The Sun.
London, England, 1860-07-13 00:00:00

offer these observations, because it was with great pleasure
that two years since he spent some time with some of these
very Druses who were said to have taken part in these distur-
bances. He thought the house would commit a great mistake
if they believed that these disturbances had a religious ori•
giu; he believed that in fact rdligion had very little to do with
them. It was well known that these two races, the Druses
and the Maronites, divided the district between them. There
were some smaller tribes, but these two were the dominant
races. There had always been a deep-seated hostility be-
tween them, and, it must be remembered—and while he was
there about two years ago it was well known there—that
efforts were being made by French and Russian agents
to promote disturbances in the mountain. In fact, he be-
came, from living among these people for a short time, so
sensible of the imminent danger with which they were
threatened that ho made a communication to the noble lord
who was then Secretary for Foreign Affairs on the subject,
and he was sure that the Government must have received
information from the intelligent gentleman who was our
consul-general at Beyrout, that great injustice would be
done to these people if they were left to the tender mercies
of the Turks. These wore a flourishing people. Every
traveller was struck with the miserable appearance of the
Turkish villages; but when he arrived at Lebanon, he
found the greatest prosperity, and the evidence of wealth
among the inhabitants, and on inquiry he found that the
reason was that the Turks had no immediate authority, but
that the people were self-governed. Now, if Turkish pachas
were sent down there, under the pretence of establishing
tranquillity, they would enrich themselves at the expense of
the inhabitants ; they would establish tranquillity, but at
the expense of desolation. Another danger was imminent,
and that was that the French might take the opportunity of
establishin2- a position in the East, and he had seen with
great satisfaction statements in the papers, and the Uovern-
m.ent might have received similar information, that the
French Government would not interfere beyond protecting
the interests of the French subjects. But could we depend
on such assurances ? Had we not received similar assur-
ances with regard to countries nearer :home, and had we
not reason to believe that these disturbances had been ac-
tually fomented by French agents to promote Frence in-
fluence ? This was an important question involving mat-
ters of such interest that he trusted the house would pardon
him for calling attention to it He believed that it involved
interests of vast magnitude.
Mr. D. GRIFFITH said, frem a personal acquaintance
with those regions, he could corroborate what had been
said by the hon. baronet. He thought her Majesty's Go-
vernment should proceed with great caution.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he quite agreed with the hon.
baronet that we should be very cautious in imputing blame
to one of these parties more than the other. The Druses
and the Maronite Christians had, it was well known, been
long divided by sentiments of deep-seated hostility, which
from time to time broke out into war and contention. Un-
fortunately, an occasion of this kind had happened lately.
With regard to the immediate cause, one party laid the
blame upon the other, and the other replied that they were
attacked first ; but whatever might be the causes, and
whatever the measures which it was desirable to adopt, he
thought the house would have no hesitation in coming to
the conclusion that the European powers were bound to do
their utmost to put a stop to the massacres. (Hear.) The
Government were informed first that one village and then
another was attacked, and great slaughter ensued ; and the
British consul informed them that he believed not less than
20,000 persons were wandering about the mountains, in the
greatest distress. The hon. and gallant officer said that
our sending ships to the seacoast would not save those who
were in the mountains. Undoubtedly that was true; but
when the Turks were reproached with regard to the appa-
rent indifference they had shown, and the little impression
they had made, there was this to be said, that during the
winter there had been reports very current, indeed, that in
Bosnia, Servia, and Bulgaria there would be a rising in the
course of the spring, and the Porte naturally caused troops
to be sent there ; and he was informed by the Turkish am-
bassador here that there were 400 of the regular troops in
Syria at the time of this outbreak. Of course it was not to
be expected that 15,000 or 20,000 armed men could be put
down by so small a number of regular troops, but still he
was afraid the statement was not without foundation, that
the Turks showed very little desire indeed to put down
these disturbances. 'Well, it appeared to her Majesty's
Government that it was desirable to order ships of war to
the coast, not only for the protection of British subjects on
the coast, but that the pachas sent there should have the
means of sending troops into the interior and to the relief
of Damascus, where there:were great apprehensions of an
attack by the Druses. When representations were made at
Constantinople to send forces to put an end to these
massacres in the mountains, the Turkish Government said
it was necessary to keep all the troops on the coast to pre-
vent disturbances there. Therefore it would be a great sup-
port to the Turkish authorities in preventing the attack on
Damascus if they were enabled by the presence of foreign
ships of war to be quite at ease with regard to Sidon, Bey-
rout, and other places, and thus armed forces might be
transported to the interior. To show the effect which might
be produced by a very small force, he might state that an
English gentleman, who was cruising near Tyre, had a
message sent to him that an attack on the place was ex-
pected, and he was requested to place his guns in position.
