The Sun.
London, England, 1856-06-16 00:00:00

AMERICA.

ARRIVAL OF MR. CRAMPTON.
LIVERPOOL, SUNDAY.
The British and North American royal mail
steam-ship Canada, Captain W. J. C. Lang,
arrived in the Mersey this morning from Boston
and Halifax, with 141 passengers, $542,651. 13c.
and from Halifax 6001. in specie. She sailed from
Boston at noon on the 4th inst. ; on the 7th, lat.
46 N. long. 57 W., passed the ship St. Lawrence,
of Glasgow, bound east ; 12th, lat. 54, lon. 24, at
1 a.m. signalised a steamer (supposed the America)
hence from Boston ; June 14th, passed the ship
Czar, bound west, with loss of jibboom.
Amongst the passengers per the Canada are Mr.
J. F. Crampton, late Minister to the United
States, and Mr. A. Barclay, late her Majesty's
Consul at New York. •

The news per the Canada is three days later
from the United States-than that brought by the
Fulton.

The steam-ship Indian, from Liverpool, arrived
at Quebec on the 3d inst., with the Canadian mails.
From the telegraphic despatches and correspon-
dence from Kansas, we are able to glean the simple
facts only that the Free State Hotel at Lawrence,
and the building adjoining, in which were the
printing materials of a defunct weekly journal
called the Herald of Freedom, were destroyed by
fire by a party of Sheriff Jones's men, who had
gone into the town for the purpose of making ar-
reste. In a melee which occurred between a por-
tion of the sheriff's posse and several Free State
fanatics, two of the latter were shot and killed.

Tile Hon. James K. Paulding, Gen. Jackson's
Secretary of the Navy, in a letter upon Central
American affairs, addressed to Gen. Quitman, and
published in the Washington Union, says :—" Iu
my opinion, during the whole of his administration
of the foreign affairs of the United States, Mr.
Webster was little better than a pliant tool of the
policy of Great Britain, to which every leading
Eastern federalist has always been more or less
subservient."

The Boston Traveller publishes extracts from a
letter bearing date Aux Cayes, Hayti, May 10,
which states that a formidable insurrection had
broken out in that part of the island against the
Emperor Solouque. The writer says body of
from 2,000 to 3,000 insurgents took possession of
a post between this place and Piegrey last night,
with the view of attacking the town to-day. The
military authorities were only aware of this at 7
this morning. The alarm drums were immediately
beaten, and every male adult in town was ordered
to join the troops. At 10 a.m. the troops marched
out with the citizens who bad joined them ; but,
being only 500 strong, it is probable they will not
make an attack on the insurgents, but will content
themselves with defending the entry of the town
till reinforced. A postcript to this, under date of 11
a.m., adds :—The alarm drums were again beating.
It is said that the troops sent out are repulsed, and
the insurgents are pushing forward. People are
running distractedly through the streets, burning
stores, dic.

The steam-ship Empire City arrived at New York
on the 31st, with Havana dates to the 26th ult.
There is no political or commercial news of im
portance. _ . .

A correspondent at Havana, writing on the 25th
ult., announces the sailing of the Spanish squadron
for Vera Cruz. The force consisted of six men of
war, mounting one hundred and twenty guns, com-
manded by Brigadier Pinzou. On arriving at Vera
Cruz four additional brigs will join the squadron.
Much excitement prevailed in Havana, as it was
suspected that this demonstration was in some way
or other connected with the affairs of Central Ame-
rica. An agent has been sent to Spain in order to
submit to the Hume Government the necessity of
immediate action against General Walker, as a
means of preserving Cuba to the Queen. The
French ship of war Penelope had left for Sau Juan,
and a commissioner had been despatched to confer
with the Costa Ricans.

Our files of newspapers from Nicaragua are up to
the 17th of May inclusive, and contain very inter-
esting news from that republic. The war with
Costa Rica was at an end, and the remnant of the
Costa Rican army had evacuated Nicaragua and
gone home, dispirited and in a sick and enfeebled
condition. On the 26th of April, six hours after
the rearguard of General Mora's army marched out
of Virgin Bay, General Walker entered the town at
the head of a detachment of . troops, and founded
there a letter from General C./limos, Mora's successor
in the command of the Costa Rican troops, com-
mending to his care a number of sick and wounded
soldiers, who would, he said, when convalescent,
be exchanged for American prisoners in his hands.
Gen. Walkerand his troops were in excellent health
and spirits. He had stationed detachments of his
army at Virgin Bay and Sall Juan.
The steamer Orizaba reports the transit route as
again free, and that there was no British blockade,
reported. Capt. Tarleton, of the British frigate

as . _ kir;. _ nritisn. friga
Eurydice, stated that he had no instructions to in-
terpose any interruption to the landing of passen-
gers or munitions of war. In consequence of this
intelligence the vessels comprising the American
squadron, which had assembled at Key West on
the 28th ult., will nut visit San Juan, but will
proceed to their various destinations.
General Mora condemned the action of his troops
in destroying the wharf at Virgin Bay, and dis-
graced the officer who ordered the Vandalism. So
many dead bodies of the Costa Ricans had been
thrown into the wells at Rivas that the remaining
portion of the town cannot be tenanted for a lung
time to come.

