The Sun.
London, England, 1860-03-23 00:00:00

I :ball make it a point, of honour to realise all your in
w
isnes, and the annexation of a it country connected qu a precedent of more recent. date. May
! not
be pert • netted to seek a lesson from the history
‘iith FeLnee by so many bands will herniaefc,r it a o
f our century without evoking irritating renietn*-
il
{ •
ew cause of proTetity and pi-ogress. ! becences which the present generatioe: repudiate e I
‘.!-:Wliete you return to your fellow-citizens tell will, therefore, call to mind that at a moment when
tirk*i bow much I have been touched by the mani- j Europe was little disposed to use forbearance with
't station of a hick you hava been the honourable regard to France, it recognised on the Alps the be-
organs. There are among you so many descend- cessities of cur geographical situation, and unani-
ants of those families who have contributed to the
mously thought, it equitable to leave to us a portion
s,
illustration of France in the career of *science, as of the territory which has now become much more
well as of arms, that everything concurs in ex- I indispensable to our security. It was only under
plaiking and justifying the work of union under the impression of the events of the following year
I preparation,"
that that clause was annulled. The Emperor, on
The President then addressed the Empress and ascending the throne, spontaneou:,!y deelarA that
tho Prince Imperial as follows : he accepted as the rule of his relations with Et'ropc
" Madarne,—Will your Majesty allow those who the respect of treaties concluded by preceding,
will soon be your new subjects to express to you, Governments, and this is a principle of con-
on this day so momentous for them, all the senti- duct to which his Majesty will always make
meats that animate them ? it a law to remain faithful. But it is im-
" 5a.,,03- is an affectionate land, Madame; it loves possible not to recognise the exceptional elm-
its Princes. How could it fail not dearly to love meter of the circumstances which determine us
you, endowed with so much grace and virtue? to demand that a modification should now be effected
" Savoy hopes that you will also love it, and that in the delimitation of the frontier lastly traced be-
you will soon give a precious proof thereof by show- tween France and Sardinia. The result of.the war
ing yourself among us. has been to bring about, by the cession of Lom-
" And you, Monseigneur, you who are destined barely to Piedmont, a first change in the territorial
to continue so much greatness, our children will be circumscriptions of Italy; the annexation of other
as devoted to you as we are to the Emperor, your States to this kingdom constitutes a new change of
glorious father. As soon as we return to our moun- which the consequences have for us especial
tains we will make them ring with the shout of gravity ; and it is in no way an abandonment of the
' Vire l'Empereur •;" Vive le Prince Imperial.' " respect accorded on all occasions by the Govern-
The deputation then handed to the Emperor vari- meat of the Emperor to existing treaties, to demand
ous addresses, with numerous signatures, among that they should not, in reality, be altered to our
which was the following document:— detriment.
"In the midst of the general anxiety for the "In a communication which is addressed before
future welfare of our country, whatever may be the all things to the good faith of the Cabinets of
determination of the King under the grave circum- Europe, and which proves that which animates the
stances which may induce him to separate himself Government of the Emperor, ought I to hesitate to
from the cradle of his family, Savoy has, in this say that, in restoring Savoy to Piedmont, it was
solemn moment, duties and sentiments which must wished to constitute that country guardian of the
unite all her children in one common line of action. Alps, so that it should hold the passes into France
" Those sentiments and duties consist in remi- open ? However annoying (facheltse) that situation
niscences, love of country, respect for the fraternal was, we loyally resigned ourselves to it during
bonds which unite in a secular community of glory half a century ; still more, we even accepted it
and suffering the members of the old Savoyard after a campaign in Italy, which would easily have
family.
I furnished us the occasion of changing it ; but
" Can that noble family be disunited ? Can her I ought we to admit that the conditions which we
nationality be sacrificed without a motive and with- have scrupulously respected, so as to import no
out right to the strange pretensions of the Helvetic trouble into our international relations, should be
Confederation ? What crime has Savoy committed aggravated. And can Europe, on its side, think it
against her King and against France to deserve jest that, in addition to the weight with which they
such an insult ?
already bore upon us, should be added that of a
"In presence of the danger which appears to State of which the force will hare tripled in the
threaten her she muse rise unanimously, and the course of one year ? In inviting the modification of
