The Sun.
London, England, 1860-08-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, AUGUS r 11, 1.866►.

the Government from the trouble of dealing with them in

future.

Mr. HENLEY was opposed to the opening of Storey's
Gate.

Lord FERMOY said he thought that in respect to the
parks, too much consi aeration had been shown for those
who rode on horseback. If any agitation on this question
had arisen, kis right hon friend (Mr. Cowper) was the cause
of it, because he was the innovator, and broke down what
he (Lord Fermoy) thought a good custom, by depriving
those who were unable to ride of a portion of the gardens.
The right hon. gentleman had commenced a dangerous
practice in appealing to the public on this subject, a game
at which two can play. In the park he had seen the green
men taking the cards of those who were in favour of the
views of his right hon. friend. With respect to the vestries
which had been attacked, it should be remembered that
they were the emanators of public opinion, and created by
the elective element which the party of the right hon. gen-
tleman were generally supposed to look up to. He con-
cluded by hoping that this ride would be only temporary.

After a few words from Mr. Alderman COPELAND and
Mr. WILLIAMS,

Mr. COWPER denied that he intended any disrespec

to hon. members or the metropolitan vestries. He
was satisfied that the vestries of St. George's and
Marylebone were composed of most respectable bodies
when they discusssed matters which properly be-
longed to them. He had been a member of St.
George's vestry, and he certainly must say the gentlemen
forming it were most respectable and most practical men.
What he wished to remind the house of in regard to the
parks was that the vestries had nothing whatever to do
with them. With respect to the popularity of this ride he
found that there were more walkers in favour of it than
horse riders. He made it his business to see what the ob
jections were against the ride, and he considered that there
was only one deserving attention, viz, that this portion of the
park from a solitude had been converted into a scene of
bustle and animation. In regard to that he would merely
repeat what he had said yesterday, that he considered pub-
licity and not privacy was the more appropriate charac-
teristics of a park. As regarded innovation, his prede-

cessors in office had also made many innovations, and when
it was proposed to throw open the whole of Regent's Park
to the public a great outcry was raised, but none of the
evils that were predicted had occurred. He repeated
what he had already stated, that he merely asked
for the vote temporarily, in order to see how the alteration
would work, and he reminded hon. members that the ride
would be closed to persons on horseback at the end of the
session. With reference to the Serpentine, the plan of Mr.
Hawksley was being carried out, and he believed the evils
connected with it arose merely from stagnation ; conse-
quently, if a current were kept up, and water constantly sup-
plied from the well, a natural process would result and the
foul matter would be oxygenised. As related to Richmond-
park, abort two-thirds of it required draining, which was
done at a cost of £6los. per acre, under the superintendence
of Mr. Josiah Park, subject to the instructions of the bailiff.
After some further discussion the committee divided--
For the amendment l5
Against it

Majority
Mr. A. SMITH moved that the item of £9,629 for Bat-
tersea Park be reduced by £2,600 for flowers, propagating
pits, &c.
Mr. COWPER thought the house would not object
to the expense for flowers, and alluded to the dissatisfac-
tion felt when-the shrubs were removed from Hyde Park.
Mr. JOSEPH LOCKE said that he did not object to
the £3OO for flowers, but he was strongly opposed to an
expenditure of £2,300 for the erection of a steam engine
and other apparatus for supplying water to the park.
Mr. A. SMITH consented to withdraw his amendment,
and that of Mr. Locke's was substituted.
Mr. COWPER defended the vote, which he considered
was not too large for the purpose to which the money was
to be applied, and he would provide for its not being extra-
vagantly expended.
The house divided—
. For the amendment
Against
Majority —24

Sir J. SHELLEY considered that a larger sum than was
necessary was about being voted for the drainage of Rich-
mond-park, and he moved that it be reduced by £4OO.
After a few words from Sir G. LEWIS, the amendment
was negatived without a division.
The general vote for the parks was then put and agreed to.
On thevote of £5,000 for the Probate Court and Registries,
Sir J. SHELLEY objected to expenditure of that amount
on the premises in Doctor's-commons, which were in so
dilapidated a condition.
Mr. COWPER said that the accommodation which
would be provided for as regarded the courts in question
would be only temporary. The vote was for lighting, heat-
ing, and other purposes connected with different courts in
the kingdom, and only a small portion of it was applied to
the courts to which the hon. baronet alluded.
The vote was agreed to.
On the vote of £3,655 for the ordinary maintenance and
repairs of British Embassy houses,
Mr. WILLIAMS moved a reduction of £650 from the
vote of £3,250 for the Embassy House at Therapia.
Some irregular discussion ensued, which was interrupted,
it being 10 minutes to 4 o'clock.
The house then suspended its sitting.

