The Sun.
London, England, 1869-01-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Herald observes that the first edition of the parlia-
mentary calendar, as it may be termed, has been issued,
and the programme is so vast and various that we hardly
know how the Premier will find time or opportunity for
his projected legislation. At the opening of every new
session, and especially of every new Parliament, there is
a:ways a sudden blast of notices of motions affecting most
institutions of state ; but this year the influx is extraordi-
nary. There are warnings of amendments and debates with
regard to the new Reform Bill, which are out of all liar-
n-iony with our hopes of a final settlement. On other
matters there are one or two sinister suggestions. Mr.
Maguire, who is supposed to be deep in the confidence of
the Administration, has given notice of his intentior.
to move for a select committee to it:quire into
the management of the Irish estates of certain
London companies, with a view to the annulling
of their charters. Mr. Fawcett wishes for an Act to
diminish the expenses of candidates at elections, a good
object in its way, but we have had too much of candida-
tures in farina pauperis. Sir Massey Lopes promises to
force an investigation into the whole quality, character,
and distribution of local rates. Again, Sir James Elphin-
stone will call attention to another public department,
and inquire why so sweeping a discharge has been made
of artisans from her Majesty's dockyards in a
period of grievous distress, and when it is perfectly
notorious that the full complement will once more
be needed before long. And Mr. Corry asks for a
committee to decide upon the policy of maintaining
effective naval forces in distant seas. As for that
African fleet, which costs us more than a million sterling
a year, and which is a flotilla of coffins, the sooner it i 3
wiped off from our accounts the better; but in the
Mediterranean, in the Indian Ocean, upon the Arabian Sea,
and throughout the highways of commerce across the
Atlantic and Pacific, we hardly expect the committee
will say that the British colours ought not to be
periodically seen. However, this is among the subjects of
interest which are down on the list for the Session of
1869—pace disendowment.
The Daily News observes that we have now reached a
point at which it is proper to review the position and
prospects of the religious party directly affected by the
judgment of the Privy Council. The decision of the
Court of Final Appeal has accorded with the wishes of
the Evangelical party, At the root of the main
peculiarities which characterise the Ritualist service lies
the doctrine that the principal act of Christain
worship is a true sacrifice offered up on a true altar by
a true priest. Everything that startles the unaccustomed
eye at a church like St. Alban's is intended to symbolise
this belief. For this end the candles have been lighted
and the incense burned. Will the service as settled by
the Privy Council be incompatible with this theory of
worship ? No doubt if any one holds that light or a par-
ticular gesture at a particular moment is of the essence of
the sacrificial idea, such an inconsistency will arise.
But to any one who does not take this narrow view
the proceedings at St. 'Alban's will continue to express
as nearly as possible what they expressed before. The
most careless spectator cannot confuse the gorgeously
vested altar which is the central feature of the entire
building with the unimpressive communion table which
retires modestly behind the towering pulpit of a typical
Evangelical church. The character of the priest is equally
marked by the distinctive vestments which are associated
in the popular mind with the sacrifice of the mass.
The nature of the act which is being performed is
shadowed forth in the position of the celebrant and in the
reverential attitudes of the assistant ministers. It is true
those who are familiar with the service will miss some
favourite features. But all that remains will be of the
same character as heretofore, and if any of our readers
differ from us as to what this character is, we recommend
them to wait until legal notice of the judgment has been
served on the St. Alban's clergy, and then go and_ see for
themselves.

The Star remarks that it is a novel proceeding for the
Ambassador of a great PoWer to address great assemblages
of working men in the capital of the country to which he
is accredited: Mr. -Johnson has witnessed the election
and knows the conditions under which it took place. Ile
advises the masses to appreciate the power they possess,
and to wield it conscientiously and consciously. "Do not
believe," he says to the working men, " that there is any
dillerence between your skulls and those of other people,"
and he illustrates by the story of the abolition of slavery
the wide application of principle, and the great sum
of god for which 'it stands in the general scheme of
Providence. Altogether, the speech was as in-
structive as it was bold. Happily, the great
mass of the people of this country do not need
any inducement to make them think well of and wish
well to the United States. They have never shared the
bigotries and suspicions of " those who are in one sense
supposed to be above them." And, having now obtained
a distinct place in the councils of their country, they are
not likely again to let any minority confuse the world by
misrepresenting the. judg.thent of England. But these
millions are as soundly Liberal in home politics as they
are kindly in their feelings towards other free communi-
ties. And—whatever may be said of thettiquette of Mr.