undersigned representatives at the provincial coun- the treaties on this point, we in some sort c•Atfine
cil of the districts of Savoy Proper, Upper Savoy, ourselves to asking that one of their stipulations
Maurienne, and Tarentaise believe they are fulfil- may not acquire, beyond even the wish of the
ling an imperious duty of conscience and honour in Powers which subscribed them, a bearing more
laying before their King and before the Sovereign grave and a sense more disadvantageous. I hasten
of France a respectful and energetic protest against to add that the Government of the Emperor does
the cession to Switzerland of Faucigny and the • not wish to obtain the guarantees which it demands
Chablais.
except from the free consent of the King of Sar-
" Chambery, March 20." dinia, and of the populations. The cession which
The Muni/eur does not give the signatures. will be made will therefore remain exempt from all
violence as from all constraint. Our firm intention,
moreover, is so to arrange it as far as the territories
of Savoy, subject to an eventual neutralisation, are
concerned, so as not to injure any acquired right
and not to affect any legitimate interest. In ac-
cordance with our requirements (conveiances), and
with the. will of the King of Sardinia, and without
contravention of the general interests of Europe,
the cession of Savoy and the county of Nice to
France raises no questions incompatible with the
best established and the most rigorous rules of pub-
lic law. If the character, the language, and the:cus-
toms incompatible with the best established and the
most rigorous rules of public law. If the character,
the language, and the customs of the populations
destined to be united to France, assure us that that
cession is not contrary to their feelings ; if we re-
flect that the configuration of the locality has in-
termixed their commercial and their political inte-
rests with our own ; if we say, lastly, that the Alps
constitute the barrier which must eternally separate
Italy from France, we may confine ourselves to con-
clude from this that the new frontier to be established
between Piedmont and •urselves finds its sanction
in the force of circumstances. It is not in the name
of the idea of nationality, it is not as a natural fron-
tier that we prosecute the adjunction of Savoy and
of Nice to our territory, it is solely as a guarantee,
and under circumstances such that the mind can-
not conceive, that they should reproduce themselves
anywhere else. In one word, strangers to all views
of aggrandisement, still more so to all ideas of con-
quest, our sole object is to obtain, in the name of
the principles of public law, that treaties should not
be rendered for us more onerous in a point in which
they had been framed in dispositions which time, I
hope, has contributed to efface, and that, as a secu-
rity against the dangers which the development of
Piedmont may bring upon us in the future, our
frontiers should be fixed, by means of an understand-
ing with the King of Sardinia, in accordance with
the necessities of the common defence.
" The Government of the Emperor, full of confi-
dence in the weight of the considerations which it
could put forward, has entered into negotiations
with the Cabinet of Turin on the subject of this im-
portant question. You know in what terms we
opened this correspondence.
" You are equally acquainted with the answer,
and you have seen that, receiving the observations
which we have put forward, the Sardinian Govern-
ment has shown itself disposed, at the price of a
voluntary sacrifice, to accept their consequence. I
flatter myself that the reasons of necessity and of
right which determine our conduct will be fully ap-
preciated by the British Government, seeing the
sentiments of equitywhich inspire it and the friendly
spirit which directs its relations with France. It
will understand that seeking guarantees so legiti-
mate, we should enter into arrangements with Sar-
dinia to settle the necessary acts and dispositions.
By circumstances most frequently independent of 1
their will, Governments have not always succeeded
in founding their combinations on bases uniting the
conditions of a true stability, which indeed are no
others than those of justice enlightened by a healthy
intelligence of reciprocal interests ; and it is thus
that acts intended to secure peace have sometimes
only had for result the sowing, in the political sys-
tem, of fresh seeds of difficulty and complication.
The combination of which such just and such power-
ful motives now authorises us to desire the realisa-
tion is, on the contrary, so conformable to the gene-
ral interest that it is necessarily required, we are
confidently persuaded, to make part of any system
wisely conceived and drawn up with foresight. It
finds therefore its legitimacy in the absence of all
clashing with the well understood observances of
Europe, and also in the requirements of our own
situation. We flatter ourselves that the qnestion
will be thus regarded by the Court of England.
" I beg you to read, and to leave a copy of this
despatch with the Principal Secretary of State o!
her Britannic Majesty.—Receive, &e.,
(Signed) " THOUVENEL."

