The Sun.
London, England, 1869-04-17 00:00:00

Nine by ithOte general considerations which of the two is

The Telegraph—supported almost unanimously by the
Liberal papers—protests against the debate altogether,
and warns Mr. Disraeli that by continually dividing the
Rouse, he is only shewing the weakness of his own party,
and so proving a foe to the Church. On the question
debated, our contemporary argues that the supremacyof the
Crown means nothing more than the supremacy of the law.
This will still exist in Ireland. It is absurd to envelope
the subject in a transcendental mist. Over the Baptists,
as well as the Church, the Queen is to-day supreme. The
effect of Mr. Disraeli's motion was to restrict the liberty
"A the Church. It is most wonderful that the complaint
kould be made from the side which is supposed to repre-
sent the Church, that the Government mean to give the
body liberty of action.

The Herald, taking the other view of the subject, asks
why, when a demand such as this is made, the Govern-
ment refuse to accede to it ? Our contemporary thinks
union much more to be desired than the freedom the
Government would give. The Irish Churchmen ask to be
allowed to remain members and form a part of the
English Church. The Roman Catholics form one whole ;
why should this privilege be denied to the Protestant
Episcopalians?

PRINCE ARTHUR IN TIPPERARY.

The visit of Prince Arthur to Tipperary—a county
which has hitherto been unpenetrated by the most adven-
turous royalty—has, according to all accounts, filled the
peasantry with genuine pleasure. He has made a
triumphal progress, and the reception accorded to him
will probably lead his Royal Highness to entertain a very
different impression of the character of the people from
that presented in the records of crime. The Prince has,
no doubt, seen the bright side of the picture, but it is
gratifying, and may be new to many, to find that it has
so bright a side. From the account of the journey which
is supplied it appears that his Royal Highness has had
a triumphal progress through the south. At various
stations along the railway line crowds assembled to
witness the arrival of the young Prince and greet
him with a cheer. At Dundrum, where he was to
alight, the station was handsomely decorated and
the road spanned by an archwith the word "Welcome" in-
scribed upon it. A detachment of the Tipperary Militia
and their band were in attendance at the platform, where
a crowd had collected, and when the train arrived at
five o'clock with his Royal Highness the National
Anthem was played and the people greeted him with en-
thusiasm. The Count de Jarnac was in waiting to receive
the illustrious visitor, and the Prince having entered an
open carriage drawn by four horses, preceded by outriders
and followed by a brilliant escort, drove, amid the accla-
mations of the peasantry, to the prosperous and pic-
turesque village of Dundrum, situate on the estate of
Lord Hawarden. The villagers were in a state of joyous
excitement at the unprecedented honour bestowed upon the
secluded little spot, and decked it profusely with emblems
of rejoicing. Arches were constructed in the street in
honour of the event, and a platform was put up in the
centre of the village to enable the Prince to receive a
loyal address. On the arches were inscribed the words,
" Welcome to Dundrum" and " Welcome, Prince
Patrick," a name more acceptable to Tipperary, and
suggesting a happy link between nationality and loyality.
When the procession arrived at the platform the Prince,
having been informed of the desires of the people, cheer-
fully complied with their wishes, and took the place
prepared for him to receive the address. It
was presented by Lord Hawarden's agent, Mr. Bayly,
and was in the following terms :—" May it please
your Royal Highness,—We, the inhabitants of
Dundrum, county Tipperary, and its vicinity, beg
leave respectfully to welcome your Royal Highness, and
express the pleasure and gratification we feel at this, the
first visit of any of your Royal Family to this county, and
we trust the loyal and hearty welcome you will receive
among us will make such a favourable impression on your
mind as may induce you to honour us with many future
visits. We hope your Royal Highness will convey to your
august mother, our gracious sovereign, our expressions of
devoted attachment to her throne and person, and our
earnest hope that she may before long visit our shores and
gladden the hearts of her faithful Irish subjects by her
presence among them." The Prince delivered the following
reply :—" 'sincerely thank you for the very hearty welcome
you have given me, and I heartily join in the wish you
have expressed that my visit to this country may be often
repeated. I will take the first opportunity of reporting to
the Queen, my dear mother, your expressions of devoted
attachment to her throne an .I person." His Royal High-
ness and the Count then resumed their journey to Thomas-
town Castle. The route lay through a coantry full of
scenic beauty and historic interest. About half way from
Dundrum to the Castle they passed the Rock of Cashel,
around which cluster so many incidents in the story of
Ireland. All along the route the inhabitants had
their windows bedecked with evergreens, and dis-
played some token of respectful joy. At Thomastown
Castle, which stands on an elevation in the middle
of a fair demesne, preparations bad been made
on
a befitting scale to give the Prince a hospitable re-
ception. From all sides the people had flocked in to
see his Royal Highness, and when the carriages ar-
rived they cheer with genuine warmth. In front of the
building were two flags with the word " Welcome'

