The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-19 00:00:00

THE sulq, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 19, 1860.

tonal government established by Congress. A better spirit,
however, seemed soon after to prevail, and the two parties
met face to face at the third election, held on the first
Monday of January, 1858, for members of the Legislature
and State officers under the Lecompton constitution. The
result was the triumph of the anti-slavery party at the
polls.
The decision of the ballot-box proved clearly that the
party were in the majority, and removed the danger of civil
war. From that time we have heard 'little or nothing of
the Topeka Government; and all serious danget of revo-
lutionary troubles in Kansas was then at an end.
The Lecompton constitution which had been thus recog •
nised at this State election by the votes of both political
parties in Kansas, was transmitted to me with the request
that I should present it to Congress.
This I could not have refused to do without violating my
clearest and strongest convictions of duty. The constitu-
tion, and all the proceedings which preceded and followed
its iormation, were fair and regular on their face. I then
believed, and experience has proved, that the interests of
the people of Kansas would have been best consulted by its
admission as a State into the Union, especially as the ma-
jority, within a brief period, could have amended the con-
stitution according to their will and pleasure.
If fraud existed in all or any of these proceedings, it was
not for the President, but for Congress, to investigate and
determine the qftestion of fraud, and what ought to be its
consequences. If, at the two first elections, the majority
refused to vote, it cannot be pretended that this refusal
to exercise the elective franchise could invalidate an elec-
tion fairly held under lawful authority, even if they had
not subsequently voted at the third election. It is true
that the whole constitution had not been submitted'to the
people, as I always desired ; but the precedents are nume-
rous of the admission of States into the Union without such
submission.
It would not comport with my present purpose to review
the proceedings of Congress upon the Lecompton constitu-
tion. It is sufficient to observe that their final action has
removed the last vestige of serious revolutionary troubles.
The desperate band recently assembled, under a notorious
outlaw, in the southern portion of the territory, to resist
the execution of the laws and to plunder peaceful citizens,
will, I doubt not, be speedily subdued and brought to jus-
tice.

Had I treated the Lecompton constitution as a nullity
and refused to transmit it to congress, it is not difficult
to imagine, whilst recalling the position of the country at
that moment, what would have been the disastrous conse-
quences, both in and out of the territory, from such a dere-
liction of duty on the part of the Executive.
Peace has also been restored within the territory of
Utah, which, at the commencement of my Administration,
was in a state of open rebellion. This was the more dan-
gerous, as the people, animated by a fanatical spirit and
entrenched within their distant mountain fastnesses, might
have made a long and formidable resistance. Cost what it
might, it was necessary to bring them into subjection to
the Constitution and the laws.
Sound policy, therefore, as well humanity required that
this object should, if possible, be accomplished without the
effusion of blood. This could only be effected by sending a
military force into the territory sufficiently strong to con-
vince the people that resistance would be hopeless, and at
the same time to offer them a pardon for past offences on
condition of immediate submission to the Government.
This policy was pursued with eminent success ; and the
only cause for regret is the heavy expenditure required to
march a large detachment of the army to that remote region
and to furnish it subsistence. Utah is now comparatively
peaceful and quiet, and the military force has been with-
drawn, except that portion of it necessary to keep the Indians
in check and to protect the emigrant trains on their way to
our Pacific possessions.

FINANCES.
In my first annual Message I promised to employ my
best exertions, in co-operation with Congress, to reduce
the expenditures of the Government within the limits of
a wise and judicious economy. An overflowing treasury
had produced habits of prodigality and extrava-
gance which could only be gradually corrected. The
work required both time and patience. I applied my-
self diligently to this task from the beginning, and was
aided by the able and energetic efforts of the Heads of the
different Executive Departments. The result of our labours
in this good cause did not appear in the sum total of our
expenditures for the first two years, mainly in consequence
of the extraordinary expenditure necessarily incurre i in the
Utah expedition, and the very large amount of the contin-
gent expenses of Congress during this period. These
greatly exceeded the pay and mileage of the members.
