The Sun.
London, England, 1860-06-12 00:00:00

placed the °ens as objection on the paper, when a membe_
on this side, not t wishing to be defrauded of—l will not say
an act of wisda m which thirty years ago he had been unwise
enough to originate. The moment that the member for
Rye put his notice on the paper, the member for Berwick
was so hustled, amd bullied, and coaxed, that finally he was
obliged to withdraw his notice. (Laughter.) Somehow or
other it was managed that the amendment, be moved
by the hon. member AR Rye, but the gentlemen opposite
brought down all their forces to support him, and then they
turn round and say, " I t's all the fault of the hon. member
for Rye." Why, the hon. member for Rye never carried
anything in this houve down to the present moment.
(Laughter, and cries of" Smoke.") No, he did not carry
even that; his efforts all ended in a bottle of the offensive
article. (Laughter.) On the contrary, I venture to assert
that when it was known that the hon. member for Rye had
determined to oppose, it added greatly to the chances of
success for the Ministerial measure in the estimation of
all shrewd calculators. (Continued laughter.) But the
right hon. gentleman opposite says, that as to the question
of improving the political condition of the working classes
there is no difference of opinion, only that he does not want
what he is pleased to call a coarse and vulgar method of
enfranchisement. The public, however, will judge the
right hon. gentleman and his friends from the fact that
from no supporter of the bill has come the abuse of that
class of the people who live in houses of under £lO annual
value. Therefore, although the right hon. gentleman says
he is on a par with the noble lord, all people out of doors
will conclude that there is a wide gulf between the noble
lord, who expresses confidence in the working classes, and
the right hon. gentleman's friends, who say that to enlarge
the franchise would be to hand it ever to poverty and. pas-
sion, and leaving us as the alternative of government Only
the choice between debauchery and crime. (Hear, hear.)
But I suppose that, like a tree or an orchard, we cannot ex-
pect more than a given harvest in a given season, and that
we must rest satisfied with what has already been done this
year. Looking backwards, however, to the course of this
session, I think that people out of doors will be greatly dis-
satisfied with the course which has been taken to-night. I
am dissatisfied—and I trust I may say that no one has de-
voted mere time or more labour to the furtherance of re-
form, or has looked forward to its success with more en-
thusiasm—l am disappointed; and if Ido not assail the
Government it is because I feel that it would be unjust
to attack them for difficulties for which they are not en-
tirely responsible, and to denounce them for not doing
that which they found themselves wholly unable to do.
But, on looking back over the session, we shall find that it
has not been a session altogether without result. We hale
cleared away 400 obstacles to :the industry of this country
by the reformation we have effected in the tariff. (Hear.)
I say that that is a matter of great consequence; that a
few years ago it would have marked the session in which
it took place as a great session, and would have ren-
dered almost immortal the reputation of the Minister who
effected it. But we have had more, we have had the
treaty with France. (Cheers, dissent, and cries of " Ques-
tion," from the Opp:sition.) Gentlemen opposite will by
and by believe that treaty to be a desirable instrument,
as I believe it to be. Perhaps I may be allowed to make
one or two observations respecting that treaty. There has
been a studied attempt in t'his house, in another place, and
in at least one influential journal, to represent that there is
no good faith at Paris, that nothing has been done, and that
all the enthusiasm which has been raised throughout the
country has been so much enthusiasm thrown away. Now
I beg to refer them to the authority of gentlemen who have
just returned from Paris; indeed I could refer them to
higher authority to show that nothing could exceed the good
faith and honour of the French Government, and that the
French Ministers are endeavouring earnestly to carry out
the details of the treaty. I have the beet reason for be-
lieving that the duties levied on British geode will bo much
below the maximum, and I have the authority which is in
the world best qualified to express a reliable opinion for
saying that the convention will, when completed, exceed
the most sanguine expectation of its friends. (Cheers.) I
do not know whether hon. gentlemen opposite consider this
night to be a night of triumph. Ido not see much exulta-
tion, and I think that many of them would have preferred
to have had this bill fairly considered and in the main
passed. (Considerable cheering from the Opposition.) I
do not think they have been much terrified by the exagge-
rated coloursinwhich the working classes have been painted,
and I fully expect that between this and next winter they
will rather regret that the bill has not been passed. (Hear,
hear.) The bill was a moderate one, a very reasenablb
one. (Loud cries of "hear, hear," from both sides of the
house.) When you first heard it described you all thought
so. (General cries of "Yes," one or two "Noes.") Yes, I
undertake to say that you have been much encouraged in
your opposition by the conduct of a few gentlemen on this
side of the house. (Hear, hear.) lam told that there are
some here who think it time we should have a sound Whig
Government, from which all foreign element should be
eliminated, meaning, of course, the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer and my right hon. friend the President of the
Board of Trade. Now, allow me to tell these gentlemen
that a sound Whig Government, chosen in the old Whig
manner, is just as extinct an animal as that often described