The presidential election in Nicaragua had been
conducted is an orderly and peaceable manner,
and terminated, as we supposed, in the return of
Patricio Rivas, the provisional President. The re•
suit, however, had not been published.
Fever prevailed at Granada, and Capt. Walker,
the youngest brother of the general, and Mr. G.
F. Alden, of this city, together with a number of
other residents, had died.
There had been a dashing expedition to the
Chontales gold mines, under command of Gen.
Goicuria, who is well known in this city. It suc-
ceeded in opening up that district of the country,
and chastising a band of Chamorro robbers which
infested the mountain passes.
Among other improvements, a cavalry corps had
been organised and added to the army in Granada,
and a splendid brass band had been formed, under
the direction of Mr. Adkin, late of the Washington
Brass Band, of this city.
Schlessinger is a deserter under sentence of death
for cowardice and treason.

Dates from Vera Cruz are to the 22d May, and
furnish some very interesting facts with respect to
the actual position of the Catholic Church in that
country, and the relations which the Comonfort
Cabinet maintains towards it. The entire people
are firm believers in the doctrines of the Church of
Rome, but the people are so educated and so ne-
glected, both as regards moral and religious training,
that their faith has dwindled down to a mere obser-
vance of holidays and debauching festivals. In the
meantime the clergy roll in wealth, whilst the
national treasury is bankrupt. To remedy this
state of things Comonfort abrogated the special
privileges of the priests, and has set the Ministers
' to work at the framing of a new constitution,
which will be liberal, in a political sense, and grant
a full toleration to all religions forms of worship.
It is hoped that the me +sure will promote a
healthy and enlightened system of immigration.
The Bishop of Puebla had left Vera Cruz on board
the French Frigate France and Mexico, the captain
of which would land his lordship at Havana on re-
ceiving $l,OOO for the service. The bishop is 40
years of age, and has a fortune of $250,000, with
an annual income amounting to $30,000. Some
changes had been made in the Cabinet of Mexico.
Miguel Tejado is named Minister of Finance, and
Don Juan Soto Minister of War. Senor Payno
goes as Minister to Brussels. Senor Aguela, one
of Santa Anna's Ministers, bad been arrested and
sent to Mexico city on trial. Flour was very scarce
at Vera Cruz.

We have accounts from Mayaguez (Port Rico) to
the 15th ult. The Spanish war steamer Isabella
had sailed for Havana with large quantities of mi-
litary stores on board. Several other Spanish ves-
sels of war were cruising in the vicinity, and it was
reported that they would shortly be employed in
a demonstration against Vera Cruz. The crops of
the island were extremely good. The exports of
sugar to Europe and the United States exceeded
34,000 hogsheads.
The Key West correspondent of the Charleston
Courier, writing on the 25th ult., says :
"By the steamer Vanderbilt, Capt. Faucett, we have
late and important news from Tampa. On the evening of
the 14th, a number of Indians fired upon the house of
Capt. Bradley, in Hernando country, 28 miles north of
Tampa. Two small children who were standing in the
door were killed at the first fire. Capt. Bradley, being
unwell, was in his bed, but grasped his gun and sprung
op, firing upon the Indians, causing them to retreat ra-
pidly. The train carrying provisions to the State troops
From Tampa to Ichapuckasarsa, on the 16th ult., was at-
tacked at Simmons' Hammock, 12 miles from Tampa.
There were four white men and a boy, and a negro,

While watering their horses, 12 or 15 Indians, bidden
in a thicket near by, fired upon them. The boy was
first killed, then his father,- named Stallings then a
man named Roach. A. man named Hinson was shot
across the breast, but got on one of the horses and
escaped, as did the negro. A man, Hatfield, stood behind
one of the waggons, and kept the Indians off until he bad
loaded and fired five times. He then escaped on a mule.
Blood was afterwards discovered behind A tree, where
one of the Indians stood, but it was not ascertained
whether he was killed. A party of volunteers was in-
formed of the attack soon after it occurred, and started
in pursuit. They were traced to a hammock near hy,
and by the last accounts there was some probability of
the troops attacking them. This was supposed to be
the same body of Indians that two nights before attacked
the house of Capt. Bradley, 30 miles from Tampa, and
killed two of his children."
We have received St. John, N.B.,"papers to the
29th. The New Brurtswicker says:—
" It gives us great pleasure to state that new ar-
rangements have been made for the formation of a new
government on a broad and satisfactory basis. No dif-
ferences of opinion exist among those who have been
called upon to assist in the con,tructi .1) of an entirely new
administration, and the delay in swearing in the new exe-
cutive solely arises from the necessity of awaiting for
gentlemen who have been summoned from a distance."

COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.
NEW YORK, June 3.--The circular of De-Coppet and
Co., prepared for transmission abroad by the steam-ship
Canada, gives the following review of the bond and stock
market for the past week :
-
STATE STOCKS.—Virginia 6's and Missouri 6's were
done at some advance. New York stocker being in very
limited demand prices are weak. -California 7's have
been more offered, and declined Some •bonds of the
lately authorised loan of this State, for 1,500,000 dole,
7's, redeemable in 1875, have appeared in our market
City and County Bond..—We notice a retail demand
for Chicago 6's, Millwaukie 7's, Cincinnati and S'.
Louis 6'e, without change of prices ; San Francisco 6's
being more offered, s,-.ld at a decline. Railroad Bonds
—The late inaction has somewhat been interrupted by
a few private sale,: of Ohio and Pennsylvania In-
come, Galena and Chicago 14 and 2d mortgage,
and Mil waukie and Mississippi Ist mortgage. At the
Stock Exchange, Illinois Central Construction and Free-
land were done to fair amount at a trifling decline, and
a few Erie 7's of 1875, and New York 6's and 7's, at a
fraction advance. In railroad stocks there has been
fair degree of activity. Money is in better supply, at 6
to 7 per cent. for call loans. Paper is le3s offered at 8
to 10 per cent. Exchange on Europe rather dull. Prin-
cipal transactions on London, 1091 to 1091 ; on Paris,
5.16 k to 5.14

COTTON.—he sates embraced about 2,000 bales, the
market closing firm.

FREIGHTS ;ere firm for English ports. To Liverpool
about 20,000 bushels grain, chiefly wheat in bulk and
bags, at 51d , 2,000 to 3,000 bbls. flour, at ls. 101 d. to
25., and 25 hbds. provisions, 225. 6d. Cotton was at
3 16J. to 5.32 d. ; with some resin at p. t. To London
1,500 bbls. resin were taken, at 2s. 6d., and 1,000 bbls.
flour, at 2s. To Hamburg 250 bbls. spirits of turpentine
were taken, at 2c. per gallon. To Antwerp 5,000
bushels rye, 7d., and 50 bales of cotton, at Vic. Two
vessels were engaged to load with deals, at Bic, for Lon-
don, one at 975., and the other supposed to be at 5!..
To-Havre cotton was ic., wheat at 12c., while flour and
other articles were unchanged. To California they
ranged from 25c. to 301. per foot measurement.
NEW ORLEANS, May 31.
COTTON.—Stkles to-day 2,000 bales, at unchanged
prices. The supply offering is very limited. Mess pork
18 dol. Sugar Bc.

The following important debate had taken place
in Congress upon the dismissal of the English
Minister and Consuls :

The Message of the President informing Congress that
he had ceased to bold intercourie with the Minister Pl,--
nipotentiary of Great Britain having been read, together
with the last communication of Mr. Marcy to Mr.
Dallas—

