The Sun.
London, England, 1860-02-29 00:00:00

IN, WEDINESDA:

this country determined to stand. If any mitt cast his
eyes over that part of the world he would see what
would become of the integrity of Switzerland, if that part
of it were to be surrounded in the way it would ba by the
French empire if this annexation took place. Switzerland
would be jammed in between the fangs of two departments
of France, and the maintenance of the neutrality of Switzer-
land, after such an event, would be an almost geographical
impossibility. He knew it was constantly said tha.tthe treaties
since 1815 had been thought so little of and so often violated
that we need not make ourselves uneasy at the exact ob-
servance of any particular treaty. He could understand why
erroneous views of this kind had originated, but he
thought he would be able to show the house this kind of
cynical indifference as to the application of treaties had no
reference to the engagements by which we were bound as to
those countries which bordered upon France. (Hear.)
Many of the engagements made at the settlement of 1815—
as for instance that in reference to the republic of Cracow
—were of such a nature that although the parties to those
arrangements had a clear right to remonstrate if those
arrangements should be violated, still there was no obliga-
tion on the part of any of those states to take steps in case
they were violated. Such was the case with respect to Cra-
cow and the Italian States. Another class of treaties there
was by which this country had guaranteed to some other
States the ownership and independence of their territory ; of
these Switzerland was one. But the third class of treaties
was more important ; such was that by which the great
Powers guaranteed that the territory verging on Fiance
should not be annexed to the French empire. The defini-
tive treaty between Trance and the allied Powers was
signed Nov. 20, 1815, and it provided by the first article that
the frontiers of France shall be the same as in 1790, save and
except as to the modifications contained in that article, and
then it went on to define the frontier of France exactly as it
now stands. Had the matter remained there it would have
stood exactly on the same footing as the republic of
Cracow with any other States of Europe to which the
guarantee applied. But the feeling of the four great powers
was not such as to leave the future policy of Europe at the
whim and disposal' of the otherpowers. One of the strongest
acts known in diplomacy was resorted to, namely, that one
of the four great powers was made to engage with each of the
other great Powers singlyrthat it would maintain the treaty
in full force and vigour. The treaty was signed the same
day between this country and Austria, and subsequently
similar treaties were signed between ngland and France.
The high contracting parties respectively promised to main-
tain in full force and vigour the treaty signed by his most
Christian Majesty., and to see the stipulations in the said_
treaty, as well as those particular conventions, strictly and
faithfully executed to the fullest extent. By a protocol it
was provided that the King of Sardinia (a protocol drawn
up at the same time) should raise out of a common fund,
under the control of the four great Powers, 10,000,000 f.,
which were to be laid out in fortifying and strengthening
her defences bordering upon France. But he wished the
house to observe the effect which-the annexation of Savoy
would have upon what he must suppose was dear to every
member of that house—freedom of action. At present it
was important to us to stand aloof in any great European
struggle, and to determine whether we should or should not
take part in it; but let this annexation once take place and
our freedom of action is for ever gone. For, no sooner had
the casus feederis arrived than Russia, or Prussia, or Aus-
tria, separately and without joint action, might call upon
us to fulfil our treaty, and we should fulfil it or have the
dishonour of not fulfilling our obligations. He could not
forget that the kingdom of Sardinia was governed on princi-
ples which were in that country strongly respected. He did
not intend to compare the institutions of Sardinia with
those of this country, he would be pardoned for saying he
preferred his own. In his opinion they could not con-
sent to the loss of Nice and Sardinia without defacing the
map of Europe. He did not see that there had been the
slightest jealousy in this country of the large an-
nexations which France had made to her empire in the north
of Africa—in Algeria. Neither himself nor any other tra-
veller, upon his return to this country, had shown any such
feeling, though there could be no doubt but that France
greatly enhanced her material strength and increased her
military power by those conquests. The reason why he was
opposed to France annexing Savoy and Nice was, because
the annexation of those districts would unsettle Europe.
