The Sun.
London, England, 1869-07-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 16, 1869.

curates, while he said, " I shall move to disagree from
that amendment as it stands"—he added immediately
by way of explanation of the three words we have
italicised—" but shall propose a substitute which
will be a modification of the plan as it went
from this House." The first faint indication,
that, of anything like a concession, even the most
moderate concession, on Mr. GLADSTONE'S part to
his antagonists ! Referring to the fourth amendment,
that having regard to the Tax on the Clerical
Income to be handed over to the Church Body,
the Premier said curtly, "I shall move that
it be not agreed to." Coming to the fifth amend-
ment, which provides, in the twentieth clause,
for the protection of annuitants—a subject which,
as Mr. GLADSTONE reminded the House, had not,
as yet, been disposed of in the House of Commons,
and might, therefore, as he obviously implied by that
reminder, be reconsidered in that House without im-
propriety—the Prime Minister said, almost graciously,
" I shall move that that should be agreed to"—add-
ing, however, grimly—" with amendments." Speci-
fying next the sixth Amendment, having reference
to the Fourteen Years or Commutation Clause, he
said, " 1 shall move to disagree from that clause, but
—I shall propose, by way of amendment, an addi-
tion to the clause as it stood in this House."
As to the seventh of the Lords' Amend-
ments, that relating to the glebe and house, the
right hon. gentleman remarked, point-blank, " I
shall move to disagree from that amendment." Simi-
larly in regard to the eighth amendment, that relating
to what are termed the Ulster Glebes, but what are
more properly described as the Royal Grants, he
uttered the same trenchant sentence—" I shall
move to disagree from that amendment." Yet
more tersely—dropping to a pronoun—he said,
in reference to the ninth amendment, the one
relating to the deduction of the poor-rate from
the price of the tithe-rent charge,—" I shall move
to disagree from that." As to the tenth amendment,
relating to the residuary property, Mr. GLADSTONE
observed, "I shall move an amendment consequential
on the amendment in the preamble, and shall propose
to insert words to provide against the loss by
Parliament of the control of the surplus in
the interval which might elapse before further
legislation." Supplemental to these point-blank an-
nouncements, in regard to as many salient amendments
introduced into the Irish Church Bill by the Conser-
vative Opposition in the Lords, came, crushingly,
an eleventh upon an eleventh, thus —" I shall also move
to strike out the Lords' amendment aiming at con-
current endowment." And with that Mr. GLAD-
STONE ceased, amid the cheering of his Ministerial
supporters. The Ministerial programme was, in
effect, plainly put and readily comprehensible. The
intention, or rather the determination, of the Go-
vernment, there was no mistaking. And the resolu-
tion of the House was in keeping with that of the
Ministry. Upon the very first division taken, Minis-
ters obtained a larger majority than any yet secured
to them-222 voting for and 316 against the
Lords' amendment on the preamble—thereby secur-
ing a net majority of 124 to her MAJESTY'S Govern-
ment I Three other divisions were taken later on, as
the night advanced, the Ministerial majorities in
these being successively 82, 96, and 89, but
the first mentioned majority, that of 124,
is memorable as the largest yet obtained
among all the numerous and signal triumphs
won by the present Administration. So far as
relates to the manner in which the House of Com-
mons will deal with the Lords' Amendments, the re-
sult is already known, clearly enough, beforehand.
The question now will be, how will the House of
Lords act hereupon, when they find their carefully
considered and elaborately adjustel Amend-
ments swept aside, one after another, by
overwhelming majorities in the House of Com-
mom. About the resolve of the Government, there
can no longer be two opinions. Ministers announce
quite plainly the course they are determined to pur- '
au., and, to ensure their triumphal advance along
that course, they have at their back an overwhelming
majority in the House of Commons, and outside
that House in the great mass of the constituencies.
It must be tolerably apparent, therefore, which way
an unequal contest, such as that must, in the natural
course of things, terminate.