Mr. Mason moved that the message and accompany-
log documents be referred to the committee on foreign
relations, and be printed.
Mr. Cass said—l have listened with pleasure to the
reading of the despatch of the Secretary of State. It is a
powerful and conclusive ana ysis of the whole case. It
appears to me that the honour of the country impera
tively demanded the dismissal of this officer. My desire
is to have the farts spread before he people.
Mr. Mason—l real, as doubtless other senators did,
with great care and deliberation, the despatch which the
British Secretary for Foreign Affeirs, Lord Clarendon,
has written in reply to the demand made by this Govern.
ment for the recall of Mr. Crampton, the British Minis-
ter, and to which the despatch of Mr. Alarby, just read
at your table, is an answer. I was gratified to find that
its tone was temperate. courteou4, and conciliatory. It
contained a full, unreserved, and unqualified disclaimer
of all intended i.ff nee on the part of the British Govern-
ment, couched in language which struck me as peculiarly
emphatic. and we'l s iited to the OCCI So far as the
act of its Minister here was concerned, the despatch stated
in substance that the contents of Mr. Marcy's letter had
been made known to him for the purpose of explanation,
and that his own Government was satisfied that their Mi-
nister hail no desire or purpose tocommit any infraction of
our laws or any disrespect to our sovereignty. The whole
despatch of Lord Clarendon, as I have said, was concilia-
tery, and, a 4 I th eight, wel and j istly conceived ; but
contained no special resp no) directed to the demand of
this Government. The British G ivernment did not say
whether it would or would not recall its Minister, and I
construfd it to mean that, if as was sated in the de-
spatch of Mr. Marcy, there yet remained an opinion in
the American Government that the British Minister
here was unacceptable to it. they did not feel themselves
at liberty to interpose further. I so con-trued it. The
very interesting and able document which has just been
read, I an gratified to find, is of the same character
with the despatch to which it is an answer. It, too, is
temperate, calm, and conciliatory. It receives, in the
sprit in which it was offered, tke disclaimer on the part
of the British Government, and I confess, for myself,
I thought it due. After recapitulating the proofs impli-
cating the British Minister here in acts discourteous to
the country, which, whether so designed or not, were
in derogation of the sovereignty of the country. it was
intended, as I understand, to show the British Govern-
ment that our self-respect required the original demand
should be carried into execution. The British Govern-
ment was therefore informed that the British Minister
continued unacceptable in this country, without any im-
putations on him as a gentleman or as a Minister repre-
senting in his own judgment, as he considered, in the
best manner, the interests of his own country. Great
Britain has been informed that, because of the relations
which he had established here, he must continue unac
ceptable to us, and probably could not be useful to his
own Government. While I know, from the temper of
our people—and I believe I know from the dispositions
of the present Administration—nothing could be fur-
ther from their purpose or design than to commit any
discourtesy to the British Government. I hope, from
' the character of the correspondence, no discourtesy will
be inferred. I can see none in the temper of the paper,
and I can see none in the Occasion ; but I am free to
declare as a Senator (and thus participating in the Go-
vernment) that, under the circumstances existing—
under the proofs c innecting the British Minister with
the enlistments for the foreign legion of Great Britain,
however he may not have deigned it (and I teke his
disclaimer as it has been given to us), however he
may not have designed to complicate himself with a
question which would be offensive to our country
or a disregard of our laws, the tact remains that he did
so ; and there is no alternative on the part of this Go-
vernment but to dispense with his further residence
among us. I can see no cause in the world even to
alienate the two countries. 1 shall have misapprehended
the despatch of Lord Clarendon if it will not be received,
as it was intended, to place this subject at the disposal
of our Government, without construing the dismissal of
their Minister into any discourtesy whatever.
Cass—My friend from Virginia intended to move
for the printing of an extra number of Mr. Marcy's des-
patch, but he omitted to do it, and I now suggest that
it is a meant.° which ought to be taken. The despatch
is a very important one. I have already expressed my
gratification at its tenour, at its logical purport, and at its
general character. It is written with great power, and
in a tone of courtesy becoming our
.Government in its
diplomatic intercourse. The suspension or interruption
of diplomatic relations between two countries is a very
ordinary event in the intercourse of nations, and cannot
lead co war unless one or the other of the parties is de-
termined upon that extreme measure. No just cause of
war can arise out of such an act.
. In the first place, the
British Government should not visitits displeasure upon
our Minister in London by dismissing him. There is no
pretext for it. It is, I believe, the comity of nations that
when a minister is offensive to the government to which
he is accredited he should be recalled. An ambassador,
who is a minister of the highest grade, and represents, as
it is said, the person of the Sovereign, is never sent to a
European government without in the first instance ascer-
taininger-
taining if he will be acceptable. This is the common law
of diplomacy. Leaving everything else out of view, I
think the moment the British Government ascertained
that Mr. Crampton was unacceptable to the Government
and people of this country, it should at once have cheer-
fully recalled him ; but it has not seen proper to do this,
and now Mr. Crampton leaves here at the desire of our
Government. I repeat, the suspension of diplomatic
relations is a very ordinary occurrence in national
intercourse. When I was commissioned as Minister to
France in 1836 there had been no diplomatic intercourse
between us and France for perhaps two years previously.
I did not go to France at once. I was instructed by
General Jackson to go to England, and I went there
and remained until, through the British Government, it
was ascertained that it would be agreeable to the French
Government to receive a Minister from the United
States. I remained there until that answer came, and
the answer was a very courteous one, and I immediately
repaired to Paris, and was well satisfied with my recep-
tion. I merely allude to this circumstance to show that
the suspension of diplomatic relations should not give
serious cause of apprehension to any man in this country.
The case of the dismissal of the British Minister in Spain
I a very recent and well-knoivn Trout. That AO gays

no serious offence to the British Government. I need
not review the circumstances. The occurrence is a well-
klkown diplomatic fact. The Spanish Government sent
the British Minister out of the country, and without the
observance of much courtesy. England herself has sent
an ambassador home to this country under a guard. I
repeat, unless England wants to go to war with us, no
injury will result from the termination of the diplomatic
services of Mr. Crampton. If she is determined on war,
and seeks only a pretext, that is another question. I
not believe she does, and have no apprehension of
the result. I no w suggest that 10,000 copies of this
document be printed, as it is a very important one, and
will be read with interest by the American people.
Mr. Pratt.—Does the motion include the whole cor-
respondence?

Mr. Cass.-The despatch of Mr. Marcy.
Mr. Mason.—l think it would be better to have an
extra number of the whole correspondence printed.
Mr. Cass.—Perhaps so ; it is an important element of
history, and it is too extensive to be published by private
enterprise. I move, then, for the printing of 10,000
extra copies of all the documents. '

The Presiding Officer (Mr. Foot in the chair).—Under
the rule of the Senate the motion for printing the extra
numbers will go to the Committee on Printing.
Mr. Toombs—While I agree with the hon. senator
from Michigan, that the dismissal of the British Minister
does not necessarily lead to a disturbance of our peace-
ful relations with Great Britain, I must express my re-
gret that the matter has taken this course. Our Govern-
ment, having been satisfied, as it acknowledges, with
the representations of Great Britain upon the question in
dispute, ought to have alto Red the British Minister to
remain, as a necessary consequence. It is in vain for
this Government to say that the subject in dispute is
~satisfactortly explained ; to deckre that the apology or
explanation of the British Government is accepted, and
then ogo on and remove the minister who was the very
occasion of the dispute. While I agree with our Govern-
ment that the explanation was sufficient, I think they
greatly erred, after obtaining a sufficient explanation
from the British Government, in interrupting the diplo-
matio intercourse between the two countries.

