The Sun.
London, England, 1860-01-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 6, 1800.

CONTRACT FOR CURLED lIAIR FOR SEAMEN'S
BEDS.

Department of the Comptroller for Victualling,
Somerset-house, 4th January, 1860.
THE COMMISSIONERS for EXECUTING the
OFFICE of LORD HIGH ADMIRAL of the UNITED
.KINGDOM of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND, DO
HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, that on THURSDAY,
the 19th instant, at Half past One o'clock, they will
be ready to treat with such Persons as may be willing to
CONTRACT for supplying and delivering into her Majesty's
Victualling Stores at Depliprd
-

THE ROYAL STATION HOTEL, Paragon-
street, Hull, requires only to be visited to be pronounced
one of the most splendid hotels in England. The situation is
open and healthful, a few minutes' walk from all the public
buildings and places of business, and being connected with
the Railway Station, affords railway passengers arriving or
departing by every train day or night, the advantage of being
on the spot, and having their wants and wishes immediately
attended to.
The public should know that under the present manage-
ment they will find every comfort and convenience at the
same charges they are paying at the minor hotels. It has
accommodation for upwards. of one hundred and fifty visitors,
is fitted up with every luxury an hotel can command, and is
so arranged for the advantage of every class of visitor, that
Beds can be had from Is. to 2s. ; Private Rooms, from 2s. to
is. ; Breakfasts, from ls. 6d. to 2s. ; Dinners, from 2s. ; and
all other charges of that moderate character which will give
satisfaction to every class of visitor who may pay the hotel a
Visit.
The hotel contains Gentlemen and Ladies' Coffee Rooms ;
a special Room set apart for Commercial Gentlemen ; fourteen
Private suites of ROOM ; large spacious Rooms for Dinner
Parties, Public Meetings, Am., Arc. ; two first-class Refresh-
ment Rooms ; two Smoke Rooms ; Bath and Billiard Rooms.

A Night Porter in attendance.
EDWIN TAYLOR,

Proprietor of the Royal Station Hotel, Hull, and Crescent
Hotel, Filey.

N.B.—TAYLOR'S CRESCENT HOTEL, fronting the sea,
for Families and Gentlemen. It has accommodation for up-
wards of one hundred and fifty visitors. Table D'lltite at
five o'clock. Omnibuses and Cabs from the hotel meet all the
trains. Good stabling and coach-houses. Moderate terms.

contrary, the more the principle is adhered to the
More easily disciplined and guided will be the
soldier.
An obvious comparison will bring the matter
better home than anythin ► else. Go to a Continental
riding-school, where the time-honoured traditions of
the Spanish school are still kept up in all their
glory, and look at the process of training a horse ;
you will see a course of torture and senseless cruelty
with bit, spur, and whip, to instruct the horse all.
that nature has taught him. It seems animals have
more spirit than man, for it requires at least ten
years to make the horse perfect. By that time, if
he is not quite an untameable brute, he will know
I how to go on one, or two, or three legs, but will
never, by any chance, make the mistake of going
on all four; he will take special pleasure in going
as much as possible with his tail foremost; he will
start off in a trot or canter, or, making the great
and small volte change—in fact, do every cunning
device of the riding-school at the voice of the mas-
ter, and without any other guidance. If by this
judicious course Gf training he has still a leg left to
stand upon, which is extremely rare in horses per-
fect in the riding•school, you may take him out,
and you will find one of two things—either he is
as broken down in his spirit as on his legs, and so
stultified that he can never be got out of his re-
gular pace, or else, if he is not utterly broken-
down, the first thing will be his trying to run away
with his rider ; no persuasion will ever get him over
a fence or across a ditch, and after half an hour he
will be completely " done." As everyone cannot
go to a Continental s iding-school, he may still make
the comparison, although not in so striking a man-
ner, by going first to a regimental riding school,
and then to a good hunting field, with magnificent
animals in high condition, capable of work as no
other horses are, which have been taught not to
make use of oue or two, but of all their four legs.
They have not been tortured into unnatural atti-
tudes, but trained to the consciousness of their
strength and skill, while they at the same time
have acquired a docility and sagacity which makes
them capable of learning almost anything. And
yet, with few exceptions, they are more tractable
and yielding than any horse untaught by the Span-
ish school. They divine almost the ideas of their
rider, if he has any, and save him often in spite of
himself.