He said his guns were of small calibre. However, it turned
out that he did approach the harbour, and he placed his
small guns in a position to command tae entrance to the
town, and it afterwards appeared that there were two spies
of the Druses in the town, and they went to the camp of
the Druses and said an English ship of war was on the
coast to prevent an attack on the town. The result waS
the place was saved. With regard to the greater subject to
which the hon. baronet had adverted, it was a subject of
large extent, and he could not enter into it now. He did
not believe that those jealousies and those wishes to obtain
influence which certainly had actuated European powers in
former days would be so detrimental as to prevent a settle-
ment of this question. He quite agreed that the Turks
ought not to be allowed to extend their power, which was
used not so much to establish order as to establish rapacity,
corruption, and venality. He thought that power should
not be extended among these people, but that efforts should
be made to secure that these very hostile tribes should live
in peace.
Mr. GREGORY said he wished to call the attention of
the noble lord to the fact that there was a gentleman, a ser-
vant of her Majesty, who was extremely well known in
Sy-Ha, a man of consummate ability, and who spoke the
language like a native (Mr. Wood), who, he thought, if he
were sent there might be able to exert great influence over
the minds of the sheiks, and he would be able to give her
Majesty's Government most desirable information. When
he was consul at Damascus he exercised an influence which
Europeans had seldom attained.
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said he believed the Turks were
bound by treaty executed is 1846 not to enter the country,

THE NELSON MONUMENT.
On the motion that the house go into committee of
supply,
AdmiralWALCOT called attention to the non-completion
of the Nelson monument in Trafalgar-square. He alluded
to the great services of Nelson, and to the policy of erecting
statues of persons who had so distinguished themselves.
He asked what department of Government it was that had
the charge of this monument, and wlnich had so grossly
neglected its duty in not getting it completed.
Mr. COWPER said the incomplete state of the Nelson
column was not to be attributed to any want of veneration
for the character of Lord Nels"n, or for the profession
of which the gallant admiral was an ornament. On the con-
trary, it had arisen from a desire that the lions which were
to adorn the base of that column should be worthy of the
position in which they would be placed, and should be
worthy, likewise, to represent the British lion. (Laughter.)
He believed that an artist had now been selected, in the
person of Sir E. Landseer, who, from his well-known ac-
quaintance with animals in general—(a laugh) —and his
equally well-known patriotic feelings, might be safely
trusted to exert himself for the purpose of producing a
worthy effigy of the national quadruped. (Cheers.)
SICILY.
Sir R. PEEL rose to move for an address for copies or
extracts of papers relating to the threatened annexation of
Sicily to Piedmont, and to any information received by her
Majesty's Government as to the probable demands of France
consequent upon the event of that annexation taking place ;
also for any papers showing that her Majesty's Government
have within the last few weeks intimated to the Government
of Turin that the continued aggressive policy of that Govern •
meat would not be viewed with indifference by Great Britain.
