The Sun.
London, England, 1860-02-21 00:00:00

-'-3..-,

tions of the treaty in detail. It was not, in fact, until after ' duti rs on the goods of all nations, I find that in one part of
those stipulations were adopted that he intimated to Par- hie resolution ho speaks of articles which are to be free of
liament that it was the intention of the Government to ask duty under this treaty. (gear, hear.) Yet he now says it
its opinion on the general subject of the treaty. But as we uld be foreign to the business of the cammittee on the
the right hon. gentleman is so anxious to be assured that in Cu Moms Act to allude to the French treaty, or to look upon
some shape or other the house shill have an opportunity of the remission as applicable to French produce. (Hear,
expressing its opinion on the specific enactments of the hes .r.) The course taken by Mr. Pitt was the only conve-
treaty, I have no hesitation in stating that it is the inten- nie ut one for enabling the house to discuss the question,
tion of the Government, if the house adept those specific He, proposed that the Speaker should leave the chair, in
enactments requiring legislative sanction, fairly to submit or der that the house might go into committee on the French
to the house the treaty as a whole. (Hear, hear.) And treaty. No doubt Mr. Pitt in committee moved only such
let me add, we don't intend to do it as supposing it to be resolutions as he thought necessary to carry out the objects
necessary in order to fulfil the tomes of the treaty that require c f the Government ; but it was perfectly competent for
the legislative sanction of Parliament, because we hold dis- ovary mereber of that committee to discuss any item of
tinctly that the only mode in which Parliament strictly can the French treaty, and propose any resolution he pleased,
g:lee its assent to a treaty is by giving effect to the stipule- approving or condemning it. That is exactly the differ-
tions it contains. A Parliament cannot assent to a treaty. ence between our position now and that• in which Mr. Pitt
Parliament is a fluctuating body. The King never dies, placed the house. If we go into committee tc- night, or
but Parliament does ; and you could not in any formal way on any subsequent evening on the Customs Act—and here
bind Parliament to any terms of a treaty; Parliament I speak under Mr. Speaker's correction—it will not be
might be dissolved to-morrow, and a direct opposite vote competent for any member to enter into the general
might be given by that which succeeded it. It is not, policy of the French treaty. I even doubt whether it will
therefore, to enable Parliament to assent to the terms of not be irrelevant to mention the treaty at all ; but it cer-
the treaty in any formal judicial sense that we shall ask tainly will not be competent for—and the chairman will
its opinion, but to add all the moral weight we can obtain not allow—any member to propose a resolution expressing
to the instrument in order to make it fulfil all the main an opinion on the whole or part of that treaty. (Hear, '
purposes for which it is intended. (Hear.) I have detained hear.) 'We demand, then, on the part of the House of Com-
the committee longer than I bad intended— (hear)—and I mons, some proceeding—no matter what, provided it is prac-
have but one word to add on the charge of the right hon. tied and convenient—by which we shall have this treaty
gentleman. He thinks he has lighted upon a great god . fairly presented before us, and that we may not be entan-
send when he finds that Mr. Pitt separated his treaty from gled, though I acquit the Government of any intentional
his Budget, and he points out with exultation the regu- desire to entangle us, into an approval of its stipulations in
larity of Mr. Pitt's course. But ho did not state it the shape of a resolution on the Customs Act. (Cheers.)
correctly. First of all there was a committee on I fully admit the importance to trade of expedition and cer-
the treaty, then a committee on the Customs tainty in this matter ; but I demand what is even more ha-
Acts.—Mr. Pitt's proposal was to simplify the Cus. portent than the interests of trade—the recognition of the
toms Acts ; and then, said the right hon. gentleman, you most valuable privileges of the House of Commons.
had the Budget. This was the meaning of the commotion (Cheers.) If any undue delay has arisen the Government
of the right hon. gentleman. The real sin the Government have themselves to thank for it ; because if they had pur-
have been guilty of is that they have combined the treaty sued a course that would have given this house the means
and the Budget in one. (Hear, hear.) Very good. What and opportunity of expressing its opinion en this treaty and
ought they to have done ? It is very easy to point out in-
all its details, they might to-night, in place of asking us to
convenience in any course that may he adopted in carrying go into committee ou the Customs Act, have asked the
out a great and complicated subject—(cc Hear, hear," from house to consider a similar resolution to that proposed by
Mr. Newdegate)—but I want to know what course should Mr. Pitt on the French treaty. The right hon, gentleman
have been taken by the wisdom of Parliament, as repro- says it is utfetly contrary to. practice to bring down any
sented by that hon. gentleman who has just cheered. (A Ire ity with a foreign Power in the shape of a message from
laugh.) What construction has been put on our procedure the Crown, and such, he thinks, his not been the usage
by the right hon. gentleman who made this motion ? I for many years past. I ask the Government, can they pro-
understand him to say that we ought to have separated the duce any example of the bringing down of a treaty of corn-
provisions of the treaty and the discussions on them from merco to the House of Commons, which required its ap-
the financial arrangements of the year—that is in the begin- proval in order to give it validity, without accompanying
ning of February we ought to released French wines from that treaty either with a message from the Crown, or with-
duty by resolution ; we ought to have reduced the duty on out introducing it by the Speech from the Throne ? (Hear,
French spirits by resolution, and we ought to have repealed hear.) The right hon. gentleman produced nothing of the
a great number of other duties on articles coming from kind ; and the only case which with all his diligence he
France. Are hon. gentlemen opposite aware of the usage could find was the treaty concluded with Russia
in 1859,
of this house; now confirmed for a considerable number of which ho says was laid on the table of this house, and the
years, that when duties are reduced the reduced duties take provisions of which the Uovernment so far forgot that it
effect immediately after the resolution has been reported to did not ask the House of Commons to give effect to one of
the house? Surely, after the profound and deliberate con- the articles which required its intervention. The 20th
sideration of the question of procedure by the right hon. article of the treaty with Russia, to which the right hon.
gentleman, that must have been taken into view. I pre- gentleman referred, was as follows. And here again the
sump he would not have inflicted on importers and traders right hon. gentleman has fallen into an entire mistake :
the penalty of hanging up this matter for some months P cc The high contracting parties being desirous to secure,
Very well; the upshot of this procedure would have been, each within its own dominions, complete and effectual pro-
-you would have legislated to reduce duties on French tection against fraud for the manufactures of the other, have
wines and spirits by resolution ; that resolution would agreed that any piracy or fraudu.ent imitation in one of the
have taken effect in the usual manner at the Custom. two countries of the manufacturers' or tradesmen's marks
house, and for three or four months we should have had originally affixed, bons fide, to goods produced in the other
what must have gladdened the heart of the hon. gentleman in attestation of their origin and quality, shall be strictly
(Mr. Newdegate), but, after his declaration to-night, prohibited and repressed. Her Brittanic Majesty engages
would not have gladdenel the heart of the right hon, to recommend to her Parliament to adopt such measures
gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) by a perfect revival of differen- as may be required to enable her to give the more complete
tial duties—in all their deformity or beauty—call it what execution to the stipulations of this article."
