The Sun.
London, England, 1860-08-13 00:00:00

8, GROSVENOR-STREET,

3, GREAT MARTHELBOROUGH-STRE PANTHEON. ET, W., NEAR
1
DR. CULVERWELL, Member of the Royal.
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thecaries' Hall, London, can be consulted daily (only) as
above, on all cases of Nervous Debility, Languor, Incapacity,
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OURSELVES.
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Mr. Bright is the Paul Pry of the Press. He
does not so much as ask your pardon for his im-
pertinence, or even put it into the form of a ques-
tion. His method is to make a monstrous assertion,
and then wait to see what comes of it. Any man
of business—which Mr. Bright is not—must know
that such a concern as ours would soon come to an*
end if it were not conducted with the strictest re-
gard to all the sound and honest principles of trade.
No man of business, therefore, will either ask any
questions or imagine anything over and above what
he must know to be the case with all regular and
and solvent establishments. For our part, we are
the last to ask questions, for the simple reason that
if there is a mystery we know it will be revealed
before long in some one of her Majesty's Courts of
Law. Even in that event—for the event sometimes
occurs—our candid readers will do us the justice to
remember that there is in these columns no
unnecessary parade of the disasters of our contem-
poraries, or the singular histories with which they
are sometimes preceded. It is not that we have
no provocation to an irregular curiosity. With our
experience we may be naturally at a loss to under-
stand how a well written morning paper, with its
own sources of information, can he sold 10 for six-
pence and leave a profit to its proprietors. It is no
concern of ours, even though it encourages a fabu-
lous estimate of our own profits. The indignant
appeal of Mr. Henry Brookes to the Constitutional
Defence Committee, explaining why in honour he
can no longer belong to their Executive Committee,
throws a ray of light into the cheap press mystery
which must before long expand into day. Being
himself a member of that Executive, and warmly
interested in the preservation of our constitutional
liberties from the encroachments of the Lords and
the aristocratic leanings of the Premier, he expe-
riences a worse treachery among his own colleagues.
In his own committee-room he reports that " the
Proprietors, the Editors, Writers, Contributors, and
Partisans of the star," have usurped the functions
of the Committee, and then sold the cause, and all
the properties attached, including the House of
Commons, and the maxim of "no taxation without
representation," for the French Treaty. In order
to obtain a trifling facility for the disposal of cotton
goods, the shrewd politicians just mentioned have
connived at a fatal blow to the British Constitution.
When future Macaulays ask how and when the
House of Commons lost the precious right of ad
justing the national burdens it will be found, says
this unquestionably competent witness, that it was
sold by Mr. Bright and the conductors of his jour-
nal for a reduction of the French duties upon piece
goods and other exports. Having monopolized the
conduct of our constitutional defence, they reso-
lutely suppressed all real action, vapoured a while,
and then betrayed the cause. So Mr. Henry
Brookes delivers his conscience, and cuts the con-
nexion of Messrs. Bright and do. Let our readers
judge. Have we not reasonable grounds of curio
sity as to the financial mysteries of the above
journal ? But we leave them to that Time which
brings all thiiigs to light.
After these revelations it is no matter of sur•
prise that Mr. Bright should imagine mysteries
where there are none, and should suppose a dark
conspiracy or a brilliant fraud where all is as plain
matter of business as the interior of an old city
bank. We really have nothing to tell Mr. Bright
about our concerns except that we find paper very
expensive and should he glad to get it cheaper.
Some time since we offered £l,OOO to any one who
could discover a cheaper material than rags .to an-
swer the same purpose, to make as good paper, and
to satisfy the public. If the failure of all attempts
had not made it almost ridiculous we might double
the offer. But we will take another way of meet-
ing Mr. Bright's assertion, that we have a personal
interest in keeping up the price of paper. If he,
or any of his numerous enterprising friends, will
supply us with paper as good as that we now user
and two shillings a cwt. cheaper, we are ready to
deal with and admit him to a share in this nefari-
ous conspiracy, against the interests of mankind.
He will then Know all about it as far as the paper
is concerned. It was natural, of course, that we
should feel some sympathy with those who had
long supplied us well, and with the trade they re-
presented, when we believed them to be placed in a
disadvantageous and unfair position. Mr. Bright
himself admits that they are now in this position.
No doubt, the gentlemen with whom he has to deal 1
have succeeded in convincing him of this fact ; and
no doubt their resentment at the way in which he
has managed their cause adds something to the fury
of his late outbreak. We plead guilty to the charge
of feeling for old friends who honestly believe them-
selves to be placed in a situation of great difficulty
and peril, even though we may think their fears
somewhat exaggerated. But we are ready to prove
to Mr. Bright, or any man of business he may
think more qualified to understand the case, that
our interest in the case of the paper makers is not
only perfectly unselfish, but even against our own
selfish interests. So slight a reduction as five
per cent. in the price of paper would be
£l,OOO a-year in the pockets of our proprietors.
We are in no wise interested in the profits of our
paper makers; and, though we should be sorry that
they or any body with whom we deal, should suffer,
yet it would not affect us otherwise than as friends.
They supply us at the market price, and there is
no more favour in the affair than there is between a
manufacturer at Manchester and a Manchester
warehouseman in the city of London. For all this
we take no credit. If we attempted to carry on
business otherwise we should soon come to a stand.
This is the whole truth, and all the answer we can
give to our Paul Pry.
•

