The Sun.
London, England, 1869-06-11 00:00:00

L..."l:ar; 02 THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Times thinks that public thanks are due to Mr.
Justice Mellor for his recent remarks on reckless driving.
The subject not only concerns people of all degrees, from
the highest to the lowest; but comes home to them
in a fashion which admits of no misapprehension, nor,
we should think, diversity of opinion. One can
understand its being rather hard to get np a general
interest in the law of hypothec, nor is one surprised to
find people differing about the propriety of disestablish-
ment ; but to be driven over in the streets by a cab
or impaled on an omnibus pole seems a fact within
easy reach of the meanest comprehension, while it is one
of the very few matters of pra:tical interest and impor-
tance about which there is absolutely no difference of
opinion. Jew and Gentile, Tory and Radical, patrician
and plebeian, are all agreed as to the unpleasantness of
having a cartwheel driven over the head or stomach, and
all are more or less exposed to it—that is to say, if they
ever go into the streets of London. The drivers charge
cloth or fustian with equal readiness, and, so long as
they can drive over somebody, do not seem in the least
to care sinless, indeed, it comes to a question of
damages—whether they have knocked down a duke
or a dustman, an archbishop's lady or a curate's wife.
Some remedy is certainly wanted for an evil the natural
tendency of which is to grow with the growth of popula-
tion and traffic, and which, as the Registrar• General's
returns shew, has already attained grave dimensions.
The limes has little doubt that, if a few of the " severe
sentences" which Mr. Justice Mellor threatens are in-
flicted, there will be a marked diminution not only in
actual injuries to life and limb, but also in the discomfort
and inconvenience which timid pedestrians now experi-
ence from " the perils of the streets."
The Post says that the disastrous riot at Mold again

raises the question of the employment of soldiers in aid of
the civil power. For some time past the ideas prevalent
upon the subject, and the practice founded on those ideas,
have been anything but satisfactory. At election and
other disturbances the military have frequently been sub-
jected to shameful treatment. The reluctance of magis-
trates to adopt extreme measures and the forbearance of
officers in command of troops have been abused until the
theory obtained that hardly any provocation morally
justified soldiers in using their arms with deadly
effect. Now, nothing can be more unsatisfactory
than this uncertain mode of attempting to maintain
law and order. The overstrained leniency alluded
to not only fails in its object, but positively invites and
fosters lamentable collisions between those who should
never be ranged against each other—the soldiers and the
people of this free country. The civil power should never
call upon the military for assistance save in extreme and
urgent cases. But when once the troops have been so
called, it should be distinctly understood that there is
nothing sham about their appearance. Their arrival
upon a scene of disturbance should be considered
tantamount to a declaration that the limits of
forbearance have been reached, and that resistance
must be discontinued. There should, in fact, be
no doubt respecting the active interference of the
military in quelling disturbances when the broad and
recognised hint of their arrival has not at once been taken.
This would be simple. It would be certain. It would be
efficacious.- There would under this arrangement be no
dallying with danger—no hesitating to obey. The people
would know what to expect, and would act accordingly.
Collisions would be far less frequent, and every one that
did unhappily occur would be a plain and unmistakable
lesson to the whole country, and a lesson that could hardly
fail to produce a lasting impression.
The Staudard believes Mr. Gladstone was not speaking
without ample warrant when he reminded the deputation
which waited upon him the other day respecting the
increase of the Episcopate that the main difficulty in the
way of practical legislation is the want cf a general con-
currence among those interested in the question as to the
principle upon which it should he dealt with. There is no
doubt, however, as to there being a general consensus of
Church opinion in favour of increasing the number of
bishops. Indeed the opposite conclusion involves
the condemnation of the episcopal form of govern-
ment. But if it is right and good that the Church
should be governed by bishops, nothing can be more
mischievous and illogical than to work the system
upon the present scale. With the existing rate of
population and area 01 dioceses, it is impossible
for a bishop to carry out the true theory of episcopal
government. Although the population has quintupled
itself within the last three centuries the Church'has only.
one more bishop than it possessed then. The consequence
is that we find the bishops saddled with an amount of
work which, as they loudly protest, they cannbg possibly
get through. Can a single bishop be expeCted to exercise
an efficient supervision over the spiritual concerns of the
three millions of the diocese of London ? How is Bishop
Wordsworth to take personal cognisance of the affairs of
the 798 parishes spread over an area of two millions and a
quarter acres, which constitute the diocese of Lincoln?
The Bishop of Norwich confesses sadly that if he were to
set about " visiting " his diocese by preaching a sermon
every Sunday in a different church it would take him
twenty years before he could have accomplished his task.
Mr. Gladstone promises that the subject shall have the
immediate attention of the Government, but hints, as his
principal objection, that the creation of suffragans may
have the effect of increasing the number of unemployed
bishops. There would be little fear of this happening,
however, in the Established. Church if the suffragans were
appointed cum jure successionis. The danger is lest over-
worked or disabled bishops should shrink from accepting
an arrangement which might derogate from. their position
and authority as the spiritual chiefs of their respective
dioceses, and possibly, and not unfairly, involve the sur-
render of a certain portion of their incomes—considerations,
however, which must be overruled in the interest of the
Church at large. •

