The Sun.
London, England, 1860-02-08 00:00:00

were placed before the Emperor in language firm, and at '
the same time amicable, it would be calculated to produce
considerable effect. (Hear, hear.) Because' it must
surely be the interest of the Emperor to attend to our re-
monstrances. What, let me ask, can France gain by this
comparatively insignificant addition to her territory to com-
pensate her for the loss of confidence and the loss of charac-
ter which such a measure must entail ? (Cheers.) My
noble friend has already adverted to the commercial treaty
recently signed between this country and France. We are
told that the Emperor of the French is about to adopt a
liberal commercial policy, in which the treaty is the first
step. But can a liberal commercial policy produce its pro-
per fruits unless there is that confidence in the continuance
of peace which is the very breath of life to trade and indus-
try ? And how can that confidence in the permanence of
peace exist for a day in Europe if the annexation of Savoy
to France is to be carried into effect, in a manner, and upon
principles which hold out to all. Europe the prospect of fur-
ther and indefinite changes that cannot possibly be accom-
plished without provoking all the horrors of war ? (Hear,
hear.) I say that this annexation would produce a shock
to confidence, which in France and in Europe would be felt
by trade and industry for years to come. Has not the
Emperor a deep interest in abstaining from this project ?
• We all know that statements have been made in the news-
papers that this annexation is only the execution of a design
long entertained though studiously concealed, We know
also that it has been asserted—l trust falsely—that this
would be merely the carrying into effect of a secret stipula-
tion entered into between Sardinia and France some con-
siderable time before the breaking out of the late war, by
which Sardinia was to be put in possession of a great in-
crease of territory in Italy, and, in return for it, France
was to obtain Savoy and Nice. Now, my lords, if that
were true—and I trust most sincerely that it is not—it
would be impossible to find terms sufficiently strong to
describe the iniquity and the immorality of the two
parties concerned. (Hear, hear.) When we remember
the language that was used by France before the breaking
out of the war—the solemn protestations of her desire,
up to the last moment, to preserve peace, her asseve-
rations, even after the war had made some progress, that
she had no selfish object in view, and had no intention of
promoting her territorial aggrandisement, can we believe
that all these assertions were made while at the same time
there existed a private stipulation fur dividing the prey,
entered into before the quarrel took place and before the
booty could be obtained ? (Hear, hear.) If such a com-
pact were entered into between France and Sardinia, I
say it would be difficult to find in the annals of the world
a case of more flagrant iniquity. (Hear, hear.) I hope
these things are not true. They have seemed to me so bad
that I have tried as much as possible to reject them. I still
do so, but I cannot deny that those who affirm them appeal
to the strongest circumstantial evidence in favour of their
assertions. (Hear, hear.) I hope that, in spite of appear-
ances, the fact is not as stated ; but if, in addition to the
circumstantial evidence we have had, should this design of
joining Savoy to France be carried into effect, it will be
impossible, however anxious we may be to do so, longer to
retain our incredulity. (Hear, hear.) If the Emperor of
the French has a due regard to his own honour and
character, he will be grateful if this country should come
forward in a calm and friendly spirit to urge him to
abstain from that, which I cannot find language
to describe but as a crime against the civilised
world. (Hear, hear.) I have taken the first
opportunity that presented itself to press upon my noble
friends on the Government benchmy sense of the great im-
portance of this question. I have done so from no invidious
or hostile feeling towards them in relation to their conduct
in this matter ; but when I say so I think it is the more im-
portant to notice_what I must call an omission of my noble
friend. It must have struck all your lordships who take a
view similar to my own as to the importance of this ques-
tion of the proposed annexation, that the language of my
noble friend and that of the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, as reported to have been used by him in another
place, have been singularly mild, to say the least, consider-
ing the gravity of the subject. (Hear, hear.) I think it is
specially important that her Majesty's Government should
at this moment give cordial expression to what I believe
are the opinions of every Englishman on this subject. My
noble friend adverted to the eommercialtreaty with France.