The Star does not think the Protestants do or will
demand to have their freedom of action taken from them ;
but in any case the connection between the Crown, as such,
and the Church must cease. And it is inconceivable that the
,Queen should personally be called upon to be the patron
of the Church. That she should act so would be uncon-
stitutional.

THE WEEKLY PRESS.

The Saturday Review thinks that the object of Mr.
Disraeli's amendments is to put the Conservative party in
the beet possible position for fighting Mr. Gladstonc's bill
in detail, These amendments do not in fact lead the way
to a compromise. They are so drafted that the Govern-
ment must oppose them totally and directly. Now, if the
real object of Mr. Disraeli was to get slightly better terms
for the Irish Church from the Commons, he would have
taken a course little likely to be successful. But evi-
dently this is not his object. He wants, in the first place,
to stand well with his party, to give them confidence
in him, to make even furious Irishmen feel that they are
not being betrayed, and that even when he goes into com-
mittee and accepts under protest disestablishmcnt and
disendowment, he knows how to work these odious propo-
sals so as to benefit the Church. His amendments appear
to be very well adapted to this end, and will rather tend
to cheer and encourage and confirm the Conserva-
tives in their opposition than to divide and dishearten
them. In the next place, Mr. Disraeli may reasonably
calculate that the real battle will be fought in the Lords.
In all probability the Lords will pass the second reading.
and then the Conservatives will propose and carry their
amendments. The use of proposing ineffectual amend-
ments in the Commons is to ascertain what amendments
may be effectually proposed in the Lords. For this pur-
pose, it may not have been imprudent to put forward in
the Commons amendments of an extreme character, sure
to provoke discussion and to catch the attention of the
country. If Mr. Disraeli had only proposed such amend-
ments as he had some hope of carrying in the Commons,
he would have been precluded from asking for more from
the Lords. But by starting with outrageous and auda-
cious demands in the Commons which he knows cannot
be conceded, he may enable the Conservative peers to
seem comparatively moderate when they come to make
their amendments. As the leader of his party he has made
a party move in devising the amendments he now submits
to the House of Commons, and it is unreasonable to judge
of a party move by any other test than whether it is likely
to benefit his party, and him as the leader of that party ;
and if they are judged by this test, it is as yet much too
soon to say that these amendments are impolitic or ill-
devised.
The Spectator, in considering the progress of the Iris':
Church measure, declares the great critics of our national
drama tell us that there is always a "retarding element"
introduced into the plot, generally towards the middle of
the third act, the object of which is to arrest and interfere
with the general current of the play's action, and to pro-
mote a certain suspense and impatience in the mind of the
reader or the audience, which adds to the vividness of
interest in the final denouement. Such a "retarding ele-
ment" was the function of Thursday night's debate, with
its interpolation of that little whirlpool of Conservative
excitement round the Pontifical Throne which Mr. New-
degate, unappeased by Mr. Disraeli's theatrical affectation
of fear on the same head, thought it due to his own great
career as a renowned hunter of English foxes and Italian
Jesuits to interpose, before he allowed the House to
buckle to the great business of discussing how much
money the martyred Protestant Church of Ireland is to
be permitted to carry away with it into a wilderness
where it professes to expect so much suffering and danger.
We do not wonder that the House should be impatient
at such deplorable waste of time, nor do we take very
much comfort from Mr. Gladstone's remark that the
meditative Conservative soliloquies of Thursday night at
least served to shew the profound differences of opinion
which divide them. We knew all eat before. Still, we
suppose all great questions have a private closet with a
peculiar skeleton of their own in it. And the Pope,
though, as flaunted by Mr. Newdegate and his friends