The Daily News declares that such scandals as that of
the Duke of Newcastle have a wide bearing. The favoured
position of the members of our great aristocracy renders
them public men, and their scandals are public scandals.
The Duke of Newcastle is not a private person ; he is a
part of the State. He is one of a few hundreds who have
the power to thwart and obstruct the whole manifestation
in legislation of the will of the country. He is one of
those who are born to the heritage of a world's envy. The
position of such a man is already made for him, and has
occupied the ambition of several lifetimes in the making.
His wealth is almost guaranteed him, and his power
as a legislator is beyond the reach of forfeit.
If the law renders it impossible for a man to
squander the heritage of his family, it imposes
on him still greater obligation to be careful of his
own share of that inalienable heritage, Our younger
aristocracy seem to be in danger of overlooking the motto
—Noblesse oblige. They forget that all claim for excep-
tional privileges is logically destroyed when they cease to
acknowledge ordinary obligations. The chief function of
an aristocracy in the present day is to set a high social
example. Their political authority is passing away.
Their patronage of art, and learning, and literature is no
longer needed. But the essential service they can still
render to society is that of setting the social fashion,
of putting the stamp of their reprobation on the vulgar
vices of the day, and of giving to the social world a
high tone and temper. This service was never
more required than it is at the present day. The evil
habits of the time, its vulgar love of show, its barbaric
pearl and gold, its hot chase of excitement, its pride of
mere possession, are just those incident evils of- material
prosperity which an aristocracy of birth and title can
most effectually rebuke. In such service our aristocracy
may still find their strength. The English multitude is
ready,enough to respect mere wealth, but is much more
ready to honour old lineage and an historic name ; and for
the inheritors of such line ago and name to trail it in the
dirt is not only to do disservice to the nation, but to en-
danger the privileges they abuse.

The Star, in discussing the question of a military
reserve, thinks we have hit upon a means of military
economy far more effectual than any other can possibly
be, because the moral certainty that we shall not go to
war, and the almost certainty that as a disentangled
nation we shall not he made war upon, reduce to a mini-
mum the amount of military force which we are bound to
keep rip. That amount of military force will be dimi-
nished as our non-intervention policy becomes traditional,
and as the few questions upon which we are under treaty
obligations are gradually laid to rest. What is wanted
An these debates when attempts are made to give them a
tone of lamentation and almost panic is, a powerful
irruption of political good sense. It is only necessary
to convince Englishmen that the policy which has
now by the consent of both the great parties been
adopted as the rule of our international relations
will really be adhered to, and they will universally be
persuaded that an exceedingly modest military force will
suffice. Economy, limitation of numbers, the substitution
of reserves for men on service--these things are gene-
rally adopted ; and on Thursday night a young officer, the
son of an important member of the official Liberal party,
began his parliamentary career by an emphatic declara-
tion that the attractiveness of the army must be increased,
not only by minor details of pay and pension and comfort
of living, hut by breaking down the monopoly of purchase.
file prevalence of these id as in general society, their
very limited acknowledgment by the War Department,
and the disfavour in which they are held at the llorse
Guards suggest the need of a definite Liberal military
policy. Is Mr. Cardwell the man to develope it? fie
may depend upon it that it is with expectations of this
kind that his estimates of next year will be awaited.
The Te,' e:'Tap/i, refers to the great loss of life in coat
mines, and says that, like sailors and other men who habi-
tually live in an atmosphere of darer, miners are so
strange7v revliess that no lesson will teach them can-
ti, n. lint there is no reason why we should depend on
the prudence of ignorant workmen. Science and
vigilance can do much more than they have yet
accomplished. - We have sufficient knowledge of the
main facts ; invention is not yet exhausted ; the grand
want is the will to act., the resolve to overcome any remain-
ing difficulties, and see the behests of science and prac-
tical art duly executed. Probably a royal commission
might be issued to inquire into the best means of
giving safety to the miner. The time has also come
for making the system of Government inspection
something far different from the sham which it is at
present. It is a reproach to the intelligence and the
scientific experience of England that she should permit o
thousand of her chil'.in t.,. 1,, -'',4v.:',-1 ,•v, ry year by
a noxious gas which seiciice is i:ble to disarm of Its terrors
The-Little Rhondda 1',1!,,y ii now a scene of bitter
mourning; hut its tear, r+ 1,,! it lamentation will not b. !
unavailing if they teael, !'i,iil:tlid how to seek better seen.
cities fur OA lives of. ;I: e . .t...11:::n. i