The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-21 00:00:00

LONDON MONDAY, JANUARY 21, 1856.

The extraordinary exultation with which the
acceptance by Russia of the Austrian Propositions
was received at the Stock Exchange, and the con-
sequent improvement in the quotations, appears
to be, to say the least, premature. Even under
the most favourable circumstances peace is still
far distant, and notwithstanding the rumours
"on Change" at Berlin, we believe that there is
not the slightest chance of the Western Powers
assenting to an armistice until all stipulations
and arrangements are finally and decisively con-
cluded, beyond the possibility of dispute. We
have already had too bitter experience of Russian,
aye, and of Austrian, duplicity and insincerity to
place the slightest reliance on matters to
which they are not firmly and irrevocably bound.
We have seen how readily they " can keep the
word of promise to the ear, but break it to the
hope "—how they can, in the most unblushing
manner, 'wriggle out of their most solemn under-
takings. What dependence then can be reposed
on terms which have merely been accepted as
bases for future negotiations, and when all mat-
ters in which Austria is not personally concerned
are left, we fear studiously, vague and indefinite ?
We have before been duped ; should we again fall
into a similar trap we shall become the laughing-
tock, not merely of Europe, but of Asia and
America. The Snail of Persia has already treated
our representative with contumely. The Yankee
slaveholder chuckles at the disgrace cast on the
Eritishers. We may, however, prove that the
teeth or fangs of the lion have not been extracted
or pared, and that any undue dependence on our
forbearance may be rather a perilous experiment.

But let us adopt Mr. COBDEN'S phraseology,
and ask " What next ? and next ? " If,
unfortunately, we are compelled to treat,
the commencement and the course of negoti-
ations will absorb all attention. Everything
epends upon starting aright. Assuming that
Russia means to negotiate, the first propositions
should test her sincerity ; assuming again that fear
has imparted sincerity to Pacific professions, she
must be required to accept arrangements which
shall bind her to peace when released from fear ;
and assuming finally the necessity of her beimg
thus bound we must prosecute preparations till the
full preliminaries of peace, and not merely these
vague bases are signed, and of course hold our po-
sitions, and earnestly commence a third campaign,
unless peace be concluded before the middle of
Mardi. The first public avowal of the
Allies ought to
be that they will demolish Cron-
stadt and drive Russia out of the Crimea, and
out of Bessarabia too, if possible, before the peace
is ratified. The least appearance of trusting a
Power so unprincipled, which has twice at least
in the present War signally and injuriously de.
eeiyed us, will embolden her to try her old tricks
again.

' Russian territory, but solely as a guarantee for
the freedom of the Danube. Raving been thus
modest and forbearing, they are bound to show
in the outset that they will, with the limitation
they have foolishly put on themselves, omit nothing
else which will tend to the great object of the
war, the restraint, namely, of Russia within her
present limits, and the future security of Europe.
They should, of course, demand that the Con-
ference be held in some unsuspected place to begin
with. London would be best of all, because the
shifty diplomatists would here see what awaited
them and Russia if there was any shuffling. Paris
would be next best. Any other place north of
the Alps we can hardly think of as, suitable for
the assemlkingof a conference on the independence
of the nations of Europe. But, then, who ought
to assemble We answer, the Representatives of
France, England, Turkey, and Sardinia, with
those of Russia. Austria has no proper right
there. She has no way burdened herself, to speak
gently of her, in the cause, and still less has
Prussia earned a locus standi in the negotiations.
Sweden has much more claim to be present.
At least Russia must be required to meet her an
tagonists with no Vienna mediator to preside at
the discussions.