marked on each, and devices wrought in evergreens,
which had a pretty effect. The Prince and his host came
out on the terraces to view the scenery around, which was
then beautifully illuminated in coloured lights by the rays
of the setting sun. Among the entertainments provided
for the Prince was a private dramatic performance. The
piece selected was an original comedy by the Count,
under the suggestive name of "Aunt Hercules." The
chief characters were represented by Mr. F. Trench, Car-
tain Cole, Miss Warburton, and Miss Henrietta War-
burton. A prologue was written for the occasion by the
former lady, and effectively recited.

be does a little too much resemble the tawdry Gt./,
rawkescs of the sth of November, is still, perhaps, more
endurable, being, at all events, a little more showy, than
the compound householder who haunted our last great
controversy. It is, however, to our minds a real matter
of astonishment that men as competent as Lord Sandon
and Mr. Raikes should not be able to see that this spectre

of the Protestant imagination derives his political power
whol:y in England, and mostly in Ireland, from the
excuses which we give his adherents for asserting that they

are not dealt with on the same basis as the adherents of
any other creed. It is ridiculous to ari,ue that because

1 A new " Church Reform Society' has been
established under the presidency of Loid Ebury, and it
has been arranged that the first public meeting shall be
held on the 13th of May. The following are the prin-
cipal objects it seeks to attain:-1. The amendment of
the Book of Common Prayer, under proper authority, by
omissions and alterations, especially in the Rubrics and
occasional services. 2. The reform of the Ecclesiastical
Courts. 3. The reform of abuses connected with patron-
age. 4. The modification of the Acts of Uniformity, and
the complete revision of the Book of Canons, together
with the correction of such evils as hinder the extension
ad mar tit" usefulness of the Church of Engles

the Ultramontanes wish to see this measure carried,

therefore it must be for the Papal interest. As Mr,
Wachtel% pointed out, it must also follow, if that be true,
that because the Presbyterians of Scotland, the Calvinists
of Wales, and the Dissenters of England eagerly wish to
see it carried, it must be for the interest of the warmest
anti-Catholic religions. Of course, what really follows
from the wish alike of Dr. Manning and Dr. Blaney to
see the measure carried is this—that each of them in all
probability Lelicixs it will be favourable to his own creed;
and mitspytle favourable So bow, 4 01:Aim to deter: I

The Exahtiner and London .Review says that in the
annals of party important changes of policy have fre-
quently been designated by the name of the mansion at
which the new plan of campaign was resolved upon. A
good deal, in its time, turned upon the " Cabal of Wal-
lingford House ;" thirty years ago the fate of Ins and
Outs was said to depend on the durability of the Lichfield
House compact; and now we have anew point of Tory
departure in what is called the Lonsdale House Compro-
mise. Why the epicurean dwelling of the Lowthers hap-
pened to have been chosen as the new holy place where
the Irish Church was to be born again, and sent into the
world, "not half made up," like the crooked king, but
" With rings on its fingers, and rings on its toes,
And the promise of money wherever it goes,"
we, who pretend not to inspiration, cannot say. 'Perhaps
it was thought of good augury that, as this West fruit of
apostolic succession will have to make its way in the world
without parliamentary privilege, its start in life should be
made with the blessing of a very rich godfather. Certain
it is that the guardians of Anglicanism in Ireland mean
to set it up in business on its own account, with an un-
commonly handsome capital, if they can manage to get
hold of it. The injunction to go forth without scrip or
staff is clearly considered obsolete by Primate Beresford
and his parliamentary friends. Perhaps they may plead
that, Consols were not meant by the Greek word rendered
Scrip, and sooner than argue about trifles like ..C6,000,C00
sterling, we shall waive the criticism. What we should

