The Sun.
London, England, 1856-08-21 00:00:00

13,USSIA.

The Moniteur of yesterday publishes the follow-
ing correspondence from St. Petersburg : _

ST. PETERSBURG, Atm. 13.
" Count de Moray, the French Ambassador, arrived
here, overland, on Tuesday last, with some of the mem-
bers of his embassy, and alighted at the Hotel Woronza
Daechkoff. On Thurday he presented his letters of cre-
dence to the Emperor at the Imperial Palace of Peter-
hof. The following day was the fete-day of her Majesty
the Empress. Count de Morny was invited, with all the
members of his embassy, to spend the two days at
Peterhof, although, according to Russian custom, the
diplomatic corns is not invited to these family festivals.
Altar his reception by the Emperor, the Ambassador
was received by the Empress, to whom he presented
the members of his Legation. Presentations to the
Princes followed. In the evening there was a private
ball at the palace, to which only the intimate friends of
the Imperial family were invited. Count de Moray was
the object of marked attention. Today aid to-morrow
he will receive, as is customary, the visits of the diplo-
matic corps and of the Ministers and high civil and mili-
tary functionaries.
" Lord Granville and Prince Esterhazy present their
letters of credence to-morrow to the Emperor at Pete' hof.
" The Prince de Ligne, the Belgian Ambaisad. r, is
expected on Satui day, as is also Baron de Seebach, the
Saxon Envoy.
" The Diplomatic Corps will leave for Moscow on the
22d. The departure of the Emperor is fixed for the 26th ;
his soletra entry will take place on the 29th ; the coro-
nation will be on the 7th of September ; and the Court
will return to St. Petersburg at the end of the month."

ITALY.
TURIN, AUG. 16.
The following communication, which has been
sent from Naples to the Opiniwie, of Turin, for
publication, has excited general attention here from
the perfect knowledge of his subject displayed by
the author, and the moderation and calmness of his
tone. It appears well worthy of the most extensive
circulation in the interest of those who are denied
a fair hearing in their own country, and whose
enemies are always on the watch to mislead public
opinion in Europe as to the real state of affairs
whenever they have an opportunity. I therefore
forward it to you intact, and without further re-
mark. It is entitled :
" CONDI7ION AND WANTS 01 KINGDOM OP NAPLES.

" There are certain things in the lives of men and na-
tions. which are true, but yet not apparently true ; there-
fore,' whoever speaks the truth of the affairs of Naples
runs the risk of not being believed by those who are
strangers to the political and social condition of the king-
dom. A system of laws, wise and liberal—the best in
Europe, perhaps ; a tranquility almost normal of the
people, in spite of so many elements of disgust and agita-
tion ; an entire security on the part of the Government,
notwithstanding the opposition of Europe and the
menaces of Franoe and England are facts which might
lead the most cautious politicians astray. But those
who live in Naples are aware of all that is hidden under
the veil of deceptive appearances, and of that slow work-
ing of the gangrene of disorganisation corrupting society
and Government.

" The laws certainly are good, but what is a good code
when society is placed beyond the pale of the law ;
when, instead of being the palladium of public security,
it has become, in the hands of an arbitrary power, the
means of committing with impunity every kind of at-
tack on persons and property ; when the laws of the
kingdom of Naples are, like the banquet of Tantalus in
the fable, the means of adding to the sufferings of priva-
tion and the horrors of an arbitrary Government !
" The apparent tranquillity of the people is certainly
not the si,n of satisfaction or of resignation. Half a
century of sad experience has unfortunately associated
the idea of government with that of oppression in the
minds of all ; and the useless attempts and cruel disap-
pointments have undermined the desires of improvement
by vague tendencies, and the fear of worse has now in-
duce 1 a state of apathy and prostration. The people in
general can see improvement, but do not hope for it;
they feel the existence of reason, but they do not believe
in its sway. The permanence of the contradiction be-
tween right and fact, between the prescription of the
laws and the practice of the Administration, could not
but produce its effect on moral and legal habits, hence
want of confidence in men and things, instinct of ille-
gality in the masses and in the Government, but a want
of confidence which rages—illegality that threatens.
" Such circumstances render the position of the king-
dom of Naples very different from the rest of Italy, and
the conditions of its future must be sought for in other
institutions.

