The Sun.
London, England, 1860-02-28 00:00:00

bank, Glasgow)—" I am manager of these works, and
nephew of the owner. In summer some of the hands work
occasionally from 6 a.m. to 12 p.m." (18 hours) " the whole
week through ; we did this last summer several times.
Three days we worked 20 hours each day. The ages of most
of our girls is from 10 to 18." (Observe these ages—some
of the girls mere children.) " The stove-rooms in which
they work are in winter heated up to 100 or 110 deg. ; in
summer the heat is from 120 to 130 deg." (and at times very
much higher, as stated by the same witness in evidence
given at a subsequent page.) " I feel, when lam urging
the females to work these long hours that I am doing what
is not right, but I have been urged to do it to get a lot of
goods finished. Sometimes they stay here all night, and
then we make a place for them to lie down upon in a store-
room upon the pieces of goods unfinished. Sometimes 11
or more girls will pass the night in this manner, after work-
ing 19 hours, and coming out of those hot plaoes dripping
wet with perspiration, and their clothes wet through with
p. 59, Nos. 643-645.
What can be more pathetic than the picture of the
poor victims falling asleep over their work ?
" I have scores of times seen both men and children
asleep at their work. and very dangerous work too" (No.
10).—" Very often they go to sleep over their work" (No.
51).—" I have almost every day to take a board and beat it
on the table to waken them, as they were slumbering at their
work." (Observe the expression, reader—' at their work').
" At that time they would be hooking cloth ; and while
they should be doing it, I see them nodding and trying to
catch the hook" (No. 83).—" As to the older ones, I have
often and often seen them down asleep, nat being able to
hold up for their work. If the manager had gone out, they
would drop down in a minute in the packing-boxes and go
to sleep" (No. 68).—" We have often gone to sleep on the
tables, or with our heads on the wet cloth, or anywhere
where we could sit still" (No. 378).—" The little ones very
often fall asleep standing to their work"—
No wonder the managers, whose task it is to keep
the poor little ones awake as " they fall asleep
standing," say that their hearts are so sore for•
them they can hardly fulfil their painful
office. No wonder the " retiring from work
to die" is so common that ten conse-
cutive witnesses, employed at different esta-
blishments, mentioned many cases within their
knowledge of boys and men having been ill and off
work, who died from long hours. What must be
the case then with the women and little girls!
And after all this evidence given openly before
parliamentary committees, uncontradicted and un-
refuted, embodied in their official reports, can our
Legislators presume to say there is no call for their
interference? Can theY dare to justify this sys-
tematic cruelty ? It is doubtless only regarded by
the heads of these establishments as part of a sys-
tem which they did not originate, and for which
they are not responsible ; but let the people of
England see that such things are no longer possi-
ble while they have a voice in the legislation of
their country. Political theories or questions of
party may be safely left to the test of time and
success, but surely this is a case whose merits all
cai appreciate. There cannot be two opinions
as to the cruelty of forcing children
of nine or ten years old to work 18 and 20 hours
for many days together; as to the hardship of a band
of girls "mostly from 10 to 18" working for three
days, 20 hours each day. Who can read these de-
tails without thinking of HOOD'S pathetic words—
"lt is not linen you're wearing out,
But human creatures lives."
How his fervent indignation would, have glowed
over such a recital, how his warm and tender heart
would have sympathised with the drooping little
ones, truly, as Mrs. BROWNING has pathetically
called them—

LATEST

NEW S.

The following telegrams have been received a
Mr. Iteuter's office :

BERLIN, FEB. 27

It is stated that the proposed conferences of the
five great Powers have failed mainly because Eng-
land declines to allow eventually the free discus-
sion of the treaty of 1856.
According to reliable information, the statement
in reference to a treaty between Russia and Aus-
tria is totally unfounded.

MADRID, FEB. 26.

No news from Africa.
The whole press, particularly the Progresista
section, violently attack England.
The censor has prohibited the circulation of the
Nocedades on that account.

The French ambassador has presented to the
Queen an autograph letter of the Emperor Napo-
leon.

INDIA AND CHINA.

CALCUTTA, JAN. 24.

