The Sun.
London, England, 1860-06-05 00:00:00

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PRICE 4D. STAMPED; SD.

us to act in compliance with it. Thus declaring
opened the first session of the augmonted Council
of the Empire, I bring to your knowledge, my' lords,
that his Majesty has appointed his Excellency the
Imperial Councillor von Szogyenyi and the Owl
Albert Nostitz to act henceforth as our vice-pro- I
sidents. Simultaneously, I invite you, gentlemen,
to proceed to the election of two_ Imperial council-
lors, controlling the protocols of each session (sec.
19, regulation of transactions). Yeti will best come
to the end proposed by stating in your own hand-
writing the names of the councillors chosen.
Finally, I have to in form you, my lords and gentle-
men, that his Excellency Count Mercandin and his
Excellency Baron Lichtenfels, have been appointed
by me to the discharge of the above-named duty of
control."

Count Apponyi, Hungarian councillor, spoke as
follows :

"I am not in the possession of a mandat,' con-
sequently I express in this august assembly only
my individual opinion, without rendering my coun-
try responsible for it. Yet, I feel it incumbent on
my duty, as a citizen, to accept a position enabling
me to give my personal views as if my country had
called on me to do so. When I view the great
bearing of this enlarged council which, considering
an important epoch, has a great task to perform—
when, moreover, I reflect on the great influence
which this council will exercise on the countries

belonging to the Crown of Hungary, I feel in duty
bound to say a few words in order to explain my
position in this high assembly in reference to Hun-
gary. It must not be a secret to this council that
the enlarged ‘Reichsrath ' has created some serious
thought in Hungary. It is natural that a country
which is attached with a religious piety to its pre-
vious legal relationship to the empire and to its
historical rights and institutions, should look upon
these important changes with the deepest concern.
The extension of the council, in which the future
representatives of Hungary are to be brought into
direct contact with all the other Crown lands,
is such an important fact that, irrespective
of its usefulness and necessity, it may well
engage some serious thoughts. The more this
opinion is spread, and the more I have been
impressed with .it, the greater must be the rea-
sons which made me and my compatriots
answer to the call of his gracious Majesty, and to
enter upon a path which seems to separate us from
our political friends, whose opinion we had ever
shared. Indeed, the fact that we have come here
shows the amount of confidence which we place in
our high-souled monarch. According to his grant
of the 19th we are to regain our political existence,
and we-are to be allowed the legal right to express
our thmights in this high assembly, and to enforce
that opinion which is based on our historical rights,
and to which, provided we use it in the interest of
the Crown and the whole empire, we 'are entitled to.
It proves further what are the hopes we build on
this political debate, and what is the value we place
on the liberty of a legal discussion which will enable
us to conquer prejudices, to allay misunderstanding
which contributed so much to widen the breach
between the peoples of the same empire—this being
upheld at the 'great cost of all, rendering every
boon valueless though it might have been placed
in the palm of the hand. I believe, and believe it
firmly, that the supreme council is a safe issue from
difficulties ordered by the wisdom of our gracioas
monarch, which is an exceptional position we could
well enter upon, inasmuch as it is the only one by
means of which all misunderstanding, all great
burning questions, and consequently that of Hun-
gary, may be best settled. It will show itself that

_
Hungary desires nothing which might throw the
least umbrage on the well-being of the united
monarchy, or which might peril the safety of the
other provinces—that they desire to attain nothing
at their expense, but that they, on the contrary,
wish that their connection should be beneficial to

them, in securing a general well-being, and to
strengthen the organic ties of the empire. In
this expectation I enter upon this path. I
wish to be understood that I do not intend

to renounce one of my principles. I feel
bound to preserve our historical rights. Nor have
I resigned my rights in the future Hungarian con-
stitution, for I accepted the task with that well-
understood condition that I should not forfeit any
privileges and duties which the future may entail
on me.'

Count Apponyi concluded by an expression of
gratitude to, the Emperor.
Count Audrassy endorsed the above sentiments,
adding that in his present position he stands on his
own responsibility, and not as a representative of
Hungary, and that he is authorised to express the
same views on behalf of his colleagues.

TILE COMMITTEE OX TEE PRIVILEGES OF
TILE LORDS AND COMMONS.