The hon. baronet trusted that the house would not think
there was anything inopportune in calling attention on the
present occasion to the threatened annexation of Sicily, and
the probable demands of France. He also hoped that they
would agree with him in his wish that her Majesty's Go-
vernment might have intimated to the court of Turin its
apprehensions with regard to its aggressive attempts. He
was bound in all fairness to say that the words he had just
read were literally taken from an inquiry which was made
in 1848 by Lord Aberdeen with reference to the affairs of
Sardinia; but he thought that that inquiry was ten times
more applicable to the present situation. In drawing at-
tention to the threatened annexation of Sicily, and to the
probable demands of France, he (the hon. baronet) consi-
dered that it was impossible not to pause and cast a glance
over the progress of events which were occurring on the
sunny shores of the Mediterranean ; for they were events
not only calculated in themselves to excite the deepest in-
terest, but they were likely to give rise to the gravest com-
plications in the status of European affairs, as well as deeply
to concern the commercial and political interests of this
country. They concerned our commercial interests, be-
cause as we could not withdraw from all commercial inter-
course with the continent, we could not remain indifferent
spectators of the fate of European nations ; and what was
occurring was of infinitely more importance from a mari-
time and political point of view than questions which had
been the subject of so much discussion within the last few
seeks, such as the cession of Nice, the sale of the Savoy-
ards, and the outrage upon the neutrality and independence
of Switzerland. (Hear, hear.) For what was the Medi-
terranean ? It was, as it had always been, the great high-
way of the trade and traffic of Europe. Dr. Johnson had
well said that the Mediterranean ought to be the aim of
every one. Upon its shores the greatest empires—Assyria,
Persia, Greece, Rome, Carthage—had risen; and from its
shores we had received all our religion, almost all our laws,
almost all our arts, and almost everything that raised us
above the savage and the slave. (Cheers.) But if the
Mediterranean had always been of such importance to us,
what was' it now) He believed that the maintenance of
our commercial and political interests upon it was at this
moment an object of scarcely less moment to us than the
maintenance of our maritime supremacy in St-George's
Channel and the Irish Sea. (Hear, hear.) And this
was no new opinion ; but it was common to almost every
statesman of modern times. In 1810, when a discussion
took place as to the granting a subsidy to Sicily, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer (then Mr. Perceval) made
use of words which he would take leave to read,
for they were much more strongly applicable at the pre•
sent moment than they were even at the time they were
uttered. The right hon. gentleman said, "that his govern-
ment and every other government of this country, that men
in fact of all parties had always held that our connection
with Sicily was of great value to us in a political point of
view as well as regarded our commercial interests in Malta
and the Mediterranean." (Hear, hear.) And then the right
hon. gentleman went on to say that " there was no differ-
ence of opinion as to the importance of preserving the in-
dependence of Sicily from the grasp of Bonaparte." (Hear.)
Now did we not know from the experience of the last few
months that Sardinia was nothing but a tool in the hands
of the Emperor of the French—(hear)—and that by oppos-
ing by every means in our power the influence which
France was seeking to gain, both in that portion of Sicily
to which the hon. baronet opposite had alluded as well as in
Sicily, we should be doing great good to the political in-
fluence which we were entitled to exercise in that part of
the world ? (Hear, hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) wished the noble
lord, therefore, to give a frank exposition of the policy
which he was prepared to pursue. He did not want to be
told hereafter that he was too late—that the thing was done
and that the annexation had taken place, as they were told
with regard to Nice and the poor Savoyard 3. (Hear, hear.)
He wished to warn the noble lord not to be too late ; and to
take care not to be able hereafter to say that he had been de-
ceived by Lord Cowley, outwitted by M. Thouvenel and
Count Cavour, or duped by the franchise and cordiality of
the Emperor of the French. (Cheers.) The noble lord told
him the other day not to pay any attention to newspapers,
but only to listen to what he (Lord J. Russell) said, and
then he would know the truth. (Laughter.) Well, that was
exactly what he wanted to know. (Hear, hear.) He did
not think the noble lord could accuse the opposition, or any
hon. gentleman that took an interest in foreign affairs, with
being over anxious for the discussion. Things in Europe
ut this moment were of infinitely greater importance than
the ordinary run of parliamentary business. For what was
the state of Europe ? There was no fusion or cohesion in
Italy ; and he had letters from the banks of the Rhine and
from the towns in the Prussian provinces of that river,
which assured him that there was a general feeling of
mistrust and apprehension—in fact, they were all in fear of
a common enemy. In Germany there was an attempt which,
he hoped would one day be effected, also as against
a common enemy. In Switzerland there were 176,000
brave fellows ready to rally round the standard of their
country, should it be raised for the protection and vindica-
tion of their rights and interests. Take even this country.