Mr. Case.—l Cann otagreeWi;l; the ;;n:;enator from
Georgia. I repeat what I said on a former occasion,
the error committed by this Government was in not send-
ing away Mr. Crampton as soon as his conduct was as-
oertained. I think it should have been done the very
moment our Government found that he was an accessory
to these proc edings. That error has, however, been re-
paired by the present measure, which I think is fully
justified by the circumstances. If I understand it--for I
hsard somewhat indistinctly—Mr. llfarcy has said, with
due courtesy, that the Goveremeut exonerates the Bri-
tish Government from the intention of violating our
laws, bat he does not exonerate Mr. Crampton. The re-
sponsibility of the minister is to his own Government.
He is, under the present circumstances, an unacceptable
diplomatic agent—disqualified to manage the concerns
between that country and ours. He has placed hireself in
such a position that he is unacceptable to the Ameri-
can Government and people. Our Government has
credited the disclaimer of the British Government of
any intention to violate our laws or our sovereignty, and,
in my opinion, has gone quite as far, to say the least of
it, as the facts justify ; but yet Mr. Crampton has placed
himself in a very different predicament. The misfortune
is that in our diplomatic intercourse with England she
is prone to adopt a vocabulary of her own, or rather to
affix new meanings to old words. She tells us, in effect
that " enlistmentj" does not mean, as it formerly did,
enlistment for military services, and as common sense
tells you it does ; but that it maims hiring a man to
perform a railroad contract. It is an illustration of the
position that "occupy" does not mean "occupy," but
means that you shall not hereafter asquire land. If,
Mr. President, you should make a contract that after a
given day you will not occupy anyl and in a certain dis-
trict, one would suppose it meant what it expressed, and
that after that day you must cease your occupation
there. Not so, sap the British Government ; it means
quite another thing—that you shall not thereafter ac-
quire any land within the prohibited district, but yon
may hold what you previously possessed ; or, in other
words, that occupation means acquisition. Enlistment
has now got to he a different thing from what it for-
merly was. We are told that it is no violation of our
laws or sovereignty to hire men, and pay their expenses
to ge to Halifax, under the pretext of a railroad con-
tract, and with the understanding that they are then to
enlist into the British army. If the law can be thus
avoided it is not worth a straw. I think that, under the
circumstances which have been developed, Mr. Crampton
is useless in this country as a diplomatic agent. I say
this without the least intention of uttering a harsh word
in relation to that gentleman, who no doubt thought he
was serving his own country while violating the laws of
ours ; but I repeat that the moment this Government
informed that of Great Britain that its Minister here
was unacceptable, he should have been gracefully with-
drawn, without hesitation and without complaint.
Mr. Toombs.—l concur in the last remark of the Sena-
tor from Michigan ; but we have got beyond that paint,
and I think the resut is an unfortunate one. When I rose
before it was only for the purpose of expressing my dis-
approbation of this unfortunate result of the controversy
I did not choose to go into the enlistment qine.tion pend-
ing between the two Governments, because I differed
fr ,rn my own. I think that matter has been pressed to
a point rather of pettifogging than of stateo-nanship.
do n ,t concur in the extent to which our Government
has gone in construing our neutrality laws. I do not
think the British Government has violated them in any-
thing which it has done. I have therefere refrained from
an expression of opinion on this subject, because the
negotiations were going on ; and, no'.v that they have
been terminated, I take this occasion to express my dis-
approbation of the construe-ion placed by our Govern-
ment on the neutrality laws of the United States.
Mr. Butler.—l think, with the Senator from Georgia,
it is very unfortunate that the British Minister has been
dismissed now after this protracted correspondence. Dur-
ing the time when the allies and Russia were engaged in
war it was highly proper for the United States to say
" hands off !" so far as regards our own people in this
controversy; and especially, in my opinion, as we had
every reason at that time to conciliate, or at least not
to offend the Russian Government. After that occasion
has passed, when the subject has been lengthily discussed,
and everything is on the ebb, I think this course is
hardly proper. I do not say that the British Government
has a right to take exception to it, but I would much
prefer to have the thing done at once, or not at all. I
know no reason why the two Governments should be in-
volved in commercial litliculties and retaliation, much less
in w ir. If the sword is to be drawn, I should regard it as
a great calamity ; Ido not hesitate to say so. I would
avert it, as far as I possibly could, by my counsels ; I
would avert it, as far as I possiblycould, consistently with
the honour of my own country. The British Minister has
been dismissed,and I suppose the developments will afforel
what our Government considers justification for it ; but I
think, considering the temper which pervades the corre-
spondence of Lord Clarendon (though I have not read the
whole of it), and the tone which now seems to pervade
the public mind in both countries, this will he looked
upon a, an inopportune time for the dissolution of our
diplomatic relations with Great Britain. lam sorry to
say that such is my opinion. I know the sage c
of my blend from Michigan will go vsry far, and hie re-
mat ks may make an impression on the public mind in
Great Britain where mine, perhaps, will never even drop.
I do not say that our Government is not justified; I
only say that I think it has chosen a very inopportune
time.