The house resumed at 6 o'clock.
COMPENSATION TO MR. GEDDES.
Sir G. BOWYER asked the Under-Secretary of State
for the Colonies what steps had been taken, or were in-
tended to be taken, by Government to induce the Govern-
ment of the United States to compensate Mr. Geddes, her
Majesty's Consul, for the loss of property at Greytown.
Lord J. RUSSELL replied that the transactions which
had taken place were in consequence of hostilities under-
taken against the United States; and it was the opinion of
the law officers of the Crown that there was no title to
compensation under the circumstances.
GAME LICENSES.
Lord NAAS complained of some extraordinary mistake
which had been committed in the framing of the Game
Licenses Bill. Rabbits were exempted in the English act,
whereas in the Irish act the Chancellor of the Exchequer
had made game of them. (Laughter.) This was extraor-
dinarily unfortunate, as rabbits were very numerous in Ire-
land ; and he wished to know whether a clause could be in-
serted in any bill before the house to remedy the omission ?
The noble lord asked whether the Government would in-
troduce a bill for the special purpose.
Mr. DEASY replied that the circumstances were acci-
dental, and that a remedy would be introduced into a bill
now before the house.
THE NATIONAL GALLERY.
Mr. CONINGHAM asked the First Lord of the Trea-
sury whether Sir Charles Eastlake, the President of the
Royal Academy, has been this year re-appointed to the di-
rectorship of the National Gallery ?
Lord PALMERSTON said that in the belief that Sir C.
Eastlake was a most proper person for the office, he had
recommended her Majesty to re-appoint him, and he had
been re-appointed accordingly.
THE PAPER DUTIES.
On the motion that the house at its rising should adjourn
until Monday,
Mr. BRIGHT said—l gave notice last night that T would
take an opportunity of calling the attention of the house to
the position in which we stood on a matter that has ex-
cited much interest during the present session, and which is
in my opinion a matter of very great importance—l allude
to the questioh of the excise duties on paper, and to the effect
which the action on that measure has had on the position and
privileges of this house. I have no very definite question to
put to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I rather wish to
make two or three suggestions to the Government and the
house. I have abstained from taking any part in the dis-
cussion on the resolution proposed by the noble lord, because
I did not think it was wise for the house to submit any re-
solution on the subject, being sensible that unless the Go-
vernment took part in favour of such a resolution, the divi-
sion of the house, if it took place, would place the house in a
worse position than it occupied after unanimously accepting
the resolutions of the noble lord. I am so conscious of the
delicacy of the position in which we are placed that I would
much rather stay where we are, awkward as is the position,
than take any step to make it worse. I now offer two or
three suggestions which I think may save the house from the
painful and perilous predicament in which we have been
placed during the present session. Two parties may be said
to be damaged by the present state of things—those who
are engaged in the manufacture of paper, and who have suf.
fered grievously by the transactions of the session; and the
House of Commons, who has suffered not less. The Chan-
cellor of-the Exchequer, in his budget, proposed that the ex-
cise duties on paper should be entirely abolished, as well as
the import duties on paper. The paper makers would, there-
fore, have got rid of the ex cise, and they would have lost the
advantage of the import duty over the excise duty. What
had been done was this. The paper makers had not been
relieved from the grievances of the excise, but they had been
deprived of the advantage of a compensating protection. I
am of opinion that the grievance of an excise duty cannot
be so well measured by so many farthings per lb. I think
it is one of those tyrannies which never ought to have been
established, and never should be tolerated in a free
country. Men in the honest pursuit of their industry
are harried about, interfered with, overlooked, and enda-
maged by the officers of the Government, who have no right
whatever to take part in their business transactions. The
paper makers have made this mistake. Being in their posi-
tion they went into partnership with the Times. The Times
was afraid of the cheap press, and the paper makers were
afraid of free trade in paper. They clubbed their interests
together. Nothing is so worrying and obnoxious to mem-
bers of this house as the action of this partnership between
the Times and the paper manufacturers. No member can
get either into or out of the house without having them
upon him ; and I have been told that members on both sides
of the house have been canvassed by every person connected
with the Times, from the hon. member for Berkshire down
through the whole rank of the contributors. AVe have had
at the same time the most malignant attacks on the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, as if he were doing something
against the public interest in abandoning the excise duty on
English paper, and allowing foreign paper to be introduced.
That I have no doubt is the secret of the abundant malice
with which the right hon gentleman has been attacked by ,