The Government of Sardinia was a settled Government,
and the Government of France was a new institution. He
could, therefore, very well enter into the feelings of those
Savoyards and people of Nice who preferred remaining
subjects of Sardinia ; they admitted the great glory of
France, but they respectfully said in that glory they had no
desire to share, Where had this scheme for the annexation
of Savoy originated ? The Emperor of France when he
engaged in the last Italian war obtained the acquiescence
of Europe on the solemn assurance that he entertained no
scheme involving the aggrandisement of France. Count
Walewski in a despatch to 'the Due de Malakoff, then Am-
bassador here, said that the Government of the Emperor
was not influenced by any arriere pensje, or ambitious
views, that he had nothing to dissemble and nothing to
conceal. Coming more closely to the discussion of the pre-
sent subject, Count Walewsk4 again wrote to the Duo de
Malakoff, that the passes of the Alps were not in French
hands, but it was in the highest degree important to us
(France) that the keys of them should remain at Turin
solely (uniquement). The count added, that the Emperor
had no desire to separate his views from those of his allies.
We come next to a still more startling declaration made in
the proclamation of the Emperor at Milan on the Bth ofJune:
—"Your enemies, who are my enemies, have endeavoured
to diminish the sympathies that exist throughout all
Europe for your cause, by trying to persuade the world that I
am, in carrying on this war, actuated by personal motives,
for the aggrandhement of France.
are greater by the moral influence they exercise than by
any barren conquests, and this moral influence I seek
after by endeavouring to emancipate one of the most beau-
tiful countries in Europe." He must frankly acknowledge
that he did not understand the exact import of these words
of the Emperor, for it happened that he had in the drawer
of his table a document which led him to suspect that these
words of the proclamation were not entitled to more weight
than those of the bulletins of the former, so that his (Mr.
Kinglake's)" ideas were not of very recent date. Eleven
months ago, in March past, when peace prevailed in Eu-
rope, he felt it to be his duty to make a communication to
the Government, although then in opposition, and he com-
municated to the effect a paper which, with the permission
of the house, he would now read. He might be permitted
to say that he had received this paper under circumstances
which fully justified him in making any use of it which
he might have thought proper. But the house must not
ask him to give the name of his authority; all he could
say on that point was—speaking on his honour—that he
had it from a source which made him fully believe in its
truth. He spoke in the presence of an hen. gentleman op-
posite (Mr. S. Fitzgerald), who would bear bim out when
he said this was not a new thought with him. The com-
munication was as follows :—" On the evening before the
marriage of the Princess Clothildo a paper was signed by
the Emperor of the French, which was called a pacte de
famille, not a treaty or convention promising Id offensive
and defensive to Sardinia, the King on his side promising
Savoy and Nice to France in return for whatever posses-
sions he may gain in Lombardy. The paper was signed
by Walewski." Lord Malmesbury desired Lord Cowley
to ask a question on the subject; but then the noble
earl used the word treaty, and not pacte de fa-
mine. The answsr came, pf course,' following the
words of the question, saying that there had been no treaty;
but Count Walewski was very reserved on the subject of
territorial arrangements. Lord Cowley's despatch to Lord
Malmosbury was to the effect that Count Walewski having
given him an oppotunity, he thought it right, without
putting to him any question on the subject, to let him
know that her Majesty's government were in possession of
information that a treaty had been signed on the 17th Jan.