On meeting, or rather beforehand through Aus-
tria, as she has arranged the meeting, Russia
ought to be informed of the conditions the Allies
have to produce "in the interest of Europe."
The Austro-European one, the liberation of the
Danube, is included in the Proposals. But car-
rying out that principle the very least that can
be required is that Russia should instantly redress
every violation of the Treaty of Vienna in 1815.
In that Treaty she had so preponderating a share
that every limitation of her ambition then enforced
must have been required from the flagrant evi-
dence of its necessity. The most outrageous vio-
lation of that Treaty was the incorporation of
Poland. If in 1815, with ALEXANDER, mild in
profession, though dogged enough in purpose, it
was yet deemed necessary, at the very
least, that Poland should be a separate king-
dom, enjoying a representative constitution,
this is surely even more evidently neces-
sary now ; and if Russia does not mean to
compel the Allies, we are sorry to fear against
the will of their rulers, to emancipate Poland by
another campaign, she would do wisely to concede
the demand for a separate and constitutional go-
vernment for her. It may well be hoped, too,
that, personally, ALEXANDER is not such a bloody,
merciless brute as NICHOLAS was, and that he may
sot be altogether disposed to fall back upon the
Treaty of Vienna. Of course, such a step must
affect Cracow, Hungary, and Lombardy—the
first little republic, as it should be, directly—the
others indirectly, and of none the less import-
ance for this.

Bomarsund, in the north, and Nicolaieff in the
south, could not fail to be mentioned, nor does it
seem possible to miss the opportunity of demand-
ing for the brave mountaineers of CircasSia their

natural sea coast, and not merely that the forts

should never be rebuilt. These demands are but
a minimum addition to the specified Proposals.
All the territory south of the Caucasus ought to
be evacuated, if Turkey is to be secure in that
quarter, and if English Indian interests are to bs
at all consulted in repayment of our expenditure;
one of the prominent requisitions also, in mere
common justice, should be that Russia should
indemnify impoverished Turkey for the cost of the

War. It will be eternal infamy to all parties,

if, when Russia with infinitely less reason made
Turkey pay the expenses of the war in 1829,
England and France do not now demand of
Russia a sum amply sufficient to repay
the loan advanced to Turkey, and to replenish
her Exchequer drained by the unprovoked am-
bition of NICHOLAX, but also a full indemnity to
all the Allies for the expenses of the War. We
cannot resuscitate the heroes who have lost their
lives in their country's cause. We cannot give
back the husband and father to the widow and
the orphan, but we may take care that their
blood has not been shed in vain, and that every
shilling extracted from the pockets of French and
English tax-payers shall be recouped by the party
whose wanton and unwarrantable aggression ren-
dered the outlay indispensable.
At least a peace made on the present basis will
be a most unsatisfactory one to this country ;
on that ground alone our Government ought

to obtain the utmost that these conditions
warrant them in vking. If we are committed
thus hr we must insist that the best shall be made

of such a bargain. We on the one hand have

incurred the greater part of the expense requisite
to enforce a better one, while Russia on the
other would not have humbled herself thus far
had she not foreseen that holding out would
almost ruin her. We believe that should peace

he now concluded, a little time will show that as

at the Treaty of Adrianople, she has outwitted
by imposing on our ignorance of her weakness,
and that we might have had ten times more fur

asking. We need, as our plenipotentiary, a
man who knows how to say " no" to a sharper,

and to stick to it. Let the utmost terms be fixed

and intrusted to such a man, and we shall have

either a speedy peace, or a speedy resort to a
better peacemaker than Austria.
We cannot conclude without referring to the
opinion of one who is eminently a man of peace,
not in profesuion merely, but in all truth and sin-

cerity, and who only gives expression to the popu-
lar sentiment when he emphatically declares—
" The general feeling of the middle classes, I
think, is not satisfaction at the prospect of peace.

They think that England has not done what she

ought to have done during this War. They dis-
trust Russia, and think that another year or two
would place us in a much bstter, and Russia hi

Our Government needs not to fear beginning
the business with too manly and decided a tone.
The Allies have already made the worst of all con-
cessions—the one trumpeted with aristocratic zest
by Prince ALBERT'S herald, Lord JOHN' RUSSELL
they have agreed to leave Russian territories,
even to her latest spoliation, untouched. The little
slice of Bessarabia is demanded, not to diminish

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 21, 1856.