For the year ending 30th June, 1858, whilst the pay and
mileage amounted to 1,490,214 dole, the contingent ex•
penses rose to 2,093,309 dole 79c, and for the year ending
30th June, 1859, whilst the pay and mileage amounted to
859,093 dols 66c, the contingent expenses amounted to
1,431,565 dols 78c. lam happy, however, to be able to in-
form you that during the last fiscal year ending on the 30th
of June, 1860, the total expenditures of the Government
in all its branches—legislative, executive and judicial—ex-
clusive of the public debt, were reduced to the sum of
55,402,465 dole 46c. This conclusively appears from the
books of the Treasury. In the Year ending on the 30th
June, 1858, the total expenditure, exclusive of the public
debt, amounted to 71,901,129 dole 77c, and that for the
year ending 30th June, 1859, to 66,346,226 dole 'l3e.
Whilst the books of the Treasury show an actual expendi-
ture of 59,80,474 dole 723 for the year ending on the 30th
June, 1860, including 1,040,667 dole 71c for the contingent
expenses of Congress, there must be deducted from this
amount the sum of 4,296,009 dole 26c, with the interest
upon it of 150,000 dole, appropriated by the act of 15th
February, 1860, "for the purpose of supplying the defi-
ciency in the revenues and defraying the expenses of the
Post Office Department for the year ending the 30th of
June, one thousand eight hundred and lifty•nine." This
sum, therefore, justly chargeable to the year 1859
must be deducted from the sum of 59,848,474 dole
72c, in order to ascertain the expenditure for the year end-
ing June 30, 1860, which leaves a balance for the expendi-
tures of that year of 55,402,465 dole 46c. Thejinterest on the
public debt, including Treasury notes for the same fiscal
year ending June 30, 1860, amounted to 3,177,314 dols 62c,
which, added to the above sum of 55,402,465 dole 46c, makes
the aggregate of 58,579,780 dole 08c.
It ought in justice to be observed that several of the es-
timates from the departments for the year ending June 30,
1860, were reduced by Congress below what was and still
is deemed computable with the public interest. Allowing
a liberal margin of 2,500,000d01s for this reduction, and for
other causes, it may be safely asserted that the sum of
61,000,000 dols, or at most 62,000,060 dols, is amply sufficient
to administer the government, and to pay the interest on
the public debt, unless contingent events should hereafter
render extraordinary expenditure necessary.
This result has been attained in a considerable degree by
the care exercised by the appropriate departments in entering
into public contracts. I have myself never interfered with
the award of any such contract, except in a single case
with the Colonisation Society, deeming it advisable to cast
the whole responsibility in each case on the proper head of
the department, with the general instruction that these
contracts should always be given to the lowest and beet
bidder. It has ever been my opinion that public contracts
are not a legitimate source of patronage to be conferred
upon personal or pOlitical favourites; but that in all such
cases a public officer is bound to act for the Government
as a prudent individual would act for himself.
AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE, SCC.
It is-with great satisfaction I communicate the fact that,
since the date of my last annual message, not a single slave
has been imported into the United States in violation of the
laws prohibiting the African slave trade. This statement
is founded upon a thorough examination and investigation
of the subject. Indeed, the spirit which prevailed some
time since among a portion of our fellow-citizens in favour
of this trade, seems to have entirely subsided.
I also congratulate you upon the public sentiment which
now exists against the crime of setting bn foot military ex-
peditions within the limits of the United States, to proceed
from thence and make war upon the people of unoffending
States, with whom wo are at peace. In this respect a happy
change has been effected since the commencement of my
Administration. It surely ought to be the prayer of every
Christian and patriot, that such expeditions may never
again receive countenance in our country or depart from
our shores.
It would be a useless repetition to do more than refer,
with earnest commendation, to my former recommendations
in favour of the Pacific railroad—of the grant of power to
the President to employ the naval force in the vicinity for
the protection of the lives and property of our fellow-citi-
zens passing in transit over the different Central American
routes, against sudden and lawless outbreaks and depreda-
tions; and also to protect American merchant-vessels, their
crews and cargoes, against violent and unlawful seizure and
confiscation in the ports of Mexico and the South American
republics, when these may be in a disturbed and revolu-
tionary condition. It is my settled conviction, that with-
out such a power, we do not afford that protection to those
engaged in the commerce of the country which they have
a right to demand.

ELECTION OF MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.
I again recommend to Congress the passage of a law. in
pursuance of the provisions of the Constitution, appointing
a certain day previous to the 4th March, in each year of
an odd number, for the election of representatives through-
out all the States. A similar power has already been exer-
cised, with general approbation, in the anr ointment of the
same day throughout the Union for holding the election of
electors for President and Vice-President of the United
States. My attention was earnestly directed to this subject
from the fact that the 35th Congress terminated on the 3d
March, 1859, without making the necessary appropriation
for the service of the Post-office Department I was then
forced to consider the best remedy for this cmigsion and in
immedige" call of the present Congress was the natural
resort.