No Englishman will differ in opinion about the
best trained horse of the two, the well-trained rid-
ing-school horse and the equally well-trained hunter.
Common sense must indicate which is the most
useful. One must have an extremely good opinion
of oneself and a very bad one of one's fellow-crea-
tures not to admit that if an animal can be raised
by a rational treatment, according to its nature,
and become so much better, the same will more
easily succeed with human beings.
All depends on recognizing this principle, and
clearing the mind of prejudices. Indeed, so simple
and natural seems all the rest, that it would have
been long ago seen but for the density of prejudice
which obscured official eyes.

SIR JOHN TRELAWNY, ML P., AND

1118 CONS7ITUENTS.

According to annual custom, Sir John Trelawny
addressed his constituents at the Bedford Hotel,
Tavistock, on Tuesday evening, and met with an
enthusiastic and hearty reception.
The lION. MEMBER, after referring to matters
connected with the borough, proceeded to give an
account of his stewardship, remarking that he
wished to place himself for a moment in the posi-
tion of an elector, in order that he might ask of his
representative what had been achieved during the
last session, what had become of the public money,
what ought to be done in the future, and finally,
what were his impressions in general with regard
to public men and public affairs ? In reference to
the first question, he observed that the P arliament
had been a very short one, and had been elected
under somewhat hasty circumstances, and notwith-
standing that the chief attention of the Conserva-
tives had been devoted to keeping out the Whigs,
and of the Whigs to displacing the Conservatives,
yet it would not be fair to say that the session had
not been without fruit. Several measures had been

passed, such as the Militia Act, the additional steps 1
in law reform, the Provident Societies Act, the
acts on coinage, on county courts, and for railway
arbitration ; the amendment of the divorce law, the
measures for providing a reserve of seamen, the In-
come Tax Act, and the Act for Amending the En-
closure Act, all of which were useful if not preten-
tious, and would be important aid to future progress.
Making special allusion to the subject of national
defences—a subject of great importance, he quoted
the expressed opinion of Mr. Cobden in the House
of:Commons, to the effect that, if the country were
in danger of invasion by any foreign foe, he would
be ready to vote five hundred or five thousand mil-
lions for our defence, as evincing the anxiety of
even the most economically disposed, and the most
ardent in the support of peace principles, to guard
the honour and integrity of the country. In ex-
planation of how the public money had been ex-
pended during the past year, Sir John enteredinto
the facts recently elicited with respect to the mis-
management and jobbery in connection with our
dockyards and public establishments, and the
corrupt manner in which contracts were given for
the sake of political support. He observed that
there were some who looked to the continuance of
these proceedings for providing their own remedy
—who argued that if suffered a little longer, they
would bring on a collapse and a revolution, and the
overthrow of that influence in the State by which
such practices had been so long fostered. He did
not agree with this sentiment. Though neither of
the great parties in the State acted with thorough
honesty, or went farther than a given point in root-
ing out these abuses, the one always desiring to
retain, and the other to get the patronage, yet
he was disposed to work with such tools as he
found—to take men as they- were, and to effect
with them such reforms as he could, rather than
incur the disasters of a collapse and a revolution ;
and he was glad to say that, even as it was, pro-
gress was being made year by year towards a better
state of things. The lion. gentleman approved of
the volunteer movement, and suggested it might
be carried out so as to put our army somewhat on the
footing of that of the United States, where the regu-
lar army did not Consist of more than ten or twelve
thousand men, and was eempoaed chiefly of the
skilled and scientific branches of the service—the
artillery, and sappers and minersleaving the rest
to a trained body of volunteers and militia, who
could at° any time be embodied for service when re-
quired. He disapproved of the £10,000,000 pro-
posed to be expended in fortifications and new guns,
considering that the experience of the Russians in
the Crimea showed with what effect earthworks
could be thrown up at any time by the mere com-
mand of labour, and having regard to the circum-
stance that the ordnance provided now might
become obsolete by fresh inventions three or five
years hence. Referring to the question of church
rates the hon. member argued at some length in
support of the abolition of that impost. He be-
lieved it had been admitted that in the course he
had taken on this subject he had been fair to his
opponents, and had been willing to make the most
of their plans, while not giving up his own views.
He now warned these gentlemen to beware of
the language they used. He would not retaliate
the expressions that had been resorted to on the
other side. The friends of church-rate abolition were
now in a position in which they could afford to deal
with the matter patiently and calmly ; but it would
be well for their opponents not to indulge in such
language as they had lately heard, which must have
been very wounding, and might recoil on themselves.
A Conservative member of Parliament, standing

