The Sun.
London, England, 1856-07-15 00:00:00

suspicion and the anger of the Italians. (Hear.) Lord
William Bentinek—than whom no juster or more sincere
man ever stood forth, either in command of an army or as
a member of the house—when he went to the coast of
Italy, promised indeyendence to the peeple_of Lombardy.
"Thil prothise likewise was not carried into effect. Some
of these are certainly old reminiscences4—some of them are
connected with the period when, the whole of Europe being
convulsed, it was desirable to obtain, if possible, the bless-
ings of order and tranquillity even at a great sacrifice. But
at the present time, after standing forward at the confer-
ences of Paris—after making large professions and exciting
great expectations—after inducing the Italians to think
that a great effort was about to De made in their favour.
if we confine ourselves to notes and paper protestations, I
am afraid that we shall altogether lose Sim confidence of
the inhabitants of that peninsula; that 25,000,000 of
people, who well deserve good government, will have occa-
sion to rue the day when Great Britain ever interfered in
their affairs. Seeing, then, that, while Austria is taking
fresh precautions and sending an increased military force
into Italy, the Roman government is more severe than ever
in its system of repression and suspicion, I think it incum-
bent upon us, in concert with the Emperor of the French,
to consider what further we can do to remove these evils
(Hear, hear.) Upon that which does not properly belong
to me, but devolves more legitimately on the Executive, I
wish to offer a few words. I may be asked, " How is it pos-
sible to carry your views into effect ? (Hear, hear.) True,
we have made these declarations, but how can we act in
accordance with them?" I say, in the first place, that you
are bound at whetever risk to support the King of Sar-
dinia. Ido not think you can possibly allow his in-
dependence to be assailed or his means of free government
to be taken away from him without declaring that we are
ready at any sacrifice to uphold the cause of one who has so
nobly stood by us. (Hear.) In the next place there is some-
thing more that we can do. Among some of the Sovereigns
of Italy there is a growing feeling that dependence on fo-
reign bayonets is not a proper position for a ruler—that a
king who enjoys the love of his people stands higher, is
more respected in the world, and more respects himself,
than one who sends for a foreign general and has his sub-
jects brought before a courtuaartial and shot for disobe-
dience of the orders of that foreign general. Wherever we
find this feeling springing up we ought. I think, to encour-
age it. (Hear.) There is another point on which I dare
say my hon. friend the member for Perth (Mr. Kinnaird)
is better informed than I am. It is stated that that spirit
of persecution which revolted the people of England in the
case of the Madiais, and also prompted the King of Prussia
to interfere in regard to the reformed faith with the Grand
Duke of Tuscany, has lately received a check; and that in
the last instance in which an attempt was made to convict
a person for endeavouring to proselytise from the Roman
Catholic religion to the Protestant the prosecution has
failed, and the verdict of the tribunal before which it'was
brought will not be interfered with by the Government. If
this be so, it is a very welcome symptom not only of appro-
bation of liberty of conscience, but of a rising spirit of in-
dependence. We are further told that the haughty and in-
solent manner in which the Austrian troops have treated
the independent Sovereign of Parma has excited resistance
and disgust in that State. I trust that this may be the
case, and wherever it is so T think the influence of the Bri-
tish Government should be exercised to confirm those
growing feelings, and to nourish this rising spirit of inde-
pendence. (Hear.) I remember, Sir, very long ago, having
the honour of an interview in the Isle of Elba with
the First Napoleon. The Emperor talked much of the
States of Italy, and agreed in the observation which I had
made that there was no union among them, and no likeli-
hood of any effectual resistance by them to their oppres-
sors ; but when I asked him why Austria was so unpopu-
lar in Italy he replied, that it was because she governed,
not with the sword (that was probably not a reflection
which that great man would make), but that she had no
other means cf governing except by the " stick." (Laugh.
