The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-20 00:00:00

£l,OOO a year, and the Church Commissioners, seem-
ing to think his case was a very hard one, with
only £l,OOO for doing very little, were so very kind
as to give him out of the inheritance of the poor
£l,OOO more. (Disapprobation.) He is now enjoying
a good salary, and I dare say he would raise his
voice for a state of things which had afforded him
so liberal a share out of funds designed for the bene-
fit of the poor. (Cheers and laughter.) 1 his is an
argument which is of a dangerous nature, because
there is the case of our poor clergy. I pointed out
some time ago that a million of money may be
raised towards the increase of small livings. We
find there are a number of stipends between £5O
and £2OO a year, and these may be all increased to
£2OO by a very simple plan ; and still it has not
been done, and year after year attempts have been
made to obtain such a measure, but in vain ; and I
suppose the reason is that some money is wanted
for Deans of York, and those in his position, who
like him hold sinecure offices paid out of the inheri-
tance of the poor. (Hear, and laughter.) Perhaps
I may refer to certain measures which have been
postponed, and which cannot be said to have failed.
Amongst these is the measure of reform, which has
been rather an unfortunate one. In 1852 we were
told another Reform Bill was to be introduced, and
the working classes were to be regarded as being
yameaorntghset
bill
lse
was
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rejected
with some degree of contumely. And why did it
fail ? I believe for this reason ; because it did not
seem to offer anything which would go to the hearts
of the people. The measure ought, 4n order to suc-
-need, to be one which ;would. embody a great prin-
ciple, and I have always contended in this room
that household suffrage is the true solution of the
difficulty. (Cheers.) I don't say I would extend
the suffrage to every man, but you should adopt a
principle which gives something to the working
men that would induce them to rally round that
bill. I don't think that bill contained anything
that would be likely to raise the enthusiasm of
working men. What the working man says is
" that a man is a man;" and they think because
that is so that he is deprived of something he ought
to possess. I don't go so far as that, but I under-
stand their feelings about it. It is rather a
matter of sentiment with them, and being such
I say that if you are ever going to carry your
bill you must lay hold of some broad principle,
such as the principle that taxation and representa-
tion should go hand in hand. That doctrine comes
right home to their hearts. Now, if yen wish to
reconcile them to a modification of the franchise,
you should show them that if heads of families are

