The Sun.
London, England, 1860-03-17 00:00:00

SAVOY AND NICE.

Mr. KINGLAKE wished to ask the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs whether there was any objection to lay
upon the table of the house his answer to Lord Bloomfield's
despatch of the 3d day of March, respecting the proposed
annexation of Savoy and Nice to France. The hon. gentle-
man said his object in giving notice of this question was to
point the attention of the house to the attitude which Prus-
sia had taken in the present European crisis. He found
that Baron Schleinitz, Prime Minister of Prussia, had
stated to Lord Bloomfield, that in all Germany there was
but one opinion as to the character of the intended annexa-
tion; that for a tine his Prussian Majesty had trusted to
the statement made by the French Emperor in his Milan
proclamation, but that he now was of opinion that the time
for maintaining silence had ceased. , (Hear, hear.) The
despatch concluded by the baron stating that the policy of
Prussia was decidedly opposed to this annexation ; and his
opinion that France might now be called upon to refrain
from taking any further steps until a conference of the
Powers should be held. He must say that he read the de-
spatch with great pleasure. (Hear, hear.) It indicated
an intention on the part of Prussia to take a step as closely
similar es possible to that which ho (Mr. .Kinglake) had
ventured to indicate by the notice which he had given last
week. He could not but regard that as an overture of great
importance, and one to which he trusted they might, in
later times, look back as the commencement of the pacifica-
tion of Europe. Not only was the overture itself a matter
of deep importance, but the noble lord the Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs must also be aware that the pub-
lication of that despatch, and the laying it before the house,
was also a matter of very deep importance. This despatch
to which he referred bore date the 3d of March. Some of
the pelvis contained in the correspondence already pre-
sented were dated so late as the 9th of March, but
they did not include the answer which the noble
lord must have given to the despatch in question. He
now, therefore, begged to ask the noble lord whether he
would consent to lay that answer on the table. He
trusted, when they saw the answer to the despatch,
it would prove worthy of the spirit in which the
Prussian overture had been made. He would also ask the
noble lord for any general information with respect to the
pending question of the annexation of/Savoy and Nice, be-
cause he felt sure that any information which the noble lord
could give would be read with grateful satisfaction. On
Tuesday last, the noble lord at the head of the Government
led them to expect that the proposed annexation would not
take place without France consulting, and sincerely consult-
ing, the other Powers of Europe. (Hear, hear.) He
trusted that the noble lord would now be able to say that
the expectations then held out had not been falsified—that
the rumours of the last two days were inconsistent with the
truth, and that it was not a fact that the Emperor of the
French, in spite of all he had said, was proceeding to that
annexation without consulting the great Powers of Europe,
and that he was carrying annexation to the extent of in-
cluding Chablais, Faucigny, and Genevois. He trusted
that the information which the noble lord might give would
relieve much of the anxiety which now oppressed Europe.
(Hear, hear.)
Sir R. PEEL, before the noble lord rose, wished to ask
whether the noble lord was a ware of the danger which, in
the present state of affairs, positively threatened the neu-
trality and independence of Switzerland. He was loath to
trespass on the attention of the house with this matter, but
the time had arrived when it was absolutely essential they
should give some expression to their opinion. He believed
he expressed the feelings of every man in that house, and
of every man of feeling throughout the country, whenhe de-
clared that an outrage had been inflicted upon the public
feeling of Europe, but which had been particularly directed
against the Government of this country. They had been
told over and over again that there was no danger of the
French Emperor proceeding to the extremities which were
now threatened; but he had himself received a telegraphic
despatch from Annecy, in the district of Chablais and
Faucigny, assuring him that the country was worked(traof-
waillee) from one end to the other, and the municipalities
the district were perfectly ready to vote annexation o France.
And why ? Because all kinds of terrorism were used, as
was used in the first revolution, to excite the apprehensions
of this poor, innocent, and primitive people, as everybody;
believe that
knew them to be. They were led to if they
were annexed to France no danger would result to them,
but that otherwise) the worst consequences would ensue.
The despatch to which his hon. friend had called the atten-
tion of the house was one of the greatest importance. Per-
haps the house would allow him to touch on one of the
expressions in it, because it showed that the Cabinet of
Prussia had taken up a dignified attitude, which. he 'hoped
and had good reason to believe, that her Majesty's Govern-
ment was also very desirous to take up. Lord Bloomfield
said in No. 21 despatch, page 23, that Baron Schleinitz
told hhh that ill Germany there v but ono opiAiou on