ter.) I believe, sir, that that is the secret of the whole
disfavour with which Austria is viewed in Italy. Taking
this to be the fact, I say that you have a means ready to
your hands for rousing the feelings of the Italian people,
and that if we and the Emperor of the'French once declare
that we shall not allow the States of the Pope to be occu-
pied by Austria beyond a certain fixed date, the attain-
ment of their evacuation will be a matter of comparative
ease. One thing, indeed, I have heard, and it is a mere
whisper, a surmise—namely, that the Government of the
Emperor of the French, which agreed with us so much at
Paris that its Minister for Foreign Affairs took the initia-
tive, is not prepared at present to protest any further
against the foreign occupation of Italy. I, for one, sir,
cannot believe—l think it is impossible to believe—that a
Sovereign who was so faithful an ally to this country—
who during the late war proved himself so ready to aid us,
and to act in every way as became a Monarch true to his
engagements, would ever lead the King of Sardinia to rely
on his support, and then allow that hope to be disap-
pointed. (Hear.) The matter to which I allude may be
one of some time—it may require the adaptation of vari-
ous means to the end in view. It is for her Majesty's
Government to carry on communications on this subject.
They' have the time before them in which to do so ; but
this I will 'say, I cannot but think that, if having done,
and having proclaimed so much we are contented with the
refusal of all that we propose—if we sit down quietly
without obtaining any improvement in the condition of
Italy, it will be to us a ground of everlasting reproach. I
trust, therefore, that in the course of the autumn, or at
least before the next meeting of Parliament, the object
which Lord Clarendon had in view at Paris will be effected.
I know that no greater object can be aimed at by a states-
man. When Lord Byron was in Italy in 1821, and had
become enthusiastic in her cause, he said that the cause
of Italian freedom was " the very poetry of politics." I
believe it the poetry of politics ;" but I believe, at the
same
time, that it is also a practica question. lam sure
it is one on which our character and credit depend. I
express no want of confidence, but I do think that before
Parliament separates this house ought to have from the
Government some declaration of the one kind or the other
—either that they are not prepared to carry any further
their interference in the affairs of Italy, or that, using
whatever moans they deem best adopting whatever mea-
sures they think most adequate to the occasion—they do
mean to attain this end—the independence of the Italian
states.

Lord PALMERSTON said—l think the house will not
be surprised that my noble friend, who has taken so great
an interest in so many important transactions throughout
the world, should have deemed it to be his duty before
the present session closes, to draw the attention of the
' house, and through the house the attentionof the country,
to those interesting matters which he has just brought
under our consideration. It is impossible, I think, to
overstate the importance of those matters in the present
cmdition of the world. We have just seen the termina-
tion of one of the greatest although certainly one of the
shortest wars in which this country was ever engaged—a
war which involved interests of the deepest and greatest
magnitude, and which might, if it had continued, under
certain circumstancts, have extended itself over the
greatest part of the surface of Europe. That war has
happily been terminated, and those questions which
give rise to it, and which threatened in their conse
quences the greatest calamities to Europe, have been
settled in a manner which I trust will for a long period
avert the recurrence of similar dangers. (Hear.) When
the congress assembled which was to discuss and deter-
mine the conditions of peace, it was natural that the re-
presentatives of the great powers of Europe should not
separate without directing their attention to other matter.
of European interest beyond those which were the imme-
diate object of their consideration My noble flieudi I
think, assigned ample reasons why that couese should hive
been pursued. It would have been a reproach to the re-
presentativ es of the great powers of Europe if, when they
were brought together to accomplish the great purnose'of
European pacification, they had shut their eyes to circum-
stances which might in the future bring about complica-
tions as dangerous to the peace of Europe as those which
it was their gratifying duty to put an end to. The affairs
of Italy, thetefore, naturally attracted their attention. My
noble friend well remarked that the occupation of hide
pendent state ::by foreign nations is a departure from the
ordinary and proper condition of things, which can only
be justified i),, au immediate and pressing necessity, and
which ought not to be continued beyond the duration,nf
the emergency which gave it bi th. (Hear.) The occupation,
therefore, of the Roman states by foreign troops naturally
claimed the attention of the plenipotentiaries at the cep-
gress, and there was no member of that congress who was
more fit to direct the attention of his colleagues, and through
them the attention of the governments of Europe, to that
subject, thau the representative of the Emperor of the
French, who had partly joined in that occupation; and
, most hononrable I think it was to the Emperor of the
Trench that he should have taken that opportunity of eix-
pressing his desire thet the occupation should cease, pro-
vided the assent of Austria could be also obtained to the
cessation of that state of things. These discussions did not
lead to any satisfactory result, as my noble friend stated.
