The Sun.
London, England, 1869-09-08 00:00:00

THE AMERICAN PRESS.

One reason given for the single unfortunate black-
ball which excluded the London correspondent of
the New York Tribune from the Reform Club, and
which gave such deep offence to the Right lion. John
Bright and Mr. W. E. Forster, was that he wrote
against England. While Mr. Smalley takes the
American view of such international disputes as the
Alabama affair, and regards them from an American
standpoint, perhaps all the more strongly on ac-
count of the views hostile to his own by which he is
surrounded, nothing can be more fair to England
than his remarks on ordinary events which pass before
his eyes, such, for instance, as the Harvard crew,
as they appeared for practice on the Thames, and all
relating to a race so exciting as to draw towards it
the strong interest of both nations. His criticisms of
the men, their style, their boat, were more out-
spoken than those of English critics, and of their
justice there can be no better proof than the result.
As the Harvard crew disavowed any other than a
University character, Mr. Smalley appears to regret
that they did not, in justice to their University,
take Kelley as a coach, who in a fortnight would
have greatly improved their style, which, with their
strength, pluck, and endurance, would have mate-
rially altered their chances of success. As regards
physique, he considered them to be at least the equals
of the English crew, but faulty in style, whence he
argued that Harvard's success could only be gained
through their undeniable "strength, pluck, and en-
durance." The correspondent writes :
" Perhaps you will remember that this enterprise was
to show the English, among other things, how a racing
boat ought to be built. The Harvard men brought over a
craft which was looked upon in America as the perfection
of the boat-building art. They have found it so inferior
to the English that they have discarded it, and ordered
another from an English builder. Their miracle of Ame-
rican architecture turns out to be ill-proportioned, built
on radically wrong lines, and so much heavier than the
English boats that the difference would of itself cost them
the race. Meantime, they borrow a boat from the Lon-
don Rowing Club to practise in, and after trying it once,
the improvement in their rowing is manifest. Does it not
occur to them that men who have brought boat-building to
that state of superiority, are likely to have brought the art
of rowing their boats to about the same point ?"
Nothing could be more emphatic than Mr. Smal-
ley's remarks on the notion that the Harvard crew
would not have fair play. He takes much more
trouble to dissipate so untruthful an impression, and
to censure so ungenerous an idea, than he does to
reply to some ill-natured remarks made about him-
self for entertaining a grudge against Harvard, as
one of the Yale crew which was beaten in 1852 by
Harvard. In 1857 Mr. Smalley was one of the
Union six which beat the Harvard eight for the
Beacon Cup over the Boston course, and, as he
remarks, the victory might be set against the de-
feat by those who attribute to him such contemp-
tible motives. Comparing the prize fights betwce❑
Heenan and Sayers, and lleenan and King, he
observes, that these were contests of ruffians, on
whom vast sums were staked ; while this is a rivalry
between gentlemen, and he knows enough of the
English character to be aware that if Harvard
leads through Hammersmith• bridge
" They will be cheered to the echo by the great mass
that will look down on them as they pass beneath. Nor
(he adds) do I suppose that Harvard would exactly stop
rowing if they were not cheered."
If Mr Smalley were always as good a prophet as
on this occasion, and wrote so forcibly the plain,
unvarnished truth, the 7'ribune would have as re-
liable a correspondent as any newspaper in the world,
however agreeable or disagreeable the reading to
those who perused what he wrote. In conse-
quence of his letter an article appeared in the Tri-
bone, which must have done much to prepare Ame-
rica for what actually happened, and to explain
the reason why defeat might be anticipated for
the gallant and venturesome Harvard crew. The
concluding words of this article were prophetic :
" And in dae time put forth a strength and speed that
will astonish, if not win."

Judge Louia Dent has written to Secretary Bout-
well a letter so good that we cannot refrain from
giving it entire :
"Washington, D. C., Aug. 17, 1869.

