The Sun.
London, England, 1860-01-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 6, 1860.

CONTRACT FOR CURLED HAIR FOR, SEAMEN'S
BEDS.
--- •

Department of the Comptroller for Victualling,
Somerset-house, 4th January, 1860.
THE COMMISSIONERS for EXECUTING the
OFFICE of LORD HIGH ADMIRAL of the UNITED
KINGDOM of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND, DO
HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, that on THURSDAY,
the 19th instant, at Half past One o'clock, they will
be ready to treat with such Persons as may be willing to
CONTRACT for supplying and delivering into her Majesty's
Victualling Stores at Dept‘ord
CURLED HAIR FOR BEDS 150,000 lbs.
One half of each to be delivered in three months, and
the remainder in two months afterwards, or earlier if pre-
ferred by the party tendering.
Their Lordships reserve to themselves the power, when
the tenders are opened, of contracting either for the whole,
or for such part thereof only as they may deem fit, or for a
greater quantity, or of not contracting for any.
No• tender will be received unless made on the printed
form provided for the purpose, and which may be obtained on
application at the said office, or to the officer conducting- the
Packet Service at Liverpool, or to the Collector of Customs at
Bristol.
Tenders will be admitted for any portion of the hair.
A sample of the hair maybe seen at the said office between
the hours of ten and two.
Particular attention is called to the recent modification of
the conditions of the contract, which may be seen at the said
office, and at Liverpool and Bristol.
No tender will be received after Half-past One o'clock on
the day of treaty, and it will not be required that the party
tendering, or an agent on his behalf, should attend at the
Office on the day of Contract, as the result of the offer received
from each person will be communicated to him and his
proposed sureties in writing.
Every tender must be addressed to the Secretary of the
Admiralty, and bear in the left-hand corner the words" Ten-
der for ," and must also be delivered at Somerset-
house.

'THE ROYAL STATION HOTEL, Paragon-
street,-I- Hull, requires only to be visited to be pronounced
one of the most splendid hotels in England. The situation is
open and healthful, a few minutes' walk from all the public
buildings and places of business, and. being connected with
the Railway Station, affords railway passengers arriving or
departing by every train day or night, the advantage of being
on the spot, and having their wants and wishes immediately
attended to.
The public should know that under the present manage-
ment they will find every comfort and convenience at the
same charges they arc paying at the minor hotels. It has
accommodation for upwards of one hundred and fifty visitors,
is fittod up with every luxury an hotel can command, and is
so arranged for the advantage of every class of visitor, that
Beds can be had from ls. to 2s. ; I'rivate Rooms, from 28. to
Is. ; Breakfasts, from ls. ltd. to 2s. ; Dinners, from 2s. ; and
all other charges of that moderate character which will give
satisfaction to every class of visitor who may pay the hotel a
visit.
The hotel contains Gentlemen and Ladies' Coffee Rooms ;
a special Room set apart for Commercial Gentlemen ; fourteen
Private suites of Rooms ; large spacious Rooms for Dinner
Parties, Public Meetings, &e., ; two first-class Refresh-
ment Rooms ; two Smoke Rooms ; Bath and Billiard Rooms.

A Night Porter in attendance.
EDWIN TAYLOR,

Proprietor of the Royal Station
Hotel, Hull, and Crescent
Hote, Filey.

N.B.—TAYLOR'S CRESCENT HOTEL, fronting the sea,
for Families and Gentlemen. It has accommodation for up-
wards of one hundred and fifty visitors. Table D'llote at
five o'clock. Omnibuses and Cabs from the hotel meet all the
trains. Good stabling, and coach-houses. Moderate terms.

