The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEMESDAY EVENING, MAY 12, 1869.

the late Mayor of Cork, excited among all rational
observers, simultaneously, horror and risibility—dis-
gust and laughter. The notion was r;o preposterous,
in itself, that the very functionary entrusted
with the preservation of order in the municipality,
the very magistrate especially deputed, by right of
his office, to see to the maintenance of the law, should, I
of all men there in the city of Cork, be the one to in-
cite to insubordination, to outrage, to disloyalty, even
—as the vast majority of those who first of all heard
and afterwards, in more considerable numbers, read
the words to which he had given utterance, firmly
believed—to assassination ! That the Government,
that the Legislature, that the responsible Ministers of
the Crown, should permit words like those to be arti-
culated with impunity, was a thing impossible. The
delinquent, however, could only be dealt with excep-
tionally. If he was to be silenced at all—and about
that there could not be two opinions--he must be
silenced immediately. 'Fo'do that, necessitated an
especial interposition on the part of the Legisla-
ture. From that, neither the Administration nor the
Parliament shrank, even for one passing moment. Each
was prepared to act promptly and vigorously with
this flagrant violator of public decency. His pro-
ceedingswereso disgraceful that therisk of their repe-
tition was not for an instant to be tolerated. Hence,
the bill prepared on the spur of the moment by the
Irish Attorney-General. Hence, the unusually large
gathering of members and spectators yesterday in the
House of Commois, in anticipation of that same
rapidly prepared bill's introduction. The doomed
racoon descended from his - branch, however, be-
fore a shot could be fired. Conscious that his fate
was sealed he gave in his resignation! True to the
prevailing absurdity of his course hi the mayoralty,
he yields up his post in a manner the most
ridiculous. He announces it to the world
through a letter to the hon. gentleman the
member for Cork, beginning "My dearest
MAGUIRE," on the perusal of which tender apos-
trophe by the latter the crowded House gave way to
prolonged and reiterated peals of laughter. Through
"my dearest MAGUIRE," the now tabooed ex-Mayor of
Cork, intimates to the L gishturc, to the Govern-
Incur, to the whole country, his withdrawal from the
post from which, by the authority of Parliament, he
was about to be expelled. Through the O'DONOGHUE,
he, at the same time, announced his intention of
transmitting his resignation to the Town Council of
Cork : and, as the 0-1)oNooHuE, of the Glens, as-
sured the House yesterday, amidst another burst of
laughter, " from his own personal knowledge of Mr.
O'SULLIVAN'S character, whatever that gentleman
said he woulddo might be relied upon !" Consistently
all through, the whole thing has been utterly farsical.
But, while it was farsical, it was also, at the same time,
utterly disgraceful. Any one who, in the position of
Mayor of an ancient city like that of Cork, could so
far outrage public decency as to eulogise the memory
of the intending assivsin of the Duke of EDINBURGH,
at the very time when Prince ARTIIUR was
traversing Ireland, must, quite obviously, be
unfitted to discharge the duties of that
office, and disqualified ipso facto from occupy-
ing in any way the position of a magistrate.
To assert, as the Ex-Mayor of Cork has had
the hardihood to assert in his letter to Mr. MAGUIRE,
that—(these are his very words) —" having regard to
my personal honour and consistency, I declare, in the
most solemn and emphatic manner that the lan-
guage attributed to me did not in any way express
or represent my real meaning," to make so an
astounding assertion as that is simply an addi-
tional outrage perpetrated by the arch-offender—
though, this time, it happens to be nothing worse
than a simple outrage to common sense.

THE House of Commons was called upon on
Monday night to discuss one of the gravest and
most difficult questions which the nation has to
solve. A solution, and that a speedy one, is absolutely
necessary to the existence of the nation. Year by
year the army of paupers is increasing ; year by year,
that is, the proportion of those who have not, and
who if they had the power, would not scruple to
help themselves at the expense of those who
have, is augmenting ; and if we would not let our-
sel•es or our children be overtaken by such a deluge
as that which overwhelmed France eighty years ago
we must stop this formidable growth, we must pre-
vent this wholesale recruiting of the revolutionary
army from the ranks of those who ought to be upon
the side of order and settled government. Mr.
CORRANCE certainly needed no excuse for intro-
ducing this subject even during such a busy session
as this. Mr. GLADSTONE did well in giving up a
Government night to its discussion. Our legis-
lators have only begun to pay attention to it. They
will require a good many more debates before they
will master the facts, much more suggest an effectual
remedy.