THE 12th of July will rightly be esteemed a
memorable date in the history of France. On
Monday the struggle so long unsuccessfully waged
on behalf of the liberties of the French people ter-
minated by a decisive change in the Imperial sys-
tem of government. On the 20th and 21st of
December, 18:51, the nation—at a time.of excitement
and under the influence of military law—gave its
sanction to a despotic Constitution, and submitted
itself by a large majority of votes to autocratic rule.
It has taken nearly eighteen years to revoke that
rash decision, but it has been revoked at last. The
scheme of reform announced in the EMPEROR'S
message may fairly be taken as representing a tran-
sition from despotic to constitutional rule. Consider-
ing that this is essentially the age of parliamentary
government, that autocratic rule has vanishel or is
vanishing from every civilised State, and that
France was the first to set the example in an
attempt to overturn the old system, the concessions
just secured by the Moderate French Liberals may
appear trivial ; but compared with the system which
they are about to supersede, they are liberal
indeed. The Constitution which was voted
in December 1851 vested the entire power of
government in the EMPEROR. He is irresponsible ;
he appoints and discharges his Ministers without
reference to the will of the country ; no change in
the law can be proposed except through him ;
the Legislature has no control over the
making of war or peace ; and all honours
and dignities in the State are conferred
by the EMPEROR alone. The principle of universal
suffrage was sanctioned by this constitution, and a
Legislature was established ; but the suffrages of the
people had no real vitality, and the deputies whom
they elected had no power. It has been the practice
of the Imperial Government so to interfere in the
elections that the return of anything in the shape of
an Opposition was, until this year, out of the question.
And when the Imperial nominees got to the Legisla-
tive Chamber they found themselves without any
real part in the business of the country. They
could not interfere with a tax or a commercial treaty.
The Budget was, indeed, submitted to them, but
in such a way that they had no control
over its provisions. They could not bring
forward any law, nor discuss the Constitution.
They could not even put a question until it had been
submitted to a series of committees, by which all
troublesome queries were surely weeded out. It
may appear astonishing that in an age when the
representation of the people is the accepted principle
of government, such a system should have weathered
so many years. But, in fact, seeing that the Press
was not free until 1868, and that only a score of
Liberals could find their way to the French Parlia-
ment until 1869, the wonder is that a change should
have come so soon. To the freedom of the Press,
lately granted with many restrictions, the sudden
change in the aspect of affairs is chiefly owing. The
discontent, which had been deep, but not loud,
became both loud and deep ; the Opposition aug-
mented in numbers from 23 to about 160, and
immediately on the assembling of the Corps
L6gislatif this year it became evident that even the
Imperialist deputies were animated by a liberal
spirit which had never been known before.
Beyond doubt the Government of the
EMPEROR was admirable in many respects, but
it has been characterised like all other Govern-
ments by many mistakes, and the French

people were not disposed to forgive errors, arising
from a system over which they had no control. A
number of Moderate Liberals and Imperialists
united a few days ago, and drew up a request that
Ministers be made responsible to the Corps
Le"gislatif, and it is in answar to this demand that the
EMPEROR announces these reforms.

The terms of the EMPEROR'S message are not
quite explicit ; and, moreover, as the details of all
constitutional changes must be arranged by the
Senate, it yet remains to be seen what shape
these reforms will ultimately take. The most
important is the most ambiguous. The EMPEROR
was asked for Ministerial responsibility, and in reply
he concedes that Ministers may become members of
the Legislative Body, which has hitherto been for-
bidden. But it is yet doubtful whether it is intended
that all Ministers must become deputies, or whether
a seat in the Corps L6gislatif is only optional.
If the former be the case, the responsibility
of Ministers must be real. It would be impossible
for them to work effectively whilst subj ect to the
adverse decisions of a Legislature the confidence of
which they did not command. But if it is only
intended that the great State functionaries may if
they choose seek the suffrages of the people, so much
good cannot be hoped. Still the change must in
either case be beneficial; for if the principle is
once laid down that Ministers may be members of
the popular assembly, the increasing weight of public
opinion will gradually cause the rule to be universally
respected. It is evident, however, that the
EMPEROR does not intend to part with his
power of choosing or dismissing his officers, and
therefore that the full responsibility demanded by
the Liberal coalition will not be granted. The other
reforms admit of no ambiguity, and are highly
valuable. The deputies will, as before, have no
power to alter the laws, but the mode of presenting
amendments will be simplified. Hitherto the depu-
ties not only could not suggest a change in the law,
but they had very little power of modifying the
measures of the Government. The right of interroga-
tion will be extended ; that is, a representative
will have the power of putting a question without its
first being decided by a majority of Imperialists,
whether the question is proper or not. The Budget,
which has hitherto been submitted in several distinct
portions so that it was impossible to adequately
criticise the whole, will now be so put—we are
not told exactly how—so that Parliament
will exercise an effective control over its provisions.
The Legislature will likewise be consulted respecting
commercial treaties—until now concluded by the
Ministry only—so that the supervision of the
country in respect of finance will be much more
complete.