Mr. Mason—l do not mean to continue this conversa-
tion, for it is such, further than to add a very few words.
I understand the Srnator from Georgia to say that, in
his judgtneut, the laws of the United States had not been
violated by the acts of the British Minister in the enlist-
ment matter.

Mr. Toombs—Yes, Sir.
Mr. Mason —lf his judgment be right, of course there
was not only no ground for dismissirg the Minister, but
no ground whatever for complaint. It is, then, a ques-
tion of fact which will go to the country, and the coun-
try will decide whether the Senator from Genr.zia has
taken a correct view of the facts as shown by the evi-
dence, or whether the correct view has been taken by
the Administration. But I suppose the Senator from
Georgia will admit that if the fat be otherwise, and if
the British Minister, by his conduct here, did violate the
laws of this country, the action of our Government upon
it, whether delayed too long or not, was rightful. I
have now a word to say in reference to what has fallen
from the senator from South Carolina, who, I know, ,
looks as closely as any other senator to the honour of the
country. He says he thinks the conduct of the Govern-
ment may be justified. Sir, if the Government has done
right its conduct is to be sustained and applauded. This
is the view which I take of it. The senator from South
Carolina says the time had gone by, the war was over,
the occasion for these enlistments had ended, the public
mind had assumed a more conciliatory tone, and
that, because of the delays, it should have been
looked on rather as a bygone affair. Sir, let the
senator remember that the demand for the recall of this
Minister was made in a despatch dated at Washington
on the 28th December last, which reached the British
Government in about 10 or 12 days at the furthest, and
the reply was dated the 30th of April. About four
months elapsed between the date of the demand and the
date of the reply. During that period of four months the
war was ended. We were not informed of the result of
this demand until four months had thus elapsed. The
British Government during that time sent to Mr. Cramp-
ton to get his explanation, and was engaged in negotiat-
ing the peace. All this was satisfactorily explained as
cause for delay. Our Government is certainly not re-
sponsible for that delay in any form. Then it results,
as I understand—such, at least, is my impression of the
posture of the cm respondence —that the British Govern-
ment declared they gave no instructions which could be
construed into a purpose on their part to violate our
laws, or show disrespect to our sovereignty. They en-
deavour to show that, so far as the British Government
are concerned, it has not been done. They regret that
we should have entertained such an opinion. They dis-
claim it. It is very well done on the part of the British
Government—perfectly acceptable to our Government,
and is so declared most explicitly. As to the acts of the
British Minister here, the British Government do no
more than the British Minister disclaimed such a pur-
pose to them. Our Government are satisfied that, al-
though the Minister did disclaim it, and doubtless dis-
claimed it u A fair And honourable WA do WI moan

to question that—the facts remain proven to this Go-
vernment showing that he did violate our laws. In my
judgment, therefore, if this Government had failed to
dismiss the British Minister, the British Government
tailing to recall him, they would have been derelict in
their duty.
Mr. Cass--Mr. President, in my opinion, we owed it
to our position among the nations of the world to dis-
miss Mr. Crampton. We could not have maintained
our character without doing it. The Powers of
Europe were watching our course. We demanded his
recall when England was engaged in war; we got no
atisfactory answer. The facts are all disclosed now
in time of peace, when the heavy pressure on England
is removed ; and, for one, as an American, I do not
want it said that we made a demand when England was
engaged in a mighty conflict, and now, when difficulties
are removed, abandon the just reparation we demanded.
In my opinion, we should have received the contumely
of the world if we had not brought this matter to its pre-
see:. consummation. The hoe. senator from Georgia
says there was no justification for this course. Sir, I
believe there is not a nation of Christendom, and hardly
a Mehamedan or a Pagan one within the verge of civili
cation, which does not prohibit the enlistment of its in-
habitants within its dominion, whether in the form of a
railroad contract or a war contract for the purpose of
hostile operations against a friendly Power. That we
did so was perfectly well-known to the British Govern-
ment and to Mr. Crampton from the commencement of
the recent European war. In fact, it appears by the
report of the Department of State that when the war
first broke out the Secretary explained to the French and
British Ministers, who called upon him together to an-
nounce that event, our duty and ons,poliox upter the
circumstance, and, I believe, furnished them with copies
of our statute upon this subject. Xt was sent by the
British Minister to his Government, go-that ignorance