(Fro:n the London Correspondent of the Liverpool Albion )
Next, as to the Commons' committee hunting for
precedents to cushion Lords' antagonism on the
paper question, for that is the object of the explo-
ration ; and the Tiverton miner, having little coun-
termining to guard against, nearly all the delvers
being his accomplices, will take care they shall not
search in vain. In fact already there has been suffi-
cient found to dispose of the whole affair; so if
there be the least sincerity in Gladstone he had
better go out, and if in Bright he should " come
out" as fast, and the latter as hot and strong as
possible; otherwise the pair will have to sattle
down into as thorough a couple of Piccadilly " ap•
pendages " as stepson Cowper or stepson-in-law
Shaftesbury themselves. The report is already
virtually made, and is no report at all, which is just
what is wanted. It will be merely a dry record of
precedents, so tabulated that they will need no re-
commendation to give them the desired point,
namely, that the Peers are in the right, and the
Commons is the wrong, and serve them right, too,
for pretending to be in earnest when all the world
knows they are not.
At the first meeting Mr. May handed in to
Chairman Walpole a prodigious list of precedents,
which was handed back with a request for detailed
explanations of each, that is, of the bearings of each,
for circumstances alter cases in these as in other
matters ; and a precedent that may apparently
be perfectly pertinent to the present business
may turn out to be wholly inapplicable, because of
motives or objects, other than these on the surface,
mixed up with it. There is one precedent, how-
ever, which there is no getting over, but which has
not been mentioned yet, and is now mentioned here
for the first time, namely, that of 1774, when Lord
North's Cabinet brought in a bill for the better
government of Quebec, commonly called Lord
North's Canada Bill, in which it was provided that
a tax may be levied on the Roman Catholic popula-
tion for the church and clergy purposes of that
persuasion. The Whigs opposed the bill ; partly
on the no-Popery, Jacobites, and so forth ; partly
on privilege, the bill originating in the Peers. At-
tention to the latter fact was repeatedly called by
Charles Fox, then very young. He several times
divided the house, but was beaten. Not only did
the bill become law, but it was prominently alluded
to in George the Third's Speech from the Throne
at the close of the session. By the time that this
precedent is put in the pipe of Mr. Bright, and
smoked in peace, there will be a cessation of the
vapouring of the Birmingham furnace, Then indeed
will he " speak with abated fire," as he lately said,
but unjustly to himself, that he now speaks; for he
never spoke better, and probably the best speech he
ever made in his life Was that of last night, short
as it was. It produced a most remarkable impres-
sion on the house ; and the impression all his
speeches do make there furnishes the most comical
commentary on the gibberish in some of the
papers which represent him as without weight any-
where, and as deserving of it nowhere. It was
curious to observe that Bright's seat last night
was occupied by the burly Milesian metropolitan,t
Lord Ferrnoy ; but as soon as he brought on he
question as to what the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer meant to do with the money saved in conse-
quence of the Peers' veto against the paper remis-
sion, he vacated the place. Into it Bright stepped,
and thence made his remarks, in his best elocu-
tionary manner, and that is far better than the
very best in the house, Graham's perhaps alone ex-
cepted; for Gladstone's is far inferior, although it
is the cant of the minute, or rather was a short
time ago, to assume the contrary. Gladstone eyed
the tribune intently all the time he was speaking,
with evident admiration, if not entire sympathy ;
for it is difficult to determine, and that difficulty, as
applied to one and all of our public men, is the
curse and paralysis of the time, how far he is in
earnest, how far he is Palmerston-ridden, how far
independent, how far prepared to vindicate that in-
dependence in action, instead of "letting I dare
not wait upon I will," like the poor cat [Puseyite]
in the adage: Gladstone himself spoke with evi-
dent restraint and constraint; and it was amusing
to perceive his half-satisfied embarrassment, when,
making reference to his " noble friend," he turned
round, and discovered that said friend was " con-
spicuous from his absence," as another noble friend
Once 'Aid on the City hustings,

GRANTS.

