The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT-Orrin PUBLIC,' OUIII,IIILB,

The Timex remarks that the first morning sitting of the
session produced little beyond an outburst of wrath
between Mr. Newdegate and Mr.Whalley. Sir George
Jenkinson led the opposition with a protest against the
application of any portion of the funds of the Irish
Establishment in compensating Maynooth, and, declaring
that he was not ashamed of his principles, besought the
leaders of his party to express some opinion on the sub-
ject. We can easily understand that they are embar-
rassed in considering what course they should
follow. The Government plan of compensating
Maynooth is confessedly framed on principles entirely
different from the scheme of compensating the incumbents
of the Anglican Church, and the argument of the O'Conor
Don, that it would be impossible to deal separately with
the professors and students of the college, seems to be
unsupported by facts. The ministerial argument in sup-
port of this proposal remains to be stated, except so far
as Mr. Gladstone referred to it in introducing the bill ;
but we apprehend the real justification of the arrangement
is embodied in the elastic phrase, used by Mr. Gladstone
on Monday, that public policy requires it should be sanc-
tioned. It is not desirable from any point of view that an
educational institution should be allowed suddenly to
tumble to pieces, and the Government scheme provides the
trustees of Maynooth with funds to redeem their obliga-
tions to existing professors, and to pass through the
difficult interval which must necessarily precede reorgani-
sation.

The Standard declares that Mr. Gladstone wholly failed
to answer the obvious objections to this exceptional treat-
ment in favour of Maynooth. He is personally pledged
by his language in the House in May last year to the pro-
mise that "the Maynooth Endowment Act must be
repealed," and it is no answer to say, as be does, that he
fulfils his obligation by repealing the grant. He deprives
the Irish Church of the position accorded to it by favour
of the State, and he is bound to deal out exactly the same
measure to Maynooth. If he disestablishes one he must
disestablish the other. His bargain with the country, the
understanding upon which be gained his majority, was,
that all State privileges and State aid to Maynooth
should be withdrawn, and that not one farthing of the
plunder of the Irish Church should be handed over to
the Roman Catholics, and this is the way in which
he keeps faith: Maynooth retains the position accorded
to it by the State, and it receives a capital sum of
380,0000 from the revenues of the Church. Thus far
there has been no attempt whatever to justify the breach
of faith in the latter case. Let Maynooth be deprived of
its corporate character, let it be required to pay up the
building charges, and let the compensation to the pro-
fessors and tutors be paid out of the Consolidated Fund
and cease with the present office-holders. Thus, and thus
only, will Mr. Gladstone have fulfilled his distinct obli-
gations in this matter, and have redeemed the promises
on the faith of which he gained so many votes from the
Protestant Dissenters of Wales and Scotland. As Mr.
Fielden asked, in his masterly address, can any one doubt
what would have been the answer of such constituencies
if they had known that Maynooth was to carry off
£380,000 from the revenues of the Protestant Church?
Is it to be supposed, as Sir John Pakington puts it,
that the country would have approved of a scheme which
favours the Roman Catholic Church at the expense of
Protestantism?

The Daily News says that widely interesting as the
May meetings prove themselves to be, there is a popular
prejudice against them. We believe, however, that, like
other forms of prejudice, it is founded on a false imprei-
mien. It is generally believed that at the majority of
these meetings the current of philanthropic sympathy is
almost exclusively directed away from home. But a glance
at the long list of societies which bold their anniversaries
at this season will, of itself, rectify this mistake.
There may be a good deal of narrowness in
many of the persons who figure at these gatherings,
but it is only common fairness to them to remember
that all over England they are carrying on a crusade
against ignorance and vice. Even the men and women
whose mites make up the large revenues of the great mis-
sionary societies are nearly all of them actively engaged in
some work of Christian philanthropy in their own neigh-
bourhood. For ourselves, we confess that a review of these
great organisations of charity, though it naturally shews
much misdirected energy and much wasteful zeal, gives
us such a glimpse of the wealth of philanthropic feeling,
and the power of sacrifice for the public good which lies
under the surface of English society, that if we bad
any misgivings for the future of our country, we should
take heart of hope and be once more confident of its
destiny.