" MONS. DE TIIOUVENEL TO COUNT DE PEILSIGNY
" Paris, March 13, 1860.
" Monsieur le Comte,—The Emperor, in his
Speech to the great bodies of the State on the

opening of the Legislative Session, expressed his
ideas in the prevision of a considerable territorial
alteration on the other side of the Alps, and an-
nounced the intention of submitting to the wisdom
and equity of Europe a question which is not raised
by the ambition of France, but in a manner put by
the very events themselves. His Majesty has con-
sidered that the moment has come to fulfil this en-
gagement ; and I hasten, in conformity with his
orders, to empower you to communicate our ex-
planations to the Cabinet of London.
" Solemn acts, freely adhered to, on the termi-
nation of a campaign fortunate for our arms, have
established in the most irrefragable manner that
we had not for object any territorial aggrandise-
ment when circumstances forced us to intervene in
the affairs of Italy. If the Imperial Government
has been enabled to foresee, in hypotheses, from
which disinterestedness ought not entirely to banish
prudence, a situation analogous to that which to-
day presents itself, we flatter ourselves not only
that we have not sought to bring it about, but that
we have, on the contrary, endeavoured, in all con-
junctures, to follow the course most fitted to keep
it out of the chances of the future. The stipula-
tions of Zurich, like those of Villafranca, excluded
it entirely. Although the possession of Lombardy
strengthened Piedmont on the Alps, we had no he-
sitation in silencing our own interest ; and, far
from favouring the delevopment of a state of things
which could furnish us with legitimate and press-
ing reasons for claiming guarantees, we employed,
as Europe knows, all our influence to realise, in
their literal tenor, the dispositions of treaties which
reserved the maintenance of the territorial circum-
scriptions of Central Italy.
" I need not now advert to the circumstances
which have prevented the success of our efforts.
"The Government of her Britannic Majesty has
been the first to appreciate their character. It will
suffice to recall the fact that the necessity of con-
cerning ourselves, before all things, and in the
general interest, with the establishment of a defini-
tive order of things in the peninsula, alone deter-
mined us to seek, in combinations different from '
that which we had fruitlessly essayed to make
triumph, the means of settling the pending ques-
tions. A new situation forced itself thenceforward
on our foresight; and without putting ourselves in
opposition to the policy which has constantly in-
spired both the acts and the language of the Empe-
ror, we had, nevertheless, to consider the prejudicial
effect which new arrangements in Italy might be
capable of inflicting on our own interests.
" It is impossible to dispute the fact that the for-
mation of a considerable State. possessing both
slopes of the Alps, is an event of the highest gravity
with regard to the security of our frontiers. The
geographical situation of Sardinia acquires an im-
portance which it could not have when that king-
dom hardly counted four million souk, and was, in
some sort, held by a great number of conventions
to be external to the peninsula. With a develop-
ment which must nearly triple its population a.d
its material resources, the possession of all the
passes of the Alps would permit it, in the case of
its alliances ever making it our adversary, to open
access to our territory to a foreign army, or by its
own forces to disturb the security of an important
part of the empire, by intercepting our principal
line of military and commercial communication.
To demand guarantees against an eventuality, of
which the occurrence, however distant we may
suppose it to be, does not diminish the peril, is
simply to obey the most legitimate considerations
and the most ordinary courses of international
polity, which never at any period has assumed gra-
titude and sentiment as the one basis of the rela-
tions of States.

Besides, are these guarantees calculated to give
umbrage to any Power ? Arc they not, on the con-
trary, in the conditions of a just balancing of
strength, and above all indicated by the nature of
things which has placed our system of defence at
the foot of the western slope of the Alps ? At divers
periods of history for the two last centuries, espe-
cially when there was a question of settling the
eventual succession to the throne of Spain, and
later, when the succession of Austria was in ques-
tion, combinations have been discussed which. ex-
tended the possessions of Piedmont in Italy, and
gave to her sometimes Lombardy, sometimes other
contiguous territories.