I like to understand, however, is, what the Conservative
„discipline. What he proposes is, in fact, that the Church noblemen and gentlemen who met at Carlton-terrace last
en," Ireland, although deprived of its privileges as an
Monday have really made up their minds to go for, not
Esstablished Church, shall continue under the disabilities
o
of an Established Church. If the Irish Church objects to only as regards their own, but as regards other Churches
that position, its objection ought, perhaps, to prevail, but in Ireland. We ask, whither does this policy tend? is it
the members of that Church desire, on the contrary, not plainly and palpably towards re-endowment of the
to retain the connection with the Church of England Church of England in Ireland, and the further endow-
echich would place them under the restraints imposed upon meat of the Church of Scotland and the Church of Rome
in that country? In words, we admit, there is no mention
th e former after they had ceased to possess the advantages
it would still enjoy. Under these circumstances, our con-
made of the latter ; but can anyone seriously affect to be
temporary cannot see what valid objection there is to be ignorant of what is in contemplation? Already the Pres-
offered to Mr. Disraeli's proposal.
byterians are beginning to complain that the fourteen
The Daily News does not think that Irish Churchmen years' purchase offered them by the Government bill is no
sectarian equivalent for the pecuniary concessions made
would desire to have their privileges curtailed. If the
Church still wishes to be governed by Parliament, it seeks thereby to their Anglican rivals. Lord Derby, when in
an inferior rather than a superior position. But office, encouraged them to hope that their position would
be materially improved; and we now hear it said that, to
the restraint implies the dignity of a special
connection with the head of the State, and
secure better terms for their own Church, the bishops
our contemporary by no means admits that this
would not object to England and Scotland being taxel
f
sought to be granted. Because a disestablished Church for double the amount of Regium Donum. That done, the
asks for it, it does not follow that Parliament is to under-
cry for Catholic endowment would become irrepressible,
take the trouble of governing. That great engine is not
and its logic irresistible. Is this, then, the meaning of
the Lonsdale House Compromise?
lightly to be called ons to do the work of this or that reli-
Vhe John Bull considers that the Conference of the
gious denomination. But the Daily News doubts
whole Irish Church, held this week in Dublin, has proved
whether Dr. Ball has warrant for his demands. His
colleague in the representation of the University of itself worthy of the occasion and purpose for which it was
ilublin tells us that in advocating the liberal endow-
summoned. Never before in the history of the Reformed
nu nt of the Roman Catholic clergy
the mind of his constituents or of the Protestants of Ire-
Extraordinary circumstances call forth extraordinary
land. In proposing to restrict the future of the Church,
efforts, and when the Archbishops of the Irish branch of
to tie it down to exact conformity for all time in disci-
the United Church found that their eighth application to
pline, doctrine, worship, and government with the Church Government for the revival of the Irish Convocation was
of Englaod, he may as little speak their mind. The I
again most unjustly refused, they determined forthwith
Church left to itself, he says, may alter its own terms of to assemble a body, such as, though unknown in the his-
Communion, and some of its present incumbents may be
tory of the Church, should yet effectually represent all
driven from it. Parliament, also, may alter the terms of classes of clergy and laity within her pale. One result
stands out prominent from the many which will flow from
communion, as it has done before, with precisely the
same result. the Conference. The Irish Church has proved beyond all
power of contradiction that whether or not her
connection with the State continues to exist, she
possesses within herself elements of self-government and
powers of self-control which promise well for her future
welfare and extension. Never in modern times has a
Church been more sorely tried, and never before has a
majority of the English nation refused to stand forth in
defence of the weak and oppressed. True it is the modern
history of Ireland has been mainly a record of rebellion
and confiscation. " But this," said the eloquent Dean of
Clonfert, " was the first time in her annals that rebellion
had been followed by the confiscation of the property of the
loyal." Certain it is that the destruction of the Irish
Church Establishment will leave the main grievance of
Ireland untouched. It will alienate the Protestants, it
will conciliate no single hostile Roman Catholic, and it
will inaugurate an era of fresh religious and political agi-
tation in Ireland of which neither we nor our children will
in all nrobability see the end.