldiers. And why? Because, as
stated on the 4th March, in a despatch, the giving of assist-
ance by the French to Italian independence might have
raised in Italy a feeling of cordiality towards republican
principles, which was not thoroughly in keeping with the
family interests of the august House of Savoy. And what
was the result ? Charles Albert was crushed, and the
Italians were doomed a second time to be trodden upon by
their oppressors. This fact, which is little known, I fear
is perhaps of a nature to throw some light on the proper
motive of the misunderstanding between Count Cavour and
Garibaldi. The difference between them is this. Garibaldi
has only in view the independence of his country, while
Cavour, perhaps, has in view, together with the indepen-
dence of his country, the family interests of his master—two
things that may be possible, but not always in accordance
with liberty. There is, as I said in Paisley, a proverb
that a cook should have one eye on the cupboard and
another for the pot. Well, it is my idea that Cavour pays
too much attention to the cupboard, and not enough to the
pot. However, Victor Emmanuel has earned for himself
the reputation of a great patriot, and it is not fair to pass a
hasty sentence on his readiness to follow the advice of his
diplomatic advisers. As to the question itself, it appears
to me that the great difficulty lies in the presence of French
soldiers in Rome. I cannot help thinking that to attack
the French soldiers in Rome would be, on the part of Gari-
baldi, a step of a nature perhaps to imperil the cause of
Italian independence. On the other hand, it is impassible
for Italy to become a united nation with Rome as its head,
its heart, the Eternal City, continuing to be the stronghold
of despotism, the den of Popery. No ; and the groat ques-
tion is, how are the French soldiers to leave Rome ? Un-
fortunately, this is a great difficulty, because the French
ruler, as such, is interested in preventing the formation in
the south of Europe of a mighty nation ruled by principles
incompatible with those on which Lis own power is known
to rest. He is interested in preventing the formation of a
mighty nation capable of counteracting, on the continent of
Europe, the influence of despotism as exercised by such
governments as Russia, Germany, and I am sorry to say,
France. What, therefore, must be done I' Public opinion
in this country is immense, powerful, and, when ener-
getically and unanimously expressed, irresistible. It
is my impression that it must depend on you to
impel the British Government to obtain from
Louis Napoleon the withdrawal of the French sol-
diers from Rome. Public opinion, firmly declared on this
particular point, would have a great effect, not only on the
British Government, but on the French rider himself, be-
cause he is evidently anxious at this moment to keep fair
with Great Britain ; and if he wore convinced that the
withdrawal of the French troops from Rome is a conditio
sine qua non of friendly alliance with England, it is my
opinion that he would be wise enough to withdraw his
troops from Rome. No better kind of assistance could, in
my opinion, at the present moment be given to Garibaldi
than that which you British people call so energetically a
public agitation,' for by that Garibaldi will be indebted to
you for the independence of Italy. He is an Italian Wal-
lace, because, by fighting with such magnanimous heroism
in the cause of the independence of his country, ho is, in
fact, also in intention, fighting the cause of European free-
dom."

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