Now, I think that before that treaty was signed—before
her Majesty's Government consented to give to the Govern-
ment of France so signal a mark of their friendship and
goodwill—they ought to have required from the French
Emperor in some authentic and formal shape a distinct dis-
avowal of his entertaining any such designs with regard to
Savoy as have been imputed to him. (Hear.) I deeply re-
gret that the treaty was signed without having some such
disavowal as that ; but then the omission makes it the more
important that we should now take some measures to obtain
it; and, if in accordance with the unanimous vote of this
house, and I hope of the other house of Parliament also,
her Majesty's Government should even now ask for such a
disavowal, I am persuaded that it will not be withheld.
(Hear, hear.) I do not ask your lordships to agree to the
motion if my noble friend opposes it, but I hope that my
noble friend himself will see the propriety of adopting it.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY said he should not have
taken any part in this discussion if it were not that he enter-
tained the deep and anxious feeling which was evinced by
the whole people of this country for the progress of Italian
liberty, and hoped that it might be marked with all force by
everything honourable, true, and great, by all the parties
concerned on both sides. He feared that if thfe matter were
allowed to reach a consummation they would sea it mixed
up with other things pregnant with mischief to Europe, and
placing a deep and indelible stain on the Emperor of the
French and the King of Sardinia. Though not yet con-
summated it was still under contemplation, and there was
yet time for that house, and the other house of Parliament,
and the whole people of England, to declare their unani-
mous and decided opinion upon the subject, and to say that
the project should never have their approbation. (Hear.)
The French Government was now endeavouring to put the
matter off, and the Sardinian Government was offering it
assistance with the same view, and adducing as many argu-
ments as it could to prevent the completion of the scheme,
and therefore now was the time for them to declare their
opinion and do what they could in order to get justice for
the weaker one in this great contest. He was anxious to
niaintainan alliance with France; but if the Emperor per-
sisted in his demand for the annexation of Savoy, how could
he reake`good the words he uttered at Milan ?—(hear, hear)
--words by which he endeavoured to conciliate the feelings
and affections of Europe, and which he agreed with his
noble friend (Earl Granville) were some of the noblest wot da
that ever fill from the lips of roan. Now, in opposition to
the declaration that France went to war fur an idea, there
was this idea of annexation of territory. (Hear, hear.)
Thus the interests and rights of nations were merged into
dynastic interestek Nor would Sardinia come out unscathed
from the affair unless she arrested the attempt to the full
extent of her moral power, and he would not hesitate to say
her physical power also. That she should do, rather than
submit to the degradation. Even Italy herself would share
some measure of blame, because if the design succeeded
she would be ground down between the parties and deprived
of her liberties. Tho elements of mischief in this matter
were most abundant. Were they to have French influence
substituted for Austrian influence in Italy ? It would cer-
tainly be exercised in a more careful, delicate, and astute
manner; and no doubt the policy of France would be more
artful, but the domin ition would bo the same, and the inde-
pendence of Italy would be placed in equal jeopardy. Was
it so then that the frontier of France was to be advanced and
brought even in contact with the republic of Geneva ? Did
this scheme not affect the independence of Switzerland ?
(Hear, hear.) Were they to believe that the acquisition of
Savoy and Nice and the beautiful port of Villafranca formed
only a part of that design which would turn the Mediter-
ranean into a French lake ? (Hear, hear.) Then simul-
taneously with the contemplated annexation came the re-
vival of that wild scheme—the Suez Canal. That might be
commercially and scientifically the most absurd thing ever
propounded, and so it was ; but politically it was very dif-
ferent. There would be a French settlement established
there, and one more French port added on that side of the
Mediterranean. They had heard much about natural boun-
daries, and been told that Savoy was claimed because it be-
longed as a right to France; but now another right was
asserted, namely, the annexation of conterminous nations
speaking the same language. If that were so the smaller
nations must ultimately be absorbed not by direct violence
but by diplomatic trickery. The people of England and all
Europe had been subjected to one of the grossest humbugs
which had ever been perpetrated on the credulity of man-
kind. They were told that the people of Savoy were desirous
of annexation with France, and that a public meeting at
Chambery pronounced in its favour. But let him remind their
lordships that it was very possible for great personages to
coerce priests in one country and to coax them in another.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But there was another meeting
at Chambery, at which a diametrically opposite opinion ,
was expresseel ; and who was to decide between the two ?