At present we were arming for nothing but the unsettled
state of foreign affairs. We were contributing more this
year for our maritime defences than we had done for fifty
years previously. There was a talk of fortifying not only
our ports, but our metropolis ; and we had even called out
the volunteers. We had thus called into activity a force
which had not been employed for half a century. He had
the more pleasure in referring to this subject on the present
occasion, because some observations which he had made
some time since had given offence. He was-glad, therefore,.
to take this opportunity of bearing his most willing tribute
of admiration to the zeal, the discipline, and the efficiency
which characterised that magnificent display—for he could
call it nothing else—which our Sovereign had lately in-
augurated in Hyde-park. (Loud cheers.) He hoped, please
God, that their services would never be required ; but if
they were, he firmly believed that they would not be un-
worthy to defend the interests and the institutions of this
country. (Cheers.) Considering all that was going on,
he thought the noble lord had no right to complain of
his now asking for some expression of opinion upon passing
events. They were of infinitely greater importance than the
events of 1848. He recollected the visit of Lord Minto en
route to Italy. He should always have an agreeable souve-
nir of the kindness with which the noble lord had received
hi* on that occasion ; but from a political point of view the
noble lord's mission was nothing but a revolutionary fiasco.
(Hear.) The noble lord went to Rome ;he coquetted with
the Italian patriots; he visited Ciceroacchio; he compli-
mented Pio Nono, and he almost patted Ferdinand 11. on
the back ; but he deceived the Sicilian patriots, and com-
promised the British Government. (Hear, hear.) Those
occurrences formed the subject of no fewer than 15 sepa-
rate debates; but though what was now going on was of ten
times greater importance, it has scarcely as yet been dis-
cussed. In 1848 the present Prime Minister was Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, and the noble viscount did not com-
plain of being called upon to address the house for the al-
most incredible number of more than a hundred times. He
(the hon. baronet) considered, therefore, that on the pre-
sent occasion the house had shown the greatest possible
forbearance, and they had a right now to call upon the
noble lord (Lord J. Russell) to state his views. As to the
noble lord's spirit and capacity when he pleased—( a laugh)
—there could be no doubt. He (the hon. baronet) had just
been reading the despatches that had been laid on the fable,
and he honoured the noble lord for them. (Cheers.) Hei.
took a pride in saying that those despatches were woortfhythoe
an English Minister ; and as an English
House of Commons he begged to thank the nevoalerlei
had defended
member
rd
in the
name of Switzerland for the way in which,
the interests of that republic. If the ?ultra:lord would only
(the hon. baro-
go in the same course, he would findieliey as any gentleman
net) as generous a supporter of his lion this occasion to glance
in that house. It was onlypsor
the shores of the Me.dituermr.avnersal
at the progress of events on
d Garibaldi, and his succes y
and to allude to the achievements of Garibaldi
sympathyhad accomparne
• at Manchester, Glas e
d in this country.
might judge from Inetingseat admiration• gow, and
other places, had elicited great
(Hear, hear) progress and success had shown what

the energy, perseverance, and personal prestige of one men
could accomplish. When they heard that an army of
20,000 of well equipped soldiers had laid down their arms
before a body of 2,000 ill equipped men, with a bad com-
missariat, and that Garibaldi had obtained possession not
only of the ports, the harbour, and the treasure of the Go -
vernment, but also of the capital, he could not help saying
that the powers of Europe could not remain indifferent spec
tutors of his proceedings. He attached very little weight
to the fact of twenty thousand men laying down their arms
to two thousand, because they had witnessed the effects of
panic in other cases. Thus, in 1848, the army of Radetsky
ran away from before the unarmed population of Milan, his
a few weeks after it marched back from the Mincio to the
Ticino, and annihilated the whole insurgent army. He (Sir
R. Peel) did not wish to diminish the splendour of Gari-
baldi's campaign. He could almost liken him to Miltiades,
who with a handful of men on the plains of Marathon gained
immortal renown against the hordes of Asia. (Hear.) Bu t
we must not be dazzled by his military successes ; we must
look at the political consequences which they involve. G ari-
baldi having been named dictator at Palermo, there were
cries not only of " Viva l'ltalia I" but of " Viva Vittorio
Emmanuele." He (the hon. baronet) supposed it was all
arranged between the Governments of France and Turin,
and that Garibaldi had allowed the people to cry esti " Long
live Victor Emmanuel, King of Sicily !" Could this be that
Victor Emmanuel who at so much a head, like sheep in the
shambles or slaves in the market, bad sold 20,000 of the most
devoted of his subjects ? Was this the kind of man that
should be selected to be King of Sicily ? What a warning
voice ought not that cry to be " Victor Emmanuel, King of
I Sicily I" Why, if he could barter and sell the interests of
Ia brave and devoted race, who for centuries had been the
rock and mainstay of that very royal house of Savoy, what
would he not sanction towards his subjects of Sicily, if he
became their King ? (Cheers.) We had in this country a
strong feeling of patriotism—and he knew-what the feeling
was—but if he were a Sicilian patriot he would prefer almost
anything, he would almost consent to continue for some
time longer in the dungeons of Castellamare, rather than bow
before such a false god of patriotism. They called him "Il
Re galantuomo ;" and if the house wanted a translation of
that term, they might ask the citizens of Nice, or the moun-
taineers of the Alps. He deeply deplored the fact that the
salvation of Italy was to be worked out between political
treason on the one hard, and a mill! ary despotism on the
other. He could not see hew the interests of Italy could
profit by such a junction. They wanted Victor Emmanuel
to be King of Sicily ; and he would therefore show what its -
condition was when a Prince of the house of Savoy was so-
vereign of the island. By the treaty of Utrecht Sardinia was
ceded to Austria, and Sicily to the Duke of Savoy. In 1714
Victor Amadeus 11. was crowned King of Sicily. He went
to his new kingdom, proclaimed a parliament, and promised
all kinds of liberties, after which he went away, and soon
began to intrigue, as it seemed all the Savoy Princes did.