Upon• inquiry, however, I ascertained that 15 out of the
33 States composing the Confederacy were without repre-
sentatives, and that, consequently, these 15 States would be
disfranchised by such a call. These 15 States will be in the
same condition ma the 4th March next. Ten of them cannot
elect representatives, according to existing State laws, until
different periods, extending from the beginning of August
next until the months of October and November.
In my last message I gave warning that, in a time of
sudden and alarming danger; the salvation of our institu-
tions might depend upon the power of the President imme-
diately to assembie a full Congress to meet the emergency.

TARIFF.
It is now quite evident that the financial necessities of the
Government will require a modification of the tariff during
your present session for the purpose of increasing the re-
venue. In this aspect I desire to reiterate the recommenda-
tion contained in my last two annual messages, in favour of
imposing specific instead of ad valorem duties on all im-
ported articles to which these can be properly applied. From
long observation and experience I am convinced that specific
duties are necessary, both to protect the revenue and
to secure to our manufacturing interests that amount
incidental encouragement which unavoidably result . °1
s troll
a revenue tariff.
on the re
As an abstract proposition it may be admitted that ad
valorem duties would, in theory, be the most just and equal.l
But if the experience of this and of all other commereTal
nations has dem bnstrated that such duties cannot be assessed
iatnid4 collectedthp owfiltvhisoduotgreartets'roarutdtos
specific
tehniscemisu,st be
"u",
then
from the very nature of an ad valorem dut duties. Indeed,
that
tohne
the
e truedifference value.
the result. Under it the inevitable conseyq,
foreign goods will be entered at less than their
and to this extent we
between The treastuhreirr wreialll,
athnedrfiefeotirtei,oul ossveatlhuee,
are defrauded.
rem duties present to a
pass his goods through the custom-house
The temptations which ad valorem
dishonest importer are irresistible
eers.
,
necessary to save them from
at Isisth e veryie object Is
se
lot
oo often succeeds, in spite of the
confiscation, In this
vigilance of the revenue officers. hence the resort to false
invoices, one for the
purchaser and another for the custom-
house, to defraud the Government.
house, and to other ex
produces his invoice to the collector,
The honest importer
pricedisi at which he purchased the articles
stating the actual
aabvreel are consign° uonest importer and the agent of the
abroad. Not so the
foreign
large prop /fr.'
rnftlltiffioture And ereh it may be observed that
er
fnorof
sale
manufit.c!itiornes importedmerchants
to commis,' are mere agents
,In such cases no employed
by the manufacturers.
In no actual sale has been made Yalu, 29,.., ..__ . to fix their
.69 mewl maxtufacturer; if he ln dialmeot; pre.

pares an invoice of the goods, not at their actual vebie't
but at the very lowest rate necessary to escape de
foreign
In this meaner the dishonest importer and the
manufacturer enjoy a decided advantage over the haa,!'ir
merchant. They are thus enabled to undersell the Is',
trader, and drive him from the market. In fact, the elt
ration of this system has already driven from the pm sa:d
lar
of honourable commerce many of that class of regu"'
ut the
conscientious merchants, whose charadter, through°
world, is the pride of our country.
The remedy for these evils is to be found in specific
ties, so far as this may be practicable. They dispense ai'„"l,
any inquiry at the custom house into the actual cos
~uu_
value of the article and it pays the precise amount of !/,
previously fixed bylaw. Tney present no temptationsiaw.
the appraisers of foreign goods, who receive but small a 3
ales. and might, by undervaluation in a few cases, rea,
ee
themselves independent.
Besides, specific duties best conform to the requisitio
the Constitution that "no preference shall be given bYSta
regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one
over those of another." Under our ad valorem system sacs
preferences are to some extent inevitable, and comPbnnt
have often been made that the spirit of this provision. iias
been violated by a lower appraisement of the same ern'l6s
at one port than at another.