MILITARY ORGANIZATION;

(FROM THE TIMES' CORRESPONDENT LATE WIThl
THE FRENCH ARMY IN ITALY.)
I have tried to point out that the great revolution
going on in military matters, which no one in his
senses will deny, aims at the superiority of the in-
dividual soldier, physical as well as moral ; that
this principle is the most congenial to the English
character and to English institutions ; that its appli-
cation has produced the most glorious epoch for
British arms, and that it is only from a return to
it that a successful organization can be expected—
one which should answer in every emergency, and
enable British military organization not only to
compete with, but to surpass those of the conti-
nental nations.
I have been lengthy in establishing this basis,
because it is only a firm conviction in the necessity
of it which can overcome long-rooted habits and
prejudices. In a country which pays such worship
to everything old, and where a change even in the
most trifling matters is liable to be looked upon as
an attack at the very root of an institution, the first
thing is the recognition of a principle. Until this
is general even the most obvious improvements be-
come impossible ; while, the principle once recog-
nised, some radical reforms become a natural con-
sequence. It was the same with all the great revo-
lutions in the internal policy of England which
have taken place for the last 30 years—Parliamen-
tary reform, the colonial system, the financial sys-
tem, Catholic emancipation, and numerous others ;
and so rapid have been the changes when once the
principle has been recognised that a few years suf-
ficed to efface almost all traces of the old system
This recognition of the true principle of modern
military organization will, it may be hoped, be
facilitated by the tacit, or rather unconscious intro-
duction of it which has already taken place. By
the adoption of the rifle as the arm of the British
Infantry, and by the establishment of the rifle
school at llythe, the military authorities have,
without suspecting it, laid the axe at the roet of
the old system ; they have appealed to the indi-
vidual qualities of the soldier, and, by this appeal,
condemned the system which converted him into
a machine. But they seem not to have hitherto
perceived the principle which they thus admitted ;
for else they would have seen the incongruity of
introducing an arm requiring the greatest possible
development of all the faculties of the soldier under
a system calculated to produce the very reverse,
and they would have hastened to bring the whole
military organization into harmony with this prin-
ciple. As it is, there exists on odd anomaly—a
working, as it were, in two entirely different direc-
tions, neutralizing one effort by another, and making
things in many respects worse than before.
The more the soldier is perfected in the use of his
new weapon, the more will he perceive the absur-
dity of playing the automaton. While he was armed
with Brown Bess and sytematically stultified, he
felt, no doubt, the inconvenience of a tight, uncom
fortable dress, of the stock and knapsack ; but he
considered them up to a certain point as an inevit-
able evil,—something absolutely to keep him in
harness, like the cabman's horse in Punch ; but,
now that he is given a beautiful weapon, and taught
to use his faculties to make it formidable in his
hands, he feels every moment his efficiency im-
paired by every incumbrance which impedes the
free movement of his body. If the soldier got so
easily "out of hand" when everything was done
to impress him with the idea of his helplessness as
an individual, how much more will this be the case
now when he is taught his individual value, but not
shown how to use it under all circumstances !
I heard that a high military authority and fer-
vent admirer of the old system, returning from an
inspection of the Armstrong gun, shook, his head,
and expressed his doubt about all these newfangled
ideas, which were only calculated to destroy the
good old system. According to his views the per-
cussion musket was a deterioration on the old flint
lock, the rile on the percussion musket, and the
rifled gun on the good old gun. The old gentleman
was consistent from his point of view, which con-
sidered the old system as the highest perfection,
which cannot long co-exist with the newfangled
notions.
As the great majority of the British people are
not quite so convinced of the infallibility of the good
old system as to go back to the lint lock, they
ought to see and press the necessity of adapting the
system to the weapon, instead of adapting this latter
to the former. They ought to study how to raise
the
physical and moral qualities of the soldier to the
highest point, to protect such a precious and costly
being by the most comfortable and least cumber.
some clothing, to make hirn as hardy and full of
resources as the North American squatter, to drill
hint so as to give him the full use of his muscles and
his intellect, to reform the system of promotion so
as to stimulate his ambition and to attract the intel-
ligent and energetic class 9f the British community
which now seeks fortune in other climes, to relieve
the military administration of the fetters of routine,
and to base it on the principle of responsibility.
All this may sound very radical and impossible
at first sight, but, if tried, most of the difficulties
will disappear, the only condition being that the
mind be free of prejudice. All the boasted perfec-
tion in England has been acquired by seeking im-
provement in every branch, and by the greatest
thousands of patents which are gr.anted every ye
im-
provement
possible attention to each little detail. Take those
small as the benefit may be which each little
introduces, the aggregate number of
them makes British industry advance every year
with gigantic steps. Every one contributes his mite
in the application of a physical, mathematical,i
or
chemical principle. What is so successful in every
other specialite should likewise be so in the military
specialite. This is not exempted from general laws,
whatever be the opinion of the high priests and
jealous hierophants, who try to shroud military
matters as if they were the mysteries of Eleusis, in-
accessible to the eyes of the uninitiated.
Mysteries are fine things in the age of supersti-
tion, but they are unveiled by the impertinent spirit
of curiosity and criticism which characterises our
age. They require study and practice like every-
thing else, but follow the laws which regulate
everything else. The higher the individual deve-
lopment of the parts, the greater will be the per-
fection of the whole.
This individual development does not mean that
the British soldier should become a Bashi Bazouk—
every one for himself and no one for all ; on the

