The Sun.
London, England, 1860-03-14 00:00:00

that it was a European, and consequently a British interest,
to lay, as the preamble of the treaty of Zurich calls it, " a
large and solid base for the external and internal indepen-
dence of Italy." It was, therefore, for European objects that
we employed the influence of Great Britain, and we em-
ployed it peacefully, with a view of reconciling differences,
with a view of preventing war, with a view of laying the
foundations of peace between the great Powers of Europe.
But, sir, if in consulting at once the interests of Great Bri-
tain and of Europe it should be our fate at the same time to
contribute in any, even the smallest degree, to the permanent
independence of Italy, to the raising up of a people long sunk,
to enable men of the most cultivated intellect and in pos-
session of every gift of knowledge to exercise their minds
without the fear of consequences ; if we should be enabled to
see that country again, which has been for three centuries
sunk and degraded—to see her at length taking rank
amongst the leading Powers of Europe, under the great
abilities and honest heart of a prince of one of the most dis-
tinguished families in Europe, then I say that so far from
being ashamed of contributing to that remit, or shrinking
from any responsibility, I shall, on the contrary, always
take pride to myself for having in any way brought it about.

(Cheers.)
Mr. WHITESIDE disputed the doctrine that the house
could not examine into the conduct of a Government, except
when discussing a vote of censure. There was no such
practise known to the constitution, and therefore they must
not be precluded from discussion. He did not mean to
make any personal attack on the Emperor of the French.
(Hear.) He agreed that it was the business of Ministers
to promote peace, and to avoid intermeddling, and for that
reason he could never understand why our ambassador had
been withdrawn from Naples, but it was a totally different
matter when they cane to a question touching the public
law of Europe. He could not help remarking that the Swiss
statesmen had foreseen this annexation of Savoy from the
first, nor bad ever wavered in their warning ; but in passing
he wished to say one word respecting the three statesmen
on the Treasury benches. The Chancellor of the Exche-
quer was locked up in his budget, the Foreign Secretary
had spoken out, but the Prime Minister had obstinately
held his tongue, or at least had never uttered an intelligible
sentence on this subject. The Swiss believed in a bargain
between France and Sardinia, and they said so from the
first, so that the noble lord had clear notice, and yet the
noble lord made a statement in July, that the French Em-
peror did not contemplate annexing Savoy. He found that
On the 26th September, another distinct statement was
made to the Government on the part of Switzerland, pray-
ing them to remonstrate, or interfere and prevent the an-
nexation of Savoy. Nothing, however, was done by the
noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs at that time.
In December the Swiss minister at Paris once more repre•
seated what had been represented so far back as July, but
nothing followed consequent upon that statement. He
found that on the 22d of December it was stated on the part
of Austria that in the event of this question being mooted
in the Congress she would use her utmost endeavours to
maintain the independence of Switzerland, but no corres-
ponding statement had been made on the part of her Ma-
jesty's ministers. On the 9th of January it appeared the
noble lord informed Captain Harris that the Government
were anxious to do all in their power to secure the inde-
pendence of Switzerland ; but they did nothing. (Hear.)
They did not even submit is the different Powers of Europe
a 'Women* of the communications which had been re-
peatedly addressed to them by the Government of Switzer-
land. The Swiss Minister said that the matter was so serious,
and so materially affected not only the independence but the
very existence of Switzerland, that he trusted her Majesty's
Government would give it their earnest consideration ; but
notwithstanding that moving appeal no consideration was
given it. There were some communications which the
noble lord seemed not to have answered at all. On the 27th
of January Lord Cowley wrote to the effect that he should
be glad to receive instructions as to the language he ought
to use with regard to the question of the annexation of
Savoy and the county of Nice to France, and from that
letter it appeared that up to the 27th of January the
noble lord the Foreign Secretary had given no instructions
on the subject. On the 28th of that month the noble lord,
however, wrote an important despatch, in which he stated
that the question of the annexation of Savoy would be re •
garded as an act of territorial aggrandisement, and the com-
mencement of a now struggle between France and Europe.
This was a very solemn and awful thought which was sug-
gested by the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) The despatch was
a very good one so far as it went ; but the matter was al-
lowed to rest there, and no action was taken by the noble
lord—no general remonstrance was made founded upon the
international law of Europe which might be calculated to
cheek any attempt at territorial aggrandisement. There
lips a despatch contained in the book on the table which
appeared very strange when they compared it with the
language used by the French Emperor. On the 3d of
February Sir J. Hudson, our Minister at Turin, was told by
Count Cavour that the Sardinian Government had not the
slightest intention of selling or ceding Savoy. The Swiss
Minister had stated that from the beginning there was an
arrangement for one party to give up Savoy and Nice for a
consideration, and yet it was denied by Count Cavour that
there was any agreement to that effect. Lord Cowley, how-
ever, wrote to the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs in February, stating that he had had an opportunity
of ascertaining from Count Walewski that he recognised
the accuracy of the report which he (Lord Cowley) had
sent to the Foreign Secretary in July last, but had reminded
him that such declaration was made in view of the strict
accomplishment of the treaty of Zurich, and that if Sardinia
was to be aggrandised by the annexation of the duchies, it
must be at the cost of Savoy and the county of Nice, which
must pass to France. That was very decided language.