the Times. Passing all this by, there is a large industry-
-300 or 400 firms—who will, after the 15th of this month,
suffer by the excise duty that is kept on solely by the Lords
Under most grievous circumstances ; for it is admitted on all
hands that the excise is not and cannot be fairly levied, that
there are exactions which act with great injustice. The

courts have decided certain articles in some cases to be

paper, and in others not paper ; and there is grave doubts on
the part of the officers of the Inland Revenue whether
those articles should be charged or not. The Inland

Revenue has condemned this tax : the House of Commons
has passed a resolution that the excise duty on paper is not
a fit source of permanent revenue ; and therefore it has
been condemned in the most emphatic manner. Not only
was this duty condemned by the house, but a bill was
passed through all its stages abolishing the excise on pa
per; and on the 15th of August that duty would have ter-
minated, but for that which has not happened in this
country for 500 years. But for the interference of the

House of Lords, which has never within the historic period

done such an act this duty would have been abolished. In-
stead of this, the paper makers, after next week, will be
collecting £30,000 a week, or about £1,500,000 a year for the
Exchequer, to which this house has not"consented, but has
emphatically condemned by a public bill. They will be
paying these taxes solely on the authority of the other
house of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) We ought to take
into consideration the grievous injustice inflicted on this
important branch of industry ; and it is purely on their ac-

cunt that I ask the house to consider in tho present session,
whether means may not be taken to put an end to a monstrous
injury to a most important and suffering class of the manu-
facturers of this country. Gentlemen on the other side of

The Government is the depository of the rights of the house,
and the house is in general very willing to follow. Now,
we are weakened. If hon. gentlemen have read the news-

papers of any foreign country, whether of the United States,

France, Belgium, or wherever there is freedom of discussion
of an, kind, they will find but one opinion expressed with
regard to this matter ; and that is, that the House of Com-

mons made a great mistake during this session—that we have
had a fall—that we have not risen from it ; and that, in point
of fact, rights which belonged to every free country and to
every representative assembly have been needlessly surren-
.

dered to a power which the House of Commons can always

Fairly assert its rights against. As we stand we have not been
'aithful to those who g9nt us here. (Hear.) I never had amore

firm conviction than this, that the noble lord had occasion
to dissolve the house on this question of privilege there would

have been a response amongst all the constiinencies of the
country which would have returned him a majority such

as there has not been in Parliament for many a year to 'os'

thin the policy of the noble lord in this matter. I said I
should recommend, as I have recommended, my noble
friend the member for Marylebone not to go to a division
on this matter. I prefer to remain where we are, unless
we can take steps in advance ; for I am myself so very ten-
der of this right of the House of Commons, that I know of
AO greater calamity that can come upon the country than
that we should impair the confidence which the people
ought to have in us—that we should impair our power over
those questions, which are constantly becoming greater,
affecting the finances and taxation of the country. (Hear.)
There is such a thing as treason known to the law of every
country. We have it in our law. It is committed cgainst
a monarch, against a State. You may have in it much of
evil or much of good. Treason of one kind may load a man
with shame for ever, or may cover him with lasting re