"To the Hoe. Geo. S. Loutwell.—Sir,---I shall make
little apology for asking your attention to my. letter, and
less for the nature of its contents. You wore the first to
deny the political orthodoxy of my friends and myself,
and, by all the rules of the forum, I am entitled to a de-
fence. Again, you hold an office of the Republic, and
your acts, therefore, are legitimate subjects of criticism
by the humblest citizen thereof. But in some respects
we aro alike ; for instance, we are both aspirants for
place, with this difference : You aim to be the next Presi-
dent, with every assurance of success, except in the opi-
nion of the people, while I seek an humbler place, with
my hopes in disastrous eclipse, except in the judgment of
Mississippi. So, in the probable results of the future, we
both stand adverse to the judgment of the country. In
the pursuit of your ambition you aro ungrateful and un-
scrupulous as to the means of success. Your organ, the
New York Sun, in the same breath ridicules the capacity
of your master, and dwells with emphasis upon your pe-
culiar fitness for his office. Your excellent tool, Mr.
Tul-
loch, became so reckless in the manipulation of your De-
partment, in the interest of your ambition, and so defiant
of the wishes of the President and the country, that to save
yourself from an explosion of popular indignation, you
found it convenient to transfer him to another sphere of
scandalous activity, where his talents might be exerted
with equal effect and less effrontery. Virginia, Tennessee,
Mississippi, and Texas, not to mention anything so humble
as myself, wero obstructions in the way of your success,
because through President Grant's intervention in exclad-
ing the proscriptive clauses from their ;organic law these
States are brought into the Union, and firmly welded to
his support. Now this is in direct conflict with your
systematized plans, for what General Grant gets, in the
next presidential election, clearly Boutwell will not get, and
therefore have you denounced the Conservative Republi-
cans, who are for Grant, that you may obtain the pro-
scriptive Republicans, who aro for Boutwell, and by some
strange, dexterous management, and occult political
strategy, you have so worked upon the confidence of the
President as to cause him to flourish the club with which
you intend to break his head, by inducing hint to join
you in denunciation of the Conservative Republicans, a
party created by his magnanimity, and triumphant through
his encouragement. But, sir, your purpose is easily dis-
cernible, and has a two-fold object—namely, to destroy
the National Republican party
,in the South, and then
to reconstruct from its shattered fragments a Boutwell
party, with no Richmond in the field to strike for your
crown. But, if you cannot succeed in this scheme of
desperate enterprise, you mean to ruin a result from
present appearance much more likely to be reached.
Your official intervention for Wells, for instance, gave
30,000 majority to Walker. Your letter to Stokes gave
Tennessee to Sonter by an overwhelming vote of 70,000.
Your marvellous political sagacity, now active in Missis-
sippi and Texas, will repeat your calamity, and again
overwhelm you with discomfiture and defeat. Superadd
to these results of your unapproachable folly the imposi-
tion on these States of your iron-clad oath, and the alien-
ation is complete, landing them into the outstretched arms
of Democracy. But the consequence of your folly does
not stop here. Ohio and Ponnyslvania and other States
will decide their political status in October, and the
North will echo back the condemnation of the South, rtud
peal in your ears this fact that there is still left enough
of the incorruptible virtue of the Republic to rebuke you
fipootonhffrr
elective franchise. But, sir, this will not deter you from
your mad course. You will still persist, until every
of
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au oath to administer your office impartially and for the
exclusive objects of its creation—to collect the revenue
and control the finances of the country ? Is not that office
the property of the nation, and yourself only clothed for
a time with a little brief authority ? Then, Sir, how do
you explain this perversion of its legitimate uses and
functions into a means and an instrument of oppression to
force and compel an election of obnoxious rulers upon the
eothpea:wrewitiri,oilylaae,luretsetssolgssnrartuuladprnieynpsupports
repression of that most sacred right, the
people of the South ? Is such a course consistent with
your oath of office, or do you call this a great moral idea.?
But, Mr. Boutwell, though you have thus prostituted the
power of your office fur purposes of oppression, without
the warrant of conseionce or law, it. may br, that you can
ted me by what authority you presume to pronounce upon
ni3 political orthodoxy. Who constituted you the
Pope of Republicanism? Who gave you authority to hurl
the political anathemas of the party ? Again, what right
had you to commit the Administration to your policy.
Have you yet to learn that you tire only a part of the Ad
ministration, and not the whole of it, though your friends
believe that a monomania has seized your mind on that
subject, and that you verily believe yourself the State ?
Very respectfully, "Louts DENT."

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