high in reputation, had spoken of the decision of the
House of Lords virtually settling the question as a
scandalous decision. The term was applied to a
decision given by the highest tribunal in the land.
Surely it could not be wise in that party to rouse
up a feeling against the institutions upon which
their whole case depended. Then, a noble lord had
spoken of church-rates as standing on the same
footing as any man's title to his land. Now they
must recollect that church-rates were a voluntary
tax. No church-rate could be levied without the
consent of the majority in a parish. How then
could it be pretended that they were an indefeasible
and inalienable charge upon property ? Yet so
great a legal authority as Lord St. Leonards had
maintained that position. He proceeded to test
Lord Derby's consistency on this subject, by show-
ing that the noble lord—who now contended that
to take away church-rates as a means of supporting
the national Church was to rob the poor of their
inheritance—had himself, in 1823, been instru-
mental in the abolition of the vestry cess in Ireland,
which was the church-rate there. If it was a
charge upon property, and if to take it away was
to rob the poor of their inheritance, Lord Derby, as
an owner of Irish property which benefited by
that change, had robbed the poor of their inherit-
ance. Noticing the scheme recently propounded
by some of the bishops and eminent members of the
Church for raising £1,000,000 by the sale of livings
in the gift of the Lord Chancellor, and another
' million by subscription, in order to devote the whole

to the erection and endowment of GO) new
churches, the hon. baronet entered into a cal-
culation showing how much better a por-
tion of this money would be applica:d in sub-
stitution of church-rates, hcw much of the
sums at present collected as church-rates was
expended illegally. It was shown by the case
of Ireland, where no church rates had existed for
many years, and by the case of Tavistock itself,
where it was found very easy to support the church
without this rate, that the fabric could be main-
tained by voluntary effort ; and the bishops them-
selves proved the same thing by proposing to build
and endow so many:new churches by subscriptions.
After some further remarks on this subject, to the
effect that all parties were now aware that some-
thing must be done in the matter, and that the up-
holders of church rates had lost thuch by not giving
way at an earlier period, when a more easy settle-
ment would have satisfied the public than the
sweeping change they would now insist upon, Sir
John treated of the question of Parliamentary Re-
form, advising all parties to take warning by the
church rate agitation, and consent to a wide and
liberal measure of Reform, while yet the country,
being in a state of quietness amd prosperity, was
disposed to reason with them; He said, if the pre-
sent Government dealt honestly and boldly with
this subject, they had every chance of a prolonged
tenure of power. He complained of the neglectful
and contemptuous treatment which members of the
House of Commons had experienced from former
Liberal Governments, and paid a high tribute to
the courtesy and gentlemanly bearinc, of Mr. Dis-
raeli in that respect. Several other subjects of cur-
rent interest were referred to by the hon. gentle-
man, who concluded his speech, amid loud applause,
by expressing a hope that the meeting would pass
a resolution approving in general terms of his
political conduct.
On the motion of Mr. C. V. BRIDGMAN, a vote of
confidence was unanimously passed to Sir John
Trelawny, and the meeting separated.

MR. TV. V. TIARCOURT AT KIRKC ILDY.

On 'Wednesday evening Mr. William Vernon
Harcourt, who at the last general election contested
the Kirkcaldy- Burghs with Colonel Ferguson, the
present member, and only lost the seat by a small
majority, was presented by his supporters with a
handsome epergne, along with a silver claretjug
from the non-electors, in the new Corn-Exchange.
Kirkcaldy, in presence of an assemblage of about
1,500 persons. Provost Birrell, Kirkcaldy, pre-
sided ; and Provost Normand, Dysart, and Mr.
Thomson, Burntisland, severally presented the gifts
of the electors and non-electors.