contrary, the more the principle fs adhered to the
more easily disciplined and guided will be the
soldier.
An obvious comparison will bring the matter
better hothe than anythin r else. Go to a Continental
riding-school, where the time-honoured traditions of
the Spanish school are still kept up, in all their
glory, and look at the process of training a horse ;
you will see a course of torture and senseless cruelty
with bit, spur, and whip, to instruct the horse all
that nature has taught him. Et seems animals Lave
more spirit than man, for it requires at least ten
years to make the horse perfect. By that time, if
lie is not quite an untameable brute, he will know
how to go on one, or two, or three legs, but will
Dover, by any chance, make the mistake of going
on all four; he will take special pleasure in going
as much as possible with his tail foremost ; he will
start off in a trot or canter, or, making the great
and small volte change—in fact, do every cunning
device of the riding-school at the voice of the mas-
ter, and without any other guidance. If by this
judicious course of training he has still a leg left to
stand upon, which is extremely rare in horses per-
fect in the riding-school, you may take him out,
and you will find one of two things—either he is
as broken down in his spirit as on his legs, and so
stultified that he can never be got out of his re-
gular pace, or else, if he is not utterly broken-
down, the first thing will be his trying to run away
with his rider ; no persuasion will ever get him over
a fence or across a ditch, and after half an hour he
will be completely " done." As everyone cannot
go to a Continental riding-school, he may still make
the comparison, although not in so striking a man-
Der' by going first to a regimental riding school,
and then to a good hunting field, with magnificent
animals in high condition, capable of work as no
other horses are, which have been taught not to
make use of one or two, but of all their four legs.
They have not been tortured into unnatural atti-
tudes, but trained to the consciousness of their
strength and skill, while they at the same time
have acquired a docility and sagacity which makes
them capable of learning almost anything. And
yet, with few exceptions, they are more tractable
and yielding than any horse untaught by the Span-
ish school. They divine almost the ideas of their
rider, if he has any, and save him often in spite of
himself.

No Englishman will differ in opinion about the
best trained horse of the two, the well-trained rid-
ing-school horse and the equally well-trained hunter.
Common sense must indicate which is the most
useful. One must have an extremely good opinion
of oneself and a very bad one of one's fellow-crea-
tures not to admit that if an animal can be raised
by a rational treatment, according to its nature,
and become so much better, the same will more
easily succeed with human beings.
All depends on recognizing this principle, and
clearing the mind of prejudices, Indeed, so simple
and natural seems all the rest, that it would have
been long ago seen but for the density of prejudice
which obscured official eyes.

SIR JOHN TRELA WAVY, M.P., AND

lIIS COSSTITUENTS.