nown. But there is another kind of treason which is
treason against a people. It may be committed by a Minis-
ter of the Crown, by a consenting Cabinet, or by a complai-
sant legislative body. But that is a treason which is all
evil and has no good whatever in it. (Hear, hear.) It covers
no man, orno body of men, with renown, but it covers them
with contempt and infamy—decreed, I believe, by the just
judgment of posterity. But I hope, I wish, I pray, that when
the impartial pen of history shall tell the story of the doings
of this session of the British Parliament, it may not have
to say that the Prime Minister and his colleagues, with
the House of Commons supporting them, let down the
powers of the House of Commons, and sacrificed
and betrayed—as I am afraid we are in danger of
sacrificing and betraying—those most solemn and im-
portant rights which we are bound to maintain, I will
undertake to say, by sanctions stronger than those which
oaths can give—by all that our forefathers have done, and
by'all that those who come after us have a right to ex-
pect at our hands. (Hear.) Ido not ask the noble lord to
say now what he will do. Ido not wish to force him to an
immediate answer—to rise in his place, and say this is im-
possible—it cannot be done. The noble lord is not infallible
any more than the rest of us. But he might, I think, do
much to bind together all those who have, for the most
part, cordially supported his Government during the ses-
sion; he might do that which, I think, would be agreeable
to the great party who have sent us to this house, and which
I believe would even have the support of many hon. gentle-
men opposite. I believe that Parliament would then uni-
tedly rejoice that we could separate, having at least the same
power in our hands—undisputed, unimpaired, and uncon-
trolled—that we had at the beginning of the session.
Lord PALMER ST ON—I had hoped that this house had
sufficiently discussed, at all events for the present session,
if it had not finally disposed of, that question which had
threatened to bring about a serious collision between the
two Houses of Parliament. It is allowable, no doubt, for
those who, like the hon. gentleman, entertain very strong
and extreme opinions upon this matter, to take advantage
of all fair and proper opportunities for impressing those
opinions on the house, and urging that they should be car-
ried into some practical execution. But I must say that if
the hon. gentleman does entertain the strong opinions which
he expressed to-night as to the consequences to the cha-
racter of the house and to the constitution of the country
that would follow from nothing more being done than that
which this house by a majority of 400 agreed to do, I think
it would be becoming in him to produce his opinions, and
to propose his course of conduct at the time when the sub-
ject was under the consideration of the house—when the
house was full, when the event was recent and fresh in the
minds of members, and when therefore the house would be
more ready to determine, and the country more ready to
accept, a solution than they can be at the present time.
(Hear, hear.) I think I have performed my duty to this
house and to the country by recommending the course
which I conceived it proper to pursue, and that opinion was
confirmed by the immense majority whereby these resolu-
tions were sanctioned. I trust that if I thought that mea-
sures such as the hon. gentleman has adverted to as being
adopted by Ministers of former days were appropriate to the
occasion, necessary and proper, I should not have required
the stimulus of his advice to point out to me the course
which, as the responsible Minister of the Crown, I should
have deemed it proper to recommend the house to pursue.
(Hear, hear.) I do not think the occasion required more
than what I proposed, and what the house adopted. (Hear.)
I think we did sufficient to maintain the dignity and assert
the privileges of this House of Parliament. But I think if
there is one thing more undignified than another—if there
is one thingmore humiliating than another, either in an in-
dividual or in an assembly, it is the indulging in puling
lamentations and fruitless complaints, knowing at the time
of making these complaints and lamentations that no prac-
tical result can follow except that of declaring to the whole
world that, in the opinion of the speaker, an injury has
been sustained for which none of the proposals which he
makes by way of remedy can at the present moment be
adopted. I think the hon. gentleman would have better
consulted his own character and the dignity of Parliament,
as well as paid more regard to the constitution of the coun-
try, if he had been content—not choosing to make his pro-
posals at the time when the matter was under consideration
—to let it rest on the basis the majority of the house had
placed it to the satisfaction, I will venture to affirm, of the
great bulk of the nation. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentle-
man says that if we dissolved Parliament and appealed to
the country on this question we should have had a great
majority. lam entirely of a'different opinion. I are per-
suaded that the country would net have supported a Minis-
try who decmee that this was a question on which, under
the circumstances of the case, we ought to take, issue.
(Hear.) lam not prepared for any of the courses which the
hon. gentleman proposes. lie has been pleased, towards the
conclusion of his speech, to tell us what constitutes treason.
There are those who think that men who would wish to
overthrow every component part of the constitution of the
countrytmight bring their minds to conceive plans which, if
they were carried into execution, might come under that
denomination. (Hear.) But all I will undertake to say is
this, that when he says that a particular course which Go-
vernment may take is one which may be treason to the
people, and that the adoption of such a course would cover
the minister who adopted it with contempt and infamy, I
rest with confidence the question between the hon. gentle-
man and myself on this point on the deliberate judgment of
the present and all future ages ; and I am not at all afraid
which view will be deemed to be deserving of the epithets
which he has been pleased to bestow upon me. (Cheers.)
EPPING AND HAINAULT FORESTS.