An impression strangely enough prevails to some exteilt,
that specific duties are necessarily protective duties. )26,
thins can be more fallacious. Groat Britain glories ill 'he
trade, and yet her whole revenue from imports is at
present moment collected under a system of specific duo' ,
It is a striking fact in this connection that, in the corerafr
cial treaty of 23d Jan., 1860, betweea France and En ;land'
which
one of the articles provides that the ad velum duties
it imposes shell be converted into specific duties within, ',„
months from its date, and these are to be ascertained
making an average of prices for six months previous.;
that time. The reverse of the proposition would be ne
to the truth, because a much larger amount of revolt.,
would be collected by merely converting the ad val°7is
duties of a tariff into equivalent specific duties. Te
extent the revenue would be increased, and in the se
proportion the specific duty might be diminished. ge,
Specific duties would secure to the American mann'
ti,
furor the incidental protection to which he is fairly ens,
tied under a revenue tariff, and to this surely no pers,,e
would object. The framers of the existing tariff have
further, and in a liberal spirit have discriminated in fav°b",,
of large and useful branches of our manufactures not ,
raising the rate of duty upon the importation of silal„,e
articles from abroad, but wheels the same in effect, bY
mitting articles free of duty which enter into the cone
sition of their fabrics.
Under the present system, it has been often trlllY,-be
marked that this incidental protection decreases when ,`
manufacturer needs it most, and increases when he 'lease's
least, and constitutes a sliding scale which always operat
against him. The revenues of the country are subject
~„t°
similar fluctuation. Instead of approaching a steady stag'
dard, as would be the case under a system :of specific chi;
ties, they sink and rise with the sinking and rising,Priceit
of articles in foreign countries. it would not be dill
for Congress to arrange a system of specific duties whic,i
would afford additional stability both to our revenue an
our manufactures; and without injury or injustice to an,
interest of the country.
This might be accomplished by ascertaining the average(
value of any given article for a series of years at the plaeee,
exportation, and by simply converting the rate of ad valor!,,11;
duty upon it which might be deemed necessary
revenue purposes, into the form of a specific duty. Such ,71
arrangement could not injure the consumer. If he shoal
pay a greater amount of duty one year, this would be CO
terbalanced by a lesser amount the next, and in the end the
aggregate would be the same_
I desire to call your immediate attention to the preset
condition of the Treasury, so ably and clearly presented 11
the Secretary in his report to Congress ; and to recoraraeau!
that measures' be promptly adopted, to enable it to discharge
its passing obligations. The other recommendations of lye
report are well worthy of your favourable consideration.
I herewith transmit to Congress the reports of the Sore,:
taries of War, of the Navy, of the Interior and of the Fes'
master-General. The recommendations and suggestionS
which they contain are highly valuable and deserve you
careful attention.
The report of the Postmaster-General details the circuar
stances under which Cornelius Vanderbilt, on my request,
agreed, in the month of July last, to carry the ocean mai'
between our Atlantic and Pacific coasts. Had he not thusacted, this important inter-communication must have been
suspended, at least for a season. The Postmaster-General
had no power to make' him any other compensation the
the postages on the mail matter which he might carry. ';
was known, at the time, 1 hat these postages would fall shorl,
of an adequate compensation, as well as of the sum which
the same service had previously cost the Government.
Vanderbilt, in a commendable spirit, was willing to cell
upon the justice of Congress to make up the deficiency;
and I therefore recommend that an appropriation may be
granted for that purpose.
I should do great injustice to the Attorney-General, were
I to omit the mention of his distinguished services, in the,
measures adopted and prosecuted by him for the defence e`
the Government against numerous and unfounded claims to
land in California, purporting to have been made by the
Mexican Government previous to the treaty of cession. The
successful opposition to these claims have saved to the
United States public property worth many millions 0,
,1.
dollars, and to individuals holding title under them to al
least an equal amount.
It has been represented to me from sources which I deem re
liable that the inhabitants in several portions of Kansas hen
been reduced nearly to a state of starvation, on account of
the almost total failure of their crops, whilst the harvests in
every other portion of the country have been abundant'„
The prospect before thein for the approaching winter is well
calculated to enlist the sympathies of every heart. The
destitution appears to be so general that it cannot be re-
lieved by private contributions, and they are in such indi-
gent circumstances as to be unable to purchase the necessiv
flea of life for themselves.
I refer the subject to Congress. If any constitutional
measure for their relief can be devised, I would recommend
its adoption.