According to annual custom, Sir John Trelawny
addressed his constituents at the Bedford Hotel,
Tavistock, on Tuesday evening, and met with an
enthusiastic and hearty reception.
The HON. MEMBER, after referring to matters
connected with the borough, proceeded to give an
account of his stewardship, remarking that he
wished to place himself for a moment in the posi-
tion of an elector, in order that he might ask of his
representative what had been achieved during the
last session, what had become of the public money,
what ought to be done in the future, and finally,
what were his impressions in general with regard
to public men and public affairs ? In reference to
the first question, he observed that the P arliament
had been a very short one, and had been elected
under somewhat hasty circumstances, and notwith-
standing that the chief attention of the Conserva-
tives had been devoted to keeping out the Whigs,
and of the Whigs to displacing the Conservatives,
yet it would not be fair to say that the session had
not been without fruit. Several measures had been
passed, such as the Militia Act, the additional steps
in law reform, the Provident Societies Act, the
acts on coinage, on county courts, and for railway
arbitration ; the amendment of the divorce law, the
measures for providing a reserve of seamen, the In-
come Tax Act, and the Act for Amending the En-
closure Act, all of which were useful if not preten-
tious, and would be important aid to future progress.
Making special allusion to the subject of national
defences—a subject of great importance, he quoted
the expressed opinion of Mr. Cobden in the House
of:Commons, to the effect that, if the country were
in danger of invasion by any foreign foe, he would
be ready to vote five hundred or five thousand mil-
lions for our defence, as evincing the anxiety of
even the most economically disposed, and the most
ardent in the support of peace principles, to guard
the honour and integrity of the country. In ex-
planation of how the public money had been ex-
pended during the past year, Sir John entered into
the facts recently elicited with respect to the mis-
management and jobbery in connection with our
dockyards and public establishments, and the
corrupt manner in which contracts were given for
the sake of political support. He observed that
there were some who looked to the continuance of
these proceedings for providing their own remedy
—who argued that if cuff. red a little longer, they
would bring on a collapse and a revolution, and the
overthrow of that influence in the State by which
such practices had been so long fostered. He did
not agree with this sentiment. Though neither of
the great parties in the State acted with thorough
honesty, or went farther than a given point in root-
ing out these abuses, the one always desiring to
retain, and
_the other to get the patronage, yet
he was disposed to work with such tools as he
found—to take men as they were, and to effect
with them such reforms as he could, rather than
incur the disasters of a collapse and a revolution ;
and he was glad to say that, even as it was, pro-
gress was being made year by year towards a better
state of things. Tho lion. gentleman approved of
the volunteer movement, and suggested it might
be carried out so as to put our army somewhat on the
footing of that of the Unitel States, where the regu-
lar army did not consist of more than ten or twelve
thousand men, and was composed chiefly of the
skilled and scientific branches of the service—the
artillery, and 'sappers and miners—leaving the rest
to a trained body of volunteers and militia, who
could at: any time be embodied for service when re-
quired. He disapproved of the £10,000,060 pro-
posed to be expended in fortifications and new guns,
considering that the experience of the Russians in
the Crimea showed with what effect earthworks
could be thrown up at any time by the mere com-
mand of labour, and having regard to the circum-
stance that the ordnance provided now might
become obsolete by fresh inventions three or five
years hence. Referring to the question of church
rates the hon. member argued at some length in
support of the abolition of that impost. lie be-
lieved it had been admitted that in the course he
had taken on this subject he had been fair to his
opponents, and had been willing to make the most
of their plans, while not giving up his own views.
He now warned these gentlemen to beware of
the language they used. He would not retaliate
the expressions that had been resorted to on 'the
other side. The friends of church-rate abolition were
now in a position in which they could afford to deal
with the matter patiently and calmly ; but it would
be well for their opponents not to indulge in such
language as they had lately heard, which must have
been very wounding, and might recoil on themselves.
A Conservative member of Parliament, standing

high in reputation, had spoken of the decision of the 1 I
House of Lords virtually settling the question as a 1
scandalous decision. The term was applied to a
decision given by the highest tribunal in the land.
Surely it could not be wise in that party to rouse
up a feeling against the institutions upon which
their whole case depended. Then, a noble lord had
spoken of church-rates as standing on the same
footing as any man's title to his land. Now they
must recollect that church-rates were a voluntary
tax. No church-rate could be levied without the
consent of the majority in a parish. How then
could it be pretended that they were an indefeasible
and inalienable charge upon property ? Yet so
great a legal authority as Lord St. Leonardo had
maintained that position. He proceeded to test
Lord Derby's consistency on this subject, by show-
ing that the noble lord—who now contended that
to take away church-rates as a means of supporting
the national Church was to rob the poor of their
inheritance—had himself, in 1823, been instru-
mental in the abolition of the vestry cess in Ireland,
which was the church-rate there. If it was a
charge upon property, and if to take it away was
to rob the poor of their inheritance, Lord Derby, as
an owner of Irish property which benefited by
that change, had robbed the poor of their inherit-
ance. Noticing the scheme recently propounded
by some of the bishops and eminent members of the
Church for raising £1,000,000 by the sale of livings
• in the gift of the Lord Chancellor, and another
million by subscription, in order to devote the whole