(From tics Morntng Post.)
Out of the very depths of his antipathies with
the •living Mr. Bright courts alliances with the
dead. Yet every one knows how bitterly the less
liberal dead, could they but be now living, would
have been assailed by Mr. Bright on Friday night
in place of the statesmen of 1860. Chatham and
Canning turn out to be Mr. Bright's " men of
spirit," and by these lights of past generations he
views and scrutinises the shortcomings of the pre-
sent Prime Minister, whose policy of wise concilia-
tion in the matter of the paper duties is of course
branded as cowardice by the demagogue, when his
ardent fancy conceived that it had discovered an
opportunity for subverting the institutions of the
country. A wdrd of commendation from Mr.
Bright, even for the dead who are not in his way, is
like a green leaf springing up in a desert to remind
the traveller of that kindliness of nature which
even the most barren soil cannot wholly eradicate.
But the objects of Mr. Bright's antithetical pane-
gyric serve to impart a dispiriting conviction of the
hollowness of all good opinion on the part of the
member for Birmingham, that is not self-opinion.
Chatham, who threw up office because he could not
follow unchecked his ambition, in his own words,
" to crush the whole House of Bourbon," is looked
back upon with pious gratitude for his " spirit" by
the Rochdale incarnation of peace. Canning, the
resolute opponent of Parliamentary Reform, even
before the obliquities of the old House of
Commons had been swept away, receives
the same character from the advocate of a mea-
sure not much inferior to universal suffrage.
What a medley and monstrosity for the con-
templation of history in the next age, the three
men of " spirit" representing three distinct genera-
tions, Chatham, Canning, and Bright ! When,
however, Mr. Bright goes on to tell us that there
are two kinds of treason, of which one may cover the
author of it " with lasting renown," we fear that
the ghosts of his departed auxiliaries would be apt
to disdain the alliance into which they are coerced.
When Mr. Bright exhausts the languishing ener-
gies of an expiring session with a tedious declama-
tion against everything in general andthe House of
Lords in particular, he seems to forget, first, that
his harangue does not so much as pretend to have
an object, and, secondly, that he is begging the
whole question at issue. If the Ordnance Commit-
tee, instead of reporting on the Whitworth gun,
were to sit upon Mr. Bright's speech, they would

But what may fairly remind us of the days of
Chatham and of Canning are the public spirit and
the just indignation with which Lord Palmerston
repudiated those accusations of mean compromise
and cowardice with which Mr. Bright wound up
for the session—as we may fairly hope for the sake
of public business and his own character—his nor-
mal aspersions on the First Minister. We trust
that we have not quite arrived at the .period, so
felicitously described by Burke in treating of the
French Revolution, when the men reputed to be of
the greatest capacity were those who proposed the
most sweeping measures. But it would hardly
seem that Mr. Bright has any other conception of
a great measure than as a sweeping measure, or any
of her notion of " public spirit" than the surrender
of one's judgment and equanimity to declamation
Lis impotent as it is passionate. Mr. Bright is be-
ginning to assume towards Lord Palmerston very
much the relation which Mr. Disraeli in his smaller
days chose to assume towards Sir R. Peel ; and we
should have thought that the experience of the pre-
sent Conservative leader would have restrained the
member for Birmingham from pursuing the perilous
experiment of "knocking his head against a brick
" I leave with confidence," says Lori Pal-
merston, "the question between the hon. gentleman
and myself, in regard to this matter, to the deli-
berate judgment of the present time and of future
ages, and I am not at all afraid as to which of us
two will be deemed to be deserving of the epithets
which he has bestowed on me." It is a frequent
incident of the leading minds in a great country to
have their views misapprehended from their very
breadth, and to see their due concessions to necessity
treated as corruption and cowardice by the ignorant
and the violent, who never live to learn. In past
times Mr. Bright did some service to his country ;
and we really grieve that he should suffer his acri-
mony and to blind and reduce him to the
level of Mr. David Urquhart and Mr. Chisholm
Anstey.

