The Sun.
London, England, 1869-10-26 00:00:00

THE RELEASE OF THE FENIAN PRISONERS.

Tho chairman of the Limerick, Clare, and Tipperary
Farmers' Club has also received a refusal of the
Government to free the prisoners, in answer to a
memorial asking in kindly words for their release.
The Premier's second letter is conciliatory in tone.
It is signed by his private secretary, and reads as
follows :

" I am directed by Mr. Gladstone to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter of the 13th inst., enclosing a resolu•
tion adopted by the Limerick, Clare and Tipperary
Farmers' Club for amnesty to the political prisoners of
Ireland. Mr. Gladstone desires ine to inform you, in reply
to that resolution, that after a careful and anxious investi.
gation her Majesty's Government have been unable to
arrive at the conclusion they desire. The admirable
temper in which the resolution of the Farmers' Club is
written convinces Mr. Gladstone that they will view his
reply as ono dictated by a sense of public duty."
The grammar of the letter is not so excellent as its
tone. After a reference to the Farmers' Club, we
are told that her Majesty's Government have been
unable to arrive at the conclusions they desire. Now
whether " they " refers (as we suppose it does, for
then the meaning is clear) to tho Farmers' Club, or
we are to understand that the Government are
striving to arrive at a conclusion they have failed to
reach, remains to us a perfect mystery.
The refusal of the Government to release the
Fenian prisoners seems to have caused no great
sensation in Ireland, except amongst the knot
of turbulent spirits from whom the original
inspiration proceeded. No doubt many Irishmen
could he found to display their hostility to the
British Government and nationz and these persons
found in the punishment of the prisoners a convenient
pretext for stirring up th© passions of the multitude.
But it is equally-certain that a large number joined
the demonstrations for the sake of pastime. The
Times' Dublin correspondent says that loyal and
peaceful citizens of all shades of political opinion
would rejoice at the liberation of the prisoners if
they believed that it would conduce to the peace and
contentment of the country, but they cannot help
feeling that such an act of unmerited clemency would
ho highly impolitic at a time when the sympathisers
glory in the acts of the prisoners, and the Fenians,
so far from showing any signs of penitence, are
collecting arms and resuming the drill exercise—at
least in the South. The writer adds that the
Premier's letter is not considered a final refusal, but
rather as an intimation that a release will depend
very much upon the conduct of the prisoners' friends.
Amongst the news from Ireland late on
Sunday, comes the statement that large
amnesty meetings wore held on that day at Carri-
galine, near Cork, at Tralee, and Tipperary. At
the latter place, says ono statement, nearly 70,000
persons assembled. The proceedings passed of very
quietly; the decision of the Government V: fLS received
with considerable moderation. At Carrigaline, Alder-
man O'Sullivan, who resided, expressed unshaken
confidence in the good disposition of the Government;
and, says the correspondent of the Dail,/ Neu-s, " the
language of the speakers and demeanour of the
people were generally temperate, violent or offensive
sentiments being discountenanced by the vast
mai oritv."

20REIG.N NOTES.--

FREE TIZAD^u• IN AMERICA.

A di:,cussion has been held in America between ITorace
Greeley, editor of the New 1 Birk Tribune, and Professor
Perry, on the relative merits of Free Trade and Protection.
The debate took place at Boston, and there was a
large audience. •Professor -Perry argued that as a great

tax collector, the Government was interested in having
the exchanges of the people as numerous and as profitable
as possible. Protection, he said, was never heard of in the
ancient world, though the Athenians sometimes forbade
the export of figs, and the Romans of corn. Pro-
tection as it is now understood is but two
hundred years old, and Belgium and Germany had
flung it to the winds. Even Russia was relaxing its com-
mercial fetters. Massachusetts exchanges products with
Louisiana without let or hindrance; why should not Ver-
mont with Canada ? Protection is nothing but an expedient
to make what is naturally cheap artificially dear. Free
trade compelled no one to trade with foreigners, it only
allowed him to do so if he found it profitable. In conclu-
sion, Professor Perry said there was a large class of Protec-
tionists who cared little for words or things so long
as they got a geed profit. A late distinguished
member of the committee of ways and means said to him
" If anything will make a man a free-trader, it is to sit on
this committee. There have been before us during the
session just closed at least five hundred men who
wished us to lay en increased protective duties, with no
intent in the world but to increase the price of their
product, and thus rob the public."
Mr. Greeley, in reply, said that tariffs were owing to the
necessity felt by the people for protection to theirindustry
in seasons of distress. In 1817, at the close of the war,
there was a great influx of English products. Every other
house shewed signals of distress. Goods were cheap, but
there was nothing wherewith to buy. Universal
bankruptcy prevailed. Upon this basis was founded
the structure of protection by men who were
not the champions of an existing interest. The
thread of commerce, he said, radiated from London.
Boston was but a side port. Between an agricultural and
a manufacturing country, the advantage was always with
the latter. Manufactures can be transported from Eng-
land to lowa, in return for corn, for one-twentieth the price
of moving the agricultural products from lowa to England.
Mr. Greeley, in closing, said he believed in a diversified
industry, which increased the education of the country.
Protectionists had faith in tit popular intelligence, which
would render them indtpendent of foreign manufac-
turing aid.