The Sun.
London, England, 1860-04-26 00:00:00

DEB .ITE IN THE PRUSSIAN CHAMBER.

The debate in the Prussian Chamber of Repre-
sentatives on the Hesse question was brought to a
conclusion in the sitting of the 21st inst.
On the previous day M. de Vincke brought for-
ward his motion approving the course followed by
the Government:

" M. Duncker, member for Berlin, declared that
the articles of the final act of Vienna, which pro-
mised constitutional government, had been delibe-
rately and systematically violated, and that the
policy of M. Metternich had made the Diet a mere
police institution. Since 1848, he said, when the
legal authority of the Diet was buried withe
hatred and contempt of the whole German people
and with the consent of the Princes, Austria had
incessantly attempted to drug Prussia into compli-
city with her system of politics. It was now to be
seen whether this attempt, which had succeeded
during the unhappy ten years of the Manteuffel
Administration, would equally succeed under that
of Prince Hohenzollern. To give way now would
be to submit to a defeat more shameful than that of
Olmutz in 1850. I shall perhaps be told (he said)
that I am exposing the weakness and divisions of
Germany at a moment when the common enemy is
at the gate. (Great excitement.) Gentlemen, I
do not lose sight of these dangers ; I know what
those words mean—'L'empire c'est la paix.' Europe
has been divided ; thereupon the mask is dropped,
and the theory of natural frontiers has been sub-
stituted for ' ideas.' It is of no importance that
this theory has been taken up in some cases
and repudiated in others. Every document
which come from France is stamped with the same
indifference to the rights of others, the same deter-
mination to take account of no interests but those
of France. Have the European Powers found any-
where the strength necessary to resist this encroach-
ing policy ? Are they taking care to safeguard the
common law of Europe in Switzerland, and to de-
fend the rights which were conferred on that State
for the good of all ? It cannot be said that they are.
Russia has her own internal difficulties, and is think-
ing how she can make good her designs in the East.
Austria is meditating vengeance on the Italian par-
venu, and perhaps also on the German parvenu.
England, formerly so proud—England, which in the
time of the great Prince of Orange could rally Europe
around her—has almost made up her mind to sell
her birthright for that mess of pottage, a treaty of
commerce and navigation. Is it not, then, time for
the monarchy of Frederick the Great to take in
hand the task which formerly devolved on Eng-
land, and to render all ether alliances superfluous
by a close and intimate union with the German
people ? (Loud applause.) This necessary union,
so imperiously demanded by the dangers of the
future, would be bravely compromised by signs of
feebleness in dealing with the Hessian question,
and thus the course pursued by the Government is
one not only of honour but of prudence. To aban-
don it and sacrifice the interests of Germany to a
fallacious agreement with the Governments of
Germany and Austria, would be to augment, and
not to avert, the dangers which hang over us.
(Loud cheers.) M. Duncker went on to say that
he felt sure that the Government would persevere
in the course on which it had entered, and that the
Chambers of Germany would imitate the example
of the Prussian Parliament. He hoped the motion
of M. Vincke would be carried by an- imposing ma-
jority.
" M. Reichensperger (Catholic) exhorted hon.
members to preserve unity in Germany. The eyes
of the man who watches over the pulsations of
Europe were turned upon them, and he would act
when he thought Germany was divided. If Prussia
sowed disunion she would reap a mournful harvest.
" M. Mathis reviewed the history of the Hessian
controversy. He said it was Prussia which Austria
really sought to strike in Hesse. He recollected
Schwarzenberg's words, We must degrade Prussia
in order to destroy her.' Unhappily, in 1850, there
was a Prussian coterie to aid the Austrian Minister
in that work ; but it was not so now. Let us,'
said the speaker, keep a good conscience towards
the German nation, and God will protect Prussia
whatever may happen."

