The Sun.
London, England, 1860-09-18 00:00:00

one ; and. now it is distinctly denied that the occu-
pation is, or can become of a " political character."
This seems very like throwing the temporal rule of
Rome and its territory, which the King Gf SAR-
DINIA in his memorandum distinctly offers 10 re-

spect, at the feet of VICTOR EMMANUEL. It repre-
sents General GOTON and his men as a kind of body
guard to the POPE, and sentinels over St. Peter's ,
and the Vatican. If the KING should come to
Rome and accept an offer by the Romans of political
supremacy there, why then, provided the French
are there to protect the spiritual supremacy only,
the latter can have no reason for interfering with

he political changes.
There is, as we have remarked, the ambiguous
"uneasiness" about temporal rule in the last clause
of our telegram ; but assuredly the strain of the
whole is to intimate to his Holiness either that his
flight would be a great convenience just now while
the grand political fermenatation was going on, and
that while France censures the counsels of extreme
men, she would not be sorry if, in this case,
they were followed ; or does it mean—that
if the POPE does not this time enact
the footman, and jump up behind a carriage post-
ing off to Gaeta, he must not expect the French to
interfere with VICTOR EMMANUEL'S Generals,or even
with GARIBALDI himself. The latter has, we know,
in a rather warm effusion to the Palermitans, ut-
tered some rather ominous words. Rejecting the
proposal for too early annexation ; regarding it as
an embarrassment to him in the great work of
uniting all Italy, he professes his firm adhesion to
the annexation he has all along virtually pro-
claimed; and declares that the right time will be
come when he can proclaim annexation from the
summit of the Quirinal.
Everthing is now approaching that issue—if—
the French do not obstruct. GARIBALDI'S bat-
talions are coming up to Naples as fast as the
steamers now at his command can bring them.
To them will be added all the patriot part of the
old Neapolitan army. What can the King do
against them ? And can he rely on his soldiers
to fire a shot at them? On the North the King's
General's are capturing town after town ; this
afternoon's telegram adds another, with a garrison
of 600 persons, to the list. LAMORICIERE was at
Ancona with 8,000 men, but the generals are press-
ing hard on him, and this evening we learn that
the fleet under the command of Admiral PERSANO
are in sight of Ancona. The general of mercenaries
cannot therefore long hold out ; indeed it seems not
unlikely that about the same moment GARIBALDI
will have sent the Bourbon off to Spain, and the
KING'S soldiershave made prisoners of all the POPE'S
blood-thirsty and plundering hirelings. Nothing
then will remain between Rome and the victorious
Generals from the south and north but the 10,000
French bayonets at Rome. Easy work they would
be, of course, but that is not the question. Nei-
tiler GARIBALDI nor FANTI think for a MO-
, ment of molesting a single French soldier ;
there is no need to fear that Italians
would think of such imprudence ; and
we really must, on the whole, say ingratitude. For
notwithstanding the occupation of Rome, Italians
must thank French blood shed at Magenta and
Solferino for their present prospects. But Italians
will not quarrel with the French ; and it may•well
-7- be that this last utterance does but obscurely indi-
cate the fact that the temporal rule of the POPE
must take its chance, and that the time may not be
distant when a united Italy will indeed be pro-
claimed from the Quirinal. The sooner the better.
is

Those who would win must work. The " Battle
of the Constitution" in the Registration Courts is
now commencing, and the victory will assuredly
remain with the party which does not shrink from
trouble. Our Conservative friends are doing their
part well. They are availing themselves equally
of the good and evil parts of the present laws to
place their party in our position, and to convert
their minority into a majority. In one sense we
cannot blame them for overlooking no means avail-
able for their purpose ; but when they represent
the Liberals as desirous " to prevent as far as prac-
ticable the introduction of new blood into the con-
stituency," one might suppose that they themselves
were desirous of an extended constituency. So they
are, no doubt, if the extension be of the right kind
for them ; but they are also doing their very best
to lessen the constituency to which we belong, at
least, and we doubt not they are doing the same
elsewhere. Not less, we are told, than 5,000 objec-
tions have they made to Liberal claims already.
Every technical incorrectness, such as a forgotten
change of residence, is laid hold of in the hope, of
course, that the elector, by not attending, may lose
his vote by default.
We should say that such tactics aro too bad, but
that both parties have in different times and places,
according as each has happened to be active, re-
sorted to them. It is the law which is really too
bad. -While it is what it is, unscrupulous partizan-
ship will resort to it ; the other side is compelled to
do the same, and quiet persons are put to gratuitous
trouble for the mere chance of striking off a hostile
vote, though the person has every legal and real
qualification for an elector. Unless an election be
supposed to be at hand, too ratuay will not give
themselves the trouble to protect their vote from
the most groundless objection, and hence it has
often happened that a neglected Register has lost
an election which came on us by surprise. As
things stand, there is nothing for it but for every
Liberal to do his duty. It may be, it is, harassing'
still it would be more provoking should a particular
or a general election arrive, to find that, by a single
day's supineness, any of us had contributed our share
towards giving a seat to our opponents which we
ought to have kept for ourselves.
This registration, like all others, should impress
on the minds of the Liberals two things. The first
is, that we ought to have our registration laws
amended in the sense favourable to protecting the
voter and preserving the constituency. It must
be of far less consequence that one man with too
small a qualification, or a technically im Perfect
one, should get a place on the register than that
hundreds and thousands, who are really qualified,
should be excluded. This latter will be confessed by
all parties to be a serious evil. Yet it will not
be denied that the tendency of the present R 9gifs"
tration laws is rather to lessen the eonstituel
intended by the Reform Bill, tha4to gather it a 11
into the registry. The rate-paying clauses have
been long and justly denounced as a useless nui
sance. It is one thing to acknowledge that an
elector ought to pay his local taxes, and another
to make his vote depend on it. Practically, the
clause keeps off the register mere who ought to be
there than of the contrary character. Then, again,
it has been justly urged that a place on the register
ought to be final. If once a man has attained the
position in life which gives him a vote, why should
he lose that vote ? He may, from many causes, lose
his technical qualification, but the man remains
the same. Sheer misfortune, not affecting his
character or his capacity, may have compelled him
to give up his house, or he may fail in complying
with technical re •
quirements, but the man remains
as much qualified as before
to fulfil the duties of an
Elector. Once a priest, say the ecclesiastics,
always a priest—we should advise Liberals, ai td