Mr. HARCOURT, who was most enthusiastically'
received, acknowledged the testimonials in a speech
of considerable length. After referring to various
matters connected with the late contest, and ad-
verting to the necessity that existed at the pre-
sent time for a strong and stable Government, he
said,—There is no doubt that the present aspect of
affairs in every part of the political horizon is
menacing to an extent almost unexampled. We
have been accustomed for the first time to this fact,
that wars of the most gigantic magnitude can break
out in Europe without any notice at all. I remem-
ber last winter, when it was said that there was
going to be war between France and Austria, that
it suited the purpose of the ruler of France to, what
he called, " reassure" the confidence of Europe.
Well, how was that done ? The people said, " There
is danger, France is arming; there is going to be
war somewhere ; there are transports for troops and
provisions being shipped at Toulon." Well, the Em-
peror Louis Napoleon wished, as he said, that Eu-
rope should be " reassured," and he put a paragraph
into the 2Woniteur to say that the transports that were
being loaded at Toulon were bound only to provi-
sion the Frei:ch troops in Cochin-China. Europe
hardly believed the story, and its scepticism was just ;
for in six weeks the whole of these biscuits that were
said to be going to Cochin-China were landed in
the port of Genoa, and 200,000 Frenchmen ready
to fight were landed on the shores of Italy.
Now, do not suppose I mention this because I have
no sympathy with the cause of those Italians in
whose favour that French army was landed; but
it is quite another thing to say that one has sym-
pathy with the persons who make use of the high
and holy name of freedom for the furtherance of
the most ambitious designs of the most cruel mili-
tary despotism that ever existed in the world.
(Applause.) Do you suppose that, when the in-
fluence of Austria was attacked in Italy, the prin-
ciples of Austrian rule were the only things really
hated by a Government which had destroyed a free
press, which had imprisoned a free Parliament, and
which had transported to the swamps of Cayenne
every man who dared to express an opinion on the
political condition of his own country? I remem-
ber, gentlemen, it was once said by a French
writer on the side of despotism, when England
fought the battle against the French Revolution at
the beginning of the century, "It is our misfortune
that we love the cause for which they fight, hut
that we hate the nation that supports it." Now, I
won't use exactly the same expression, but, though
we love the cause for which the Emperor of the
French entered the Italian dominions, we do most
strongly mistrust the Power which undertook—
itself having been the assassin of liberty—to pro-
secute the cause of freedom. (Applause.) Gen-
tlemen, when I find the man who has destroyed
the liberties of his own country venturing to nego-
tiate a bill of this kind on freedom, all that I say
is, that I decline to discount it, for I don't like the
security. (Cheers ani laughter.) But, gentlemen,
there is a lesson we may learn from this, and I will
tell you that, whatever some may think, whatever
feeling some may entertain towards Austrian Go-
vernments, there is a country which is more
detested, and I hope I may say more feared than
any country which has yet been attacked—a country
which, in the midst of the deluge of absolutism and
despotism which has surged so often over the con-
tinent of Europe, has still carried the faithful
family of the free as the ark carried the family of
Noah—the country which they detest, and which
they fain would swamp—namely, the country to
which you and I belong, and which we must above
all things seek to defend. And we must also re-
member that if 200,000 men may be landed with-
out preparation, and almost without pretext for
one particular purpose, they may also be landed for
another; and when we are told that biscuits are
only going to Cochin China we must not give the
statement too ready a credence, but we must be
prepared to think what we may have to do should
the biscuits happen to come to London. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) Well, now, lam happy to see
that this feeling has pervaded ever; part of the
United Kingdom. I know that Kirkcaldy herself
has not been backward in the matter—(applause)
and I know that there is spread over the country
this feeling of a common danger and feeling of a
common determination that, whatever may come to
pass, England shall be safe—a feeling which has
induced all classes—men in business, men of peace-
ful occupations, and men who have no tendency to
military &play—to prepare themselves to learn the
use of arms, that they may be ready, if occasion
need, to appear in the defence of their country.
Gentlemen, you may depend on it, that the great
use of the:volunteer movement has not been simply
to meet the enemy in the event of an invasion ; it
has a higher and far more useful object—namely,
to deter that attack which it is so well calculated

to repel—(loud cheers)—aud no man who is the

least aware of the real puiilie opinion of Europe,
can doubt that the movement which has been made
within the last few months in this country has
created more effect among the nations on the con-
tinent of Europe than almost anything else which
has taken place within the century. (Cheers.) Com-
iitg to speak of Parliamentary reform, Mr. Har-
court said he knew there were persons who pro-
fessed themselves political reformers, and who
claimed an exclusive monopoly of Liberal principles
—persons who, having no respect for the past, de-
cried the existing constitution of their country, and
who, casting sovereign contempt on their fathers,
promised to the people—who, if they were not the
most ignorant of mankind,must know that theywere
duping them—things which they could never by any
possibility perform. There were persons who were
seeking to make political capital by raising war be-
tween one class and another, who were seeking to
excite the cupidity of the poor against the rich, and
to cherish in the bosoms of a free and happy people
a spirit of discontent and of revolution. (Hear.) If
that was Liberalism, then ho was not a Liberal.
But if there was a Liberalism in accordance with
which a man could feel that he belonf;red to a nation
which had already achieved freedom and liberty
such as the world had never before seen ; who, in
spite of defects in the institutions which he was
yet ready to amend, still believed that the paths
in which his fathers had trod were the paths by
treading in which himself, and by advancing fur-
ther in which, and by altering what was defective,
and amending what had been mistaken, by extend-
ing popular influence by degrees—he was still
building on the foundations on which the British
constitution had been reared—then, if that were
Liberalism, he hoped, indeed, that he might claim
in some humble degree the title of a Liberal. (Ap.