in this case cannot be offered as an excuse. After awhile
England got pressed for men ; she had more money than.
seldiers.. Then was contrived what was called the
Foreign Enlistment Bill, for the purpose of procuring
recruits for her armies in foreign countries. Able men
in England, opposed to the Ministry, such as Mr.
Cobden and others, warned Parliament of thee diffi-
culties to which that measure would lead. It has
led, precisely as Mr. Cobden had foretold, into seri-
ous difficulties with us. The British Government
said they were told that men in this country wanted
*to go to the Crimea. Men may have been deluded
into that service, but for them it was a most unfor-
tunate delusion. The proposition undoubtedly went
from the British Minister here, and, I have no ques-
tion, was the result of his interviews with persons
who desired to manage the affair fir their own personal
advantages. Any man in this country, seriously in-
tending to leave it to join the British army in the Cri-
mea as a private, would have been fitter for an insane
hospital than for a warlike camp—here free, comfortable,
and, if industrious, well paid, and with an encouraging
future before him ; there—but I need not say what was
before him but death. The British Government may
have been deceived ; how Mr. Crampton could be, with
his knowledge of our country, is incomprehensible to
me. Still, ordinary sagacity in the men at the head of
military affairs in England ought to have saved them
from this false movement—ought to have taught them
that this was no country to come to to recruit men for
European armies. The expense in proportion to the
success was enormous, and will, I hope, furnish a lesson
of precaution for this future. What was the operation
of this matter ? No candid man, looking at the facts as
disclosed in the Philadelphia trials and otherwise, can
doubt that the true purport of the instructions was this:
—Get men in the United States, but do not get caught ;
take care and avoid any violation of their laws ; but the
men you must get • call them railroad labourers, and
send them to Halifax, under a contract to enlist there,
and provide them with their passage. This is the plain
English of the matter when divested of its diplomatic
garb. No man can look over the whole papers and read
them without being satisfied that this is The Bri-
tish Government knew that the proceeding was against
our laws, as a similar procesding, would have beenk
aviinst their own. Mr Crampton knew it. Of course
we are ignorant of the language of the instructions, but
their purport is sufficiently disclose 1 by the occurrences.
Do not get caught was the practical injunction. But
some of the offenders have been caught ; an 1 I repeat
that our national character and our standing among the
nations of the world require that Mr. Crampton should
return home by the act of this Government, as he ha:
not been called home, as he should have been, by the
aet of his own.

Mr. Toombs.—l had not intended, by the few words
which I uttered simply as an expression of my own
opinion, to draw out this debate and evoke the comments
of the hon. senator from Michigan. lam afraid that
the principle upon which the senator from Niiellizan has
placed this matter is the very one on which our Govern-
ment has acted. It is one which I hoartily-disaputove.
The senator says that we could not maintain ourselves
hefore the nations of the world if we made a demand on
England when she was under the pressure of war, and
then abandoned it when peac.i wa4 restorel.
Mr. Cass—State the whole of my proposition, if the
Senator pleases.
Mr. Toombs—l will do so ;or the Senator can do it
himself.

Mr. Cass—l did not say that that was the reason. I
said distinctly that the acts of her Minister had
injured our sovereignty and nationality, and now this is
not the time to give it up.
Mr. To mb-s—At any rate, the Senator intimated that
that might be a reason. I say it is a reason which ought
not to operate upon a great Government like this, It
would be very unbecoming for this Government to make
a derßand, or to allow it to be suspected that she made
a demand, on accou,-It of the peculiar position of E ,g-
-,and. Such an act would be offensive in any nation
Above all, would it be improper for this Government to
-►llow a state of peace or war between England and
France and RUSSIA t have the slight©-I influence on her
conduct. When the Government of the United States
accepted the exp'an•stion of Eniand as perfect, the other
consequences ought to have flowed from it. lam afraid
that it has resulted from an idea of what other people
might think as to our maintenance of our national
honour. In my judgment, there is a safer rule for main•
taining national honour. It is not to be found in the
opinion of oth re, but to pursue the miurse dicated by jus-
tice. Now, as to the other question, to enlist men in this
country I admit is against our laws, but I deny that
what the British Government did was a violation of them.