In 1718 he intrigued with the Spaniards to drive out the
Austrians from the Milanese territory. The Spaniards did
so, but then they turned round on their allies and drove
them also from Sicily. The domination of the Spanish
Bourbons thus began in 1736 ; and it was now in its very
last agony. He made no allusion to the time when Sicily
was in the hands of England, in 1806, and when we held it
against the whole force of France until we gave it up at the
peace. lie would now refer to the mission of Lord Minto,
which took place in the years 1847 and 1848. He
even recommended, upon the advice of the Prime Mi-
nister, who was then Minister of Foreign Affairs, the
separation of Sicily from Naples. He allowed Admiral
Parker to encourage the feeling of Sardinian independence,
and to take such steps as he thought advisable with a
view of making that independence complete. He even recom-
mended the offer of the throne of Sicily being made to the
Duke of Genoa. Lord Palmerston wrote to Mr. Aber-
crombie on the Bth of May, 1818, in the following terms :
" With reference to the offer of the Crown of Sicily to the
Duke of Genoa, you will state to Sardinia that it is of course
for the Duke of Genoa to say whether or not he will accept
this flattering offer, but it may be satisfactory for him to
know that if he should do so he would at the proper time Le
acknowledged by her Majesty's Government." In the year
1848 the Government of this country were prepared to seethe
separation of Sicily from the kingdom of Naples, and to see
the crown of Sicily pass into the hands of a prince of the
house of Savoy. Would the noble lord (Lord J. Russell)
recommend the same policy now as was recommended in.
1848 ? The noble lord had to show that he held the same
views that Were shown in the despatches which had been laid.
on the table with reference to Savoy. The noble lord had
made use of some very curious expressions. He had said
repeatedly, e We wish well to this dynasty of the Two Si-
cilies." He (Sir R. Peel) wanted to know whether the
noble lord's policy had changed since 1848. On the 22d of
June the noble lord wrote to Mr. Elliott, " Her Majesty is
sincerely desirous to see the dynasty and throne of the Two
Sicilies maintained and consolidated." But that was not
the policy of 1848. That was not the policy which had been.
approved by that house on several occasions. Mr. Elliott
wrote to say, " The Sicilian Government continues to
maintain its power by a vislation of law." The noble lord
in reply said, " Her Majesty's Government"—(this time,
not her Majesty)—" Her Majesty's Government is desirous,
to see the present dynasty maintained upon the throne-
of Naples." Then Mr. Elliott on the 19th of July said.
—" The King's Government is based upon a total denial
of justice ;" whereupon the noble lord wrote in reply,
" I admit that the commonest rules of justice are not ob-
served." Well, that required some interference, if they
were to interfere. Then the noble lord went on to say,
on the 16th of January, 1860 :—" We wish well to the.