PRICE 4D. STAMPED, SD.

plause.) They might depend upon it that those
persons were not advancing the Liberal cause who
day after day were using language which alarmed
the timid—nay, he would say, language which in-
spired distrust in the wise. The men who said
openly that the object for which political power
was to be extended was that they might attack
property ; who said that political power must be
extended because the whole of the existing system
of legislation—the whole constitution of the coun-
try--was a fraud, a deception, and a snare ; the
men who held forth as the deliberate object and aim
of Parliamentary reform, the aocomplishraent of a
great political revolution—those men, we might
be sure, were the greatest and the bitterest enemies
of the Liberal cause. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Har-
court proceeded to refer to Mr. Bright's Liverpool
speech, and with reference to his project of a tax
on realised property made the following quotation
from a work of Mr. J. Stuart Mill, written in
1848 :

" The objection to a graduated property-tax
applies in an aggravated degree to the proposition
of an exclusive tax on what is called ' realised
property'—that is, property not forming a part
of any capital engaged in business, or (it
should rather be said) in business on the owner's
account, as land, the public funds, money
lent on mortgage, and shares (I presume) in joint-
stock companies. Except the proposal of applying
a sponge to the national debt no such palpable vio-
lation of common honesty has found sufficient sup-

port in this country during the present generation
to be regarded within the domain of discussion. . . .
That such a proposition should find any favour is a
striking instance of the want of conscience in
matters of taxation, resulting from the absence of
any fixed principle in the public mind, and of any
indication of a sense of justice on the subject in the
general • conduct of Governments. Should the
scheme ever enlist a large party in its suppert, the
fact would indicate a laxity of pecuniary integrity
in national affairs scarcely inferior to American
repudiation."
A more dangerous and deceptive scheme than that
which Mr. Bright had proposed he (Mr. Harcourt)
never heard of. It was a scheme which would tax
no property which was embarked in trade, but
which would place the whole taxation of the coun- ,
try on what was called realised property in land, in
mortgage, or in the funds. The effect of this tax
of Bs. on capital would be to take £l3 odd per
annum out of every £lOO derived from realised
property ; and when they recollected that the
average sum held in the funds was only about £lO3
for each fundholdcr, they would see that the effect
of the proposal would be not to tax rich men but
poor annuitants. Which scheme, then, the present
or that proposed by Mr. Bright, should be described
‘‘ as essentially mean and singularly cruel ?" Was
it not the scheme by which it was proposed to re-
lieve large incomes at the expense of small proper.
ties ? (Hear, hear.) Why was it that so long as a
man spent his means no tax should be laid upon
him, but that he should be heavily taxed the moment
he began to save ? It was expenditure that was
the evil of the country, and saving that was its
wealth. Was this scheme which proposed to tax
savings alone a scheme which ought to be accepted
by an intelligent and reasoning people, in the
place of one which might not be perfect, but to
characterise which as " essentially mean and
singularly cruel" was a false and malicious libel—
it being a system which was perfection itself when
contrasted with the outrageous and unblushing
project of spoliation Mr. Harcourt proceeded to
advert to the probable consequences of such lan-
guage as that employed by Mr. Bright. Was it not
to hold out the idea that the poor wanted Parlia-
mentary reform in order to plunder the rich—that
political power should be put into the hands of
those who had no property, in order that they might
tax as they pleased those who had ? Conceive the ,
effect of such language, he would not say on the
upper classes, but on the great moneyed classes and
on the middle classes of this country. Would it not
fill them with alarm, and with a sort of instinct of
self-preservation, which said, "Let us fight to the
death ; let us resist rather than permit ourselves
to be spoiled in this manner ?" This was the same
language, the same scheme, and the same principles
which induced the great and spirited French na-
tion to fly from the intolerable evils of democratic
Socialism to take refuge under the bayonets of an
empire. It was because the French people, less
reasonable and more excitable than the English,
listened to schemes of this description, and because
they took the projects of one political charlatan
atter another, that they brought on themselves that
condition of social and political anarchy which
made their political existence intolerable and made
them say, " Give us despotism, give us cannon in
our streets, give us policemen at our hearths ; give
us anything to rescue us from a condition of things
which we can bear no longer." And they might
depend upon it that if ever political reform was to
be treated in that spirit it would meet with the
same results. If we wanted political reform and
desired an extension of the power of the people,
we must seek it by convincing public opinion that
there was a class below the existing constituency
who were quite as much prepared to resist those
unjust principles as those above them. He for one
would not enter into this discussion as a war of
classes ; he would not treat this great constitutional
question as one which was to be fought by setting
one class against another, which was to teach the
poor that the rich were their enemies,and which was,
on the other hand, to teach the rich that the poor
infallibly, if they were permitted to have political
power, would despoil those over whom they had
gained a majority. He believed either delusion to
be equally fatal, and he believed both statements
to be equally false. He did not believe that the
rich, taking them as a body, were the oppressors of
the poor, and he did not believe that the poor, if
they had political power, had any desire to despoil
the rich. (Hear, and cheers.) Mr. Harcourt, in
conclusion, expressed his warmest gratitude, not
merely for the magnificent testimonials which had
been presented to him, but for the brilliant assem-
blage which had convened to do him honour. It
only remained for him to say, in answer to the
question put to him by Provost Birrell, that it was
impossible for him to say whether, when :he next
election came round, he might be in a position to
offer himself to any constifutency ; but he would
say this—and he hoped it would be considered a
satisfactory answer—that he would stand for no
other place until he had again offered himself to his
warm and valued friends of the Kirkaldy burghs.
(Enthusiastic cheering.)
Provost BnutELL expressed his gratification at
the answer which he had elicited, and after the
usual complimentary votes the meeting separated.