The most startling fact is that during the eight
years since 1860 the amount expended in the relief
of the poor has increased one-fifth. For the ten
years ending 1860 the amount was ss. 91d. per head
of the population ; for the year 1860 it was 6s. 111 d.
This increase may be to some extent only temporary,
but we rather hope it than expect it. True, trade is
depressed; true, capital lying idle labour cannot
find full employment, and wages are low; but unfor-
tunately the tendency of pauperism is always to
perpetuate itself. The man whose independence has
been once broken down by the acceptance of parish
relief gets soon reconciled to this source of livelihood.
The householder who has broken up his home, and
whose children are exposed to the pauper atmos-
phere, is not likely to give them habits of
industry. The descent into the Avernus of
pauperism is fearfully facile. The ascent out
of it is deplorably difficult. Children brought
up among paupers will, it is only too probable,
remain paupers. A like result follows the distribu-
tion of those doles and charities which, however pure
the motive that proMpted their foundation, do
effect an immensity of harm. Mr. MUNDELLA, for
instance, stated on Monday night that in one village
where £3O a year was spent in education £BOO a
year was spent in doles, and the week following
the distribution of the fund was given up
to debauchery. Indiscriminate almsgiving is
a kindred source of pauperism. The per-
son who gives a " stray copper " to the first
beggar he meets, is really doing his utmost to manu-
facture paupers. But when all these causes are
mentioned, and that they are powerful causes we do
not doubt, the most powerful of all still has to be
stated. Drunkenness is known to be the chief
source of pauperism, for it will counteract and neu-
tralise all measures that we may take to diminish
pauperism. We may make the labour test as severe
as Mr. GOSCHEN likes, we may separate pauper
children from pauper adults, and use the ancient
doles in education, as Mr. MUNDELLA. recommended.
we may obtain a bankruptcy law, as good as Mr.
SAIIUDA could desire, we may promote emigration
until we have actually diminished the population of
England to the extent that the population of Ireland
has been diminished ; but we shall never get at the
root of pauperism, we shall only cut off its leaves,
until we render drunkenness as difficult as it is now
easy. Mr. GOSCIIEN promises certain changes in his
department, but these are merely questions of detail,
not of principle. He may effect a certain saving in
the amount of poor relief ; but he will do little to
diminish poverty. It is not so much to the PRESI-
DENT of the POOR-LAW BOARD as to the Holm
SECRETARY that we look for the legislation which is
to relieve us from the terrible incubus of poverty
weighing upon us more heavily every year. Reform
your workhouses if you will ;- but reform your
public-houses you must if you mean to check the
downward progress of the nation.

LAI'i3T INTELL MEN GE

(REU"ER'S TELEGRAMS.)

ITALY.

FLORENCE, May 11.
The negotiations of General Menabrea, for the
formation of a new Cabinet, are still pending.
This morning Count Canabray llegny had a long
interview with the King, who summoned General
Menabrea to the palace in the afternoon. The
Marquis Rendini and Gen. Cialdini have arrived.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
PARIS, TUESDAY, May 11.