this subject, and that was one of determined opposi-
tion to the annexation of Savoy ; and that the baron had
also informed the French Minister that the Cabinet of
Prussia had found it difficult to restrain the violent feeling
excited in Germany by the war in Italy. Now, the noble
lord (Lord Palmerston) said the other night that the war in
Italy was merely carrying out the policy that the empire
was peace. Now, it appeared that Baron Schleinitz had
stated that the Government of Prussia had made them-
selves unpopular by endeavouring to restrain the feeling
of the People of Germany; but that it must not be con-
sidered that their silence with regard to Savoy meant indif-
ference—because they viewed the absorption of Savoy with
the greatest mistrust. Surely this house ought to view the
matter in the same light ; and every country in Europe was
bound to give every opposition to this policy of annexation,
which Lord Derby the other night declared had been com-
menced under the feeble pretext of danger from another
country. If such a pretext were accepted as sufficient, it
would be sufficient to justify the seizure of the Rhenish
Provinces and Belgium. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, news-
papers were now published on the Belgian frontiers,
openly advocating annexation with France, and showing
the advantages which would be derived by abolishing the
douaniers—(hear, hear)--and every Power in Europe
should endeavour to check with vigour such a policy. He
could not refrain from making some allusion to the conduct
of the Government of Sardinia in this matter. Everybody
in this country believed Count Cavour to be a disinterested
statesman and eminent patriot; but he must say that on
reading his despatches it appeared that he was not only
endeavouring to deceive the Government of this country,
but that he was acting with a mock dignity which was
quite unworthy of his position. Count Cavour, writing to
the Sardinian Minister at Paris, M. .NigTa, said the King of
Sardinia would not consent to cede, sell, or exchange any
part of the territory which formed the glorious appanage of
the House of Savoy; but he closed the despatch with these
words—that he could not refrain from taking into conside-
ration the change which late events iI 1 Italy had made in
the state of the people of Savoy. Sir James Hudson said
Count Cavour called on him and said he eould only repeat
to him that Sardinia had no disposition to cede, sell, or ex •
change Savoy or any part of his Majosty's dominions, but
he ended by saying—" After all, the question is a question
for Savoy, and not for any other kingeiom I" Why, this
was not a French, not a Savoyard, bat .an European ques-
tion. (Hear, hear.) It was not a question whether Savoy
should be incorporated with France, but whether the King
of Sardinia could give up this appanam of the House of
Savoy, this inheritance of his ancestors; whether Europe
at this moment would allow the King of Sardinia, in a pri-
va to arrangement with the Emperor of the French, to give
up that which he had enjoyed ever since ISIS. He restricted
it to that period, because Savoy was thenc-annexed to Sar••
dinia, and the King of Sardinia received 10.millionsof francs
to fortify it. The question was whether Europe would
allow the King of Sardinia now to part with that territory.
The thing was impossible. The hon. member for Birming-
ham said the other night--:" Perish Savoy." It had perished,
and he hoped the hon. member was satisfed. They would
have " perish Switzerland" next, and we should have
" perish all the liberties of Europe." Thee hon. member said
besides, " After all, the map of Europe, as regarded the
limits of the States of Europe, was not wcrrth one moment's
consideration," and more than that, the, hon. gentleman
asked, "Do you want to settle the map of Europe ?" " No,"
he answered, " the people of this country do not want to
settle the map of Europe, but they do mot want to unsettle
it." (Hear, hear.) They did not want to recommend Go-
vernment to pursue a course contrary to its dignity, but
they did want to check and curb the policy of France,
which had outraged public opinion and had roused the in-
dignation of Europe. His hon. friend'. and himself some
nights ago, in the first discussion of this question, were
told that this was not a subject of importance as respected
England. Time had shown the great gravity of this ques-
tion. While advocating the interests of Savoy and Swit-
zerland they had been pleading the right a of nations and the
cause of justice. (Hear, hear.) He warted her Majesty's
Government to come forward in a loyal t end straightforward
manner and protest against the conduct of France. He
denounced his policy; for the union of France and Savoy
would not only affect the future interests of Piedmont and
the future condition of Savoy, but it wan the first act of a
conspiracy against the rights and libertios of every State of
Europe.

Mr. WHITESIDE called attention to the memorial from
certain British residents in Spain, presented to the Secre-
tary of State, complaining of the restrictions put upon the
exercise of religious worship by them, and he asked whether
the law of Spain visited with punishment a British subject
resident in Spain for professing any other religion than
that of the State, or for sending his children to any ether
than a Spanish school.
Lord J. RUSSELL, in answer to the question of the
hon. and learned member for Launceston (Mr. Haliburton)
respecting the Island of St. Pierre, said there is no doubt
that fortifications are forbidden by the treaty of 1763, and
also by the treaty of 1783, but the treaty of 1783 was made
at a period when this country did not stand in so high a po-
sition as in 1763. But in the year 1856 the attention of the
Foreign-office was called to this question, and the state of
facts was submitted to the law officers of the Crown, and
they were asked whether the buildings existing or con-
structed at St. Pierre were any infringement of the treaty
with France. Their reply was that they did not consider
anything had been done which was an infringement of that
treaty. The question was again submitted to the law offi-
cers last year, and their opinion confirmed that of the law
officers in 185 G. We have not heard anything which tends
to show that there has been any new building, or anything
different from what there was in 1856. Now, in answer to
the hon. and learned gentleman the member for the Uni-
versity of Dublin (Mr. Whiteside), we are continually ap-
pealing to the Government of Spain with a view to obtain
permission to the British residents to have worship in their
houses, and the repeal of some of the intolerable provisions
of the Spanish law. The penal law of Spain declares that
a person who shall celebrate Divine worship other than ac-
cording to the Catholic religion shall be subjected to ban-
ishment ; and there are some other provisions of a similar
character. But besides all these provisions, it seems to be
either the established practice, or perhaps the established
law, of Spain that this law shall be put in force by the
clergy by their calling in the civil force when there is any
infringement of the law. There was a case some