It would be unjust not to concede full credit to the
promptitude and grace with which this change has
been made. It does not meet all the wishes of the
famous Cent-seize—the 116 who agreed to demand
Ministerial responsibility—but that the changes are
great and liberal a comparison of the two systems
is sufficient to shew. The Coalition has accepted
them, and has decided almost unanimously that, in
face of such concessions, there is no need to press
its own request. The " interpellation," of which
we have heard so much, is given up. The EMPEROR,
on his side, has not hesitated to consummate
these reforms by that indispensable supple-
ment—a change of Ministry. For it may
safely be affirmed that no changes which were not
accompanied by the removal of M. ROUHER, the
most unpopular, as well as the ablest, of
French statesmen, would be acceptable to the
country. M. RoUIIER and his colleagues
have, therefore, resigned, and their places
will shortly be filled by a Ministry formed from the
new party, to whom this peaceful revolution is due.
The Empire will then make a fresh start in life,
as a constitutional regime—of a very modified
character it is true, but still allowing the people a
powerful voice in the administration of the country,
whereas they have hitherto had none whatever. The
result of the experiment must be left to time to
decide. Its most immediate consequences can hardly
fail to be a fresh guarantee for the preservation
of peace, a loss of influence on the part of the ex-
treme Radicals, and an increase of stability to the
EMPEROR'S dynasty. It must not be forgotten that
true constitutional government is being tried for the
first time, and that no prediction of its failure can
be drawn from past events. There is nothing in the
history of the French people to shew that the system
of rule now general in Europe should not also be
applicable to France.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.-7his Day.

MARLBOROUGH-STREET.

EXTRAORDINARY CHARGE OF ATTEMPTED BURGLARY.—
Rachel Harley, an unfortunate, was charged before Mr.
Knox with attempting burglariously to enter the house of
Mrs. Sophia Wills, conehouse keeper, 22, Ryder-street,
St. Jamos's.

Mrs. Wills said that hearing a noise at the street door
about three o'clock in the morning she got out of bed, and
went to the street door and found it open although on the
chain. She took the chain off and looked out, and saw a
man and woman going in different directions. She c tiled
for assistance, and a gentleman lodging in the house went
for the police while she kept her eye on the prisoner, who
came back to the corner of the street. The prisoner ;was
then given into custody, she denying that she had attempted
to enter the house.

The prisoner said she was perfectly innocent of the
charge, and it was not likely that, if she had been guilty
of such a thing, sho would have come back to the corner
of the street and loitered about.

Mr. George Baker, residing iu the house of Mrs. Wills,
said that the house having been entered and robbed on a
former occasion they were on the alert, and hearing Mrs.
Wills call out ha went down, and Mrs. Wills told him that
if ho would go for a constable ehe would keep her eye on
the woman.

3.1 r. Knox said it seemed very improbable if the prisoner
had attempted,to enter the house that she should have gone
back, but Mrs. Wills had sworn positively to the prisoner,
and she would therefore be remanded.

PROCEEDINGS AGA INST THE REV. MR.

TURCHAS, OF BRIGHTON.

In the Court of Arches, on Thursday, before the Right
Hon. Sir R. Phillimore, an application was made, on
the part of Colonel Elphinstone, who had promoted the
office of the Judge, that the letters of request signed by
the Bishop of Chichester should be accepted by the
Dean of Arches under the Church Discipline Act, in
order that certain offences against the laws ecclesiastical
alleged to have been committed by the Rev. John
Purchas, the perpetual curate of St. James's, Brighton,
might be heard and determined.
Sir R. Phillimore observed that he, of course, should
receive the present letters of request after the decision of
the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, their lord-
ships having held that he had no option in the matter.
The citation would issue against Mr. Purchase, on the
usual bond being given as to costs. It would not be pos-
sible to hear the case beforo the vacation. Certain notices
were to be given, and the best course would be that
the case should come on for hearing some time before next
term.

