The Sun.
London, England, 1860-05-24 00:00:00

a battalion of sharpshooters, some say the sth, hitherto unheard of in the history of revolutions,
some the 9th, were soon routed, and compelled to all the sentiments which are the soul of a people in
fall back on Alcano, a small town 32 Italian miles revolt—legitimate mistrust and blind rage—consent
from Palermo. By the time it arrived at this at the same time to be silent."
place the heroic band was largely increased by
the numerous volunteers which had flocked from
the provinces through which it had passed. It
was at Alcano that some of the chiefs of the in- ,
surrection met the gallant general, and discussed
with him and with his staff the plan of the march
on Palermo. On the morning of the 16th the in-
surgents had arrived at the Pioppo, a position which
commands the Sicilian capital from a distance of
eight Italian miles in the direction of Monreale.
It is not stated, however, whether these insurgents
belonged to the army of Garibaldi, or whether their
presence was to be ascribed to a concentrating
movement operated by the bands which had pre-
viously harassed the Neapolitan garrison of Palermo.
At the first announcement of these facts at
Naples great was the rage of the King, who
openly accused the commanders of the Strom-
boli and of the Capri of having treacherously
allowed Garibaldi to land. A council of Minis-
ters was summoned to the royal palace, and
General Filangieri and Prince Ischitella were
requested to take the civil and military command
of the island. This offer was, however, declined by
both of them. They are too cunning not to per-
ceive that the hours of Bourbonic power are num-
bered in Sicily. Orders were given to send fresh
troops, which were shipped on board sin steamers,
put under the command of Admiral Salazar, the
same man who, in 1848, captured in the waters of
Corfu the vessel which had on board General
Ribotti, Marquis Fardella, Longo, Delli Frani, and
about 200 other Sicilian patriots. Generals Lanza
and Barbalonga were soon despatched to Palermo,
to offer concessions to the Sicilians. These con-
cessions were—The Count of Trani, half-brother of
the King, to be an independent Viceroy ; general
amnesty; and the construction of railroads through
the island. It was generally reported at
Naples, that in case of a refusal General Lanza
had the power of offering to the Sicilians the con-
stitution of 1812. It was not likely that the Sici-
lians would listen to the propositions of the Neapo-
litan Court whilst Garibaldi was at the head of an
army, and the whole of the island revolutionised.
It is true that the royal army is 40,000 strong,
and that the garrison of Palermo reckons at least
22,000 men. But you must bear in mind that the

The Paris correspondent of the Tinzes (Second
Edition), in his letter, dated May 23, says :

"Whatever fresh intelligence may have been re-
ceived from Naples, none of a kind favourable
to that Government has transpired. We may,
therefore, infer that the movement in Sicily is
making progress; and it is to be apprehended that
the promise of a Constitution, even though guaran-
teed by the Imperial Government of France, would
hardly induce the revolted to lay down their arms.
Men flushed with success, accompanied by the sym-
pathies of all who hate tyranny, and fighting in such
a cause, will not easily give up their chance of suc-
cess for those promises, even enhanced with such
an endorsement.

" The Emperor of the French is said to be more
and more dissatisfied with the Piedmontese, who,
his Majesty seems to believe, are (to use a vulgar
phrase) " coming the old soldier over him." When
Savoy was to be handed up to France it is clear
that it was not Savoyards who have been
converted into French citizens, that were meant,
but something quite as valuable—namely, the
land that bore them. Now, it is very well
to fight for an idea, but, after all, a bargain
is a bargain. The Piedmontese do not appear
to have as good a notion of this elementary
maxim as people at the Tuileries, and the former
have employed the interval before the ratifica-
tion of the treaty in selling, as fast as they can,
and to the highest bidder, not merely the personal
property of Victor Emmanuel, but the Crown
lands which should revert to France. This is
rather sharp practice. France, doubtless, glories
in her new subjects, but if they bring nothing with
them there will be matter for complaint.
A letter from Rome, dated the 16th instant,
says :—" It is believed here that Garibaldi has not
gone to Sicily, but that he is meditating a master-
stroke upon some ether point of Italy. It appears
certain that an expedition had been organised
against the Roman States, and that the landing
was to take place in the port of Fermo, on the
Adriatic. Public opinion is much agitated, and it
is probable that some serious event will shortly
take place in Central Italy. The King of Naples
believes that he is strong enough to subdue the
insurrection."