time ago of a child, born of British parents, which was
baptised by the medical attendant, who was a Roman Ca-

tholic. The child Was buried in the Protestant cemetery,
an,d the priest called upon the alcalde of the place to have
the child disinterred, and reinterred in the Roman Catholic
cemetery. Mr. Buchanan exerted himself very strenu-
ously in the matter, and at last prevented this being done.
It is not the fact that Mr. Buchanan is at all indifferent to,
or neglectful of, these questions. But to attempt to change
the law on this subject is quite hopeless. The law is very
bigoted, the Government is very bigoted: and the people are
still more bigoted than either. But the Government and
the civil authorities have no objection by way of indulgence
of allowing, on the representations of foreign Ministers, in
certain cases worship to take place in private houses; and
with regard. to the education of the children, if there were
several of them, I suppose there would be some indulgence
in that respect. My hon. friend the member* for Bridge-
water has asked for the answer to the despatch from Lord
Bloomfield of the 3d of March with regard to Savoy. Nov,
that is a despatch containing an account of the conversa-
tion between Baron Schleinitz and the Minister of Foreign
Affairs in` Prussia and the French Minister, and therefore
it does not call for an answer from me. We have continual

intercourse with the Government of Prussia, and more than
once I have had conversation with Count Bernstorff,, the
Minister of Prussia in this country, and we entirely agree in
our views as to this annexation. (Hear.) I do not know that
I can say more than I said both in July last arid January of
the present year, but we continually express—as the hon.
gentleman will see in the papers to which he alludes—we
have continually expressed both at Berlin and atVienna, and
also at St. Petersburg, our objections to the annexation of Sa-
voy, leavingthem to take the part they should think right on
the question. I cannot say that I have heard from Vienna
any satisfactory account of any steps which the Austrian
Government will take on this subject. There are reasons
which every member of this house will imagine why the Go-
vernment of Austria should not be particularly zealous that
there should be no portion of the dominions of the King of
Sardinia, seeing that both in Lombardy and in Tuscany she
has lost dominionfi which belonged to her or to members of
her house. However, it is now a month ago since I made
representations at Vienna, and afterwards' made represen-
tations at St. Petersburg, and A osrtainlyv a disappoint-
ment to her Majesty's Government, considering that so
long a time has elapsed, and that the annexation has been
as it were impending all this time, that we have not received
any notice that there is to be any great protest on the part
of these Governments against that annexation. The con.
duct of Count Cavour is certainly a good deal of the charac-
ter which my hon. friend the member for Tamworth has
despatch,
might t o
rt:agyre that hia it,
given to it; because when Count Cavour said, some time
ago, that the King of Sardinia would not cede or
an soetllSraveoy:
he goes on, in the latter part
oI
of
the
certainly feel that that is a
the people of Savoy are disposed to belong to
he
sphiroeui,
dthnaot,t
object
the ingof Sardinia
Now,
very extraordinary and unnecessary declaration. We know
very well that there are countries—there have been coun-
tries lately which have felt themselves so oppressed by their
Savoy
neverveorye
hw a
sshhbeeaeare dn
tothatno indication
ienirndtihcSavoy
Governments that they wished to sever the connection. Bt
there was any such feeling.
There
their
on
connectiontil l l tel yw
it.ht
ha t
st he
de i p; lea
ngodf.
it is therefore a singular, and I should say an unprecedented
thing, for a Sovereign to say—" These subjects of mine are
much attached to me ; I value them very much. At the
same time, if they wish to sever their allegiance and belong
to another country, I have no objection to their doing so."
It certainly looks as if the King of Sardinia was not unwill-
ing to part with Savoy. I must say that our position, has
been a good deal influenced by this. If the Powers of
Europe decline to interfere—if they feel no great interest on
this subject—if Prussia and Great Britain are the only Euro-
pean Powers that feel a great interest in it, and if the King
of Sardinia is apparently willing to yield this territory,
it certainly has becob2e a very difficult matter to oppose the
annexation. (Hear, hear.) But there is another point
which' I am now going to state to the house ; because, after
the questions that were asked of me by & noble lord not now