you will: and French wines would have been admitted There is nothing there dada, bug that the treaty shall not be
at 3s, per gallon, while Spanish wines would have been pay- binding till Parliament has legislated. But in the present
ing ss. Bd., and French spirits would have been admitted at instance the treaty provides that it shall take effect only as
the reduced rate, while Dutch spirits would have continued soon as the necessary recognition shall have been given to
to pay the first duty. (Hear, hear.) As this is, I believe, it by Parliament; and in another part it is stated that it
the first night the right hon. gentleman has boldly declared, shall not be valid unless her Britannic Majesty is authorised
that the principles of free trade are very good principles, I by the assent direr Parliament to exe,ute the engagements
am very sorry at this his first essay in his mode of giving contracted under the articles of treaty. (Hear, hear.) 1
effect to those principles. (Hear, hear.) In point of fact, say, then, that the amendment before the house is one that
our defence for mixing the treaty and the budget may be ought to be adopted. We do not ask for any delay, but we
comprised in two sentences. We considered, in the first want to have an opportunity of diseuesine this question.
place, exclusive legislation entirely out of the question. We are quite prepared for its discussion—(cheers)—but we
(Hear, hear.) That is one of the principles I want to see cannot discuss the French treaty upon resolutions moved in
tested by the vote of to-night. (Hear, hear.) That was committee on the Customs Act, nor on the bills introduced
our first princilele ; the second was one that hal reference in pursuance of those resolutions. We may discuss it on
simply and exclusively to public convenience. We were some future day, if you propose to address the Crown with
about to propose to Parliament that it should give its sane- reference to the treaty. But what will be the consequence ?
tion to a treaty with France that involved remissions of We may differ from the Government in respect to the treaty.
duty to an extent little short of £2,000,000, and a surrender We may approve certain parts of it, or we may object to
for the year of revenue to an extent somewhat exceeding this, that, and the other engagement. 'We may think it re-
£l,ooo,ooo. Now, Sir, I want to know what would have .quirts some of the raodificatiens which scores of petitions
bean the position of Government if they had come down to presented to-night beg and pray for, and then the Govern-
Parliament, not in this special year 1860, but in any year, ment may say, " What I modify this treaty aftefeyou have
stating we ask you to remit taxes to nearly £2,000,000, and repealed £1,800.000 of Customs Duties 1 What did you re-
to surrender revenue above £1,000,000, but we won't tell nut those duties for ? Was it not to give effect to this you yet what are to be the 'financial arrangements of the treaty?" (Cheers.) They may also say, " Has not this
year. (Hear, hear.) That is the justification of our cow- treaty already coot you £1,800,000 of revenue ? Don't you
bining the treaty and budget; and lam certain this house mean to adopt it after that?" That would be a plausible
will net fail for a moment to see the sufficiency of that jus- argument, and one which I dare say it would be most con-
tification. (Hear, hear.) Nay more, I venture to say this, reuient for a Government to urge ; but, on behalf of the
had the right hon. gentleman himself been Minister at the privileges of this louse, I submit a different argument. I
time; had he made this commercial treaty with France— ask that this house. may not be
put in that position, and
for ho is a great admirer of commercial treaties with France that we may have the means of expressing a free end un-
-had he been Minister, and had he made this treaty, the fettered opinion on this treaty before wo can be told that
force of circumstances, the force of reason, the fear of resist- the revenue of the country has been already given away.
ante, the fear even of ridicule, would have prevented him (Hear, hear.) I submit that there could be no delay. It is
from proposing to the house to commit itself to proposals in the power of the Government within a few days to bring
vitally affecting the revenue of the year, and at the same down a message, within a few days to go into committee,
time telling the House of Commons that the financial ar- and within a few days t) o'etain the opinion of the committee
rangements were not to be considered in connexion there- and of the house upon those parts of the treaty which are
with. (Hear, hear.) That is, I think, enough to show that not mere reductions of Customs' duties, and then, when
under a form of raising a question of procedure and rectify- they find that there is nothing in the treaty which is not
ing the mistake which the Government has committed, it is approved and assented to by the house, with the exception
to be charitably presumed, the right hon. gentleman says, of the Customs' duties, then, and net till then, let them ask
through inadvertence, he proposes to us not only to rectify us to go into committee upon those duties. We shall then
an error, but to commit an error of the grossest kind, and know that if the Customs' duties are dealt with as the treaty
one which, if it ever entered into our intention to commit, proposes it will be complete as far as the House of Commons
the House of Commons would have speedily rectifed in an is concerned ; and we shall not be told at the end, when we
unmistakeable form, by expressing its sense of the folly of come to discuss the parts relating to those duties, that we
our procedure. (Hear, hear.) are practically forbidden to discuss them, because the whole
Sir H. CAIRNS—Sir, if any member appears to wish by of the treaty has been acted upon and acknowledged by
lianaent• (Cheers.) the liveliness of his imagination to make us forget the ac- Par - - • , •
The ATTO -Celle Y-GENERAL said that, after what had
fallen from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it was hardly
tual facts of the case as they lie plainly before us, that right
hon. gentleman is the Chancellor of the Exchequer. But necessary that anything should be added on the part of
I would ask you for one short moment to return from the the Government. His hon. and learned friend (Sir H.
Propositions si
thosetn s
of were
his Haver
hon.
friend
the forward
member more
or e
for
great fancy he has displayed and actually to consider what Cairns) had brought forward arguments that were un-
He said it was inexpedient to discuss the treaty
is the point to be answered by him, and which, I submit
erroneoustne en lafa
oh l et
..
with confidence to the house, has not in any way been met.