troops having been daily' harassed by the insur-
gents, oven before the arrival of Garibaldi, they
have lost courage, and that symptoms of insubor-
dination were already manifest in its ranks. Be-
sides, the attitude of the Palermitans was so threat-
ening that Miniscalco had thought proper to start
for Naples in order to advise the King to have the
troops removed to Messina. Palermo has a brave
population of 200,000 souls, and we know what
wonders it was able to accomplish in 1848. The
demonstrations at the Cassero, and the more re-
cent ones of Strada Nuova and Porta Macqueda,
where the women were the first to shout out " Long
live united Italy ! Long live Victor Emmanuel
our King !" sufficiently show what sort of people
the Neapolitan soldiers have to deal with. The
Palermitan women even went so far as to offer
their bosoms to the bayonets of the soldiers. "Now
then," they exclaimed at Porta Macqueda, " kill
us all ; do what you have done at Carini—take
our children and massacre them. Better die than
live under the infamous and tyrannic sway of
your King." When a country can boast such
women its freedom is already assured, its cause
cannot but triumph.
The vagueness of the intelligence which arrives
from Sicily is considered by the Constitutionnel as
an inauspicious omen for the ultimate success of the
King of Naples. There are, our contemporary ob-
serves, certain causes which cannot be content with
a semi-triumph ; their victory must be complete
and undeniable, or it ceases to merit the appella-
tion. Public opinion in Europe from the very out-
set seems to have made up its mind, the writer
observes, that since the King's Government had not
succeeded in putting down the insurrection, the in-
surrection would indubitably obtain the mastery
and drive out the Royal troops. In fact, so little
doubt was entertained of Garibaldi's success, once
that he was able to hold his ground in the first en-
counters, that, according to our contemporary, two
serious apprehensions seized on the minds of poli-
tical men throughout Europe—one, that a revolu-
tionary convulsion might arise in Sicily and spread
to the rest of Italy, proving too powerful for Gari-
baldi ; and the other that his success might lead
to a European conflagration, the various Powers de-
claring, some in his favour, and others against
him. The writer in the Constitutionnel considers
such fears as quite unfounded. Revolution, in the
usual acceptation of the word, has, ho admits
partisans in Italy, but ,it likewise finds there
energetic opponents—at Turin, of position, and at
Rome of principles. In Piedmont, the fact of a
constitutional Government existing and working
with perfect regularity is of itself sufficient, par-
ticularly after the annexation of the previously
discontented provinces, to render the ingress of
revolution there quite impossible. As to its
chances at Rome, the following is the language of
the article :
" If the Revolution is impossible at Turin, it is
still more so at Rome. The capital of the Catholic
world happily has other defenders besides the
bands of recruits so laboriously collected under the
command of a French general. It still enjoys the
efficacious protection of Imperial France ; it still
has the support of that eldest daughter of the
Church, who, without expecting gratitude from
any one, will ever keep watch, whether present or
absent, over the holy asylum of the successor of
St. Peter. Once, it must be remembered,
the Revolution found its way into the eternal
seat of Catholicism. Who re-opened the gates
of the Vatican to the Holy Father ? France ;
and France will continue her determined and
powerful protection to the capital of Christian
civilisation."
As consequently no danger exists, the writer con-
ceives that revolution with all its horrors will folio w
in the wake of Garibaldi's success ; the point arises
as to whether it may not lead to serious differences
among the European Powers. His reasons for the
negative opinion are thus given :
" There remain Naples and Sicily, respecting
which, the apprehensions, though different, are
not better founded. It is feared that a general
disturbance may rise from recent events. We do
not think there is any ground for any uneasiness
on that score. In the first place the Neapolitan
kingdom is not yet in the hands of Garibaldi.
We even see that Francis 11. has at length begun
to make concessions. Let us hope it may not be
too late. But if, unfortunately, it should so
happen ; if a radical change is to be realised in
that kingdom, must we perforce thence conclude
that a great danger threatens the order and peace
of Europe ? Such a peril could only exist if
Europe were divided. But any divisions that may
exist between the great Powers are of a secon-
dary order; and, thank God ! they are not
of a nature to prevent the common understanding
necessary to the equilibrium and security which
protect them all. Therefore, when any change
takes place at Naples, it will not be the exclusive
concern of France or England or Piedmont, but of
all Europe; it will be a question that can only be
settled by European arbitration. This reflection is
sufficient to re-assure public opinion against even
the worst eventualities."
The Debats also publishes some remarks on
the affairs in Sicily, and expresses the opinion
that, as Garibaldi has hitherto held out, he must
eventually succeed. The writer says :
" One fact, however, appears evident from all
the accounts which contradict each other in so
many ways, and that is, that the volunteers of
Garibaldi have not been overwhelmed by the
Neapolitans, as the journals hostile to them had
at one moment supposed, and the expedition still
continues its progress. In the situation in which
it is placed, not to quit the island is to con-
quer, even should it bo fora time compelled
to fall back before the superior forces of the
King. The future may perhaps reserve for it
more striking and more decisive triumphs ; but
it cannot gain a greater one than not to have failed
at the first step. There is, therefore, but slight
interest in knowing whether the mission of Gen.
Lanza to Sicily is in fact a conciliatory one,
makeand
cowhethernces s i
otnhs. the Bing o£
wouldg
be the first time Naplesthat is disposed to
concessions have succeeded before an armed insur-
rection' They will honour rather tardily the
Court of Naples in the eyes of Europe; but they
will not decide the fate of Sicily, henceforth given
up to the Atte ef Arms ; unless, indeed, by a miracle,