PROPOSED FA RRINGDON-STREET

T .L' .R JI I -A" t T AS' .

Yesterday evening a public vestry of the parish
of St. Bride was held in the vestry-room, Fleet-
street, for the purpose of considering, the proposed
terminus of the London, Chatham, and Dover Rail-
way. The Rer. M. C. Marshall, the vicar, was in
the chair.

Mr. LAWLVir said he considered the proposed
railway to be one of the utmost importance to the
parish of St Bride, as there was a great deal of
waste ground in the parish for which, at present,
they had no use, and if the scheme proposed was
carried out it would be the means of that land
being occupied. The railway would cross Ludgate-
hill, and its central station would stand upon the
site of the Fleet Prison. It would increase the
trade and prosperity of the parish. He concluded
by moving—" That in the opinion of the vestry the
construction of the proposed extension of the Lon-
don, Chatham, and Dover Railway to a station in
Farringdon-street, and a junction with the ter-
minus of the Metropolitan Railways in Victoria-
street, would be highly beneficial to the city of
London."

The motion having been seconded,
Mr. ROUGH said the vestry should have a plan
of the bridge, as he considered a bridge across
Ludgate-hill would entirely destroy the traffic of
that locality.
After some discussion,
Mr. GILBERTSON proposed as an amendmentthat
the meeting be adjourned to enable the vestry to
provide a plan of the bridge and an estimate of the
property likely to lie destroyed by the railway.
Mr. ICH,Licic seconded the amendment.
Mr. SMITH, in reply to a question, said the
amount of rated property that would be destroyed
by the railway would amount to about £l,OOO or
£2,000 on Ludgate-hill.
The amendment on being put was lost by a large
majority.
Mr. ARDING then moved that the following be
attached to the original motion, "But the vestry
considers it will be incumbent on the directors of
such the proposed railway company to place a
bridge across Ludgate-hill as shall be an ornament
to the city of London." As I\lr. Lawley had no
objection, the addition was agreed to.
The resolution w as then carried.•
Petitions in
favour of the scheme were then agreed to, and the
proceedings closed 'with a cordial vote of thanks to
the chairman.