(Hear.) I listened with some patience to hear from the in committee, that there was a resolution remitting every
right hen, gentleman what explanation he would give with
radtwbuielutesyhnt'fooatunalsdyseseitotadfit effectoCB:l3ok:ffaer ni
ansefit.eohhi n ineupt theehyi
en" moment
aoodn If forgottene
pa ta ril
t.
a was
le
regard to those clauses in the treaty which do point to the
d by a safeeuard that it
powerand interference of Parliament; and, although he read
nt htpaart,assti :eli was,
nbyg
at the commencement the two clauses which refer to thein-
mttateet ; but the necessity of coming to Parlia-
the resolution. Then they worn told that Ley would have
terference,of Parliament, I was somewhat amused to hear at no opportunity of discussing the treaty in detail if they
tthhee
reenddeethtiaetn aelfl e theseue t
e ms
duty,clauses
ism etoang,i
ire withsomtheemexorcaerwtieoinghotf wont intos committee
ante withwt certain aestosnioef gartlitaa
not assent to them without the antecedent propositionse were at veld-
to a commercial treaty with France, and that in point of
constitutional law the house has nothing to do with the ment. But those matters which were within the prerogative
te'clenlitearssMenaii"oftyPacrTa-
treaty but to sanction the alteration of customs duty. I of the Crown, and did not militate against any existing law,
assent of Parliament at all.
• His hon. and learned friend made two errors in matters
shortest possible compass. There are two articles in this
want to test that doctrine, and I shall do so within the did not require the antecedent
which he said required the antecedent assent of Parliament.
ingthtostPtahrelriaemue.anst
no
ot all
c,
easnsdityh.er
Illatjheostsys
treaty, and I will not go beyond them, on which I will join As to patterns of designs and trade marks, i here was no
issue with the right hon. gentleman. One of them, you may
say, is a comparatively unimportant one, and, as the right
But he was as mueh in ergror as regarded
hon. gentleman himself admitted, is somewhat difficult to wnEeatelsge
English
sgi
hthyetlfryoormemom.
advised
cases it was a concession made by the foreign trader te the
understand. Well, I should say, for the authors of the
treaty it is rather early to admit that any of the arti-
hibit the exportation ef all articles_ of
the Customs Acts, which gave the Queen ' he power to pro-
( A laugh.) One of
the two articles relates to trade marks and patterns of every stores. - They must, .however,
to I say it is quite impossible you could give effect stores of Great Britain, not of .r With re-
description without an Act of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) file other erroneous militarytor nivel
grounds of argument, he could only
This stipulation requires the sanction of the House of Com- that there had been a
mons; how could he gain their assent in committee on the any
yd
learned friend also said th community
;it they could not discuss the
Customs Acts ? But I come to what is a much more im - treaty in considering the re
not discuss the grounds and reasons ofthoef
resolution ; but when they were
portent article, as to which I look fora different answer from
asked to alter the law in reference to the treaty, could. they
learwr error. Isis
discussing
sha.
ionng.
that just received. I took the liberty the other night of
calling the attention of the house to that article of the treaty
t to consider the propriety
power, regard to coal. I pointed out that the Crown had a andprutility af the treaty inrig
its opriety. They had a •
eslttyw'saGs'ovtletrnment to proceed by way of
considering whether the. law
power, conferred by Parliament, an absolute power, to pro-
erefore, a perfectly legitimate
hibit the exportation of coal, whether in time of war or the should altered.
her
Is i
imminency of war, and that this power conferred by Parlia-
these resolutions: It
was the only proper and rational mode
ment could not be surrendered by the Crown or be advised f
proceeding, and a mere correct and constitutional form of
to be surrendered without the assent of Parliament. ocouldnot
Now,
Proceeding eon have been adopted. He could not,
what answer did the right hon. gentleman make to that ? course
therefore,have thought that a great party could have corn-
y said, we considered it very carefully—it took us a num-
,. ril' edibelf to this idle • ingenuity. ,It was a puerile pro-
ber of weeks to do so ; and we came to the conclusion milted ceeding. (Alaugh.) It was to lead, ' said they, to great and
this part of the treaty does not in any way touch the article
grave IL- but, without adverting ; w out further to this sub-
of contraband of war, and therefore does not 'require the resu •
1 ct he.would conclude by hoping that those counsels in
assent of Parliament. I ask; who ever talked of contraband wouldnot be d futnre
use to retard the great business of
of war ? I certainly never said a word about it, nor did my the nation. .-
right hon. friend—(hear, hear)—and if the Chancellor of
the Exchequer does not know the difference between contra- Sir F. KELLY said that,' in return for the hope ex-
band of war and the right of prohibiting certain exports, pressed, he also would. gibe a piece of advice to his hon.
with great humility I would say, the sooner he studies it and learned friend, which was, that in commenting on a
_
the better. Contraband of war hasnothing on earth to do treaty lisi eb.ould loqk to the
, . terms of tho treaty itself and
with this question, and, if the right hon.ngentleman has been
advised that this article does not touch eontraband of war, master the clause's of which it was composed. Ire owned
I entirely agree with the advice that has been given to him. it was with profound astonishment that he heard the con-
In truth contraband of war is ' the g common term used in re- struction put upon the treaty by the right hon, gentleman
Terence to the proclamation made by a belligerent Power its the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and which the hon. and
to what articles it will seize if it finds them in
neutral ships.
But the right now under discussion is a right vested in the learned gentleman (the Attorney-General) had not yea-
Sovereign by Act of Parliament, not a belligerent right. tared to defend. What was the true construction of the
The Crown possesses it for two purposes—first, to pro- 7th, 14th, and 20th articles of the treaty P There were vent supplies of an important article from going to those conditions and reservations making the
whole treaty de-
who are or may become our enemies ; and next, to pond for its validity upon its being sanctioned as a whole
enable the Sovereign in times of extremity, when naval by the Legislature of the country. By the 20th rrticle, the
stores mei] teest to the salvation or the success of this treaty wet :absolutely invalid from beginning to end until
country, to care that we are amply provided with them. it should have been entirely sanctioned by act of Parlia-
Do the Government mean to say that a power entrusted by meat. The language of that articie was to the effect that
Act of Parliament to the Crown can be surrendered by the the treaty should not be valid unless the Queen was autho-
Crown without the _consent of the body which gave it? riled by her Parliament to assent to every article. Now
(Hear, hear.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer certainly there was one way, and one only, in which the Queen
did not advance such a doctrine. He met the argument by could assent to the treaty, and that was• by act of Parlia-
merely saying—what nobody controverts—that the lit wont. So soon, said the articles, as the necessary legisla-
article of this treaty does not touch contraband of war. tive sanction should 'be given, the Queen might assent.
Here, then, without going any further, are two engage- The effect of the articles taken together was that the treaty
ments in this treaty which I maintain it is the privilege of should have no effect till it received the sanction of the
this house to consider, and give either its assent or its re- Legislature. Ills hon. and learned friend, setting aside all
fusel to. Tho simple question I desire to ask is, when and former precedents, proposed for the present to lay aside the
in what form of proceeding that pi ieilege is to be exercised I' treaty, and in- committee to deal with the different duties.