Johnson's speech—the workmen of this country will be
ail the more determined to avoid misunderstanding
America now they have discovered from Mr. Johnson's 1
speech how well an American can understand England. (

The :Times observes that it is not many- weeks since
whole districts in Wales and in Scotland were rejoicing, at
_ the coming of age of a young nobleman. The young
Marquis of. Bute, with 5.:;:;00,000 a year, appeared as a
kind of sovereign potentate with none but administrative
duties to perform, but having simply to do the best he
could with his vast revenue. The marquis for the moment
became a public institution. The question, " What will
he do with it.?" could only be answered by the marquis
himself, and if-the young man had possessed any prudence
it would have been a long time before he quite mane up
his mind upon that question, much more before he let any
one else into the secret. The announcement that the
marquis was on Christmas Eve formally received at Nice
into the Roman Catholic Church has again set all tongues
talking. Coming so soon after the late provincial festivi-
ties, the event seems likely to he treated as of more
importance than really belongs to it. Some good
Protestants will, perhaps, see in it another in-
stance of the awful subtlety of the Roman Catholic
priesthood, and of the rapid advance of the Pope
towards supreme domination. More, perhaps, will
regret the example, and anticipate injurious results. Some
will regret the loss of the interest, and not a few the loss
of the money. Others, however, will be chiefly sorry for
the marquis himself, and we hope it is neither presumption
nor discourtesy to enrol ourselves in the latter class.
What is the real significance of such a perversion ?
We know the marquis is very rich, but we have no
evidence that he either is very learned or very wise. The
presumption from his hasty change of faith is against it.
The consequences are not likely to be of much importance.
It may be doubted whether a young man who has changed
his religion with this facility is made of the stuff which has
much personal influence over other mem As for his
wealth, the Roman Catholics are no more in want of any
addition to their wealth than our own Church. They
could have done very well without the Marquis of Bute,
just as we shall do very well without him. It is but a few
thousands a year more or less to the two communions, and that
is not a matter of much consequence to either of them. In
fact, whereas a few weeks ago we heard that the marquis
had just entered upon his inheritance of wealthand power,
we are disposed to regard the present news as simply an
announcement that lie has thrown a considerable portion
of his power away. For this reason, as we have said, we
are sincerely sorry for him, and he appears to us the prin-
cipal person for whom it is necessary to be sorry. At an
age and under circumstances when delay would have
been only natural and becoming, he has taken a
step, in some respects irretrievable, which cuts him
off in a great measure from his natural associations,
which will probably throw a shadow, at least for a
a time, over the hearty confidence with which he was
recently welcomed in his little principality, which
will, in a word, prevent his feeling as much at home as he
would have otherwise felt. We are, therefore, sorry for
it ; but, having said that, the less said the better. The
marquis is going to the Holy Land, where for the time he
will be quite out of the world, and the world for the
present, therefore, need not trouble itself about him.
When he returns, we shall probably have more important
matters on hand, and we shall scarcely be conscious of the
simple fact that there will be one Roman Catholic more
and one Protestant less in these populous realms.
The Post adverts to the cruel murder of another land-
lord in Ireland. The year which has closed has been
marked by more than one of those painful occurrences SG
deeply to be deplored. The day of the arrival of the Prince
and Princess of Wales Mr. Featherstonhaugh was assas-
sinated. Mr. Scully's unwise attempts to effect his pur-
pose created great disturbance in the autumn, and at the
close of the year we hear of the attempt to shoot one land-
lord in Meath and the murder of another landlord in
Tipperary. It is easier to understand the practice
of agrarian assassination in Ireland than to suggest
means for its suppression. The problem, therefore, which
we have for solution in Ireland seems to be how we can
best induce an intelligent cultivation of the land, with
security of life to the landlord and of his capital to the
cultivator. The question is too complicated to bring
within the limits of a single article, or to settle off hand on
false or imperfect premises, but it is the question which
sleeps at the root of these agrarian outrages, and until some
solution is found for it we may expect the occasional
recurrence of violence ; but the bloodshed which has
marked the close of the agricultural year in Ireland speaks
of a revival of passions easily awakened by any stimulus
from without, and particularly so when the ashes of a
decaying antagonism are raked over by the hand of a philo-
sopher.