Trade fiat. Imports : 40's mule twist, 5r to 5r
3a ; shirting, 50 reed, Gibs, 3r 15a to 4r ; Mada-
pollam, 50 reed, albs, 2r 4a to 2r 5a ; copper sheath-
ing, 44r to 44r 8a ; tile, 44r. Exports : Indigo
firmer in tone ; the biddings at public sale have
been spirited. Raw silk, 20r 8a to Elr per seer;
native, 15r ; saltpetre, 5 per cent. refraction, 11 r
per maund ; rice, best table, 4r to 4r 2a ; second and
third quality, 2r 10a to 2r 14a. Linseed, fine, 3r
8a ; low to • middling, 3r 2a ; rapeseed, 2r Ba..
Freights rising rapidly to England—for saltpetre,
45s to 47s 6d ; sugar, 50s to 52s 6d ; indigo, 80s to
100 s. Exchange on London, 2s lld to 2s 14-d.
BOMBAY, JAN. 28.
Money quiet. Exchange on London, 2s ltd to

2s ld.

CANTON, JAN. 14.

Trade depressed, owing to the approach of the
Chinese new year, Tea inactive, 2 chops settled.
Grey shirtings, 61 catties, 2 dols 85e. Exchange
on London 6 months, bank bills, 4s 9d to 4s 90.

SHANGHAI, JAN. 7

Imports—Trade 'dull, several cargoes having ar-
rived from. England. Grey shirtings, 6 catties,
1.95 to 2.2 taels. 1111 scarlet, long ells, 7.5 taels.
Lead, 5.4 taels per picul. Exports—Tea, to Great
Britain, 22,118,2051b5, ; to the United States,
12,534,9941b5. ; prices as before. Silk, to Europe,
40,296 bales, prices 5 tails higher; No. 3 Tsatlee,
406 to 410 taels. Exchange on London, bank bills,
6s 4;d; private bills, 6s 51d to 6s 6d. On India,
60 days, 313 to 305.

FRANCE AND AUSTRIA.
The following is the text of the despatch of M.
Thouvenel, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to the
Marquis de Moustier, French Ambassador at
Vienna, of which mention has been made in the
journals :