bird the dodo, (Loud laughter.) You may see some re-
mains of it, as Professor Owen can show you the head, and
I suppose a foot, but you will never see that sort of govern-
ment again, in my opinion—(laughter)—and really if we
are to sit on one side and call ourselves a liberal party I
think the sooner we get rid of these old party definitions
_the better—(hear, hear)--and we should endeavour in the
conduct of affairs in Parliament to act rather in a more in-
genuous and more open and fair manner to the Government
of the country than has been . done by some of those who
call themselves the followers of the Whig party. (Hear,
hear.) Then I say that although hon. gentlemen 'opposite
do not appear to exult, I think I see reason to exult that
this bill has been withdrawn rather than that it should have
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question, and it would have been no advantage to the coun-
try to pass it. I have said over and over againthat I believe
it is not worth while doing anything upon this question un-
less you do so much as to make a substantial change in the
direction which so many of your countrimen -wish, and
such as shall leave men no strong excuse for, at an early
period, asking you to proceed further. That is my policy
with regard to this question, and I think you will admit it
is a wise policy. (Hear; hear.) Therefore lam very glad
the Government have proposed to withdraw the bill rather
than that they should have gone into committee and sub-
mitted to have a £6 franchise made into an £8
franchise, which would in my opinion appear the most
childish, and to the great body of the working classes to
whom you are making some advances would have been one
of the most pernicious and insulting offers that Parliament
could have made. (Hear.) The noble lord the member
for the City of Londpn has referred to some of the ques-
tions which are coming on, but there is one to which he
has not referred, and that is one affecting the conduct of
this house with regard to its control over the taxation of
the country. Now, I hope that if the House of Commons
determines that this session will have no measure of reform
for itself, that at.least it will not allow anything to be dune
that shall impair its powers and alter its inherent right
over the taxation and finances of this kingdom. (Cheers )
I hope that if we are about to shut out the people, we shall
not consent to let in the peers. (Renewed cheers.) I'hope
that the course you take with regard to this bill is not an
indication that you aro willing in any degree to let down
the character and power of this house with regard to those
questions on which the public look up to you, and have
done for generations and centuries, more necessarily than
to either of the other branches of the State. The noble
lord, as I understand, has given a pledge that at an early
period whether in November—(oh; oh)—or in February—
(oh)—that is, at the first time when Parliament shall
meet, that the Government of which he is a member
Will again introduce a measure to amend the representation
of the people. Now, I am of oeinion that this determination,
and the discussions which have taken place, will breed
throughout the country much thought upon this question
and probably may produce some healthy action. (Hear,
hear.) I hope that during the winter—between this time
and the time when we shall meet again—such of us as may
meet again—that there will be expressed throughout the
country a firm and wise opinion with regard to the course
which Parliament should take in the coming session.
(Hear, hear.) Why should not hon..members opposite en-
tertain more liberal views? (A laugh.) An hon. gentle-
man near the gangway laughed, but if this were the time, I
could easily show him that all our legislation of which we
have reason to be proud during his life and mine—legisla-
tion according to what we term liberal views— (cheers)—has
been opposed by the party with which he is connected—
(cries of "No, no," and " Hear")—and has been supported
uniformly by the party with which I am connected. (Cheers.)
Well, if it be be so in the past, why not so in the future?
(Hear.) We may be as right in these questions as on those
previous questions. Look at the condition of our people.
That great measure which the Chancellor of the Exchequer
has passed this year—the reform of the tariff—is but a por-
tion of the great work that has been going on for 20 years
—(hear, hear)—and yet I will undertake to say that that
great work, completed -within 20 years, has done much for,
the people and poor of England in giving them the comforts
of life and some taste of independence. (Cheers.) I say that
this has done more than all the party contests, party
triumphs, bloody wars, extensive conquests, martial renown
and historical glories you have had for more than a century
past. (Loud cheers.) Now what I want is that the house
should always consider the great body of the people. The
peers, the rich, the powerful, can always take care of them-
selves and never suffer, unless it may be for a time, in
great political convulsions, which we all hope may never
visit our country. Look at the condition of the great body
of the people—their intelligence, their morality, and their
independence—and you find written in characters which
you cannot mistake the real truth with regard to the go-
vernment under which they live. (Hear, hear.) I say then
that the course taken by the Chancellor of the Exchequer
is one laden with blessings to the great body of the people
—(cheers)—and if the House of Commons would at the same
time, whilst so much good physically was being conferred
upon. them—if in the same session it could have shown its
confidence in them by offering them this moderate extension
of the suffrage which the noble lord proposed, I think it
world have been said in after times that there had been no
Bowdon of tlle Parliament of England comparable to that of
1860 for thA good it had given to the people, and for the