"M. THOTJVENEL TO M. TURGOT, CHARGE
D'AFFAIRES AT BERNE.

" Paris, 17th March.
" Sir,--M. Kern has transmitted to me the note
of which I have the honour to send you a copy here-
with, and the object of which, as you will see, is to
protest in the name of his Government against the
annexation to France of those districts of Savoy
contingently submitted to neutrality ia virtue of
the treaties of 1815.
" This step could not fail to give the greatest sur-
prise to the Government of the Emperor. H.II. has
afforded to Switzerland, on many occasions, proofs
of his interest and friendship which might have de-
I cided the Federal Council to place confidence in the
justice of France. It has preferred to protest. I
cannot therefore abstain from replying to the com-
munication which it has forwarded to us. Is this
protest founded in Might ? Is it founded in fact ?

"In such views, assuredly less vast than that
which is now befo'e us, the annexation of Savoy
and of the county of Nice has always been consi-
dered by several of the principal -Powers of Europe
as a compensation necessary for France.
" Confident that my thou ghts cannot allow of
false interpretations, I e xperiQuee no embarrassment

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z,,..,,e' Such are the questions which it behoves i; -I'.--;'- .... ..'"-lit
mine and to solve, in 'order to appreciate' ''''''--31t ' .Y.ff' 4
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'meter and value ofthe resolutiOn taken loYa , `-', • Al'f,,Sl
"i!';1,
r‘Tri principle, scrvelei:slity implies essentiallAle a . S
right Of alienation. A Sovereigu may, whatever be
the motives that actuate him, cede the whole or a
part of his States, and none would be justified in
opposing either measure unless there should result .. .
from it, any disturbance-of the balance or distribu-
tion of power in Europe. His Mlijesty the King of .
Sardinia is theicfea e free, according. to his preroga.
tive, to renounce the possession of Savoy in favour
of li'ranc,-:. The first paint cannzpt be disputed, and . .
is not capable, in strict right, oa becoming the ob-
ice: of any doubt, or of raising any legal difficulty.
" In fact, however, the exercise of sovereign right
in a matter of cession may, by international stipula- .
lions; be made subservient to conventional restric-
tions; 'and it is thus that the Federal Council thinks
it its duly to found, on a convention of 1564, and
on the treaties of 1815, the allegation that Sardinia
cannot divest itself of Savoy cv ithout renouncing its
0 engageoients.
" The question' consequentlY
narrows itself to the
inquiry- in what degree the Sardinian Government
is bound by the acts to which I have just referred.
"'lle convention of 1564 exclusively agreed to
between the SEigneurs of Berne and the Duke of
Savoy, had for its object an allotment and boun-
daries which subsequent events have frequently mo-
dified without any pretest on the part of Switzer-
land. She relied on a situation and upon contin-
gencies which have no analogy with an actual state t t
of possession. She finds herself, therefore, barred
,brthe force of the circumstances themselves; and
so true was this, that no mention r,f th.e matter was
made in the acts of 1815, where care was, neverthe-
less, taken to recall previous conventions still exist-
in, or maintained in vigour, and especially that of
1754. There remain then the treaties of Vienna.
What do they stipulate ? and how have the Pleni-
potentiaries happened to be agreed upon the clauses
which concern the eventual neutralisation of a por-
tion of Savoy ? It is necessary, in order to define •
precisely the character and scope of these clauses,
to recall here the negotiations to which they gave
rise. Switzerland, at the Congress of Vienna, soli-
cited, as essential to the defence of her southern
frontier, the cession of several territories which were
equally claimed by the Envoys of the King of Sar-
dinia. The Sardinian Plenipotentiaries, after long
discussions, adhered to the demand of the Helvetic
Coirfederation—subject, however, to a combination
calculated in the interest of Piedmont and origi-
nating
with themselves. This combination is' pre-
cisely that which in certain cases has the effect of
extending the guarantees of neutrality to the
northern -part of Savoy. ' The undersigned,' de-
clared M. de St. Marsan, in his memorandum of the
26th March, 'is authorised to consent, in favour of
the Canton of Geneva, to the cession of the territory
on the following conditions --
" ' That the provinces of Chablais and Faucigny
shall be included in the neutrality of Switzerland;
that the Sardinian troops may retire by the route of
the Valais ; that the armed troops of no other Power
shall either rethain in, or pass through, these pro-
vinces, with the exception of such as the Helvetic
Confederation may think proper to 8W -ion there.'
"'Phis arrangement, therefore, had for its object
to cover a portion of Savoy; and Switzerland, by
its acquiescence, obliged herself to secure the exe-
cution of it by pledging herself on the one hand to
I afford a passage to Sardinian troops to returrf, to
Piedmont, and on the other, to station, in case of
need, Federal troops in the neutralised country.
The engagement accepted by the confederation was
the equivalent for a territorial cession made to the
Canton of Geneva, and the eventual neutralisation
of Chablais and Faucigny—a guarantee stipulated
for the advantage of Sardinia, and the compensa-
tion for a sacrifice. This neutralisation had not
then been originally arranged with a view to the
protection of the Swiss frontier, which was suffi-
ciently defended by an impassable barrier—that is
to say, the neutrality proclaimed by agreement of
the Powers. On the contrary, it was imposed as
a charge on Switzerland, which accepted it on one-
rous conditions.
" What foundation, after this, can the Helvetic
Confederation have for invoking the Acts of 1815
in opposing the cession of Savoy to France? The
Council General might pretend that this cession
modifying the terms of the contract, it is lawful for
them to consider themselves exonerated, with re-
spect to Sardinia, from the obligation of watching
over the maintenance of the neutrality of Chablais
and Faucigny; but one cannot understand that they
should wish to avail themselves of the occasion to
contest with Piedmont the right to dispose of this
province, and to declare that an attack is made on
the guaranteed security of the Confederation.
" Does not the situation of Switzerland, so far as
it m ty be gathered from the negotiations, establish
the fact that the Council General interposes, with-
out legitimate grounds, in the arrangements which
the• Governments of the Emperor and the King of
Sardinia propose to conclude?
" I observe, moreover, sir, that it is open to us
to inquire how far the stipulations of 1815 on this
special point conform with the whole of the com-
binations agreed upon at that period between the
Powers who signed the treaties of Vienna to ensure
the neutrality of the Helvetic Confederation. But
that is a question which the Government of the
Emperor ought to discuss with those Powers ; and
I do not hesitate to say that we are disposed to
adopt any compromises suggested, whether for the
general interest, or especially for the interest of
Switzerland.
" You will be good enough, sir, to read this de-
spatch, and to furnish a copy of it to the President
of the FederarCouncil.—Accept, &c.
(Signed) " THOUVENEL."