Paris, 31st January.
"Monsieur le Marquis—My preceding despatch
made known to you the propositions relative to
Italy of which the Government of her Britannic
Majesty took the initiative,.and of the manner in
which, in conformity with the orders or the Em-
peror, I received them. We entertain the firm
hope that the, Cabinet of Viemna will appreciate
the character of our replies, and the sentiments of
frankness and loyalty which have inspired them.
" In taking possession of my functions at the
present conjuncture, I find myself in presence of
a difficult situation, the prolongation of which
would present the gravest dangers to Europe, and
I have consequently had to occupy myself above
all with the means of putting an end to it. From
•
conversations I have had with my predecessor,
and from an attentive study of official documents
—a task to which I brought a mind free from all
Prejudice-1 have arrived at a conviction which it
was my duty not to disguise from the Emperor,
and his Majesty has authorised me to write to you
unreservedly respecting it.
" Without going further back, I take the facts
at the date of the signature of the preliminaries of
Villafranca.
" The day after that memorable event, the Em.
peror, still full, if I may so speak, of the reminis-
cences of the interview with his august adversary
of the day before, characterised in a proclamation
addressed to his army the result which he believed
he had obtained without carrying the war further,
owing to the moderation of the two Sovereigns.
The bases of peace are settled with the Em-
peror of
TheAut
principal
risaid h,'
objectis
oof
t Majestyhe on the 13th July
war
isa
ttain
ed—
Ilatsatfy is aboutto become for the first time a nation.
Venetia, it is true, is to remain under the sceptre of
Austria, but she will nevertheless be an Italian
province. The Governments which did not take
part in the movement, or which may be recalled to
their territories, will understand the necessity of
salutary reforms.
Italy,henceforth mistress of her destinies,will only
have herself to blame if she does not progress re-
gularly in order and in liberty !'
" In pronouncing these words, Monsieur le Mar-
quis, the Emperor entertained the hope that the new
organisation of Italy might be conciliated with the
restoration, under certain determined conditions, of
the old dynasties. His Majesty in particular took
pleasure in thinking thatthe chiefs of those dynas-
ties would themselves endeavour to remove the dif-
ficulties which they would have to overcome in
order to render the disposition of their subjects fa-
vourable to them, and that a precious time would
not be lost. But, on the contrary, what happened ?
The Governments which had remained in possession
of their States did not accomplish any of the reform
which the Emperor had in view. The Holy See,
though showing itself somewhat more di posed to
follow our counsels, thought right to adjourn inde-
finitely the realisation of its promises. The Austrian
Government maintained silence on the generous in-
tentions manifested by the Emperor with regard
to the Government of Venetia. The Duke of Mo-
dena desired to return by force to his States, and
the Grand Duke of Tuscany, before adopting a re-
solution which the interests of his House pressed
him to adopt without delay, waited so long that
an Assembly met and proclaimed his deposition.
The general situation, in a word, was already
gravely compromised when negotiations for the
signature of the treaty of peace were opened at
Zurich.
" The Emperor's Government, nevertheless, faith-
ful to its promises, frankly admitted the reserve of
the dynastic rights in Tuscany, in Modena, and
even in Parma, although nothing was agreed to at
Villafranca in favour of Duke Robert.
" Whilst this pledge was given by the Emperor's
Government in the stipulations of Zurich, two en-
voys, first, Count de Reiset, and a little later, Prince
Poniatowski, whose former relations in Tuscany
particularly qualified him for the mission, were
charged to proceed to Central Italy to give counsels
and exhortations. The impression which their lan-
guage and proceedings caused suffices assuredly to
demonstrate the sincerity of them. I appeal with-
out fear on this point to the informatim which the
Court of Vienna may have collected.
" Entertaining a strong desire not only to fulfil
its promises, but to labour effectively for the suc-
cess of an arrangement which appeared to it cal-
culated to assure the tranquillity and independence
of Italy, the Emperor's Government did not hesi-
tate to compromise its popularity. The language
which it employed at the same period at Turin was
equally firm. But all its efforts failed in presence
of the resistance of the populations.
" After having thus multiplied its measures to
bring about a reconciliation between the Princes
and their peoples, his Majesty's Government, in
presence of the inefficaciousness of those measures,
and seeing the arrangement which it had pro-
mised to support opposed the more strongly the
more it was insiste.d on, thought that the autho.
rity of assembled Europe would realise the object
which it proposed. Desiring above all things to
fulfil its engagements, but from the opposition ma-
nifssted in Central Italy despairing of success with-
out the co-operation of other Cabinets, it proposed
the meeting of a Congress. Better than any other
power, Austria knows the perseverance with which
we pursuz.d that line of conduct. She knows also
how much we have regretted the objections which
the convocation of the plenipotentiaries gave birth
to when they were already on the point o meeting.
" The Emperor's Government, Monsieur le Mar-
quis, thus found itself in presence of the hypothesis
which the Court of Vienna long knew that we
neither could nor would accept—that of the em-
ployment of force to impose solution.
" I will say nothing , that can surprise Austria,
and still less would I allow a single word to escape
calculated to offend. But could that power IAYP

"Martyrs•by the pang without the palm."

Surely the efforts which are now making in this
good cause will not have been made in vain.
Surely among our legislators some will be found
who aro not insensible to the sufferings at home
while descanting eloquently on the wrongs of those
abroad. Surely. when Mr. CROOK'S bill is brought
forward for a second reading, towards the close of
March, it will receive careful and deliberate atten-
tion from the Commons who represent the people'
of Great Britain, that something may be done to re-
move this stigma from our nation, and to prove that
the pursuit of gold and the attractions of commerce
have not made us altogether indifferent to the
blessing which is promised to the merciful.

It is a remarkable fact that capital is always to
be found for -investment in undertakings when a
reasonable prospect of profit can be shown to exist,
and how soon a public want is supplied.
When we look at the history of Life Assurance
Institutions, we find that in the years 1836-7-8
upwards of twenty companies were established, and
as all of these, with one or two notable exceptions,
are in a flourishing condition (some of them taking
place in the first rank), we may fairly assume that
their establishment supplied a public want. Then
we have seen the Discount Companies and Joint-
Stock Banks; and, despite the heavy blow to this
latter interest from the disastrous termination of
what may be termed ill-judged and ill-managed
speculations, no sooner are new Banks projected
upon a sound basis, with a fair guarantee for
honest management in the names of the directors,
than capital is immediately forthcoming. And
within the last few years we have seen two Metro-
politan Joint-Stock Banks starting in vigorous
operation at the same time, with what successful
results the public are already familiar from their
balance-sheets.