(Hear, hear.) Tho Chancellor of the Exchequer has told But every one kiwis when a duty was repealed in that
us that the very next day after we agree to the resolutions house, it was for all practical purposes considered as re-
in the Customs Act they will be acted upon by the authori- pealed by the Legislature. He very much regretted that
ties of the Custom-house ; and it is a well ascertained prat- the hon. and learned gentleman the Attorney_Generd was
tice for this house never to withdraw from a resolution not in his place, because as a constitutional lawyer, he
which it has so passed. Why, that is our very case, and it must have been well aware .that he was trifling with the
is the plainest case in the world. You admit that whets. house when ho gave to- the clause the effect he contended
ever the assent of Parliament is necessary for hete engage- for, which really amounted to an advice to her Majesty to
form barter awe he
ments in a treaty, that assent must be given in lII° y r prerogative without the consent of Pallis-
er other. There are two articles hero which require that went. He was very sorry to have detained the house so
assent. It cannot be given in a committee on the Customs long, but he could not refrain from pointin—
g out the em-
Acts, but must be given in some subsequentlproceeding. In banrassrnent in which it -was involved, and from which not
the meantime, however, you are going into a committee on all the ingenuity of tho right hon. gentleman the Chan-
the Customs Act, and to ask us to pass resolutions which tenor of the Exchequer could extricate it.—(Conservative
are immediately to be acted upon, and from which you can- cheers.)
not withdraw, The result is his—if the house should Mr. NEWDEGATE said the treaty provided for a reci-
afterwards refuse its assent to those parts of the treaty which procity which was all on one side with a vengeance. The
affect the Customs revenue, that assent being necessary, on. member kr Birmingham was in favour of an abolition
you will have repealed the duties—you will hew done the of all Customs duties, and for a property tax • and follow-
mischief, and you cannot go back. The House of Commons ing in his wake, the hon. member for Rochdale abandoned
will have refused its assent to the engagements of the treaty, on behalf of France a revenue of upwards of a million.
which require its assent to give them effect, and yet you will And that was done, too, at a time when tho national de-
have lost your revenue. (Hear, hear.) The right lion. gen- fences were so loudly called for. The Chancellor of the Ex-
tleman says, "We ask you to go into committee on the Cus- chequer may be very angry with him—(a laugh)—but it
toms Acts, not as Mr. Pitt's proposed to go into committee was perfectly clear the house was trapped, for they must
on the French treaty ;" and his reason for that is that " the either accept the treaty or he supposed to insult France.
niodi c •fi ations of duty to be made in committee are modifica- He had only to say that if her Majesty's Government did
tions on the produce, not of France, but of all countries." not act from such motives, they treated the House of Corn-
But the fact cannot be disputed that it is by treaty with mons with very little courtesy.
France that ,you have bound yourselves to recommend to Mr. AYRTON rose for the purpose of stating the grounds
Parliament to repeal or reduce the duties on the manufae- on which he intended to give his vote, He thought the
tures and produce of all nations. Therefore, if you go into question in debate should not have been involved in the
committee on the French treaty, according to the precedent perplexities of former precedents in other Parliaments, to
followed by Mr. Pitt, the treaty will be strictly within the avoid the possibility of misleading foreign countries. He
province of the committee, and the stipulations respecting could not help saying that the Government, for the first
the remission of duties, no matter what country the produce time, pursued a novel course, and took the house out of the
subject to them comes from, will be legitimately before it. beaten track so long followed. From the Treaty of Utrecht
And here I must say the Chancellor of the Exchequer can to that with the King of Sardinia but one course was pur-
hardly remember his oxen resolutions, for although he tells sued. Whenever Parliament was called on to vote away
us that in the committee:on the:Customs Acts no mention is the money of the people, either by treaty or otherwise, it
to be made of the French treaty, but the whole question was always usual to refer the subject to a committee of the
will be dealt with as a general redaction or repeal of the whole house. The principle adopted was always the same,

but we should take it as we do other things in life, a little
bad with a little, or, it may be, a great dealof good. akar.)
But, when we have gone through the budget, including
everything of the treaty that can take effect through the
resolutions on the budget, several things will be left net
included in the resolutions, which it will be still necessary
for the house to consent to. When we have done this, it
will be very easy to pass resolutions expressing the approval
of the budget if the house does approve it, and the whole
thing will be at an end. (Hear.) What can be more rational
than such a proposal? As I understand him, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer has not the least objection to the House
of Commons expressing its opinion on every point of the
treaty not involved-in this budget, is this not a course,
then, that hon. gentlemen opposite may well adopt P lam
afraid they have a very faint idea of the amount of incon-
venience and suffering this state of things produces in the
country. (Hear.) It may be assumed from the number of
deputations that wait on Ministers, the letters that fill the
newspapers, and are received by members of this house. A
very large portion of that which annnvs persons in trade is,
not the ultimate result of such changes, but the perplexity
and difficulty by which theyare surrounded during the three
or four weeks the subject is in suspense in this house. (Hear.)
If you believe that the policy of the budget and the treaty
is bad, you are perfectly justified in opposing it, or even in
throwing out the Government on it. Rat you should meet
it in a straightforward and manly way. (Hera.) Wo on this
side of the house are mainly in favour of the proposition;
you on the other side are mainly against if.. Wo decide by
majorities, and a result may soon be come to. Move a speci-
fic resolution ; let us have the debate on a well-defined ques-
tion, and talk it out. The country will derive infortnation
from the discussion, and, I hope, will be satisfied with our
decision. Every Chamber of Commerce that has not;o id
this plan, almost every meeting, and every opinion given
in the press, or by the public--except on details not very
essential—has been in favour of the great changes the Go-
vernment has proposed. (Hear, hear.) Now, I ask
hon. gentlemen opposite not be led astray on this question,
for any mere party interests ; not to leave the whole trade
and industry of the country in a state of suspense and par-
tial confusion, till these great measures are settled, (Hear,
hear.) If I speak to any member in private he agrees with
me in this--if these things are to be done, let us get them done. lam not arguing in favour of any party I urge it
on behalf of the country and of interests ten thousand times
dearer to us, I hope, than those of party. I do not speak
in favour of these measures to keep one set of gentlemen in
office or anothet set out. I only wish the hon. gentlemen
en the other side when they sat here had had the couraee
to propose a policy this. They should have received
from me as warm a support as I shall give the right hon.
gentlemen who no have the good fortune, if good fortune
it be, to occupy the Treasury benches. (Hear, hoar.)