I cordially commend to your favourable regard the inte-
rests of the people of this district. They are eminently en"
titled to your consideration, especially since, unlike the
people of the States, they can appeal to no Governmeal
except that of the Union.
JAM
Washington City, December 3,1860 E S BUCHANAN.
.
• After the Message had been read in the Senate,
Mr. Clingman moved that it be published. He though
it fell short of investigating the crisis now before the Go-
vernment. The President elect was known to be a danger'
ous man, because his avowed principles were irrepressible,
with the view of making war upon his section of this coun-
try. The present position of parties rendered Congress
powerless, and his party would eventually control the Go:
vernment, the Supreme Court included, and by a sectional
majority absolutely control the whole Government. Hie
section might begin a revolution, and he did not think the
States had acted precipitately. If such occurrences as had
taken place during the last 15 years had occurred with ant
foreign nation, they would have been at war. In hi
judgment a number of the States would secede within au„
days. In South Carolina the submission party was very man'
He thought the wisest thing for Congress to do was to
divide the public property as fairly us possible after paying
the public debts. His people were not terrified.; they lle
more territory than the colonies had when they began the
war with Great Britain ; they had four times the populat ion
the colonies had. The imports last yearreached 30,000,000,
and 10 per cent, duties gave 3,000,000. Northern gentle"
men said that Southern institutions were a disgrace to,
the national family ; they wanted them removed, and sald
it was a sin. If they separated, then their consciences
would be clear. He agreed with the President that there
was no right delegated to the Government to employ force
towards a seceding State. The most offensive aggression
would be a levy of tribute. If the separation of all the
slave States took place quietly and peacefully they would
. but carry out the policy of the Fathers of the Revolution.
Mr. Crittenden replied. He had hoped that Congress
would come together as Union men and friends. He had
hoped for the preservation of the Union he had so long lived
under, and rose on purpose to express a hope that the es'
ample of the gentleman preceding him might not be fol-
lowed. They hail better not have come there at all. This
Union was worthy of great sacrifices and concessions. 1113
looked forward with dismay at the idea of disunion, and
with fear and trembling. They must search for means of
reconciliation and restore harmony to the country. lie
hoped there would be no angry debates. North Carolina
had always carried the olive branch of peace.
Mr. Clingman approved the desire to preserve the
Union. He would be sustained in what he said by a
majority of the people of his State. North Carolina was
next to the last to come into the Union, but when the
Union ceases to protect her she'll bid the Union good bye.
In the House of Representatives, after the read-
ing of the Message had been concluded, Mr. Sherman
moved its reference to the Committee of the Whole, Mr.
Boteler, of Virginia, however, desiring to present a resolu..
tion, the motion was withdrawn, and the resolution re td.
It provided that so much of the Message as relates to the
present perilous condition of the country be referred to
special committee of one from each State with leave to re-
port at any time. Mr. 111‘Clernand, of Illinois, moved an
amendment, rehearsing the causes of difficulty, and pro-
posing that the committee be instructed to report by bill,
or by amendment to the Constitution, and more particularly
as to whpertohmeprtaeneymfpulritanheerelwegitibslatbtialapirsonveiecieososaoryf
ttboeincsouorf
sna om f
strikingseverald in
oe out
a more
stitution relating to the rendition of fugitives from service
or labour. Mr. Boteler, however, declined to accept Mr.
ttm,
ta nebmedbwao lorsrsodmos
Botelerw iofferedh lleave
ya
eo3dtl
to report
e modified
h his e r -
man, proposing that the committee be limited to 15. At
ther.
var etasn o_i suggestion
auun,
ter.;
proposed
reos po
times
u nd
resolution o f objection
was
after which Mr. Monis, of Pennsyl-
M'Clernantdio'
rge, which was also rejected,
pleedging the members to sustain the Union at all hazards.
Boteler'srhgi.°
distinctively s ttihnicstirveeslyolubtieofnore
After various
other suggestions, none of which were
thought available, a vote was taken on Mr. Boteler's pro-
position, and it was adopted,--145 to 38. Before the vote
was announced a number of Southern members who had
wasthethHatouMs::
not voted gave their reasons for declining, which were
generally that their States had called conventions to con-
sider the same questions proposed to be discussed by the
Committee, and that the people would decide them for
themselves. • Mr. Miles. of South Carolina, went further,
however, and declared that kis State was out of the Con-
federacy, except as to the mere form, and that therefore
her delegation took no interest in the question.