A GENERAL IN THE DIVORCE COURT.

The case of " Sykes v. Sykes and Smith" was heard on
Wednesday in the Divorce Court-- a husband's petition for a
dissolution of marriage on the ground of his wife's
adultery with Major General Michael William Smith.
The case, as stated for the petitioner, set forth
that he married the respondent in December 1856, at
Marylebone, and in 1864 they went to India. The peti-
tioner was there appointed aide-de-camp to the co•
respondent, General Smith, was a married man,
and the petitioner and respondent resided in his
house. In the summer of 1867 the petitioner came to
England for the benefit of his health, and the co-respon-
dent appeared to have come to England at the same time.
Some time after their arrival the petitioner was removed
to his father's lodgings in consequence of ill health ;
but owing to insufficieney of room in the house
the respondent did not accompany him. There
seemed subsequently to have been some altercation about
the respondent's conduct with General Smith, and the
petitioner wrote a letter to the General, returning a
bracelet that he had given to Mrs. Sykes. In the
autumn of 1867 the co-respondent took apartments at
Bayswater under the name of "Jones," and stated that
he expected his wife, "Mrs. Jones," It was alleged by
the petitioner that the respondent assumed that character,
and in December of the same year the co-respondent took
rooms in Northumberland-street.

The defence was that the petitioner was also guilty of
adultery, and a private detective detailed how he had
watched the petitioner and followed him into a house with
a Mr. Pearce. But the case set up by the co-respon-
dent was not convincing, and the jury found for the peti-
tioner on all the issues, and against the respondent as far
as regards Captain Sykes's adultery.

CRIMINAL LUNATICS.

__._.e.._ _ _...

The acquittal of criminal lunatics on account of sup-
posed insanity causes persons to be confined in lunatic
asylums who are no lunatics, unless that term is to include
persons who yield to their passions, instead of governing
them. 'phis year's report on Irish lunatic asylums states
that three men escaped from the Central Lunatic
Asylum in 1863, all of them believed to be sane.
One of them, named Langfrey, the leader of the
party, a man tried for an assault upon a woman,
is described as a clever man, who has been in the
British army, the French army, and in the French
navy, and in British, German, and Russian prisons. He
has a fair grammatical knowledge of French, and knows
something of German. He is completely self-taught. He
is a good shoemaker, tailor, and weaver. His age, not-
withstanding such varied experience, is but 27. While in
the Irish asylum he made from a scrap of iron a key by
which he could open the door of his division. He put to-
gether a wooden sewing machine of his own contrivance,
with which he made clothes for himself, and his mind
seemed so intent on improving this machine, that there
was little apprehension of his attempting to escape. H•
and his two companions were the first to leave the supper
room, the attendant holding the door open for them. They
went upstairs directly, and got through a window, the
fastenings of which they had previously loosened; the night
being dark, they could not be captured, though missed at
once. It is assumed that insane people have very little power
of combining together to carry any design into effect ; but
this escape was the result of a plan cleverly laid by the
three. One of his companions was confined for killing his
child, but he always maintained that as he was drunk at
the time he ought not to be punished. The other was an
American Irishman, who was certainly once insane, but
for many months had strewn no symptoms of a perverted
mind ; his offence was a very violent assault on a police-
man. Langfrey's mental failing seemed to be fickleness
of purpose.

Three men who at the last Leeds Assizes were
sentenced to four mouths' imprisonmant for picketting
in
connection with the building strike, and who have already
served half their time, are recommended for release by Mr.
Justice Luz h, who trio 1 them.