Mr. S. FITZGERALD said that they had be en discus-
sing the question for five hours, and not a single speaker
had attempted to grapple the points put forward by his
right hon.. friend (Mr. Disraeli). The speech of the Chan -
cellor of the Exchequer was a series of evasions and one of
the most unfair in argument that had ever been addressed
to an opponent. Its personality was only so refined as not
to become offensive. It was not true that his right hon.
friend had suggested that the treaty should have been made
public four months, and that there should have been a fur-
ther delay of four months. He (Mr. Fitzgerald) asked the
'reuse whether the course taken by the Government afforded
a fair opportunity of discussing the question of the commer-
cial treaty ? The course taken by the Government, he
contended, was the very reverse of that followed by Mr.
Pitt. Mr. Pitt moved certain resolutions in committee
to consider the treaty with France. The Chancellor
of the Exchequer proposed that his resolutions should be
considerd in committee on the Customs acts. He contended
that it was the duty of the house to consider the clauses of
the Treaty of Commerce before they went into committee on
the Customs duties. The noble lord the Secretary for Fo-
reign Affairs said that there was no political influence iden-
tified with this treaty. Was it not well known that the
French fleet depended entirely for its supplies of coal on this
country, and what was the good of having a steam fleet if
they had not themeans necessary for its propulsion. They
had read of a conversation which took place between an
Englishman and a distinguished Frenchman wlijaste identity
it was not difficult to guess. (Hear.) Reference was made in
the course of their conversation to certain - flat-bottomed
boats which were being constructed in France, and the
Englishman inquired if they were intended for purposes of
invasion. The " distinguished" Frenchman replied that
that was not the purpose for which they were intended ; but'
that as France depended for the supply of coal on Englund,
it was the bounden duty of the French Government to take
care that they were dependent on her no longer. (Hear.
hear.) " The fact was the coal they possessed was an enor-
mous advantage to England, and as it was of the last politi-
cal importance to France that she should be always able to
obtain a supply from this country ; there was inserted in
the treaty an article which would give her that advantage,
and in proportion weaken this country. He wished, then,
to know if the house would have an opportunity of ex-
pressing its opinion on that article. The hon. and learned
gentleman the Attorney-General had given utterance to
an opinion which had caused the greatest astonishment
amongst lawyers on both aides of the house when he de-
clared that this power of prohibition was a common law
prerogative of the Crown. If that wore so, it was extraor-
dinary that the Government should think it necessary to
pass an act of Parliament that the Crown should have
that power. He (Mr. Fitzgerald) was -inclined to think
that it was a statutory power, given by act of Parliament,
and that being so, the question was, could the Crown
waive it without the assent of Parliament. He called upon
the Government to consider the treaty in committee, and
if it were for the benefit of the people of England, it would
at once meet with the approbation of Parliament. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said he should confess that when he
read the motion of the right hon. gentleman, Mr. Disraeli,
he understood it meant as much as it was stated to mean.
It was said that it was not fit to go into committee on a
Customs Act with the view of repealing the duties until
they had first considered the engagements in the treaty of
commerce; but ho thought that the answer which his right
hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer had given
upon the point was fully sufficient. His right hon. friend
told them that they could not go into committee on the
treaty because the resolutions he should have to propose
there would net carry out the object in view. Let them
take, for instance, the article of the treaty about wine. If
the article were passed in committee, ho believed with his
right hon. friend that from the time the article was reported
the duty on French wine would be reduced, but not
the duty on Spanish or Portuguese wine ; and in conse-
quence they would have to go into another committee on
the subject of the wine duties. It was obvious that that
was not the course to be pursued, and that it would be im-
possible to obtain the assent of the house to it. It was
obvious, however, that the scope of the motion was more
expansive, because the hole. member for Wallingford (Mr.
Melbas) and the right hon. gentleman (Mr. S. Fitzgerald)
remarked that they should go into the consideration of
the treaty with the view to go through every clause, in
order that they might obtain the legislative sanction of the
house. It appeared to him (Lord John Russell) that
that was a course most strange on the part of those
who professed so much reverence for the prerogative of
the Crown. It was a course which had never before
been proposed in the house, but which the Con-
servative body were new, it would seem, prepared to
introduce. The power which the hon. gentleman claimed
for the house was lam ger even than that given to the Senate
of the United States, for they proposed that the acts of the
Crown should not be valid until the house had gone through
all the propositions of the treaty. There was the article in
regard to shipping, which was to the effect that shipping
in the 3 ear 1860 should be subject to the same duties that
it was in 1859. That evidently required no assent o
House of Commons, and yet the hon, gentlemanthewhole
house. insisted
that it should be brought before a committee of
house. It was perfectly competent to an hon. gentleman
like the hon. member for Sunderland (Mr. Lindsay) to
bring
forward a resolution, and to say that the house
consideredthe
that a treaty of commerce was not worth having, unless
duties on shipping were altered. It was constitutional to
the House of Commons to affirm the proposition, and if
they did so it would put an end to the treaty, because it
would declare that the treaty was not worth having, and
that no reduction of duties should take place in the way of
treaty until the differential duties on shipping were altered
by France. That might be a wise or unwise proceeding,
but it would be a perfectly constitutional proceeding ; but
to go into the articles of the treaty, part of which depended
upon the prerogative of the Crown, and part on the assent
of the House of Commons' was a monstrous proceeding.
What was the course taken by Mr. Pitt ? Did he go through
all of the treaty ? It contained 47 articles, and they were
simply embodied in 16 or 20 resolutions. That was:the course
Mr. Pitt pursued, and that was the course which her
Majesty's Government proposed to pursue. They proposed
to bring before the house all the resolutions relating to Cus-
toms' duties which required the assent of the house, and
they then proposed to move an address to the Crown on the
subject of the treaty. The hon. member for the Tower Ham-
lets said that they had acted differently when the Tower
Hamlets had what he considered the happier times. (A
laugh.) He told them that manufacturers and commercial
men were thou listened to, and that Ministers brought be-
fore Parliament all subjects that required discussion. Their
course was a very
plain course. It was the course pur-
sued by Mr. Pitt in 1787, and it seemed to him the only
course which Parliament could rationally pursue. But
then the hon. gentleman opposite, and others, contended
that there were certain matters which affected the preroga-
tive of the Crown, as forbidding the export of coal, and
therefore that article ought specially to ba brought under
the consideration of Parliament ; but ho found in the
treaty of 1787 that there was a clause of considerable im-
portance, which referred to many articles of commerce,
among which coal was included, and which were declared
not to be contraband of war, even when shipped to ports
belonging to a Power with which we were at war, provided
such ports were not blockaded or invested. It was true
that coal was not then an article which might be reckoned
as munitions of war, but cables, sailcloth, &c., among the
enumerated articles, were of that class, yet the French
might carry those articles to all countries with which this
country was at war, provided only they were sent to places
which were not blockaded or invested. Those were arti-
cles which! would :have assisted a hostile Power; but did
Mr. Pitt move any resolutions to make them contraband of
war ? By no means. It was never to his knowledge men-
tioned in the house. He had consulted many authorities on
that point. The house had heard the eminent authority of
the Attorney-General, and the would now quote the autho-
rity of another eminent !personage in the other house who
h.