Neapolitan dynasty, but we recommend to them a repre-
sentative constitution." The noble lord offered them nes
details, and really at a time when they were discussing the
£6 and £lO qualification in that house the noble lord might
have suggested some scheme of that sort to the Government
of the Two Sicilies. (Laughter.) He recommended them,
however, free discussion, popular assemblies, and public
opinion. The noble lord, however, need not have gone so
far as Naples to recommend this. Nothing had occasioned.
him (Sir R. Peel) greater surprise than to find that ther e
were nations which, having once tasted of constitutional
liberty, were content to submit themselves to the rule of a
single despot. The noble lord had recommended free dis-
cussion, popular assemblies, and public opinion to the Ge-
-1 vemment of Naples ; but if he had wished to recommend
them, he need only step across the Channel, and address
them to the Emperor of the French. But they were all of
them laying aside all political considerations, almost all of
them in favour of the heroic proceedings of Garibaldi. Not
so the noble lord. The noble lord was not in any way in
favour of Garibaldi ; he had done all he could to stop him.
Let them hope there had been no mistake about the policy
the noble lord had pursued. The hon. member for Dundalk
on the 4th of May asked the noble lord a question respect-
ing Naples. The noble lord had said in reply that the
Ministry of the King of the Two Sicilies from time to time
communicated with them on terms which showed they had
great reliance on the friendship of her Majesty's Government.
Upon one occasion there was a representation that General
Garibaldi was going to Sicily with armed vessels. The
Government of the Two Sicilies implored her Majesty's
Government to endeavour to stop his progress, and the
noble lord said he lost no time in applying to the Sardinian.
Government asking if they had some authority over Garibaldi
not to allow him to proceed. He (Sir R. Peel) hoped the
noble lord had no desire to see the union of Sicily to the
kingdom of Sardinia, which was intriguing under the cover
of Garibaldi. Meanwhile all sorts of promises had been
made ; constitutions and all manner of good things were to
be showered upon the Sicilians, if they would only give
way. He (Sir R. Peel) should suppose that the Sicilian
patriots would not accept them now, as they had been so
often disappointed. In 1818 a constitution was offered to
Sicily. It was afterwards denied them ;Iwhen things looked.
better it was withdrawn; a general was sent to Messina
and bombarded it ; and Poerio and others had passed years
of their lives in the dungeons of the state because they were
faithful I o the constitutional doctrines of their country. In.
1821 another constitution was granted, and was immediately
withdrawn. He hoped that the Sicilian patriots would not
be deceived by these promises, and that something might
be done to secure to Sicily the freedom she deserved to
enjoy. The Prime Minister had used an expression which
he thought was one of the best that had yet been employed
on this question. He was asked what course they proposed
to take with regard to any revolution that might be ex-
pected to arise at Naples. In answer to the question, the
noble lord, on Tuesday, June 12, made a very remarkable
reply. He said that governments whose subjects revolted
against them were liable to forget that in order to remove
the authors of these revolutionary movements the first
necessary step was the removal of themselves. In that re-
mark he (Sir R. Peel) entirely participated, and would only
say, in conclusion, he did not profess to see
for the existing difficulties in Sicily. He
hopediha
Majesty's Government would not allow the union of Sicily
Powerislaud. were
with the crown of Sardinia. They had already enough upon
any soluttia
their hands ; the state of Europe was ,efficiently eeltif
dangers
would
result more than that, they knew that greet
and
working
those re-
result from the influence of France,
allowed to obtain a permanent footing in
of England H.
if"nththaatt
wanted to see the power and
laaresourcestPower and dilly
sources duly exercised abroad,
maintained. He wanted to see
They knew very well that whatever was the extensions
of our wealth, whatever the growth of our revenue,
prosperity could
our commercial only succeed in
a degree commensurate with the maintenance of
our political power in Europe. He hoped, therefore, that
her Majesty's Government would take every stop to secure
that political influence. If they abated one iota of the po-
litical power of the country, they immediately narrowed
and dwarfed its prestige amongst foreign nations ; but if
on the other hand they maintained it unabated and un-
diminished, growing with the growth of the nation, and
strengthening with its strength, the house would look with_
confidence at the course and progress of events in Europe,
and England would still continue to hold that place among
the nations of Europe which, during the last half cetetury
of our time, had thrown such a magnificent illustration over
the annals of our country's existence. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL—I cannot deny—indeed I freely
admit—the ability, sincerity, and generosity of the hon.
gentleman who has just spoken. (Hear.) I trill readily
admit likewise that I have to thank not only hin r and others
who share his political views, but also hon. mei ninro ao-
site for the forbearance which they have ahoy ,en m a pp
vary
I have not; to
difficult period of foreign policy. (Hear)