" When, in 1847, the movement of reform was initi •
ated in Italy, this difference of political wants was felt
and recognised by all. What reform could be new for
the Neapolitans ? The Freneh had accomplished a
social and political revolution in that part of Italy that
survived untouched the restoration of the Bourbons in
1815. Different from other countries of Italy, the prin•
ciples of the French revolution were maintained sound
and entered into the legislation. That which Piedmont
has had to conquer recently by means of its Parliament
and the loss of its good relations with Rdrne had been
woo, nplished in Naples 50 years aio. In Naples neither
the right of asylum nor exceptional jurisdiction f it ecc'e-
ail- tics was known ; marriage was regulated by civil law,
°definable institutions were secularises', monasteries sup-
preesed, the Code Napoleon had become the law of the
country—in short, all financial, judicial, administrative
reform had been accomplished by the decennial French
Government, and accepted, at least nomirally, by the
Bourbons. It was on this account that the reform
movements of 1847, which expressed the tendency of
progress for all the rest of Italy, could only express ten-
dencies of conservation and guarantees for tie kingdom
of Naples. That which it was elsewhere necessary to
conquer and sanction by right, it wa3 only necessary to
assure in fact at Naples ; the reform existed, the Ad-
ministration only required to conform its practice to it.
"From 1815 to 1847 the Government, impotent to de-
stroy that which public opinion regarded with just pride,
as the best political conquest inherited from the
French domination, applied itself to spoil insensibly
and falsify in the application that system of govern-
ment which it had accepted as the laws of the State.
Absolutisra was introduced throughout the machine
of the Administration ; the Communal institutions were
falsified; the Provincial Councils reduced to a farce ;
the Exchequer turned from its principles ; the Council
of State, which was the indispensable complement of
that system of government, changed into a Consulta,
without attributes and without independence ; the
laws crossed by decrees, the decrees by rescripts, the
rescripts by the Ministry, and the Ministry by the ab-
solutism of the officials, who felt themselves strong
through favour or through intrigue ; exception had
taken the place of the law, and favour the place of
justice. Such was the condition of Naples in 1847.
" While, then, they called for reform in Italy, in
this kingdom the feeling of reforms accomplished and
unobserved suggested a demand for a system of gua-
rantees and cf institutions by means of which the
laws of the country should no longer be merely a word,
but a inte•—should no longer remain a memorial only,
hat become a reality. Never was public opinion more
unanimous or more reasonable. Every one knows
hdw the king understood the solemn and pacific mani-
festation of the public vote, and conceded and swore
to the constitution on the 10th of February; 184$.
The public, might of the Neapolitans was then com-
plete, the previous reforms were assured, the civil insti-
tutions guaranteed by the political, and the execution 61
the lass placed under the guardianship of the general
interests. The only thing left to be done was to put
one'sself with good faith to the work, and interpret the
laws by the practice of life ; but the calamities of the
times and the malice of men interfered. _ _

...
" The criuntry, from the vortex of anarchy, was hurled
into the abyss of despotism, and, crushed gradually in
the coils of a reaction as blind as it is unreasonable, it
has compensated by eight years of-suffering the disorder
and the confidence of a day. The whole of society has
been treated as a conquered country. The Saxons in
England were not worse in the 12th century- And all
without the appearance of right—without a pretext of
fact !

"The theorists of the reaction say that, the Neapoli-
tan people having broken the compact by the insurrec-
tion in 1848 against the King, the latter had the right
to take back what he had conoeied. Error and sophism !
Is it pretended that the King had the right to take
away the constitution, and for that end that he is cora-
pett nt t ) abolish-the laws and the Goverment, and t,)
interdict, as he had done, the entire nation from the
use of the most sacred and indispensable rights 1 On
the other hand, not to do violence to common sense in
speaking of the disorders of 1848, the doings of a hand-
ful of wicked persons should not be contounded with
the great majority of peaceful and honest citizens. Oh 1
the admirable justice, indeed, of punishing a whole
nation for the faults of a few mad or misguidel indivi-
duals.

" But historical truth does full justice to these
sophisms. Precisely when the Kipg had most appear•

once of right to destroy the constitution, then he con-
firmed and guarani?eed it ; no fact afterwards occurred
to authorise the pretended right of repfisttls; It must
not be forgotten that, when the sad colliqion of the 10th
of May, 1848, the culminating point of the anarchy,
placed the authority In the best condition of strength,
the first use the King made of the victory gained was to
assure the nation that he would never withdraw a con-
stitution to which he had solemnly sworn, and from
which might he expected the consolidation of order
and of the monarchy. " The proclamation of the 16th
of May is engraven on the memory of all ; in it the
King recognised that the revolution was the work of
a few, and that public opinion loudly reproved and
condemned it.

" The frankness and moderation of that proclama-
tion gave a new element of life and force to the Go-
vernment. In the name of the constitution the re-
bellion was suppressed in Calabria, the Royal autho-
rity re-established in Sicily, and public crier in all
the provinces of the kingdom ; not only were all
arrears of taxes paid, but even those not due were
anticipated ; never was authority so supported by the
nation.