Mr. BUXTON wished to ask the First Commissioner of
Works whether he intended to proceed with the inclosure
of those portions of Hainault and Epping Forests which had
hitherto been the constant resort of the inhabitants of the
east end of London ?
Lord H. LENNOX asked for a copy of any correspon-
dence between the Government and the University of Lon-
don and the Royal Society respecting the terms upon which
Burlington-house is held by them.
Mr. COWPER must tell the noble lord that the case was
urgent. The National Gallery had not at present accommo-
dation for pictures which required to be hung, and as to any
pictures which might be hereafter granted to the National
Gallery there would be no room to receive them. He was
sorry on these grounds that he could not accede to the pro-
positions made by the noble lord.
Mr. H. BAILLIE thought that, although the vote might
be an urgent matter, he did not think it was necessary for
the Royal Academy to remain where it now was, and that
additional space would be obtained by their removal.
AFFAIRS OF SYRIA.

Mr. 11. B. SHERIDAN asked the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs whether, with reference to the interference
of the great powers in Syria, it was the intention of her
Majesty's government to limit the aid rendered by England
to the appearance of a naval squadron off the coast ? And
whether or not, in the event of the horrible massacres being
Continued, and the troubles in Syria extending to fresh
places, it was the intention of her Majesty's government to
send aid in troops, or to permit France to obtain all the
honour and credit which must result from an active mili-
tary support of the Christians against the terrible proceed.
ings of the Mahometans ?
Lord J. RUSSELL—With regard to the question put
to me by my hon. friend who has just asked whether we
have limited our operations to a mere appearance of a naval
force on the coast of Syria, I have I o reply that we have not
so limited our interference, but that our naval squadron
will do all in their power to prevent the massacres, and if
they are not otherwise able to do so, the admiral is in-
structed to land the marines in order to prevent a recurrence
of those scenes which have lately been enacted. It has been
communicated to me by the Turkish Ambassador that
there are accounts from Fuad Paths that 400 persons had
been arrested for taking part in the recent massacres, that
extraordinary tribunals had been established, and several
of those persons had been already condemned, and if they
were found guilty of having taken any part in the mas-
sacres they would be immediately executed. Fund Pacha
also states that all the well disposed people at Damascus
assisted the Government in arresting all those persons who
had taken part in the outrages, and that the troops of the
Sultan had behaved with the utmost loyalty. (Hear,
hear.) No doubt, when the representatives of the vari-
ous Powers met at Paris, it was their opinion and that
of their Governmeuts that there was considerable reason to
fear, from the misconduct of the Turkish troops and those
who commanded them, that the cause of order would find a
faint and uncertain support from those troops; and there-
fore it was thought necessary that a body of French troops
should be sent to support the authority of the Sultan ; but
it was thought far better in the first instance that one power
should take charge of the movement of the troops, and if it 1

became afterwards necessary to have an additional number
of troops according to the protocol laid on the table, it would
be then for the powers to say which of those powers should
furnish that additional number of troops, and of course her

Majesty's Government would have to give their opinion on
that question, and if necessary take a part in the operation.

I trust, however, that no such necessity will arise. I am
inclined to believe that, from the vigorous measures taken
by Fuad Pacha, though there are murders still going on in
_ _

the country, and though the unfortunate Christians me
afraid to return to their homes, the state of things will soon

be very much better, and that the forces of Turkey and
France will restore tranquillity to the country. If that is
the case, instead of an additional number of troops being
required, the Government of France will be enabled to re-

- ,
call the troops they have sent. We hope that operation
may be a speedy one, and that we shall soon hear that these

horrible massacres have ceased, and that order has been re•
stored, which is a matter of the first importance. (Hear.