The representative of Austria held out no expectation that
his Government would takeany steps in that direction, and
he professed himself to be without' instructions from his
Gov ralueet. My noble friend wishes to know in regard to
. that matter what are theintentions of her Majesty's Govern-
• went—whether wo mean to let the matter drop altogether,
or, if we thinkitourduty to urge this matter, and whatsteps
it is our iniention to take. I think my noble friend and the
' house must feel that when her Majesty's Government, in
conjunction with the Government of France, made them-
' selves parties to public and official representations, with the
view of inducing a cessation of that abnormal occupation,
that was,not a momentary impulse -(hear, hear)—and that
no temporary disappointment, of their expectations would
induce the Governments of the two countries to desist from
their endeavours to accomplish a result which they thought
right in principle, sound in policy, and conducive to the
best interests of Europe. (Hear, hear.) What steps the
Government may think it right to adopt, I think my noble
friend, above all men, will feel that it would be unbecoming
on the part of her Majesty's Government to state ; but, I
have no hesitation in saying that we think theobject is one
of groat and general importance, and that we do not ahem-
.ion the hope that it may be ultimately accomplished.
' (Hear.) It is said, on the one hand, that if that occupa-
tion were to cease revolts and revolutions and scenes of die-
Aster would occur in the Ttelirin States. It would be unbe-
c pacing in a spectator at this distance to pronounce any
oinnion on the value of such an objection, but reasoning on
general principles one cannot bring oneself to think that
th ci-,e anticipations arenotexaggerated—tisat aGovernment
li! ce that of the Pope, at the head of which is a man of
w hose benevolent intention's and enlightened ideas the past
h: is giver► us sufficient proof, could not so regulate the ad-
ministra Lion of affairs as to remove those causes of violent
di.snent •which alone produce convulsion in states. I will
not go b eck 'Co the advice given to the Pope in 1831 by the
representatives of the five great powers, but will observe
that no later than 1849, when the Popo returned to his
dominion is, he published an edict called a proprio =Mt,
by whict , he announced his intention of establishing insti-
tutions, not, indeed, on the scale of representative govern-
ment, b at still based on popular election, and which, if
cerried • into full effect, would, I think andl feel confident,
have all Orded that contentment to his subjects which
woteld I itave rendered the interference of foreign troops in,
his dote inions wholly unnecessary. That proprio ntotti
prof. sssec I to establish municipal councils founded on elec-
tion, wit It a franchise of a most extended description.
Those ma tnicipal councils were to elect members to form
prov incite, 1 councils, and those provincial councils, again,
were 'to el ect members to form a council of state in Rome
___, 03 ant :il certainly not administrative—and then there
was to bas re been a council of finance, to give advice on the
financi el arrangements of the State. I cannot but think
if the Popo had put in force even that limited arrange-
ment ( if the proprio motu, that such security would have
been AS .forded for the tranquillity of his dominions as to
render their occupation by foreign troops unnecessary. As
to tliat point, I can only repeat what I have already
stated, that her Majesty's Government feel that the cessa-
tion of that foreign occupation is an object of European
interest , and which it would be becoming the Government
of this c or miry and the Government of France, if possible,
to accem p lish. Now, wi h regard to the affairs of Naples,
lam son: r to say that the friendly representations of the