The Intereolomal Steam Company have issued
proposals for a subscription of 12,500 new shares of £5 each,
which will increase their capital to £187,500. The object
is to provide for an extension of their service under contract
with the local Government of New Zealand, by whom their
subsidy has been increased from £24,000 to £30,000 per
annum, with a virtual guarantee against competition for 10
years.

The news of the increase of the protective duty
on cotton twist and yarn in India from 5 to 10 per cent. has
created, as was to have been expected, a strong feeling in
Manchester. A telegram on the subject having been re-
ceived on Monday, the apprehensions of the merchants
were immediately aroused, and at a meeting of the Cham-
ber of Commerce a deputation was forthwith appointed to
wait upon Sir Charles Wood in London. They will be re-
ceived at an early day next week, and much interest is felt
to learn the tone that will be taken on the subject, after the
rigid arguments that have lately been insisted upon in
every quarter during the discussions on the French treaty.
There can be.no doubt that the measure will be quoted not
merely by all the continental protectionists in justification
of their system, but likewise by a majority of the politicians
in the United States, and probably in Canada. The in-
terest of the matter is rendered more intense at the present
moment than it would have been at any former period from
tho extraordinary development of the Manchester trade
with India last year, when our total exports to the country
increased from £16,752,386 to £19,832,699, and the serious
effect that might be exercised on the general position of our
commercial relations by anything that could check this in-
tercourse, or throw it into uncertainty-
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