The debate was resumed on the 21st by M. de
Berg (a liberal Catholic, and ex-Member of the
National Assembly of Prussia in 1848). He first
replied to M. de Blankenbourg's attacks in the pre-
vious sitting against the demccrats. He attributed
the defeat of Olmutz to the feudal party. M. de
Blankenbourg now disavowed the policy of 1850,
which humiliated Prussia before victorious Austria.
Passing to the coffin°. of Prussia, M. de Berg re-
minded the chamber that when the King of Prussia
declined the Crown of Germany he said that the
election of the National Assembly of Frankfort gave
him a claim. Now, every right implies duties and
obligations. Prussia has thus assumed the duty
and the obligat ions of defending the rights not only
of the German Princes, but also those of the German
nation, the duty of replacing the National Assem-
bly, of not allowint, faith and hope in German
unity to be despaired of. (Loud applause.) The
late Government failed in that mission, and caused
Prussia to lose the sympathies of the nation. That
fault had now to be remedied.
"We hear (continued the speaker) of the dan-
gers that would arise from a schism in Germany.
I can only see one danger—that is, that Prussia
should not advance with sufficient boldness.
Should Austria be excluded from Germany, it
would be no great evil. • Dangers from abroad
have been spoken of. Gentlemen, dangers increase
in proportion to the fears they inspire. (Applause.)
Confidence, not fear, ought to be inspired. Hope of
victory and contempt for defeat are the sentiments
which make it possible to overcome every obstacle."
M. de Puttkammer did not think the report of
the committee went far enough. He should like to
see the dissolution of the Diet in consequence of the
Hesse question. He concluded by expressing the
-wish that the brave people of Hesse should finally
be delivered from their unhappy position by the
voice and, if necessary, by the sword of Prussia
(Applause.)
M. de Schleinitz (Minister of Foreign Affairs)
made a sarcastic reply to M. de Blankenbourg's
speech of the former sitting. Despite the opposi-
tion of the hon. member, he believed the Govern-
ment was quite strong enough to hold its ground.
The discussion having been declared closed,
M. de Vineke, the proposer of the motion. ad-
dressed the Chamber. He replied to the Poles who
had declared their intention to abstain from voting.
He reminded them that, since the Treaty of
Vienna, the Poles of the Grand-Duchy of Posen
were Prussians, and that, if they took no interest
in Prussian affairs, no interest could lie taken in
them. In reply to the arguments of M. de Reichen-
sperger, M. de Vmeke developed the idea that the
German Diet had no legal existence. It had been
said that it supported the people of Brunswick
against the Duke Charles in 1830. But on that
occasion, when the Brunswickers had already done
themselves justice, had the Diet attempted to de-
fend the Duke it would have had England against
it. It gave proofs of weakness instead of strength.
We may, therefore, should you deem it advisable,
gentlemen, take cone of the Diet. (Laughter.)
The Diet is dead by law recognised by all Go-
vernments. Invited, purposely, by M. de Schmer-
ling, I was present in 1848 at the solemn sitting in
which the Diet decreed its own fate. I, moreover,
remember a note addressed on the 25th of August.
1850, by the actual Minister of Foreign Affairs to
our Envoy at Vienna, and in which it is said that
the Prussian Government has never doubted that
the German Diet has legally and for ever ceased to
exist. Well, gentlemen, that which is dead irre-
trievably cannot be supported. (Laughter.)
Coming to the Hesse question, M. de Vincke did
not think the moment had arrived for Prussia. to

withdraw altogether from the Diet. She would be
forced to do so if the Diet went further—if it showed
an intention to subject Hesse by force of arms. It
would suffice for the present for Prussia to hold her
ground.

M. de Vincke then declaimed against any alliance
with Austria. If, he said, during the last war, Prussia
had been allied to Austria, she would' have made
peace with France by guaranteeing to the Emperor
Napoleon the left bank of the Rhine. We must not
rely upon Austria, who has learnt nothing and
forgotten nothing, and who is bankrupt. We are
asked, what do we then want? We want, gentle-
men, a very simple thing. We want the unity of
Germany, and of the German races under the
hegemony of Prussia and to the exclusion of Aus-
tria ; that is what we want, neither more nor less.
(Loud applause.)
The chief opponents of this unity are the smaller
States, which are too great to wish to be extin-
guished, and too little to- b? able to live. I should
advise no coquetting with those Stites. The Go-
vern tient must look to the nationfoarnslyma.thy,
and it will attain it by a frank and m
Should the Government adopt much a policyY l)o
1 with
ell its consequences we would willingly grat the
estimates for the increase of the army. But it is
not by increasing the army alone, it is by obtaining
the sympathies of the whole nation and of the
that the Government will be able to resist
:France. (Loud applause) On such a path we may
do great things. Let the motto on our flag be
"Prussia's rights," and victory will be our reward.
Af. de Vincke sat down amidst loud applause.

The Chamber then proceeded to vote.
M. de Jteichensperger's motion :
'‘ Cons iiiering the actual political state of Eu-
nil*, the safety of the common country depends
upon the n Ilion of all German States. The Cham-
ber express es the confidence that the Govern-
ment will cifect a reconciliation on the sub-