(Fiona the Times.)
A rumour for some days rife has been verified.
Count Walewski, the French Minister for Foreign
Affairs, has ceased to hold office, and the Moniteur
of yesterday informs Europe that M. de Thouvenel
has been recalled from Coostantinaple to sit in his
place. Thus another enigma is proposed to the in-
genuity of curious politicians, arid .other leaf is
turned in the policy of our perplexing ally. The
career of the Minister who is thus superseded is in
itself a riddle, and hardly more readeble as a con-
sistent whole than tlie policy of hie ina,t r. Count
Waleweki's fiest appearance in England was ia
1831, as the emissary of the Polish JV,sociatioe
His name seemed to ally him indissolubly with the
championship of oppressed nationalities. To him,
claiming name and maternal descant from the no-
bilitity of a people who had ceased to be a nation,
the great Conservative Powers of Europe were na-
tural enemies. Austria and Russia heti trmiden out
his country. He v.eis accepted here as the man of
all ol hers most committed to ultra views, and he re-
sponded to the expectations of the party which
welcomed him. He was a fierce Republican. It is
not all of us who recollect the enthusiasm of those
days, when large public subscriptions poured in,
when Duchesses became lady patronesses to Polish
balls, and when the House of Commons was com-
pelled by the popular voice to draw the national purse
strings. The impetus, however, was so great that it
was carried on with a languishing energy even to
recent times. In all this Count. Walewski was a very
prominent, if not the most prominent, actor. Time
wore on, and the enthusiasm for a hopeless cause
wore out. Walewski, who held the memory of the
first Napoleon in affectionate respect, attached him-
self, after many other adventures, to the fortunes
of the nephew. How he walked with him in the
strange path which led Louis Napoleon to the pin-
nacle we all know ; and no one wondered to find
him advanced. by Napoleon 111. to posts of
dignity and pe ee.e. We congeetulated ourselves
when Count Witlewskie was Ambassador at our
Court at having a men to deal with who had lived
among ne so long, who knew us so well, who could
appreciate so accurately the currents of our national
impulses, _.and who was so capable.- of preserving
unbroken the cordial understanding. which this .
generation of Englishmen has—alWeys desired to
maintain with our powerful neighbours. After a
time, however, it became evident that, although
Walewski knew us, we did not know Walewski.
The Polish enthusiast had found a country, and had
forgotten all his wrongs. Oppressed nationalities
had in hismind passed from the category of martyrs
tothat of rebels. Austria and Russia were no longer
robber and tyrant Powers. Every one congratu-
lated himself that the representative of a revolu-
tionary empire had cured himself of his earlier exag-
gerations, and had become so moderate. But Wa-
lewski became Minister, and our English politicians
began to diminish their satisfaction ; for Walewski's
conversion from extreme Liberalism was becoming
too complete. From a fierce Republican he had
become a sort of Imperial Tory. He had grown not
only to detest all insurgent nationalities, but to
visit with his severe discouragement all constitu
tional Governments. Where Europe was startled
by some threatening demonstration which pro-
voked every free people to anger, it was Walewski
who ostensibly bore the odium of the act. It was
Walewski who insisted upon " regulating" Bel-
gium. It was Walewski who proposed to compel
England to banish Bernard. When the Emperor
allowed himself to be carried away by a " generous
impulse," and went forth to emancipate Italy, it
was Walewski who opposed the war. When Austria
was worsted it was thought that it was Walewski
who suggested that enough had been done. When
the convention of Villatranca had been signed it
was Walewski who interpreted it to mean the re-
storation of Italy to Austria and her satraps. Now,
when the Pope is threatened, the Imperial threat
conies forth in an anonymous pamphlet, and it is
Walewski, the responsible Minister, who under-
takes to reassure the Pope and place official France
by the side of the old Tory Powers.
We have long been perplexed to know what this
meant. Was it thought to be astute policy that the
official language of France should always be in
direct contradiction to her national action? Or did
the Emperor take pleasure in exhibiting to the
world what a mere empty pageant was the Imperial
entourage of Ministers and Secretaries? Was
Walewski commanded or was he only allowed to
parade these preferences for despotism ? The
enigma is still hard to guess. All we know is that
he is for the present cast aside ; and all that we
can infer is, that the Emperor of the French is
desirous at this moment, and for this moment,
to shuffle off the Conservative face which he had
kept turned towards Austria and Russia, to break
through all the bonds which he had twined round
himself at Villafranca, and to return to the atti-
tude he affected when he went forth to make war
for his 4' idea." Napoleon 111. is now in the diffi-
culty wick commonly besets clever people who play
a double game, he has only a choice of two evils.
He must break his engagements with Austria and
protect Italy against foreign interference, or he
must keep his engagements with Austria, abandon
Italy to her fate, and confess before the world that
his " idea" was a delusion, and Magenta and Sol-
ferinu but hideous blunders. If ho adopt the first
alternative he risks a collision with all the Catholic
Powers of Europe; if he adopt the latter he be-
comes ridiculous in the eyes of a nation which can
better endure a grinding tyranny than a stinging
epigram. The dismissal of Walewski is a declara-
tion that Napoleon 111. is disposed to commit him-
self to the more liberal and generous line of policy,
to cast himself into the Italian cause, and to main-
tain it against all the powers of despotism, and all
the hostility of the Church.
Under these circumstances Napoleon 111. natur-
ally looks with anxiety to England. Will England
undertake to help him to guarantee the soil of
Italy from the tread of foreign soldiery ? We
think we can answer the question. It is the best
service that can be done to the Emperor, now
that he is in the dilemma, of which we have often-
times and long ago warned him, to tell him can-
didly what he has to hope from this country. There
are many matters of high import which depend
upon the Ministers of the day, but matters of
the very highest are decided by the general popu-
lar will. As Ta.citus said of our German ancestors,
so it is with their descendants,—“ Dc minorilnis
rebus prita:pes consultant, de nmajoribus °lanes." If
we know anything of the sentiments of our coun-
trymen, nothing is more certain than that this na-
tion would not endure ally Ministry which should
propose to pledge England to an offensive alliance
with France against the rest of Europe. We wish
well to Italy, but we " do not go to war for an idea."
If we did so we should prefer to do so upon our
own policy, and with confidence in our own right.
If we did so we should, moreover, prefer to have
some control over our own position and some confi-
dence that uur allies would fight the whole fight
out with us, and not make peace at inconvenient
seasons. If we did so we should like to p• into it
unfettered by any such engagements as might com-
pel us, perhaps, to look on with approval while our
ally pushed on an army to the Rhine, and to sub-
mit hopelessly while he made a compact for the dis-
memberment of the East. It is a very generous
part which Napoleon has assumed, but,c aasa
be allthao
eav,t..
bar-
barous civil law maxim says,—"
p
tagia caaiat stiam disadvantayia." To him
the glory, but to him also be the labour. It is his
idea, not ours. It is an engagement avhich he has
undertaken for himself, under no encouragement
from us. It is not for us, at this last moment, to
imitate a conduct which we have persistently con-
demned; it is not for us to play the part of Sar-
dinia without Sardinia's excuse. We will honour,
sympathize, admire, but in this quarrel,and
gulondrifeiy• these conditions, we will not fight.