Then came the assertions in the most daring part of the
French press, that although the King of Sardinia was the
rightful ruler of Savoy, he had yet no right to employ
means to maintain his own and his people's rights. If
the principle that conterminous nations, speaking the
same language, were to be annexed to France, provided
they showed sympathy for her, were to prevail, let them
look to the consequences which might flow from its adop-
tion. No one who had lately travelled in Geneva could have
any doubt that an agency was now at work there, by which
an expression of sympathy for France could be readily ob-
tained; and if that principle was good, let them consider
how easily the whole system of Europe might be broken up.
Germany might claim from Russia the Baltic ports ; and
Russia, which it was well known was not reluctant to put

Ruth sympathies in motion, might claim from Austria some
conterminous provinces. Everything in fact would be broken
up and in confusion, and all to gratify the ambitious policy
of one man, who thought that he had a new scheme to pro-
pound. But another inducement was held out by the French
Government to Sardinia to consent to the proposition. It
appeared that the French Government were to surrender to

Sikinia a part of Switzerland, and that Sardinia-was to
give her Savoy; and this was to be done without the con-
sent of the people. Was such a proposition to be maintained
at the present day—was it not a revival of that principle
which led to that partition of Poland under which she was
now writhing ? If annexation took place at all, which God
itlerbil I then let Savoy be annexed to Switzerland, who had
of all nations.
interest in the peace of Europe and the liberty
his
life against
(Hear.) He would protest to the last hour of
stitutionetione4lhanding over a nation which enjoyed free in-
would protest c.? government of any despotic dynasty—he
and foot to a country t
handing over a free people bound hand
where there was no free expression of
opinion—he vs protest against handing over a counts y
where religious libe
it was also proclaimed but bvas proclaimed to a country in which
test against the doctriniettoiren violated—he would also pro-
flocks of sheep, and barterel nations might be treated like
hadtnd exchanged without their
consent. (Cheers.) Heprotested against traffic in
human flesh, and he now equally
against traffic in
human rights. He therefore impl Prieil'hgetie.ldiajesty's Govern-
ment, in the name of all the great'''.
power to put be
English people, to use every effort in
consequences
fore the Emperor of the French the feealrrfP
appeal to his
of inch a measure as that contemplated—to fearful
judgment, to his sagacity, and to his better
he doubted not that if they did so he would bel!rmisaliatnt(!
a wise conclusion. 'Hear, hear.) He believed
the Government were guided' in their conduct by the I that
if
ciples of justice and the rights of nations they wouldik.ne;
back by the unanimous voice of the people of England, this
most pernicious and most disgraceful consummation.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE (who rose with the Earl
of Derby, and to whom the noble earl gave place), said—l
shall not for more than a few moments, stand before the
noble earl and your Ibrdship.; I did not rise for the pur-
pose of interfering with the future progress of this discus-
sion, but chiefly to implore your lordships not to be led
away by the tone which my noble friend has just imparted
to the debate. (Hear.) We are accustomed frequently to
hear honest and honourable sentiments fall from the noble
earl expressed in very fervid language. He is accustomed
to deal in that manner with domestic topics, in which the
mischief done, if any, can be comparatively small ; but I
cannot help thinking that the tendency of my noble friend's
language, and the tone he has given to this debate, are

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