Several bakers were summoned before the Liver-
pool magistrates on Wednesday for having, in contravention
of the Bakehouses Regulation A ct, employed youths under 18
years of age in bakehouses between the hours of nine in the
yelling and five in the morning. In a few cases the de-
fendants were dismissed with a caution; in the others a small
penalty was inflicted.
The South Yorkshire strikes seem no nearer their
cud. At a meeting of the trades' unions of Leeds, onWeclnes-
day, resolutions of sympathy with the miners of South York-
..s.httein their present struggle, and pledging the unions to aid
the men on strike by every means in their power, were
unanimously adopted. The miners on strike at the Tinsley
Pa k Colliery held a meeting at Attercliffe. Mr. Norman-
tell stated that the unionists were as determined as ever to
continue the struggle until their object was gained.
A RUFFIAN VOLUNTEER.—The other day, dur-
ing an inspection, amember of the Cardiff Rifle Volunteer
Corps, while firing blank cartridge, levelled his rifle at an
artilleryman, and shot him in the mouth. The artillery.
man had three of his teeth knocked out, and his lips
burned. The author of the mischief was placed under
arrest, and his rifle and blank cartridges taken from him.
Sir E. Campbell said he could not find words to express
the indignation he felt at such conduct. A court of in-
quiry would be held, and probably the offender would be
dismissed from the corps.

MURDER. AND SUICIDE.—As a Waterman was
strolling on the beach at Brighton, early on Thursday
morning, his attention was attracted to a dark object on
the water's edge. On closer observation he found that it
was the body of a young woman, and attached to it the
body of an infant. A cord was tied round the child's
neck, and, passing under the woman's clothes, was fastened
-ound her waist. Both were quite dead, and appeared
to have been in the water about two hours. Inquiries
were set on foot, and it was found that the deceased was
Mary Payne, the wife of a man who gains his livelihood
as an occasional waiter and in other capacities. The
husband is said to be a man of intemperate habits, and
the mother and child have of late suffered great distress.
Deceased left her home ou the preceding day, and nothing
had been heard of her until the finding of the body.
MRS. PARTINGTON AND TIER MOP.—This
" labour in vain " will be found in the Rev. Sidney
Smith's speech at Taunton on the Lords' rejection of the
Reform Bill, October 1831, in the following passage :
" The attempt of the Lords to stop the progress of Reform
reminds me very forcibly of the great storm off Sidmoutb,
rnd of the conduct of the excellent Mrs. Partington on
that occasion. In the winter of 1824 there set in a great
flood upon that town ; the tide rose to an incredible height,
the waves rushed in upon the houses, and everything was
threatened with destruction. In the midst of this sublime
and terrible storm, Dame Partington, who lived upon the
beach, was seen at the door of her house with mop and
pattens, trundling her mop, squeezing out the sea-water,
and vigorously pushing away the Atlantic Ocean. The
Atlantic was roused ; Mrs. Partington's spirit was up ;
but I need not tell you that the contest was unequal. The
Atlantic beat Mrs. Partington. She was excellent at a
slop or a puddle ; but she should not have meddled with a
tempest."

THE COST OF AN AMERICAN BELLE OF THE
PERIOD.—Her beautiful luxuriant blonde hair is worth—if
it be a wig—from 50 dols. to 200 dols. ; if it be a switch,
from 10 dole, to 109 dole. ; if it be in curls, from 10 dole.
to 50 dols. Her pure white brow, her dark, arched eye-
-s,rows cost from 4 dole. to 14 dols. Her large and liquid eyes
c,re worth 1 OsO. Her white face and neck (when
tflatnelleO) are procured at a price ranging from 15 dole. to
dole. Tl.e glowing rose aml virgin lily of her cheeks
cost anywhere, with the various soaps and cosmetics,
kc., 5 (1018. Her faultless gleaming ivories, if
false, cost her 25 dols. to 200 dole. Her
ruby lips are worth about 25 cents. 'Her round,
plump cheeks, if plumplers, cost 5 dole. Her swelling
bosom is got up, if pads, for 1 dol. to 2 dole.; if respirators,
for 5 dols. to 10 dole. ; if balm and developers, for 14 dole.
Her Grecian bend is worth anywhere from 9 dole. to 10
dols. Her plump arm, if padded, costs from 0 duls, to 3
dole. Her fair white arm, if bare, costs from 1 dole, to 3
dole. Her Italian hands and aristocratic nails are worth 2
dole, and upwards. Her corset (therefore her waist) is
worth from 75 cents. to 30 dole. Her hips are rounded at
price from 1 dol. to 5 dole. 50 cents. Her delicious limbs,
when in the shape of false calves, at from 8 dole. and
upwards.—Amerlcan Paper.