But by far the largest field for joint-stock opera-
tions, at the present time, appears to be that of
Marine Insuaance. Notwithstanding the enormous
increase in our shipping trade within the last quar-
ter of a century only three companies of any great
importance have been established since 1720. The
subject has received considerable attention within
the past few months, and no sooner is the want of
increased facility and fair competition apparent
than we find British capital ready for investment.

The London and Provincial Marine Insurance
Company is one of those brought before the public
at the right time, under the auspices of a very in-
fluential Board of Directors, composed of merchants
and shipowners, men practically acquainted with
the business ; and especial care has been taken to
obtain the support of leading firms in Hull, Bristol,
Liverpool, &c.
We think ample scope will be found for the
operations of these new undert'tkings, and certainly
the price of the shares in the older companies would
prove the business to be of a very profitable
character.

E SUN LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 28, 1860

been charged to proceed itself to the restoration of
the dipossossed dynasties, without the result of the
war being annihilated, and its object disavowed ?
Could France, in her turn, without violating her
principles, do violence to the populations ? f leave
to the loyalty of Count de Itechberg the task of
replying to these questions. Thus in the two cases
there was a moral impossibility of acting.
" A new fact must, moreover, be mentioned
here. From what took place ten years ago, the
belief might have been entertained that anarchy
would invade Central Italy, and that the disolving
spirit of revolution would soon spread everywhere.
These apprehensions have not yet been realised;
and to whatever influence that result, according to
different opinions, may be ascribed, what is certain
is that order has generally prevailed, notwithstand-
ing the excitation of circumstances, and the irregu-
lar authority- of the Governments. The unexpected
w spectacle presented by Italy, while impressing some
persons, has inspired others with sympathy; and
this latter sentiment has been manifested over a
part of Europe with a force which cannot be disre-
garded. This creates a situation which neither the
Emperor's Government nor Austria can, on account
of the consequences which would flow from an erro-
neous appreciation of the dispositions of public
opinion, fail to take into very serious consideration.
" God forbid, Monsieur le Marquis, that we should