between France and Sardinia; and Count Walewski re-
plied, " that all he could assure him was that up to this
moment there was no treaty whatever. He made no allu-
sion to the territorial question." No disclosure was made
for a long time, and not until the month of July, when the
noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs announced the
peace of Villafranca, and that he had authority to announce
that there was no intention on the part of the Emperor to
annex Savoy and Nice. The existence of this pacte de
famille, or this arrangement, seemed to have been well
concealed until he gave his -first notice of motion on this
matter, and he then introduced into it the words " pacte de
famine." It then became known that this was a matter
which could be no longer concealed from Europe, and Lord
Granville, on the 7th Feb. last, disclosed, not in complete
language, but in language which shadowed out the truth,
the existence of something like the arrangement of which
he had spoken. The noble lord said they had been told by
the imperial government that there was no question on the
annexation of Savoy; that one of the , many points dis-
cnssed before the war was the annexation:of Savoy under
certain contingencies, but these contingencies not having
occurred, there was at that moment no question of annexa-
tion ; and the French Government added, that in the
event of Sardinia obtaining a great addition of territory,
they \mild feel themselves at liberty to consider
what conditions they should attach to such annexation.
There apparently the matter stood. He did not doubt that
before the war there was an arrangement that in exchange
for Lombardy the Emperor of the French should become
possessed of avoy and Nice, but the Emperor having failed
in recovering the whole of Lombardy the contingency
failed, and both France and Sardinia, he believed, acqui-
esced in the proposition that the circumstances under which
Savoy and Nice were to be given to France did not occur.
But later in the autumn, when it became apparent that the
provisions of the treaty of Villafrancr would not, and could
not, be carried into effect, the Central States of Italy began
to provide for themselves, and indicated an intention of an-
flexing themselves to the kingdom of Sardinia, and then
the
Emperor of the French reverted to his original notion,
that if Sardinia was to become aggrandised, though not as
originally intended but in fact, he should feel himself en-
titld to insist upon the annexationt of Savoy to France,
hunapdpeirlythseinpereoshieseionntseolifi the pacts pathe:
annexation
famille. But
wßenutld et h
they had
carried into effect by the Emperor without
acizi:TbsausltTig the
greatpars Powers d ofd
addressed
otphee.
Inaepre Emperor
Majesty's
subject, and he
was assured that the Emperor would not proceed to final
d
matter
a plain without
m a n consulting
he
d n
to
u w the
g reoat
td Powers.
If e decision in
they
were told
by eld
some-
thing witnout consulting a third party, they
mighto infer
hat in addition to consulting him he would be governed by
the advice which he received. But when they
found that
contemporaneously
with this statement that the Emperor
would consult the great Powers, ho asserted that a portion of
Savoy was necessary to the empire of France, they would be
led to fear that that was rather an indication on the part of
France of what she meant to do, than any question of
inquiry as to what the other Powers might think to be
right. (Hear, hear.) When the four great Powers were
consulted upon this subject in the way now intended,
he hoped and trusted that the answer of our Go-
vernment would be so closely similar to the answer of
every other, that all Europe should know that the four
mind. ear.) He heard it said
great Powers were of one ( H
that it was well this country should be ailied to France, and
that there should be a treaty of alliance between theth. But
treaties of alliance did not depend upon proximity, norupon
caprice, but on community of interests. Did they or did
they not desire the same as the other Powers of Europe ?
He believed that England anxiously desired peace; then he
thoueht the allies of England must also desire peace. Would
the Emperor persist in this scheme? Ile believed he was
naturally a man of much moderation. He was a thought-
ful person, very alive to difficulties ; but he was armed with
a power which had annexed to it a fatal condition, and it
had annexed to it this condition, that he must use it, and he
doubted whether he had such an amount of strength as to
I,e able to resist the influence which urged him towards this
annexation. At all events, he would no longer have it in
his power to proceed by stealth. All Europe would see that
this act if it were done would be in open violation of trea-
ties, and then they would, he thought, under etand and per-
ceive that the right of nations was made to depend in this
epoch, not upon justice, but upon strength.