(Hear.) He should like to know when it was that Count
Walewski made this communication to Lord Cowley. He
understood that Count Walewski retired from office early
in January, and therefore it must have been made in
December. But with a knowledge of these facts, what
did the noble lord do ? or what did the noble vis-
count, who was so bellicose when he had a small country
in hand, do ? Neither of the noble lords did anything. The
Emperor had said that among the possible arrangements
discussed between the French and Sardinian Governments,
when they found themselves fighting side by side against
Austria, was the cession of Savoy and Nice to France in the
event of certain contingencies arising. Count Cavour and
the Emperor were, therefore, opposed to each other on a
matter of fact, and he (Mr. Whiteside) was inclined to think
it was the Emperor who was accurate. (Hear.) It was
true that the noble lord the Foreign Secretary made four
propositions, but he had no business to make them, for they
were only meddling with matters which we had much better
have left untouched. The whole matter came to this, that
the French Emperor had said very truly the whole aspect
of the question had been changed, and changed by her Ma.
jesty's ministers—that the last of the four propositions led
necessarily up to the annexation of Tuscany to Sardinia, and
that led up to the contingency upon which the Emperor
was to annex Savoy and Nice to France. He found that
the noble lord the Foreign Secretary received a despatch
on the 10th of February from Lord Cowley in which our
ambassador stated he had had an opportunity of seeing the
Emperor peror on the subject of the annexation of Savoy and
to France, and that his Majesty did not deny that,
under certain eventualities, he might think it right to claim
a proper frontier for France, and he 1 elieved the people of
Savoy wished to be annexed to that country. The noble
lord had written in one of his prOpositions that the will of
the people ought to decide as to the annexation of certain
provinces to Sardinia, and the French Emperor did not ob-
ject to that, but contended the same rule should apply with
regard to the annexation of Savoy and Nice to France.
The Emperor had fairly retorted the argument of universal
suffrage on her Majesty's ministers. Up to the present
hour no appeal had been made on behalf of the interna-
tional law of Europe to the parties who, according to the
explanations given by the noble viscount and the noble
lord, ought all to have been consulted before these trea-
ties were subverted or set aside. He thought that this,
was one of the most important questions which had come
before the house for a considerable period, and chiefly be-
cause the noble lord had said that it touched the tranquillity
of Europa. The Government should never object to a right
understanding of the foreign policy of this country, because
it was in vain for them to ask for a reduction of expenditure,
while, according is the statement of the noble lord, the tran-
quillity of Europe was threatened by a policy which they
themselves had encouraged if not even created. He did not
wish to censure the French Emperor. He thought ho was
a very able man ; he thought he wished to revive the tra-
ditions of the First Empire. He was an Emperor without
an empire, and ho would like to furnish himself with one as
easily as possible. (A laugh.) He had great designs ; he
said the people of Savoy would rather live with him than
under the present Government of Savoy ; but he now objected
to universal suffrage, and said the thing might simply be
done by the mayor. (Laughter.) Let him know how the
thing was to be done, and he would march in with a corps
and settle the dispute. (A laugh.) But let them observe
what passed during all this time. On the 24th of Septem-
ber, the Emperor, at his interview with Mr. Cobden, told
him that aggrandisement was the last thing he sought for ;
that the race of men called Tories had prevented him get-
ting English coal, which could only be used in the French
uavY, and that he believed they had some design against
him ; and that he only desired to enter into a treaty of peace
ancicommerce with England. Now, on the same day the
Government were informed by Lord Cowley that two king-
doms were about to be annexed, and the most polite letter
in the world was written back in
reply. He did not blame
those gentlemen who wished to have a great market for
their industry; he only complained that some of our mere
chants did not get all the consideration to which they were
French entitled. The Emperor of the was the ablest man
on the continent of Europe as a sovereign,art andand htea,kp perhaps,
rh a p s ,
said " I will give free trade to one p
end Nice to myself." If anything falling from so humble Savoy
an individual as himself could ever reach the ears of so
great a potentate, he would remind him of that interesting
anecdote related of Napoleon the Great on the last night
f his voyage to St. Helena. There wasa conversation about
a camp library, and the Emperor said he had his camp
library with him. When they were within sight of the rock
which was to be his grave he desired the library to be
brought to him, and that having been done he took out a
book, and, in a clear voice, read the story of a benevolent
fairy. The story was this— A French farmer prayed to this
benevolent spirit to give him what was best suited to his