If the British Minister had issued proclamations an I
stuck them on this Capitol, stating that American citi
zeus who chose might go to Helifax and there be enlisted
to take sides for Russia or for England, it would not
he a violation of the neutrality laws of the United States.
I hold to the right of expatriation, I hold the doctrine
of Mr. Webster in his letter to Mr. Hnlsetnann. They
had a perfect right to go there. This whole dispute has
been a technical argument about engaging them to go to
enlist. I think the question is too small a one to be made
a matter of grave demand between two Governments
The moment the British Government disclaimed, as it
did from the beginning, any idea of violating our sove-
reignty or territorial rights, our Government ought not
to have gone into matters of confficling proof as to what
had been done by the British Governmint and British
Minister. When they disclaimed any ilea of violating
our laws, or interfering with our sovereign right., the
questions in regard to oaths at criminal court trials
ought not to have been allowed for one moment to melee
an issue with Great Britain. She disclaimed it ;so did
her Minister. Whether that disclaimer was true or falee
the national honour was satisfied ; and the question ought
to have remained there. Such is my judgment.
Mr. Pratt—There is one fact which I wish to state,
that the
I h
rati
heenttleink has
itste,r3ao u
dated
adpaooftltoebgreyetnhoeanl Iptuieldaeectpel taolratbtoye other--namely,flyt established
set.Bl
brliitsihs
ehdGbe-
tween the Powers of Europe. Then, whatever may have
been the state of affairs at the time when the offence was
given, England was certainly relieved from all expecta-
tion of difficulty with any European Power at the time
when she made this apology, which has been admitted by
our Government to be acceptable. The offence charged
wee that she attempted to enlist soldiers while engaged
in a war with a Government with which we were at
peace. Her Government has in a letter dated the 30th
of April, since peace has been established in Europe, dis-
claimed any intention of violating the law
of which we complain. Our Government say this
is entirely acceptable to them. I concur, then, with the
senator from Georgia and others in saying that I think
it was beneath the dignity of this Government to tarn
off the mere agent of the British Government who has
made a similar disclaimer, when the British Government
itself is relieved from all responsibility.
Mr Mason.—Mr. President, it is the tendency of
the human mind to differ on facts as they are presented,
to draw different inferences and different c inclusions.
The hon. senator form Georgia construes the enlistment
laws in a manner very different from that in which I con-
strue them and in which they have been construed by the
Federal courts. It is a breach of those laws, as I under-
stand them, not only to engage persons to enlist, but to
offer inducements for a man on American soil to leave it
and go on a foreign soil to enlist in a foreign sera ice. The
senator from Georgia says he does not understand this to
be any violation of law ; in fact, he went so far as to say
that if the British Minister had set up a proclamation
here on the Capitol, under his own name, informing per-
sons in the United States that if they would go into the
adjacent British dominions to be enlisted it would have
constituted no violation of the neutrality laws. I take
issue with the senator from Georgia, but I shall not go
into the argument. I understand that the Federal Court
at Philadelphia decided the direct opposite. I should
have so decided if I had been in the court. I appre-
hend that when the correspondence is examined the facts
will be found to be substantially these :—the British
Minister at Washington undertook to construe our laws
for himself, and to determine what acts he could do and
what acts he could not do in reference to them. His
opinion is that what he did did not contravene our laws.
Our courts have decided that it did contravene them,
and our Government has so decided. If the fact be that
he did violate our laws he ought not to remain, and he
has been dismissed in consequence of it.
Mr. Hamlin—ls there any question before the Senate
The Presiding Officer—The motion for printing extra
numbers of the correspondence goes to the committee on
printing.
Mr. Fitzpatrick—My colleague on the committee (Mr.
Jammu) and myself km consulted upon the matter,

...~.__...~,._...:~e;F.~ :.a:..

prinntiengreplOor,OtOwoasexootrancozieesd.in,
and the Se
and,- as the document is one of great in;
tance, we have agreed to report at et
CANADIAN VIEW OF MB. CRAlin '8
DISMISSAL. k
__
(Front the Montreal Herald, May 29.) ,
, -By the attention of our Washington correspondent wo—
were enabled, yesterday afternoon, to- issue a slip 'con-
taining the intelligence, received by telegraph, of Mr. )
Crampton and Consuls Barclay, Mathewe, and ItOw.
croft's dismissal by the United_States'-Government; •
Oar -correspondent adds that Mr. Marcy's letter, in reply
to Lord Clarendon's last despatch, is "conciliatory,
but firm." The New York papers, in contemplation of
the dismissal which has taken place, appear pretty
generally to believe the British Government will
" pocket the affront," and send successors to their dis-
missed officials. We are of a different opinion, and
have no doubt Mr. Dallas will be served with a "notice
to quit" within an hour of the receipt of Mr. Ma.roy-Ii".
despatcb, however "conciliatory" may be its terms.
= The pretence that Mr. Crampton is not dismissed be-
cause of the enlistment imbroglio, but from his being
personally distasteful to the President, is, in our view,
untenable, and ought not to be accepted. Mr. Cramp*
t )n was, notoriously personally acceptable to the Presi-
dent previous to the enlistment affair; and it is clearly
his alleged conduct in that affair to which his dismissal
must be attributed. Besides, are Messrs. Barclay,
Mathews. and Rowcroft all personally unacceptable to -
the President 1
The following is from the New York lieread:—.
" We undentand that John F. Crampton, who has
recently been dismissed from the po..t of Minister from
Great Britain to the Government of the United States,
by Presi !cat Pierce, arrived In New York late on Fri.
day night, and put up at the private residence of ex-
Consul Barclay, in Bond-street. Mr. Crampton was
aware of his fate for some time before he received his
passport, and bad made all hisarrangements to leave.as
soon as it was officially announced. It is understood
that Mr. Lumley, the Secretary of Legation, will remain
in Washington, without, however, attending to any*
Governmental business. .
" Mr. Crampton will for Bugles& in thesteaut-
ship Canada, which sans from Boston,r WideadaTi- .--- 4. ,
the 4th inst., and wilt ba accorapini a ' -by Anthony • -,
Barclay, Esq., late consul -of the port of New- York,
and George B. Mathews, Esq., late cowl of Philadel-
phia. It is supposed that Chas. Rowcroft Esq., late
consul at Cincinnati, will also sail on that daj, should
be be able to finish up his business in time. Tile die.
missed officials will, of courie, be anxious to report
themselves to their Government at as early a date as
possible, and learn in what light their conduct has been
viewed. It has not yet transpired who will take charge -
of the New York Consulate in the absence of Mr.
Barclay."