Sir R. PEEL said he had great pleasure in seconding the
motion. He felt so deeply the importance of this subject
that he could not refrain, before entering upon a few obser-
vations which he might have to offer, from tendering his
thanks to his hon. friend for the clear and lucid manner in
which he had submitted his statement. The house would
be glad of this opportunity being afforded to the Govern
meat to offer semi? 9bsery4tions upon this Feat and impor-

taut subject. (Hear, bear.) The question affected not only
the whole of the Italian nation, but it affected .the whole
of Europe. It was one which not only affected the terri-
torial limits and geographical frontiers of Friknee ; it-not-
only affected Switzerland as regarded three of her pro-
vinces ; but it affected the whole comity of nations; and. in
this way, that it attempted to make an inroad into the elaar-
ter of European tenure, which was the basis of the exigence
of territorial arrangements. That was an attempt which
must be checked at once with a vigorous hand, or must be
sanctioned by the consent of the great European powers, or
it might lead to convulsions very shortly. (Hear.,) This
motion was not made in a spirit of hostility against the Go-
vernment of her Majesty. No hon. member woul d think
that. He believed the present Government had followed
the policy of its predecessors during very troublesoine and
hazardous times, and they had been anxious to maintain
friendly relations with all the powers of Europe, and that was
a policy which all must desire to maintain. (Hear, hear.)
That being the case, he could not but recollect wha t that
venerated statesman (Lord Aberdeen), he might almost say
of a bygone generation, had once said, viz., that the foreign
policy of every Government had been more or less identical
with the policy of its predecessors for the last thirty years.
He (Sir R. Peel) believed the Government had followed out
the policy of its predecessors. They knew that was the
policy of Lord Malmesbury, and that noble lord had de-
clared that his exertions and those of the Government to
which he belonged were instrumental in confining the strug-
gle of last year between Austria on the one side and France
and Sardinia on the other to the Italian states. (Hear,
hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) believed there were many persons
who thought that the Government of her Majesty had been
desirous to abstain from involving this country in the dis-
putes of our allies and, our friends. But then how came
it, after having resolved upon following that course, that
he found on the 4th February this communication from
Lord Cowley to M. Thouvenel proposing a scheme for the
settlement of the affairs of Italy, and to the effect that
Venetia should remain under the rule of Austria, that the
inhabitants of Central Italy should be allowed a year to vote
the question of annexation to Sardinia, that France should
allow them to accomplish their wishes, and lastly, thatt.
France should withdraw her troops from Rome. (Hear,
hear.) He (Sir Robert Peel) believed that France answered
that she was not able at that moment to send a reply, and
they now heard that the ether foreign governments could
not accede to the English propositions without reservation.
But were her Majesty's Government leaving that indepen-
dent action which the Government of this country had pre-
viously followed ? (Hear, hear.) What had we to do with
asking France to allow Tuscany to become united to Sar-
dinia ? (Hear, hear.) France replied, " Yes, but France
will then take Savoy." His hon. friend had said that this
question of Savey was long previous to this. It might be
so. But it was patent to everybody that when the Govern-
ment proposed to annex Tuscany to Sardinia, .France re-
plied, a With the annexation of Savoy to France." He
believed the Government had been desirous of giving some
prLctical effect to their administration ; and he approved
greatly of the exertions they had recently made with a view
of increasing and improving the commercial relations with
France and other countries of the world. But he believed
that on the very day the Government approved of the treaty
of commerce the Emperor put forward his scheme of the
annexation of Savoy. Now that looked very much as if the
commercial treaty had some important political tendencies.