EW S PAPE
,v,.1,144,4wAw4,
-- 4 -
•
THE INSURRECTION INS
a gratified and almost olitaippal S
!lie impatience. The preparation, tho depar-
ture, the landing, the quick succession of decisive
battles, and the surrender of the Royal army have
followed each other almost as rapidly as telegraphs
could tell them. We sit and see it all pass rapidly
on, and clap our hands, growing impatient if the
curtain should be let down between the acts. This
guerilla chief, although now a great General, and:
the supreme leader of two millions of people, still
makes war like a guerilla chief. That promptitude
which success stamps as wisdom and which failure
brands as rashness is, in his circumstances, the only
chance of victory. With guns and forts, and trained
armies, and regular Generals versed in the regular
strategy of modern warfare as his enemies, with
breve, ardent fellows, destitute of everything but
atour. hearts and strong limbs as his supporters,
Garibaldi had to do all by dash, or not at all. He
has done- it. He has forced his way into Palermo,
he has beat. n the King's army, he has driven them •
into their forts, and he has obliged them to admit
their inferiority by consenting to capitulate. Fast
upon the intelligence that the capitulation had been
completed, and that the 24,000 soldiers of the
King's army were going forth under the pressure
of the patriotic bands which had beatan and sur-
rounded them, comes the news that the capitulation
has been broken, that the forts and vessels have
again opened fire upon the city, that the insur-
gents have resumed their arms and are swarmin a-
round the army, that the city is barricaded
and that amid the devastation which is going
on the troops are deserting, and even a Neapolitan
General has gone over to the popular cause. The
procession of great events is rapid enough, but un-
happily we have them as yet only in outline.
Garibaldi is the hero for the present age, when
steam and electricity have so spoilt us for enduring -
the tardiness of old tidings that we should, per-
haps, if we got Caesar's celebrated despatch, quarrel
with the comma which separates the aid/ from the
vici. But still, when we have quenched our thirst
for news, we yearn for a long, quiet enjoyment of
the details.
Unfortunately, Sicily is an island. What is still
worse, Sicily is an island the surrounding 'waters
of which are in possession of a fleet hostile to the
Sicilian cause. We-cannot hope that the Neapolitan
Government will be polite enough to forward the
Sicilian accounts of those Royal victories which
shine so gaudily in their official garb. That this
rush of events is all chronicled and well described
for us we are tolerably sure ; but when these ac-
counts will reach us it is impossible to guess, as from
hour to hour we wait for them. Even, however,
from the information before us now we can under-
stand that the original positions of Garibaldi and
the Neapolitan Generals are counterchanged. It
is General Lanza's position which is desperate,
and it is Garibaldi's which is secure: It cannot be
otherwise. Although we want details, the events
speak for themselves. Lanza would never have
proposed or consented to capitulate if he had any
hope of maintaining his ground at Palermo. The
order of the Court to remain and bombard the city
is an order to remain and be destroyed. This may
suit the selfish policy of the Neapolitan tyrant. He
may prefer that his soldiers should be rather massa-
cred, red-handed with the blood of his subjects,
than return to Naples defeated and discouraged,
to spread abroad in the King's own home dominions
a practical contradiction of those fabled victories
which had been posted up in the streets of Naples.
Such a spectacle of defeat would have been, perhaps,
an enouragement to revolt. Better that they should
do what massacre they can and then perish, or better
even that they should go over to the enemy, than
come home and proclaim by their presence that
Garibaldi is triumphant and the Bourbon power
broken. Again, it is said that there were
4,000,000 of scudi in the Treasury at Palermo.
It is certain that there are in the forts arms and
stores to equip all the youth of Sicily, and guns
to make the harbour an uncomfortable anchorage
for Neapolitan ships of war. Francis 11. might
well . believe that happen what might, nothing
could be much worse for him than the capitulation
which had been signed by General Lanza. If, as
we hear it said, those 4,000,000 scudi were to be
handed over to Garibaldi, subject to the rights of
the King of Naples and to his orders as to the
ultimate destination of them, there was not want-
ing that spice of irony which should give poignancy
to this humiliating capitulation. General Lanza
might, perhaps, have said in his defence that he
brought 26,000 men to surround the throne of his
Sovereign, and to protect his continental dominions
from the attack which was certainly impending.
The King, however, does not seem to place much
value upon these men. He evidently thinks that
the army which could not or would not keep
Garibaldi out of Sicily will either want the power
or th© will to keep him out of Naples.
We see in all this the despair and the distrust-of
a falling tyranny. His hope from his own army
being evidently gone the King of Naples betakes
himself now in mendicant fashion to those foreign
Powers whose counsels he has so often rejected,
and whose warnings he has treated with scorn. He
hopes that those from whom he would endure no
intercession on behalf of his tortured subjects will
now interfere, when those subjects have righteously
risen against his monstrous tyranny, and hold him
in their grasp. He has applied to Austria, and it
was supposed for a moment at Turin that Austria
had moved down a body of 15,000 troops to
create a diversion, or even to punish Piedmont
for her connivance in this Sicilian expedition.
Such consistency did the rumour obtain that
French regiments were marched to the point in-
dicated. Their appearance called out the Aus-
trians, and the two rival uniforms stood once
more for a moment face to face. Of course the
alarm was without foundation. Even Austria
is not quite so mad as to fight in such a cause as
this ; but the prompt movement of the French troops
shows how quickly any such enterprise would be
met. We are not able to say what verbal comfort
Austria may have afforded her ally, but she cer-
tainly is not prepared to sacrifice herself in order
that he may pursue his career of cruelty and folly;
Scared as he was, Francis 11. next applied to the
Emperor of the French for an armed mediation.
The telegraphic message found the Emperor at
Lyons, and we are assured that it received an in-
stant reply, to the effect that any interference of
France in this conflict was entirely out of the ques-
tion. The Bourbon, therefore, is left to his fate.
Unless he can hold his own against Garibaldi and
the people he has so justly incensed there is none
to help him.--Times.