said that the relaxations of prohibitions were intended to
operate on both sides ; that while at Peace with
footing with those t
manufactures were put upon an equal
The
France 0 _
France, but as to fuel there would be no prohibition.
treaty could not operate politically, and had n
neutral rights, and in spite of it the exportation
be hought reason-
o effe,e)
ft uponcoal
might be remedied if such a step should
we might
able. If we were at war with Franco
refuse to permit neutrals to -„t war according
export coal to Frame,
and coal might be contraband
so to which
so its destination, and. the nurPo
it was to be The hon.
Now,
hear.)thst was the
opinion of the Lord Chance him l
that lor. (hear,
wanting
gentleman opposite hadnceehrearegeivde
in sufficient sagacity to p
Ho (Lord John
purpose was concealed under this treaty.
Russell) did not know that at that hon. gentleman had shown
because when the war was about
any wonderful saga
France and Austria, though it was
to break out between
generally known six months before, the hon. gentleman,
who was then at the Foreign-office, seemed not to know
anything about it. (Hear.) His sagacity might have
been very great once, but at that moment he seemed to be
too acute. Hon. gentlemen opposite never hear any pro-
posal from the French Government that was not connected
their minds with war against England ; but he, on the
contrary, firmly believed that the Emperor of the French
had seen great advantages to England from free trade, and
knew the great profits made by our coalownera at the ex-
pense of the French people, and though he wished France
strong in time of war against an enemy, ho wished to make
her rich and prosperous in time of peace. He (Lord J. Rus-
sell) believed, with regard to this commercial treaty,
.that
that was the Emperor's object, and that he had no sinister

Mr. BRIGHT said—From the very earnest and animated
manner of the hen. gentleman who had just sat down a
stranger might be led to imagine that there was some great
question before us. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.)
After having listened to every sentence, I think, that has
been Spoken in the debate I can hardly tell what it is we
aro debating. The right hon. gentleman the member for
Buckinghamshire assured us it was not a party question ;
but I did not feel that he added any confirmation to that
statement when he informed us he had consulted nobody
but the hon. and learned member for Belfast—by no means
a bad soldier to have at one's side when engaged in a party
fight. I can learn nothing from the speech of the right
hon. gentleman or of his supporter, because I am perfectly
satisfied neither the one nor the other divulged the real
object and purpose of this motion. (Rear.) In the speech
of the hon. member for North Warwickshire I could get
at something real. He digs up theories we thought were
dead and buried, and never more to appear among us. I
do not in the least blame him for the course he takes, though
I cannot understand the point of view from which he re-
gards this question. He does not believe in the treaty, or
in the principles which his leader pronounces sound, and
therefore, like a man, he stands up and says so. And, how•
ever absurd his views may be—(laughter)--or however
erroneous in my opinion, still he discloses them frankly,
and makes it no secret that his object in supporting the mo-
tion is just to got rid, if he can, of this obnoxious treaty.
(Slight cheering from the Opposition.) But what is the
true object of the motion? If I were on that side of the
house—and it is not an uncomfortable side to sit on, as I
know by pretty long experience—(a laugh)—and held the
opinion which many hon. gentlemen opposite do of the
Budget end commercial treaty, instead of carping at them
in private and making vicious stabs at them in the house, I
would fairly avow I thought the treaty a mistake, that the
Queen had been badly advised in entering into it, and that
the Government were to be condemned for their policy, and
that Parliament should not adopt it, I would be open and
aboveboard. I would take—l was almost going to say, the
only rational—at least the only manly course. (Hear,
hear.) The real fact, lam bound to believe, is that a por-
tion of the hon. gentlemen opposite are very much annoyed
at the treaty from beginning to end; another portion do not
like the side of the house on which they sit. (Hear, hear.)
They think that an attack may be made on the Govern-
ment, and perhaps the treaty may be altered in some re-
spects, but I hardly imagine even that party will go so far
as to overthrow it. This is why the motion has been
brought forward and is supported by honourable gen-
tlemen opposite. If those gentlemen are really against
it, if the house is against it, why do they not bring
forward a resolution to say so at once ? The resolu-
tion of the honourable member for Eisex did go, with-
out saying it, very near meaning it, because ho objects
to the reduction of the duties, as diminishing the
ordinary revenue—the duties and ordinary revenue aro
necessarily reduced if the treaty bo adopted, and hence his
resolution goes a very long way towards condemning tho
treaty altogether. lam free, for my own part, to confess I
cannot exaggerate the greatness of the policy which charac-
terises the treaty or the good which I believe it will do to
this country and to France. (Hear, hear.) It is a great
question and worthy of a great debate. Let there be one '
side of the house for it, other sgainst it, but let us debate
it manfully. (Hear, hear.) Do not take the course chosen
by the leader of hon. gentlemen opposite—(hear, hear)—a
course which half of his own party, even if they vote with
him, would rather in their hearts he had not taken. Don't
put a resolution on the paper which nobody can understand
—(cries of " Oh, oh I")—which his principal recruit on this
side of the house cannot even compliment as either gram-
matical or sensible ; and which proposes a course which
neither the right hon. gentleman himself, nor any one who
has spoken en that side of the house, has yet been able to
give an explanation of, lam not going into the question of
the treaty in the least. We will talk about the coal difil-
abtytearnkud bay;,a
tEhavte
consume in a year half as much coal as a single colliery in
ethueltnlY rYtheonwehowlehonakvnyoowfs Faranynteehindroeasbrott
England can produce, and, after all, is only what the right
hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), speaking of the national
debt, called a mere "fleabite." (Laughter, and hear,
hear.) If you are not adverse to the treaty—for I desire to
give the right hon. gentleman all the credit I can for his
proposal, and to believe that he is merely anxious the house
should take the most convenient and expeditious mode of
considering
is the proper
this great proposition with the view to advance
the 'public interests—let us consider what
course to take. lam so much in favour of the treaty I can
vote for it altogether as it is. (Opposition cheers.) lam
so much in favour of all the great free trade measures
in the Budget that I can vote for it also as it is. (Oppo-
sition cheers.) But Ido not insist others should do the
Same. I cannot expect the House of Commons to come
by a leap, as it were, to a conclusion like that. But I ask
you to consider that groat interests are involved in the ques-
tion, that it is one which ought not to be made the mere
stalking horse of party, and one we cannot fight over night
after night without any d ()finite proposition before the house.