not be as convinced as any one of the sanctity o
engagements. But did France bind herself, al
every price and by all possible means, to re
establish on their thrones the dynasties o:
Parma, of Modena, and of Tuscany ? Neither
the stipulations of Villafranca nor those of
Zurich have, assuredly, such a bearing. France
only promised her moral co-operation---a co-opera-
tion of which we must, after six months' efforts,
admit the impuissance. Her regret—let not the
Cabinet of Vienna doubt it—is sincere and profound,
and the Emperor's Government expresses it with-
out hesitation ; but that Government is obliged to
reckon with insurmountable difficulties, which even
the Austrian Cabinet itself, as is proved by a recent
communication of Prince Metternich; renounces the
hope of seeing solved by the influence of a Congress.
" Must we be indefinitely stopped- by suc an
obstacle ? Must we shut our eyes to- the dangers
with which this state of uncertainty threatens all
Europe ? Must everything be left to chance, at
the risk of seeing purely revolutionary sentiments
necessarily take the place of those which we do
not ask Austria to approve of, but which she can-
not expect a Government based on universal Suf-
frage to condemn absolutely ? In this perilous
game, the monarchical idea which have never
ceased to characterise the Italian movement would
soon give way to ideas of another kind. The popu-
lations would at last get accustomed to a mode
of. Government which only wants its real name—a
Government which would find its basis in the an-
cient traditions, whose Trace is not yet obliterated
in certain portions of Italy.
" I do not suppose that these considerations have
never presented themselves to the mind of the Em-
peror Francis Joseph, and they could not, have
escaped the notice of the Emperor Napoleon.
" When the employment of foreign force is ex-
cluded from all these combinations, how is the dif-
ficulty to be surmounted? It is the profound con-
viction of the Emperor's Government that the last
of the four English propositions may serve to indi-
cate the means. It well knows that, even supposing
this conviction to be shared by the Court of Vienna,
that Court could not make sash an announcement.
What we hope from its wisdom is, that if the dif-
ference of principles may and sometimes must lead
to different conclusions, there is no necessity that
there should result, when the honour of both parties
is safe, disastrous conflicts, which are far from the
intentions of both France and Austria.
"Let us for a moment waive the minor inci-
dents, and come straight to the point of fact which
is the key of the situation. Italy, for centuries past,
has been a field open to the struggle between French
and Austrian influence—it must be so no longer.
If one of the two powers formerly rivals made a
sacrifice which should be directly to the advantage
of the other—if the supremacy in Italy, only chang-
ing hands, was again to be ours fora time, the ques-
tion would appear under an aspect rendering all
discussion idle and fruitless. But the question is
not so propounded. France does not seek to sub-
stitute herself for Austria in Italy ; the matter is
to constitute Italy herself as an intermediate party
—as a kind of neutral ground, henceforth inacces-
sible to the action, alternately predominating and
always precarious, of one or other of the two powers.
" Elsewhere than in such a solution—which, I
do not hesitate to confess, is not, if not as regards
its spirit, at least as regards its form, that which
was anticipated at Villafranca and Zurich—l vainly
look for any other not containing the elements of
future troubles. Let this solution, however, be
realised, I do not say with the support of the Ca-
binet of Vienna, which the Emperor's Government,
does not seek to obtain, but without its formal op-
position, and the most penetrating glance cannot
thenceforth discover a cause of conflict between
France and Austria; there will not remain, in
fact, a single interest of importance in Europe on
which they can have any difficulty in coming to
an understanding. To this identity of interests, I
am authorised by the Emperor to state that there
would be superadded on his part the sentiment of
private esteem for the Sovereign and Government
who, in circumstances equally delicate and mo-
mentous, should show towards him a friendly
feeling which his Majesty would ever appreciate.
I need not add that if the Austrian Government
adhered to the combination proposed by the Go-
vernment of her Britannic Majesty, the. Emperor's
Govei argent would feel bound to surround the
execution with all desirable guarantees of sincerity,
and that if any chance of a restoration remained
for the dispossessed dynasties, we should take the
most scrupulous care that it might not be lost.
" You will observe, Monsieur le Marquis, that
I have said nothing here of the situation of Ro-
magna, simply because that question has not been
the object, like the duchies, of express stipulations
between France and Austria. I shall treat that
subject in any early despatch. I dot not, however,
hesitate to say, even now, that if, with reference
to international acts, to which the court of Vienna
has been a party on the same footing as ourselves,
the Emperor's Government cannot consider the
possession of the Legations by the Holy See in any
but a temporal point of view, it none the less
deeply deplores that the court of Rome, deaf to its
counsels, and it may even be said, with more rea-
son, indifferent to the unanimous counsels of Europe
ever since 1831, as well as to the teaching of events,
has let things come to their present pass, and that
we are still ready to lend our support, on the sole
condition that the principle of non-intervention on
the part of foreign Powers is maintained to all the
compromises and combinations which may be
thought calculated to bring about a solution less
radical than dismemberment.
" You will please to read this despatch to Count
de Rechberg, and give him a copy, if he desires it.
Accept, &C., " THOUVENEL:'
TIIE BOURSE, Feb. 27.—The market has been
somewhat depressed by a fall in the English Con-
sols, and by the arrangements consequent on the
approaching liquidation. Threes, which opened at
67f 65c, declined to 67f 50, and are now at 67f 60e ;
Mobilier varied from 732 f 50c to 741 f 25c ; Lyons,
880 f to 883 f 75c; Orleans, 1,360 f to 1,365 f ; Northern,
907 f 50c to 910 f; Austrian, 497 f 50c to 501 f 25c;
Lombard, 541 f 25c to 543 f 75c. The following are
the last quotations
per Cents. .... 97 45 Credit Foncier 740
Do. end month ——l Belgian 41 —
3 per Cents
Do. end month 67 75 Roman BO
Bank Shares 2BOO —lAustrian
Crtld it Mobilier .. 741 25 Spanish Threes 45
Do. Account ..... —lHome Debt 43