TILE CORPOBA7ION AND TILE MER-

A notable controversy appears to have long
existed between the Corporation, the Gresham Com-
mittee, and the merchants of London. The mer-
chants are represented to have supplicated in vain the
joint Gresham Committee to relieve them from the
hardship of attending "'Change" without shelter,
and during nine out of the 12 months in the year,
in this our variable climate, we can imagine the
amount of unnecessary suffering that may be occa-
sioned. For this a remedy has been suggested by
the patient complainants, who, moreover, have gone
the length of proposing to relieve the trustees of the
Exchange from any expense, if expense alone be
the impediment. It has always appeared to us a
strange oversight when, after the fire which con-
sumed the previous structure by Jarman, a new
building was constructed, that it did not occur to
the joint representatives of Sir Thomas Gresham
how advantageous would have been an enclosed
building for the transaction of business there. They
might have gathered the experience from Antwerp
that its open Exchange, however beautiful and
world-admired, was found to be inconvenient, and
was consequently roofed in. The Bourse of Parists
has been complained of by some, by reason of
roof accumulating and conducting sound to such_ an
extent as to render it, with the loquacity of its
money merchants, a perfect Babel. No such
acoustic difficulty could, however, occur with a
glass roof, for to sound it is notoriously a non-
conductor, while on the score of light and tasteful
elegance we need only point to the new reading.,
room of the British Museum to demonstrate what s
may
ytubree
en
of interest,
of theest,ofbeauty, as well as of comfort,
proposed
glass roof of the
Exchange area. Moreover, as in this comparatively
i
wu ne attempted
shhealvt
ee e dno
wi tnahtl
lre
so
dinteriorto
udole
tuinoognyeaonl n
ixtceslhi
on la jegtnee:
dfc otrrheae.:
member that one generation
of the frescoes of Mr.
Sang have disappeared before the combined attacks
of damp and smoke. It would, therefore, be only
consistent, the decorations being renewed, as they
have only lately
been, by the same artist, to take
some care to preserve them. We might hint, too,
that Mr. Lough's statue of our Sovereign, which so
appropriately stands in the centre of the area,
should undergo a suitable cleansing from the dirt
now systematically precipitated upon it from the
damp eaves of the adjacent buildings preparatory to
the construction of the desired glass covering that
would shield it for the future.—City Press.

FRAUD ON A SAVINGS BANK.—A young man
named Frederick Eton, and an aged woman, named Mary
Ann Manby, were, this morning, placed before Mr. Beadon,
charged with forging a receipt for money on theTrovident
Institution, St. Martin's-place. The money, it appeared,
had been deposited by Manby for the benefit of her son, a
minor, now in India, and in order to obtain the interest on
the sum, viz., £2O sterling, Eton said she had prevailed on
him to represent himself as her son, T3oth prowlers were
remanded.