(From the Morning Herald.)
Some years hence, when the Commissioners of
Lunacy are going their rounds, they may find in a
private asylum a patient whose " case" will admit of
being described in the following way:—" J. 8., occa-
sionally very violent ; is the victim of several delu-
sions, and believes that the House of Lords pass all
their measures to ruin him; that they edit a paper
of his pris ate income, and keeping him forcibly in
orlniing ethSintaks.' paying their expenses out
he will soon be released by
a
t ench army, and he has deputed an old
ccfroaninlelenifind ndve,atmdthoieengnge Ntther with an Irish nobleman who for a
short time was an inmate of the asylum with him,
to negoeiate with the French Government for this
object. He is incurable ; and the only person who has
any influence over him is a clever gentleman from
Oxford, who talks him into a good humour in less
than no time." The fulfilment of this prophetic an-
nouncement is quite within the limits of possibility.
People always go mad by rule. There may be an
hereditary predisposition more or less easily stirred
into activity by one or more causes; prolonged grief,
a sudden shock, pecuniary losses—each is a fertile
originator of insanity ; but nothing is more certain
in its consequences than the habit of indulging in fits
of mental violence, coupled with the persevering cul-
tivation of some eccentric conviction. Mr. Bright, for
instance, is really not so far removed from this
melancholy condition as he thinks. His mind has
lost a large portion of its balance ; he hugs his in•
juries and disappointments; he believes in the ex-
istence of things of which there is not a particle of
evidence appreciable by ordinary senses, and uses
the most violent threats. What more do we want
to fulfil the theoretical condition of insanity ? We
are not anxious to be personal, and will, therefore,
take a liberal and courteous view of his case, and
call him only politically insane, since he is probably
not dangerous to his family but only to the state.
But there is a Virginian
maxim, about checking
evil in the bud, which we heard a good deal of in
our youth, and which we recommend to the notice
of Mr. Bright.

From one point of view the angry speech of Fri-
day night has a redeeming quality ; it has less of
the oily and adaptive element, and has more of the
true demagogic spirit about it than most of the
harangues with which Mr. Bright indulges the
house. A few more of these speeches and he would
be almost respected again, and it is just possible
that for once consistency might have a charm for
the House of Commons. Definitions of treason,
made to suit his opponents, menaces the House of
Lords, and calling men traitors because they differ
from him, form a much more genial employment
for Mr. Bright's tongue than soft eulogies upon
"that beneficent reign in which we have the happi-
ness to live ;"and it seems curious that Mr. Bright
should ever think it worth his while to be civil
when civility from him has the double disadvantage
of forcing him to make an unwilling outlay of a
commodity which brings no return. Nevertheless,
his last speech would have done better for the
autumn platform, where it would have been very
telling, and could not have been replied to. He
would have had no one to reply, amid the cheers of
the audience, that he and not the Prime Minister
is the traitor. As it is, he can only say the same
things over again, allude to the celebrated period
of four or five centuries in whieh the constitution
was respected, tell of the injuries sustained by par-
ticular interests, and the impertinent intrusions of
the Excise officers, together with the other stirring
details of this great paper difficulty. He has, in
fact, treated the country to a full-dress rehearsal,
and they won't care about the real performance ;
the house will be full of " orders," with the usual
noise and indiscriminate applause which people
who pay nothing are so ready to give.
Can anything be found that will have the slightest
influence upon this violent member of the British
Senate ? Let us approach him softly and take him
into the midst of the domestic circle. Let us suppose
a child of his acquaintance has set his little bursting
heart upon something; that by steadily thinking
lie would like it very much, he has come to regard
it as a right. Papa (who may be weak and indulgent
at home) says yes, while mamma, who understands
the child better, and knows
what is goad for him,
says no. Papa eventually
adopts the maternal
view, and says young hopeful must wait till he is
older. Of course the moral conditions of his little
require that the boy should stamp, cry,
problem
and threaten, say that he is quite sure that his
father and mother will be divorced, as he has heard
other wicked people are, and that all the boys in
the square, if they were asked, would stand up for
his rights and, send parental authority to the deuce.
Would this be a domestic picture after Mr. Bright's
own heart ? Yet we are driven to believe that he
would have young England trained in some such
school as this. Fortunately, there are men who
think that there is a certain dignity in submission,
whilst the spectacle of strong men shrieking help-
, lessly for the moon, and other unattainable objects,
is simply ludicrous.
We have likened this paper episode to a theatrical
f e and in repeating
per ormanc , the illustration, we