The question, it seems, is Treaty or Budget. On the other
side they do net speak much in favour of the treaty, but
they are all very anxious the house should loess the treaty
at once. suppose the Government had taken the course
hon. gentlemen opposite affect to recommend, in what posi-
tion would the house have been then ? Suppose the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, or the noble lord at the head of the
Government, or the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs, had laid the treaty on the table of the house, and
asked you to discuss it—could you take the treaty and go
through it from beginning to end and put every single word
every sentence, every proposition to the vote ? Do hon. gen-
denten opposite propose that ? Or do they propose that the
Government should have offered to the house a resolution
for an address to the Crown expressing the general approba-
tion of the house of the treaty which the Queen has negotiated
with the advice of her Majesty's Ministers P if they did,
then I would vote with them ; but only look at the position
the house would have been in after such a resolution was
passed. You could not then have gone into the details of
the treaty, you would have been prevented from considering
all the propositions to which the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer invited your attention. A very large proportion of the
prepositions of the budget are details of the treaty; and if
you had approved the treaty in the bulk, and got rid of it,
when you came to the resolutions of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer you would have been precluded from any ex-
amination of half of his proposals, you would have been
shut out from exercising the most constitutional duty, pri-
vilege, and right of the House of Commons—that of ex-
amining seriatim every one of the features of the plan which
the Chancellor of the Exchequer lays before you. Now,
my notion of the course we should take to expedite business
is this,—we should go through the whole of the budget,
accept what we can accept of it, and reject what we do not
like. I dare say there is something in it we do not like;

designs against this country. (Cheers.) He had been asked
why these changes had not been made without a treaty.
But this differed somewhat from the commercial treaties of
other times. The truth was that protection, as it existed
in France, was of that nature that unless the French Go-
vernment could say that great benefits would be gained by
France, the proposed_ reductions ana remissions could not
have taken place. The people saw at once that by admit-
ting their wines at reduced duty much benefit accrued to
them, and a great trading interest would be created which
would set protection at defiance. He agreed with the hon.
member for Birmingham that this was a large proposition,
and that it ought to be met in the way the Con. member for
Essex had suggested, by a resolution, affirming other prin-
ciples in opposition to those of the Government. (Hear.)
The noble lord then alluded to the course which was pur-
sued by Mr. Fox on the occasion of the treaty negotiated by
Mr. Pitt in 1787. Upon that occasion Mr. Fox said that
whatever might be the opinion of Parliament it was bound
to respect the faith of the Crown, and the engagements
I which had been entered into by the Crown should be adhered-
! to inviolably; that was a fair, honourable, and constitu-
tional course; and not to endeavour to harass the house by
questions as to the form of proceedines That was a course
unknown to the Constitution which was net worthy of a •
great party, and to which he hoped the house would never
give its countenance.
Mr. HORSMAN expressed his surprise at some of the
statements he had heard made by the noble lord, for he
wouldthe
itnhoes t tirtc, aptoyr tme 'nu
ts
itnoti it:oenco.obtuainoondt.
found by the 20th article of the treaty that the consent of
(
heLhlissi titreaty
f
Europe. Adopting it merely as P
it •
a budget, they took for
one year, but adopting it as a treaty of commerce, they took
it for a series of years. It would be a subject of reflection 9 to
every Cabinet of Europe, and they might reflect upon the
vast increase of character and influence which this treaty
would give to a Power which it could not afterwards con-
trol. (Hear, hear.) It might affect the boundaries of em-
pires —it might affect the new sovereignty of Savoy—it
might affect the independence of Switzerland. (Loud Oppo-
sition cheers.) Was he exaggerating ? (Hear, hear, from
both sides of the house.) They were all anxious to co-ope-
rate with :the Chancellor of the Exchequer in providing
liberally for the year. (A laugh.) All were anxious to ex-
tend their relations with other countries—all were anxious
to promote those great principles of free trade which were
now the law of the land—all were anxious to cultivate good
relations with France—(hear, hear)—that was, so far as
was consistent with the honour and interests of this coun-
try—(hear, hear)—and, let him add, with the goodwill of
the other nations of Europe. (Hear, hear.) The treaty
was founded upon political and commercial con-
siderations—the Budget upon financial considerations.
The tax upon wines was not taken off because it would be
for the benefit of England, but because it would be most
agreeable to France, and the deficit was the price of the
treaty; but ho would ask, was the treaty worth the price ?
(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) In fact, the treaty was
the horse which was to drag the cart-load of deficit out of
the mire. (Renewed cheers from the Opposition.) It was
the duty of the Ministers to decline to sanction this treaty
until it had been submitted to Parliament; for if they
agreed to it, their own acts belied it, as at the present time
they were arming, and arming to the teeth, against France,
just as if a war was actually impending. lie should give
his hearty support to the amendment of the right hon.
gentleman opposite.
Lord PALMERSTON—I can assure the house that I
will not detain hon. gentlemen more than a few minutes
from the division to which I am sur o they are determined to
come. (Hear.) I should hardly have felt it necessary to
say one word on the subject, had it not been forth, speech
of my right hon. friend who has just sat down. The
' speeches on the other if do of tho house have been com-
pletely and triumphantly answered by my right hon. friend
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and by my noble friend.
(Hear, hear, No, no, and cheers.) Either the right hon.
gentleman proposes that which would be unconstitutional,
or that which is of no importance. (Hear, hear.) If he
means that we are to go article by article through the whole
treaty, and give a Parliamentary explanation upon each
article, the execution of which rests upon the prerogative of
the Crown, I say that such a proposal is fundamentally un-
constitutional. (Hear, bear.) Treaties concluded by the
Crown, and which I suggest that. tha Crown's prerogative is
competent to fulfil, may require or admit the approval or die-
. epproval of Parliament in the aggregate ; but they are not
treaties with which the house can constitutionally deal
article by article. To maintain such a right
would be to place this house in the condition of the
senate of the United States, which has the power of de-
claring and ratifying, and is part of a contradictory autho-
rity of that State, and not simply a legislative assembly.