PAPER DUTIES.
Lord FERMOY announced that at the suggestion of his
hon. friend the member for Birmingham (Mr. Bright) he
had resolved not to proceed with his motion on this subject

at present.
THE LONDON CORPOrt ATION AND THE CORN

TRAI.O4.
Mr. BLAKE called the attention of the President of the
Boord of Trade to the serious inconve:dence and loss fre-
quently sustained by importers of corn into the port of
London and others interested in the trade, 00. account of
the inadequate provision made by the corporation of the city
of London for the measuring of grain, although derivii:g a
large income from the monopoly of this privilege; and asked
whether he would take steps for remedying the grievance
complained of.
TIM NATIONAL GALLERY. _ _

Mr. CONINGHAM said he had hoard with considerable
regret the statement of the First Lord of the Treasury with
reference to the Royal Academy and the reorganisation of
the National Gallery. The President of the Royal Academy
ought not to be re-appointed ; he had purchased from a M.
Beaucousin, in Paris, a collection which contained a great
many pictures which were thoroughly worthless, and which
were bought up by that gentleman in the auction rooms of
Paris for £5,000, and sold to the President of the Royal
Academy for something between £9,000 and £lO,OOO. The
collection contained many pictures which were unworthy of
the collection of any private gentleman who set any store
upon his judgment as an amateur. It was not merely a
question as to whether £15,000 was to be expended on the
National Gallery, but it was for the house to consider whe-
ther they would countenance the establishment of a vast
department, under the control a the Privy Council, for the
purpose of exercising a despotic andi authoritative influence
on all questions connected with science aZid art. He hoped
Parliament would interpose and prevent any further expen-
diture on the National Gallery by postponing tize conside-
ration of the whole question until next session.
FOREST OF HAINAULT.

Mr. T. DUNCOMBE asked the Secretary to the Trea-
sury on what principle the Woods and Forests, having
taken 1,873 acres of the King's Woods of the late Forest of
Hainanit, in full satisfaction of all her Majesty's rights ever
the said King's Woods, now claim a further portion of the
residue of the King's Woods that the Crown gave up for the
benefit of the commoners; and also on what grounds they
included in the bill, which they promised the commoners of
Chigwell and:Lambourn to bring in for the division of the
part of the King's Woods so given up by the Crown, the
manorial wastes of Chigwell and Lambourn, and this with-
out the consent of the commoners of Chigwell and Lam-
bourn.
Mr. LAING said the forests were not public parks, but
portions of the private estates of the Crown, and therefore
no principle could be applied to them except that which
was applied to all other private property. With regard to
the second question, the Crown possessed two rights—the
right of soil and the right of common. Some time ago the
right of soil was compromised for a certain acreage of land,
but the right of common still remained,
IRISH BUSINESS.

Mr. SCULLY called attention to the conduct of Irish
business, and asked the Secretary for Ireland whether the
Rev. Mr. Fox had been reinstated as chaplain of the South
Dublin Union, and if it was intended to infuse a due pro-
portion of Irish and of Catholic elements into the constitu-
tion of the Irish Poor-law Board. With regard to the
conduct of Irish business, he contended that it was most
unsatisfactory. Very important questions of vital interest
to Ireland were awaiting legislation, and notwithstanding
the urgency of the different matters, and the remonstrances
of Irish members, no effort was made to press them forward
for the consideration of the house. He would suggest to
the noble lord at the head of the Government that he should
endeavour to make some progress with the Irish measures.
PIERS AND HARBOURS BILL.