to the erection and endowment of GOO new
churches, the hon, baronet entered into a cal-
culation showing how much better a por-
tion of this money would be applied in sub-
stitution of church-rates, hcw much of the
sums at present collected as church-rates was
expended illegally. It was shown by the case
of Ireland, where no church rates had existed for
many years, and by the case of Tavistock itself,
where it was found very easy to support the church
without this rate, that the fabric could be main-
tained by voluntary effort; and the bishops them-
selves proved the same thing by proposing to build
and endow so many new churely!s by subscriptions.
After some further remarks on this subject, to the
effect that all parties were now aware that some-
thing must be done in the matter, and that the up-
holders of church rates had lost much by not giving
way at an earlier period, when a more easy settle-
ment would have satisfied the public than the
sweeping change they would now insist upon, Sir
John treated of the question of Parliamentary Re-
form, advising all parties to take warning by the
church rate agitation, and consent to a wide and
liberal measure of Reform, while yet the country,
being in a state of quietness and prosperity, was
disposed to reason with them; He said, if the pre-
sent Government dealt honestly and boldly with
this subject, they had every chance of a prolonged
tenure of power. He complained of the neglectful
and contemptuous treatment which members of the
House of Commons had experienced from former
Liberal Governments, and paid a high tribute to
the courtesy and gentlemanly bearing of Mr. Dis-
raeli in that respect. Several other subjects of cur-
rent interest were referred to by the hon. gentle-
man, who concluded his speech, amid loud applause,
by expressing a hope that the meeting would pass
a resolution approving in general terms of his
political conduct.
On the motion of Mr. C. V. BRIDGMAN, a vote of
confidence was unanimously passed to Sir John
Trelawny, and the meeting separated.

31R. Ir. TIARCOURT AT KIRKC

On Wednesday evening Mr. William Vernon
Harcourt, who at the last general election contested
the Kirkcaldy Burghs with Colonel Ferguson, the
present member, and only lost the seat by a small
majority, was presented by his supporters with a
handsome epergne, along with a silver claretjug
from the non-eleetors, in the new Corn-Exchange.
Kirkcaldy, in presence of au assemblage of about
1,500 persons. Provost Birrell, Kirkcaldy, pre-
sided ; and Provost Normand, Dysart, and Mr.
Thomson, Burntisland, severally presented the gifts
of the electors and non-electors.

Mr. HARCOURT, who was most enthusiastically
received, acknowledged the testimonials in a speech
of considerable length. After referring to various
matters connected with the late contest, and ad-

venting to the necessity that existed at the pre-
sent time for a strong and stable Government, he
said,—There is no doubt that the present aspect of
affairs in every part of the political horizon is
menacing to au extent almost unexampled. We
have been accustomed for the first time t 3 this fact,
that wars of the most gigantic magnitude can break
out in Europe without uny notice at all. I remem-
ber last winter, when it was said that there was

going to be war between France and Austria. that
it suited the purpose of the ruler of France to, what
he called, " reassure" the confidence of Europe.
Well, how was that done ? The people said, " There
is danger, France is arming ; there is going to be
war somewhere ; there are transports for troops and
provisions being shipped at Toulon." Well, the Em-
peror Louis Napoleon wished, as he said, that Eu-
rope should be " reassured," and he put a paragraph
into the 2Uoniteur to say that the transports that were
being loaded at Toulon were bound only to provi-
sion the French troops in Cochin-China. Europe
hardly believed the story, and its scepticism was just;
for in six weeks the whole of these biscuits that were

said to be going to Cochin-China were landed in
the port of Genoa, and 200,000 Frenchmen ready
to fight were landed on the shores of Italy.
Now, do not suppose I mention this because I have
no sympathy with the cause of those Italians in
whose favour that French army was landed; but