The general impression produced by the Emperor's
speech at Chartres is one of embarrassment. Of course,
the official journals praise and the Opposition papers con-
demn it in the ordinary way of party business ; but every-
body expected an important political statement, whereas
the address is one of the most enigmatical efforts
of the most enigmatical of speechmakers. For
some time past it has been confidently rumoured that the
Emperor had determined upon altering the form of
Government and the Constitution. He had made up his
mind, people said, that the Empire, though it might last
his time, would not be likely-to endure long after his death.
The clamour of the French people for liberty was not to
be resisted. The Emperor had, therefore, resolved to
adopt the programme of the Tiers-Parti, and was, in fact,
about to change the Empire into a constitutional
monarchy, with a parliamentary government and a re-
sponsible Ministry. One very well-informed writer posi-
tively asserted that this was Napoleon's design. M.
Rouher was under a cloud. Soon he would cease to guide
the Councils of the State, and a mocierately Liberal Cabinet
would reign in his stead.
Perhaps the Emperor may entertain this design ;
but unquestionably no signs of it are to
be found in the speech delivered at Chartres. Two observa-
tion on the subject of liberty occur in the course of this
address. Firstly, the Emperor says that in the path of pro-
gress and liberty, no one should attempt to go faster than the
Government or endeavour to urgeit forward ; and secondly,
that subversive passions still exist which should be kept
firmly under, and which can only be resisted by a powerful
concentration of all the social forces of France. There
is nothing here to hold out any hope of a great constitu-
tional change. Quite the contrary. So far as the
Emperor's words are intelligible—and on this, as on other
occasions, they are not remarkable for perspicuity—they
distinctly give the impression that the French Govern-
ment retains its old policy of keeping down " subversive
passions," and of restraining too rapid progress.
This is about the net significance of the Emperor's
speech, if it has any, and I will not therefore trDuble you
with the detailed comments of the Paris press. The
Debats thinks that the principal object of the speech is to
assure the French Radicals that the edifice which they assail
is unshakeable ; the Temps, with keener vision than the
rest of the world, thinks there is something in the
speech ; the Siecle laughs at his Majesty for ex-
horting people to conciliation, whilst at the same
time assuring them that all the opponents of his
Government are actuated by " subversive passions ;"
the Avenir Nationale plainly hopes that the Em-
peror may be astonished by a more extensive display
of subversive passions than he anticipated; and, most
amusing of all, the Constitutionnel finds in the speech a
complete justification of its own conduct in breaking away
from official restraint, and becoming an independent
Imperialist organ.

At the last moment four new candidates have presented
themselves for the City of Paris. They are General
Perrot, MM. Fouch4-Lepelletier, lAvy, and Constant
Say. All four were Government candidatesin 1863, and each,

I need hardly say, got soundlybeaten, and in all probability
will again. The Liberals will rejoice at this step on the
part of the authorities. By beating the Government candi-
dates they will damage the Government much more
than if they carried the eight circumscriptions without
opposition. And that Paris will once more be faithful
to the Left is as certain as an election can be.
The only circumscription in which an official candidate
seems to have any chance is that in which M• Thiers is
opposed by M. Devinck. But the chocolate-maker comes
on very badly. He addressed a meeting of 800 persons
the other day, but his remarks were received with such
uproar that he had to sit down.
It is said that the library of the Corps L4gislatif is now
filled with officials engaged upon a work of questionable
honesty, but which has before been known at French
elections. The period for holding public political meet-
ings according to law terminates five days before the
elections. Well, these officials are said to be
getting up, from Records of the Corps Legislatif, all
manner of charges against the Opposition deputies. These
will be freely circulated during the five days when public
meetings cannot be held, and when it will be exceedingly
difficult for the Left to reply to the accusations brought
against them. This is one of the expedients adopted by
the Government.

The bishops of France have taken to issuing election
addresses. One prelate openly exhorts his flock to vote
against the official candidates, and in favour of two cleri-
cals and a Moderate Independent. Other letters deal in
exhortations to moderation andpeace,and similarly useful
generalities.
Thunderstorms continue to prevail in several districts
of France. During Friday night the camp at Chalons
was severely visited. Several tents were blown down,
rifles scattered in all directions, and much damage done.
The next morning a Captain Lacroix was found lifeless in
his bed, having been struck dead by the electric fluid
whilst asleep.

The Seine-Infjrieure Court of Assize has made an
example of one of the numerous cashiers who have fallen
victims to the prevailing epidemic. A man, named
Soleure, employed at the Rouen Western Railway, had
been imitating Higgs in a small way—abstracting sums
and falsifying his books. But he was foolish enough to
steal no more than about £4O, and so got two years' im-
prisonment. Had he purloined several thousands, he
would, judging by other examples, have got clear.