(Hear, hear.) They had heard a great deal lately of the
conciliatory spirit of the Emperor, and no one more than
himself desired friendly relations with France, but he must
say he had heard a great deal, not only of the conciliatory
spirit of France, but of other things, and of course France
had her own interests to consult, and not those of any
other country. (Hear, hear.) Then how same it that
there had arisen at this time this apparent civility on the
part of Franco—(hear, hear)—and was it the desire on the
part of the Emperor to clear -away those libellous charges
which had been so plentifully heaped upon him, or was it
the desire of her Majesty's Government to open fresh chan-
nels of communication with this country, or was this treaty
merely a medium of according a sop to France to enable her
to carry on, with undiminished vigour, her schemes of am-
bition and power ? He hoped the house would boldly say,
and that the Government would avail themselves of the
opportunity, that this commercial treaty had no reference
whatever to the political condition of Italy, and that it did
not bind this country to the future policy of France. (Hear,
hear.) He had lately read the voluminous blue-book con-
taining despatches on the state of Italy, and he hoped he
might say that he thought they reflected upon the noble
lord the Foreign Secretary the greatest credit ; and they
showed that he had conducted the affairs of the foreign de-
, partment with a dignity worthy of the Government and the
country. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord must recollect that
with regard to the friendly assurances of France, his hon.
. friend had expressed great doubts on that point, and they
, had one notable instance of her sincerity. (Hear, hear.) He
would mention one great proof of it, and that was this that
at the time when France united with America in her strug-
gle against England she never made more strenuous pro-
fessions of her friendly relations with this country. (Hear,
hear.) And at this time, when she made much of her
friendly relations with England, she talked about correct-
ing her geographical frontier. (Hear, hear.) That was a
great and important matter, but who was to decide it ex-
cept the great Powers who had put their seals upon the in-
strument which had existed since the last century ? The
Government of France expressed the will and feelings of the
Emperor ; and when they found an article in La Patrie-:
which for its impertinence could not be exceeded—in favour
of the annexation of Savoy, they must remember that no less
than 19 newspapers in France had been suppressed for
making assertions not in accordance with the wishes
of the Government. He believed the people of Savoy were
not desirous to be united to France. The hon. member then
referred to the pacte de famille and the proclamation of the
Emperor when he entered Milan in June, 1859, and said
that he had no personal ambition to gratify in the acquisi-
tion of territory to France, and the hon. gentleman added
that every one would be inclined to believe what the Em-
peror then said if the pacto de famille was not in existence.
But the Government should watch events narrowly, for
these pactes do famille were generally framed against the
liberties of the people whom they most concerned. A pact
was signed in 1761, and in later days there was a similar
one between Napoleon and his brothers. These family pacts
prohibited all interference from other rowers, and if there
were such a tone in existence it would require the greatest
care and watchfulness from her Majesty's Government.
But whence had sprung this question of the annexation of
Savoy ? It had arisen from the struggle which made Pied-
mont a great Italian power. Piedmont got a large accessieh
of territory, and in consequence Savoy was threatened, and
Switzerland was in danger of losing her ancient neutrality.
The neutrality of Slvi. zerland was guaranteed by eight
Powers in 1815, when Prince Metternich himself declared
that her neutrality was indispensable to her independence,
and that could not be secured without the military frontier
afforded by Chablais and Fancigny. By this treaty it was
laid down that in case of war this territory, which abutted
on the Lake of Geneva, should be occupied by Swiss
troops. The very existence of the Helvetic Confederation
was bound up in the neutrality of these provinces; and the
moment that France took possession of them that indepen-
dence was at an end. There were 10,000 Frenchmen resident
in Geneva, and it was said 10,000 Savoyards also. Sup-
posing Geneva to be surrounded by French territory, what
would be its position with this garrison of 60,000 enemies
within its walls? (Hear, hear.) If this annexation were
permitted, the next claitnput forward would be that of Ger-
many for the passes of St. Gothard, to balance the acquire-
ment of the Simplon by France. (Hear.) Should Germany
thus 'seize the passes of St. Gothard, he would leave the
house to:iinagine the general complications that would arise.