it is quite another thing to say that one has sym-
pathy with the persons who make use of the high
and holy name of freedo:n for the furtherance of
the most ambitious designs of the most cruel mili-
tary despotism that ever existed in the world.
(Applause.) Do you suppose that, when the in-
fluence of Austria was attacked in Italy, the prin-
ciples of Austrian rule were the only things really
hated by a Government which had destroyed a free
press, which had imprisoned a free Parliament, and
which had transported to the swamps of Cayenne
every man who dared to express an opinion on the
political condition of his own country ? 1 remem-
ber, gentlemen, it was onto said by a French
writer on the side of despotism, when England
fought the battle against the French Revolution at
the beginning of the century, " It is our misfortune
that we love the cause for which they fight, hut
that we hate the nation that supports it." Now, I
won't use exactly the same expression, hut, though
we love the cause for which the Emperor of the
French entered the Italian dominions, we do most
strongly mistrust the Power which undertook—
itself having been the assassin of liberty—to pro-
secute the cause of freedom. (Applause.) Gen-
tlemen, when I find the man who has destroyed
the liberties of his own country venturing to nego-
tiate a bill of this kind on freedom, all that I say
is, that I decline to discount it, for I don't like the
security. (Cheers ani laughter.) But, gentlemen,
there is a lesson we may learn from this, and I will
tell you that, whatever some may think, whatever
feeling some may entertain towards Austrian Go-
vernments, there is a country which is more
detested, and I hope I may say more feared than
any country which has yet been attacked—a country
which, in the midst of the deluge of absolutism and
despotism which has surged so often over the con.
tinent of Europe, has still carried the faithful
family of the free as the ark carried the family of
Noah—the country which they detest, and which
they fain would swamp—namely, the country to
which you and I belong, and which we must above
all things seek to defend. And we must also re-
member that if 200,000 men may be landed with-
out preparation, and almost without pretext for
one particular purpose, they may also be landed for
another; and when we are told that biscuits are
only going to Cochin China we must not give the
statement too ready a credence, but we must be
prepared to think what we may have to do should
the biscuits happen to come to London. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) Well, now, lam happy to see
that this feeling has pervaded every part of the
United Kingdom. I know that Kirkcaldy herself
has not been backward in the matter—(applause)
and I know that there is spread over the country
this feeling of a common danger and feeling of a
eommon determination that, whatever may come to
pass, England shall be safe—a feeling which has
induced all slams—men in business, men of peace-

ful occupations, and men who have no tendency to
military display—to prepare themselves to learn the
use of arms, that they may be ready, if occasion
need, to appear in the defence of their country.
Gentlemen, you may depend on it, that the groat
use of the:volunteer movement has not been simply
to meet the enemy in the event of an invasion ; it
has a higher and far more useful object—namely,
to deter that attack which it is so well calculated
to repel—(loud cheers)—and no man who is the
least aware of the real pulalic opinion of Europe,
can doubt that the movement which has been made
within the last few months in this country has
created more effect among the nations on the con-
tinent of Europe than almost anything else which
has taken place within the century. (Cheers.) Com-
ing to speak of Parliamentary reform, Mr. Har-
court said he knew there were persons who pro-
fessed themselves political reformers, and who
claimed an exclusive monopoly of Liberal principles
—persons who, having no respect for the past, de-
cried the existing constitution of their country, and
who, casting sovereign contempt on their fathers,
promised to the people —who, if they were not the
most ignorant of mankind,must know that theywere
duping them—things which they could never by any
possibility perform. There were petsons who were
seeking to make political capital by raising war be-
tween one class and another, who were seeking to
excite the cupidity of the poor against the rich, and
to cherish in the bosoms of a free and happy people
a spirit of discontent and of revolution. (Hear.) If
that was Liberalism, then he was not a Liberal.
But if there was a Liberalism in accordance with
which a man could feel that he belonged to a nation
which had already achieved freedom and liberty
such as the world had never before seen ; who, in
spite of defects in the institutions which he was
yet ready to amend, still believed that the paths
in which his fathers had trod were the paths by
treading in which himself, and by advancing fur-
ther in which, and by altering what was defective,
and amending what had been mistaken, by extend-
ing popular influence by degrees—he was still
building on the foundations ou which the British
constitution had been reared—then, if that were
Liberalism, he hoped, indeed, that he might claim
in some humble degree the title of a Liberal. (Ap-