entitled to vote, you virtually carry out the doc-
trine alluded to. I don't think you would carry
your bill so long as it is only a difference of £7 or
£B. That would not excite their interest in it.
Take the case of a man who has a house of £5 and
another holding a£6 house. The working classes
would not understand why they are excluded, but
they they might be, satisfied with the representa-
tions by heads of families. It seems to me you
would thus virtually introduce the principle of
taxation and representation going hand in hand, if
all those persons being beads of families were al-
lowed td vote in respect of their families and ap-
prentices. That is why I stand upon the household
suffrage, and in doing so I have the authority of
Charles James Fox and several members of the
Whig party. There was another bill which I had
something to do with, viz., County Rates. That
is one which I hope to carry. During the recess
I have read a large pile of blue-books about the
county rate and expenditure. I hold in my hand
a paper which shows the actual amount of county
rates now to be £1,162,878 a year assessed upon an
income of £66,364,439. Now, it may be said that
that sum is not a very great one. The sum was not
a very great one in the case of ship taoney, but
though the sum was small, the principle was a very
great one. So it is in the case of county rates. It
ought to be recollected it is a great benefit in the
constitution that every citizen should have func-
tions and learn to use them. It is very important
he should cultivate the quality which enabled him
to understand why he votes. In the case of county
rates, they are imposed on the ratepayers by ma-
gistrates, who are responsible to none but them-
selves. In many cases they are clergymen who
have not a stake in the hedge. If a clergy-
man has a large stake in the property, we can
understand why he should have a voice
among others in proposing these taxes. But many
a clergyman voting county rates has just come into
the county, and has no property in it whatever. It
bears hard, too, in the case of tenants. A man
may have taken a lease for 21 years, and he knows
he has to pay so much for county rates, but by and
bye the magistrates meet at Bodmin or Exeter, and
then he has to pay a larger amount of rates than
he expected. The rates bear hardly upon tenants,
and although some of them are not imposed by
magistrates but by Parliament, still the magis-
trates have a great deal of power in the case of a
large part of the county rates ; and in respect to
that power they are responsible to themselves
alone, and I am afraid there is a great waste of
money by them, so that the ratepayers suffer. I
th;nk such a measure is desirable if it were only to
limit the operation of the principle of centralisa-
tion. I propose to continue to advocate the passing
of the County Rates and Expenditure Bill. The
bill is as near as possible that of Mr. Milner Gib-
son's, and I intend, as at present advised, to do my
best to support it. With regard to France I have
very little which it is consolatory to offer you.
How do we stand ? We are now spending thirty-
five millions a year for our army, navy, and ord-
nance. Within my time we were grumbling that
we should be spending thirteen millions a year,
with which the Duke of Wellington was satisfied.
I don't know where it is to end. We have had
£10,000,000 expended on the China war. Indeed,
the amount voted thus far has been £9,168,240.
The amount for fortifications is supposed to be
eventually £12,000,000. The Indian debt is
thought to have approached £100,000,000, and it
is thought sooner or later the British public will
be called to make itself responsible for it. (Hear.)
The total Indian deficit for 1860 was £9,881,000,
and the estimate for next year is £7,472,000.
Soon it will come to be a question, what is the
advantage of retaining our Indian dominions.
Now, I see nothing in that which is consolatory.
With regard to foreign politics, I think there is
some reason to be satisfied. In the case of
Italy we have seen wonderful results produced
by Garibaldi—(cheers)—but let it not be considered
that he did it all alone, or that Count Cavour, or
Lord Palmerston, or Lord J. Russell did it; but it
was accomplished in a great degree by the British
people—at least in my opinion they had a good deal
to do with its success. (Hear.) There was pn all
sides—even among Conservatives—a strong feeling
that the abominations practised by the King of
Naples should not be allowed to continuo, for they
were disgraceful to human nature. My hope is that
Austria will give up Venetia, and if she give it up
in time it may be possible that Austria, existing as
a power in the centre of Europe, may prove a barrier
to Russia; but unless Austria gives up Venetia
soon, I think it will end in a great European war,
and Austria will deserve to be extinguished.
(Cheers.) The Volunteer movement has this great
merit—that all parties coalesce in it. Party spirit
seems to be where the Volunteers are concerned
effete, and a man is as proud to be a private as he
would be were he an officer. I believe it will also
have this good effect, that in another generation
men will be taller, stronger, and stouter, and indeed
they will be more fitted to defend their country. I
am quite sure it will add to the strength and health
of the next generation, and I know that is the
opinion of many persons who are acquainted with
the laws of the health of the human body. Thehon.
baronet having referred to almost every topic that
had come under the notice of Parliament during the
late session, resumed his seat amid lend and pro-
tracted cheering.
The meeting passed a resolution expressive of its
unabated confidence in the political principles and
Parliamentary conduct of Sir John, and terminated
with the usual compliment to the chairman.

WATCHES AS A BRANCH OF FINE ART MANUFAC-
TURES.—" Having extended our search through the West-
end and the City, after an ordinary good English watch,
possessing an artistic design, we have come to the conclu-
sion that but very few of our English watch many'actu-ers
have yet properly appreciated the advance of the public
taste for a higher order of ornamentation from improved
designs. Small though the watch is, it yet affords ample
scope for the display of the genius of rn artist. It is,
therefore, with much pleasure that wo can mention one
manufacturerlwho has given especial attention to the artis-
tic ornamentation of watches, and whose productions mani-
fest
a decided advance in regard to rules of art and the re-
quirements of an educated taste. The manufacturer here
alluded to is Mr- J. W. Benson, whose recently enlarged
show-rooms, at 33 and 34, Ludgate-hill, form one of the
conspicuous features of this great City thoroughfare. The
display of gold and silver watches, together with ormolu
clocks of rare designs, is quite imposing to the passer-by.
Here the purchs!ser of a watch is afforded every facility of
choosing one suited to his purpose and means, and pos-
sessing at the sa me time all that can be desired in finish,
taste, and dengn."—Globe.—Benson's illustrated Pam_
phlet, post free for two stamps, is descriptive of every
construction of watch new made. Watches safe by
to all partA of the globe. post