" What was the consequence of the happy results ?
The institutions were calumniated after their prestige
had been made use of. The nation was punished after
benefiting by its moderation ! The constitution of the
10th of February was thrown aside with the other laws
of the kingdom, and absolutism returned triumphant to
power, showing itself more insolent in fact as it felt itself
less founded in right. The abnormal state which exited
before 1847 was aggravated a thousand times after 1848;
inoffensive opinions and innocent actions were alike per-
secuted. suspicion became the criterion of Government,
confiscation a means of prevention, calumny an instru-
ment of revenge, judicial forms safeconducts from pre-
acrip!,ion, and oaths and t romises broken by the reac-
tion ; the country disorganised as well as the Govern-
ment—no faith in the one, no principle in the other ;
the King removed from the centre and the official direc-
tion of affairs ; Government without a Ministry and
without responsibility ; the directors holding the place
of Ministers without confidence and without authority,
the internal and external policy oppoeed to the moral
and material interests of the nation. That is the true,
though not apparently true, condition of the kingdom of
Naples.

"Such a state of things cannot last long. Every one
perceives that the country is in a stage of crisis and
transition. On the one hand, the Governments of France
and England appear to icterest themselves in the fate of
the kingdom of Naples at least as much as they did in
that of Turkey ; on the other, the people are moved and
agitated between the stimulus of resentment and the
anxiety of hope.
" But what possible solution is there for this compli-
cation ? Where shall we seek the conditions of the fu-
ture and the repose of this important State of Italy ?
" Public opinion and reason are fully agreed ; now, as
in 1847, it is a question of guarantees rather than of
reform. But if the conditions of fact of civil and poli-
tical society in the kingdom of Naples are infinitely
worse since 1847, the conditions of right are nevertheless
immensely improved. The solution which it was then
necessary to await from concession or revolution is now
found altogether in the strictest and purest legality.
"The constitutional law of February 10, 1848, sanc-
tioned and irre?ocably sworn to by the King, bas be-
come the public law of the kingdom, and forms the com-
plement as well as the sanction of all the general system
of laws. If the constitution is not put in execution that
is no proof that it does not exist ; it exists in the condi-
tion of all the other laws of the monarchy, in the condi-
tions of right, not in those of fact. Absolutism, with
the support of power, has usurped the place of all the
laws ; the cessation of absolutism and the executicn of
the laws, that is the word of order of all honest men who
form the great majority of the kingdom of Naples. The
only solution, then, is in the execution of the constitu-
tion of February 10, applying and modifying the princi-
ples in the various organic laws composing it, according
to the necessity of the times and the lessons of experi-
ence ; with it all the laws will become a fact, without it
all promises are false.
"Lord Clarendon said, in the English Upper House, in
the sitting of the 14th of July, that the British Govern-
ment bad recommended to the King of Naples a better
administration of justice, an amnesty, and toleration of
inoffensive opinions ; and yet the answer was anything
but satisfactory. Many other proof were wanting, that
alone would be sufficient to show that the Government
of Naples thinks the actual system of administration
the best, and therefore intends pertinaciously to persist
in it ; and, as that advised by the English Ministry is in
the spirit and in the letter of the law of the kingdom,
the refusal of the Government of Naples to accede to
the counsel betrays on its part an open resolution to re-
main in illegality and continue arbitrary power.
"But, supposing he should be induced to concede
what is asked, what advantage would result to the
country I The King would in appearance concede that
which was already established by law, without by so
doing destroying or curbing arbitrary power. How
could the better administration of justice be otherwise
more assured than by the existing tutelary forms of pub-
lic discussion ? How can the tolerance of opinion be
better protected than it is protected now by the actual
system of the penal laws? Nevertheless, Europe is
aware of what is the administration of justice and the
tolerance of opinion in the kingdom of Naples. Per-
haps it is thought that the repetition of a law adds force
and efficacy to its prescription. Blit who can assure its
execution ? Will France and England constitute them-
selves the champions of legality and good government,
by retaining permanently their fleets in the Bay of
Naples ?
" It must not be forgotten that in the kingdom of the
Two Sicilies people no longer believe in anything,
neither in men, nor things, nor in oaths, nor in laws.
%Vent of confidence has entered into the n,inds of all—
of tutu of all classes and all ages. Fifty years of oppres-
sion arid of undeceiving have caused loss of faith in
justice and virtue. To cure this evil which to the miseries
of civil and political life adds the aridity of scepticism,
para'y,ing every principle of expansion and progress,
the sole and unique means is that of supporting the
Government of the State with institutions that may
supply the want of confidence by the aid of reason.
The people suspect the good faith and loyalty of
the Lsgislature ? Well, let them name it themselves.
They doubt the regularity of the administration I Let
them either directly or indirectly fix the rules. They
cry out against the weight of the taxes ? Let them con-
sent to them and discuss them. In a word, suspicion
is only cured by publicity, doubt by discussion, want of
confidence by reason. The constitutional system is the
only suitable one in such circumstances; for Naples it
is not only a necessity, but happily it is still a legality.
" But is a constitutional system attainable at Naples ?
Certainly there is an obstacle which opposes it not
corning from the country ; on one side, the trial made
in 1848 and 1849 was neither made outright nor in
good faith, since those times were days of anarchy for
one party end perfidy for the other, of passion and
agitation for all; on the other side, the success of such
a s+ stem in Piedmont bears witness how much more
has ly it would take root in tkis is,rt of Italy, which,
is un,re advai.ce i than any other on the road of ex-
perience and of civil progres', and would n.:t find itself
in tl.e serious diffieult:es of foreign and domestic policy
as Piedmont did, and from which she was only saved
by the good faith of the Government being able at
last to overcouie them. . .