DESPERATE BURGLARY IN YORKSIIIRE.—AbOIIt
2 o'clock on Sunday morning the residence of the Rev. J.
IVinn, Nappa-house, near Askrigg, Wensleydale, York-
shire, was entered by burglars, and the sum of £23 or £2.5,
wrapped in an old black kid glove, was
.carried off. The
house stands in a lonely spot about a mile from Askrigg,
and nearly the same distance from the. high road leading to
that town. The inmates at the time of the burglary were the
Rev. J. Winn, his housekeeper, and a boy about 12 years
of age. They were aroused- from their sleep at the time
stated by hearing a noise caused by two men ransacking the
house. Mr. Winn immediately
if arose and encountered the
men, ono of whom was armed with a hay spade, and threat-
ened to take his life he did not instantly deliver up his
money. A scuffle ensued, in the course of which the rev.
gentleman received a severe blow on the head, and fell down
in a state of unconsciousness. Raving obtained the money,
the men made their escape by leaping from the staircase
window. The two servants had already left the house, and
an alarm was speedily given. The police were acquainted
with the facts, and a number of young men from the neigh-
bouring town and villages offered their services to assist in
capturing the burglars. The surrounding, country was
ranged during Sunday by the police, and also by numbers
of both horsemen and footmen, but the men had not been
arrested. They were traced by the police to Richmond, and
a waistcoat marked with blood and having two razors in
the pockets, was found near Leyburn Shawl. Men answer-
ing tinr description of the thieves were seen at Redmiratan
early hour in the morning, and from the knowledge which
the police possess of oue of the men, for whom they have
for some time been watching, it is highly probable that the
thieves will soon be in custody, andmest with their deserts.
The men are described as of middle stature, but both were
disguised when committing the burglary, and wore caps.
The taller of the two wore a rounded jacket, light trousers,
and navvie boots. It is very remarkable that a burglary
was committed in the same house about six weeks ago, for
which two men have beemapprehended by the police ;
one
was liberated, and the other committed to York for trial.
They obtained £25 on that occasion, on which three men
were engaged ; and a strong probability exists that at least
one of them was concerned in the burglarious attack on
Sunday morning.—Munekesto• Examiner.