(Hear, hear.) Perhaps if that were conceded they would'
next have a demand•from sonic quarter of the Rhenish pro-
vinces. He would entreat the Government and Parlia-
ment to oppose some check to such a state of things. Let
them remember that in 1792 France annexed Savoy, in 1798
she annexed Geneva, and in 1802 the cantons Do Vana and
De Valais. All this territory remained integral parts of the
republic and empire until 1814-15. The time was come
when they should endeavour to check these aggresive ten-
dencies of France, and, if possible, maintain the indepen
dance of Savoy as guaranteed by the treaties of 1815. He
hoped that the house woud raise its voice against any
attempt to take away these provinces, which fairly belonged
to Sardinis. He admitted that his voice was but weak and
inefficient, but he had been asked to give expression to the
wishes of the Swiss people—(hear, hear)—and in the ab-
sence of a more powerful advocate he had done so. (Loud
cheers.) He had resided for some years in that country,
'through the kindness of the noble lord the member for
Tiverton, and had had opportunities of knowing the senti-
ments of its leading statesmen, from one of whom he had
received a letter dated on the day the signature of the
treaty was promulgated, and from that letter he would, with
the permission of the house, read one paragraph His
friend said :—" We have learned that a treaty has been
negotiated for the annexation of Savoy to France, and that
in it no exceptional mention- has been made of the neutral
provinces which join Switzerland. Moreover, if we
are well informed, there are good reasons for appre- I
hending that France intends repudiating the neu-
trality of these _ provinces, which was secured
by the treaty of 1815, and all previous treaties with the
House of Savoy. These treaties went even further than
guaranteeing the neutrality of the provinces, for Sardinia
engaged never to detach these provinces except for the pur-
pose of making them over to Switzerland, and wo hoped
that such a reservation would have been made in the pre-
sent treaty. These two provinces contain 150,000 I •uls, who
in the event of any annexation of Savoy to France earnestly
desire that they may be incorporated with Switzerland. '
(Hear, hear.) Besides this, the cry of the whole of the Swiss-
press was for the maintenance of the status quo, and if that
were disturbed the incorporation of the neutral provinces.
These provinces still maintained their ancient attachment
to the House of Savoy, but if that house gave them up their
only desire was f 'incorporation with the Swiss Confede-
ration. A declaration to that effect, signed by 9:50 of the
principal inhabitants, had been circulated, and the feeling
which inspired it was deserving of the highest credit. That
address, in conclusion, said, " Dans le cas inattendu d'une
separation de la Savoie, le Faucigny et le Chablais ne you-
draierit pas etre Francais, mais toleraient plutot leur an-
nexion ala Suisse." Surely it would not promote the joy
of Italy at her own enfranchisement if it were thus pur-
chased at the expense of these small but brave and free
communities. (Cheers.) He appealed to her Majesty's
Government to bring their powerful influence to bear upon
the question, and he promised them that the House of
Commons would support them in their efforts on the side of
independence and nationality. (Loud cheers.) Ile appealed
to them act in accordance with the sentiments which had
been so often expressed by the noble lord the member for
Tiverton and the noble lord the member for London. He
trusted that they would carry on their negotiations not only
with conciliation but with power, for he believed that never
was power more wanted. The eyes of Europe were anxi-
ously turned towards this country, to see what p )lley she
would pursue. Italy was bursting into freedom. As Byron
beautifully said--

"Italy !
Tim., which hath wing' thee with ten thousand rents
Of thine imperial garment, shall deny,
And lath denied, to every other sky,
Spirits which soar from ruin. Thy decay
Is still impregnate .with
Which gilds it with revivifying ray,"

And the revivifying rays of that freedom would cast its
bright illumination upon all the surrounding countries. He
asked the noble lord not to quench that light, but to noutisk
and sustain it in undiminished vigour. (Cheers.) He hoped
that they would not throw the weight of English influence
into the scale exclusively with Italian independence, but that
they would also endeavour to secure the independence of that
ancient republic, which had so long, amid the shock of em-
pires, stood the beacon light of constitutional liberty and
the home of political exiles. (Loud cheers.) If her Majes-
ty's Ministers did not follow,a straightforward policy inthis
matter they would not meet with the support of the House
of Commons, but if they ifould show that their policy, while
not officiously internieddling with the affairs of other ua-