It would be fundamentally at variance with the established
principle if this house were to take upon itself to deal ar-
ticle by article with those parts of the treaty which require
no legislative enactment, and simply bind the Crown to the
exercise of its acknowledged prerogative. (Hear, hear.)
The lion. member for Wallingford went beyond that, be-
cause he said a treaty would not be valid unless an act of
Parliament was passed to give legislative authority to it.
Mr. MALINS—No.
Lord PALMERSTON proceeded—These who followed
him, speaking on the other side, actually supported the very
proposition of the Government, for which they asked the
house to go into committee. This was, indeed, the fair and
constitutional drift of the proposal of the right hon. gentle-
man's proposition, so that he (Lord Palmerston) wondered
that he should ever contemplate a division on the subject.
(Laughter.) It was said that the house ought to have an
opportunity of expressing their approval or disapproval of
the treaty, and this the house would have an opportunity of
doing. The Government were, in fact, following exactly the
precedent set by Mr. Fox in 1787. Laughter and cheers.)
His right hon. friend, near him (Mr. Horsman) had evi-
dently prepared a most eloquent speech which he intended
to deliver on the budget. He bethought himself there could
not be a better opportunity than to night, a fuller house,
or a better audience, on which to dispose of his eloquent
and argumentative oration, which circumstances had pre-
vented him from delivering on the former occasion, aod
he thought it would be an admirable diversion to un -
bottle it now. Therefe •e, scarcely saying a word on the
motion before the house, his right hon. Wend dashed
into the logic of hie speech. But a few words he did
utter regarding the tariff were most remarkable words,
because if his argument possessed any value he cught at
once, disregarding the budget and the present question
as to the propor mode of proceeding, to propose a non-
intercourse resolution for England and France. (Heart•
hear, and oh, oh). Ho said, " I object to your treaty
because it tends to increase the wealth and prosperity of
France." (Hear.) He would not deny that it increased
the wealth and prosperity of England ; but anything that
had a tendency to make Franco more wealthy, more com-
mercial, more industrious, more prosperous, he objected to.
(Cries of " no.") He ought, then, to move a non-intercourse
resolution between England and France to be consistent.
(Cries of "no" and "yes.")
Mr. HORSMAN rose, but was received with a continu-
ance of cheering from the Ministerial benches which for
some time rendered it impossible for him to make himself
heard. At last the right hon. gentleman said—The noble
lord, I am sure, will
thank me for telling him that I did
not say one single syllable. (Cries of " Oh, oh I" and
cheers.)
Lord PALMERSTON reaffirmed what he had stated.
He did not pretend to a better memory than other people,
but he could recall what had passed only a few minutes ago,
and he again assorted
that if the right hon. gentleman was
consistent in his opinion, that was the conclusion to which
he ought logically
• to come. Doubtless great latitude was
allowed to members of that house, especially on questions
which directly or indirectly referred to finance and taxes,
but inasmuch as the question before the house was ono
simply as to the mode of proceeding, the whole of the right
hon. gentleman's observations were out of order. He had •
stated that Sir R. Peel never made a deficit; but in 1842
Sir R. Peel increased the taxes, and in 1845 he created a
debt. (Cries of "divide.") The question was Bind), as to
the mode of proceeding, and really it mattered very little
which was adopted. (More cries of " Divide, divide I")
The house then divided—
For Mr. Disraeli's amendment
Against it . 393
Majority for Government —63
The announcement was received with loud cheers from
the Ministerial benches.
Mr. DU CANE, gave notice that as it was not competent
by the forms of the house to bring forward a second amend-
ment on the question that the Speaker do leave the chair, ho
begged to give notice that to-morrow, when the house was
in committee on the Customs Acts, he would move a reso-
lution as nearly similar to that of which he bad before given
notice as the forms of the house would admit.
Lord PALMERSTON said he would give every facility
to the hon. gentleman if he should resolve to persevere with
his resolution.
The house then went in committee pro forma.
In answer to Mr. Baton;
Lord PALMERSTON said he proposed to go on with
the budget to-morrow, and he hoped those hon. gentlemen
who had notices on the paper tosmorrow would waive their
right. (Hear, hear.)
The house then resumed.
THE ARMY.
On bringing up the report on supply,
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY remarked upon the large num-
ber of troops proposed to be sent to China.
•
Mr. S. HERBERT explained, that in his statement on
.
to be
Friday last he had shown that the number of troop
sent to China differed from that generally stated in the re-
ports from India.
407 649).
CONSOLIDATED FUND (. '
This bill passed through committee.
CORONERS.
Sir G. LEWIS brought in a bill to amend the law in re-
laden to the remuneration of coroners, and it was read a
first time.
e minutes to one o'clock.
The house adjourned at fiv

h has beenc orhsexingam
on
n company
Saturday during
last f
oyr
House, Wilts. Lord and Lad
I !Lord Brougham
the past week at o
Wm. Powlett were toleave
Bath. hCamrshani
pIovEnTfsEmENT.J—Mr. BermLudgate-hill, has just
ttshed a new illustrated pamphlet on watches (tree by post
It should be read
for two stamps). by all Who are about
buying* a watch, as it contains prices and important informa-
tion as to—What watch to buy ! where to buy it 1 and how to
use it 1

thous extra extraordinarysome cures without medicine effected by
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whenever an opportunity offers, &c., &c.—James Shorland,
late surgeon 96th Regiment. —Cure No. 52,422. Bridge-
house, Frimley, April 3, 1854.—Thirty-three years diseased
lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, deafness, sing.
ing in the ears, constipation, debility, shortness of breath
and cough, have been removed by your Revalenta Ara-
i biea. My lungs, liver, stomach, head, and earsare_all
right, my hearing perfect, and my recovery is
amarvel
to
all my acquaintances. James Roberts, timber merchant._
En tins, at ls. 6d. •, 11b., 3s. ; 21b., 58. 9d. ; 51b., 125.; 121 b.,
265. The 101 b. and 121 b. tins carriage free, on receipt of post-.
office order. Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, Lomb, r
Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182, Piccadilly; Abbis,
Gracechureh-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63, and 150, 0xf4,4:
treet ; 330 and 451, Strand; 49 and 60; Bishops ,gate-
,treet ; 85, Tottenham-court-road. Also at 13 üblin.
Bewley :and Draper ; at Edinburgh, Raimes an.',! Co. ;
it Liverpool, Nixon and Thew ; at Manchester, Skil rp and
icott; at York. Raimes, Blanchard, and Co.
ampton, Randall and Scat,; tioutip