The Telegraph says that the Mayor of Cork is to be
abolished by Act of Parliament. Since his remarkable
vagaries were first made known, the question of calling
him to account has necessarily occupied the earnest
attention of those who are responsible for the peace and
order of the United Kingdom. But, in the interval,
lie has done his very best to .reinfo :e every
argument for
.arresting his cxtravagancies—frater-
nlsing with a muster of roughs, gathered to encourage
his ludicrous escapades, brawling on the very
bench, and so defying the usages of his office as
to suggest to his colleagues the possibility of his
removal. The result has fulfilled our anticipation of
Saturday last, and effectual proceedings will this day be
taken to stop the znischicrous exhibition. We then
explained the very serious difficulties which must beset
any attempt at interference—difficulties alike of a prac-
tical and a technical nature ; the actual law making no
ro /ision for the prompt removal of an elected magistrate
for acts not committed in the exercise of his office. Still,
as Mr. O'Sullivan has "deranged himself " in a prominent
position ; as his continuance in office is a public zcandal ;
as inaction might be misinterpreted by Fenians to mean
something by vacillation, if not fear—it is needful to take
the steps for his removal from office. Nobody wants to
make him a martyr, or inflict any terrible punishment
for his silly talk ; but he"
must
never more be officer" of
ours.

The limes observes that nobpdy can be surprised that
projects are afloat for the reform of our Ecclesiastical
Courts. It is certainly high time that the Church
Discipline Act should be revised, if only for the purpose
of clearing up ambiguities on points which ought no longer
to be left subject to doubt. To judge by the case of the
Rev. W. J. E. Bennett, a prosecution in the Ecclesiastical
Courts is like to nothing in the world so much as to a game
of battledore and shuttlecock. After examining the several
methods of preliminary procedure proposed by Sir Robert
Phillimore and others, the Tin^s says there is not much
weight in the reasons offered in favour of the Archiepiscopal
Court possessing the discretion claimed for it by Sir
Robert Phillimore, at least after an adverse report from a
commission of inquiry. Bishops may safely be left to look
after their own jurisdiction. It is not likely they will
shirk their duties by shifting them to the court of the
archbishop. If they were so indolent or indifferent, they
would probably prefer to exercise the power which they
possess of preventing criminal proceedings altogether
rather than institute them merely to send them on to a
superior tribunal. We do not see why "letters of
request" should not be equivalent to a mandate.
We are not shocked at the idea of the law conferring
upon the inferior court authority to transfer a
cause to the jurisdiction of a superior one. Sir Robert
Phillimore insists that a court of appeal has a right
to the advantage of the judgment of the inferior court,
and argues that this of all others is a case on which the
bishop ought to exercise his jurisdiction, because it is " a
case of alleged heresy connected with some of the most
awful mysteries of our religion." On the contrary, this
seems to us just the reason why the bishop should forego
his right. These doctrinal questions, if they are stirred
at all, ought to be settled authoritatively and without
delay. Definitive settlement cannot come from the court
of the diocese or from the court of the province, and
'reiterated and inconclusive discussions are to be depre-
cated, as oppressive to the parties and irritating to the
public. It is, therefore, advisable that every step should
be taken which can accelerate the arrival- of the cause
before the tribunal of the Privy Council.

The Herald asks, Who is, to use an Americanism,
" Boss," in the existing Radical Administration? This is
a question requiring a prompt and unambiguous answer
in justice to the people of Ireland, no matter to what poli-
tical party belonging. It is absolutely necessary for the
tranquillity of the sister country, as well as for the safety
of the empire, that it should be known beyond any doubt
who the statesman is whose policy is to rule in the pro-
mised enactment on the Irish land question. Is it to be
that of the right hon. gentleman the President of the
Board of Trade, or that of the First Lord of the Treasury,
the reputed head of her Majesty's Ministry. At
this moment it is impossible to say whose opinion is in
the ascendant. The debate on Mr. Graves's motion
will have an effect the very contrary of what he anti-
cipated, for the Irish tenantry will be more firmly
convinced than they ever were before, from the speeches
delivered by the leading members of the Government, that
they are to be promptly converted into proprietors. And
can we be surprised that they should be ? Far shrewder
and better acquainted with political matters than they are
supposed to be, they find Mr. Gladstone playing second
fiddle to Mr. Bright, and quite willing to submit to his
dictation. They are perfectly aware that without his
co-operation and support the Ministry could not exist,
and while waiting in anxious expectation for the despoil-
ment of the Church, which will afford land fora commence-
ment of the " innocent experiment," they will hold a firm
grasp of their own tenements by terrifying or murdering
their landlcrds, should it be needful, until the plan which
Mr. Bright has in his pocket can be conveniently carried
out on so extensive a scale as to reach themselves.