Mr. PAULL called the attention of the President of the
Board of Trade to the report of the evidence taken before
the select committee on the Piers and Harbours Bill (1860),
and asked if he would consent to introduce the bill pre
pared by the Government to carry out partly or in whole
the recommendations of the royal commissioners on har-
bours of refuge, in order to afford opportunity for full conside-
ration of the measure prior to the next session of Parlia-
ment. The hon. gentleman said it would be a great advan-
tage to have the bill of the Government printed, so that it
might be fully considered during the recess.
Mr. M. GIBSON said the hon. gentleman had correctly
stated that there was a bill in existence in reference to har-
bours of refuge. But that bill was drawn previously to the
appointment of the select committee which sat on the bill
prepared by the hon. member.
An HON. MEMBER here moved that the house should be
counted, and he stated that it was quite impossible to go on
with the business of that house with so few members in it ;
about 32 were then present, but on the house being counted
after the usual time, 40 members were found to be present.
Mr. M. GIBSON proceeded to say that the bill of the
Government was also drawn previously to the resolution
moved by the hon. member for Sunderland, and agreed to
by the house, and as the report of the select committee drew
attention to questions generally in reference to merchant
shipping, it would, under all the circumstances, be very un-
desirable to introduce the bill which had been prepared by
the Government in the earlypart of the session, because the
Government thought it would be necessary that these vari-
ous inquiries should be well weighed by them, and that the
measure to be introduced should be framed in reference to
the resolution of the hon. member for Sunderland. He
must therefore decline the invitation which the hon. mem-
ber had given him to lay the bill upon the table, but he
hoped to bring the matter forward early in the next session.
After fully considering all the inquiries which had taken
place as to the question which had been put to him by the
hon. member for Waterford (Mr. Blake) in reference to
the number of corn meters in the City of London, he
had to reply that the Executive Government had no juris-
diction over the corporation of the City of London in re-
ference to these matters. He (Mr. M. Gibson) had, however,
as President of the Board of Trade, called•the attention
of the corporation to the great inconvenience which pre-
vailed in regard to the merchant shipping and the discharge
of certain cargoes, and he had caused a letter to be written
to the Lord Mayor on the subject, and had suggested to
him the propriety that, if it were within his jurisdiction,
he should take such measures as might be necessary to re-
medy the grievances complained of. It appeared to him
(Mr. Gibson) that if the corporation possessed the right of
metage, that right must carry with it the obligation of
having an adequate number of meters for the purpose of
the merchant shipping. He had received that day a letter
from the Lord Mayor, and he stated that he had imme
diately given his best consideration to the subject, and had
caused an additional number of meters to be appointed, so
that not a moment should be lost in discharging the car-
goes of the various ships which had been kept waiting.
With regard to the question as to how the rights of the cor-
poration of the City of London could best be dealt with, he
would not offer any opinion on this occasion.
THE "TIPPERARY EXAMINER."

Mr. HENNESS Y called attention to a letter alleged to
have been written by the Emperor of the French to the
editor of the Tipperary Examiner, and asked the Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs whether he had taken any
steps to ascertain its authenticity ? When he read the letter
of the Emperor of the French, he certainly doubted its
authenticity. Had the Emperor chosen to address such a
letter to a journal in this country, it would have been a dif-
ferent matter; but as it was, it was a doubtful question
whether the extraordinary mental energy of which they
had heard so much was not over-rated.
Mr. CARDAI ELL said the Government had desired to
proceed with certain measures referred to in an early part
of the evening, but they had not been able to do so. The
guardians of the South Dublin Union had most readily ac-
cepted the recommendation that Mr. Fox should be re-in•
stated. With regard to the letter of the Emperor of the
French, the noble lord (Russell) instructed him to say that
he was not in the habit of seeing the Tipperary Examiner.
Mr. WHITESIDE said his objection to the local govern-
ment of Ireland was that it was opposed to 19-20ths of the
inhabitants. (Hear.) If he had all the standing, know-
ledge, professional ability, and experience, nothing would
recommend him to the " powers that be," if in addition he
did not profess the Protestant religion. (No.)
Mr. DEASY entirely denied the truth of this allegation,
and challenged Mr. Whiteside to prove it. He fearlessly
said that they had not been guided by religious considera-
tions in their appointments. The two judges recently ap-
pointed, Hughes and Fitzgerald, were most qualified by
their attainments for the office. (Hear, hear.) No one had
occupied a higher position in private life than Mr. 0' Ilaglian,
the Solicitor-General. (Hear, hear.) Religion was not con-
sidered either a qualification or a disqualification for office.
(Hear, hear.) The Government had had regard to compe-
tence alone, and he was ready to meet the hon. gentleman
on that question. (Hear.)
The motion of adjournment was then agreed to.
PEACE PRESERVATION (IRELAND) ACT (1356)
AMENDMENT BILL.
On the motion that this bill be read a second time,
Mr. BLAKE moved that the bill be read a second time
that day three months. He contended that there was no ne-
cessity for such a bill in the present state of Ireland. The
right hon. gentleman the Secretary for Ireland and the
noble lord at the head of the Government admitted the
peaceful condition of Ireland, and the judges of assize dur-
ing their late circuit bore testimony to the peaceful state of
the country, and to the absence of crime, it appeared to

him to be altogether unjustifiable that so penal at, act as
this should be inflicted upon the country under rcircum-

stances like these.

An HON. MEMIIER hero mov,td that the house be co unted,
but there being more than 40 rnembers present,
The HON. GENTLEMAN resu med, and concluded by say-
ing that he considered it most impolitic to pass this measure,
as it could not fail to, alienate the feeling: of the people of
Ireland from the Government of the country. _

Colonel FRENCH and Mr. LONGFIELD opposed the bill,
as insulting to Ireland, unnecessary, and practically inope-

rative.

Mr. CARDWELL supported the bill, as merely continu-
ing those powers for the prevention of crime which for the
present it was desirable to continue. The bill was one of
prevention rather than punishment, and was in no respeCt
insulting to Ireland.
Mr. I\l'MA HON protested against the bill as tyranniesio
and contended that no circumstances had occurred in Ireland
to warrant the Government in bringing in a measure to
' make it a disdemeano'ur in Irishmen to be found in the pos •
session of arms—a privilege now freely accorded to Englial.-
men, and in accordance with the Bill of Rights.
Mr. BUTT also denounced the measure, and said th 0
right hon. gentleman the Secretary. for Ireland and 'the
Government ought to be ashamed to propose such a 1a'All•
He denounced the bill as unjust and uncalled-for, an, 1 all
insult to Ireland ; but suggested that if in committoe its
operation should be limited to the Ist of May nest, when
Parliament would agaie have an opportunity of considering
the subject, he should be ready to allow it to pass.
Tie ATTORNEY- GENERAL for IRELAND justified
the int.roduction of the bill, replying to the obj actions made
to it.

gr. MA OUIRE and Sir G. BOWYER protested against the
renewal of the law, and contended that the circumstances
of Ireland rendered its re-enactment unnecessary and un-
called for.
Mr. MONSEt..i. protested against the bill sts unneces-
sary, and having pointed out that the judges h.ad in their
recent charges described the country as free from agrarian
outrage,. and that the gaols were empty, he urged that the
bill was uncalled for.
The O'DONOGIIITE denounced the attempt to pass
such a measure as tyrannical.
Mr. HENNESSY moved the adjournment of th t) debate.
Lord PA.LMERSTON hoped the hon. gentle mean was
not serious. (Hear.)
The house then divided—
For the adjournment .. 12
Against it
The house then divided on the second reading—, '
Ayes
Noes
Majority
PARTY EMBLEM'S (IRELAND) BILL.
Mr. CARDWELL moved the second reading of this bill.
31r. HENNESSY said that for the very same reason
which led him to oppose the second reading of the previous
bill he felt bound to oppose the second reading of this big,
namely, Oat it was an unjust and partial measure. lie
moved that h. :a bill be read this day three months.
Mr. LoNGF7ELD seconded the motion, having the
strongest objection to any legislation of this kind.
After a short discuss:Cim, the question was then put that
the bill be read a second time.
The house divided. Th.. numbers were—
For the second reaclin, 7
Against it
33
l‘lajority.... .
The bill was then read a sec Cams I time.
Mr. WHITESIDE said if the
-„
lovernment retained the
e
clause in the bill which enabled the wilco to enter Price
houses to search for party emblems tL
civil war. (" Hear, hear," and " Oh, o. 11•") sed
The remaining business on the paper
'as then disPo
of, and the house adjourned. 'ey must prepare rox