"The sole, it must not be unknown, the positive
obstacle to the execution of the constitution in Naples,
exists in regions which, in the normal state of things,
can only be reached by diplomacy, and which the in-
terests of Europe can alone overcome without a re-
¶oiution. If this obstacle should disappear ; if, con-
formably to public necssity, the constitution of the
10th of F,bivary and, by it, all the laws of the
kingdonm arrive at execution, perhaps it may be that
the nation will succeed some day in putting itself in the
path of justice and progress ; but certainly without the
constitutional guanotee there is no hope of eitherjustice
or repose ; the laws will remain a fiction, and the only
future presented to the country is an abyss of despotism
and revolution.

"The great Powers of Europe cannot assuredly he
indifferent to a state of things pregnant with such a
future. A. revolution here might probably cause war
in Italy and complications in Europe, and it is for that
reason that the interests of general peace require that
the empire of the law should be restored in Naples, and
the cbstacles which oppose it boldly removed. This is
how we understand the truth of the grand principle that
Lord Clarendon proclaimed at the Paris Conference—
`There can he no peace without justice'—and which
the diplomacy of the Western Powers may take as a
rule to guard the scarcely sketched edifice of peace. It
is to be hoped that the love of a true and durable peace
will so prevail in the policy of France and England
that they will not hesitate even for a moment before the
scruples of a pretended right—the right of non-interven-
tion—which it' is now sought to make the bulwark of
barbarism and tyranny. The Holy Alliance never was
stopped by such scruples.
"The power of France and England has become in-
contestably preponderant in Europe ; the maritime
power of England renders it especially preponderant in
the kingdom of Naples.
" Now, every Power bears with it responsibility, and
every responsibility the right of action."

AMERICA.
LIVERPOOL, WEDNESDAY.

The Liverpool and Philadelphia screw steam-ship
City of Baltimore has arrived with advices from
Philadelphia to the 7th inst., and 296 passengers.
On the 10th inst., in lat. 42.58 N., long. 60.35 W.,
she spoke the screw steam-ship Kangaroo, hence
for Philadelphia.
The President had communicated to the Senate
a reply to the resolution calling for information re-
lative to the recent affairs in San Francisco, toge-
ther with the correspondence on the subject. A
letter from the Governor of California, asking for
arms, had been referred to the Attorney-General,
but the President had insuperable objections to the
demand. _ .

Mr. Cushing argued that obstruction to the con-
stitutional laws or officitl authority of the United
States had occurred, and that the President was
only to be moved to action when the Legislature
of a State could not be convened, and when immi-
nent or extreme public disaster could only be
averted by such interposition. He said the whole
constitutional powers of California had not been
exerted, and it did not appear that the Governor
had taken any steps to convene the Legislature.
Advices from Baltimore of August 6 state that
flour was steady, wheat quiet, corn selling at 60 to
653 for white, and 63 for yellow.
NEW ORLEANS, AUG. 5.
Sales of cotton to-day 500 bales, prices being on

change. Sugar selling at 81c. Western mixed
corn, 68e. Mess pork, S2O. Lard iu kegs, 1310.
Cotton freights to Liverpool, 7-16 c.

(Thr ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.)
LIVERPOOL, AUG. 21.
_ _

The screw steam-ship Alps has arrived from New
York, with advices to the Bth init. She brings no
specie.
The Royil Mail steam-ship Asia, hence, arrived
at New York on the 7th, and the screw steam-ship
Vigo, from Havre, on the Bth inst.
The Senate had passed the Navy Appropriation
Bill, after striking out the proviso adopted by the
House, that the military force of the country
should not be employed in enforcing the laws of
the Kansas Legislature, and that the President
should adopt means for the pacification of the ter-
ritory.
The House of Representatives had passed the
Navy Appropriation Bill. It provides for an ex-
penditure of $11,000,000 for that branch of the
public service. Among the items is one of $87,000
for continuing the work on Stevens' steam floating
battery, for the protection of New York harbour.
In the money-market the demand was active,
and rates hardening. Stocks were lower, the mar-
ket being active and sellers plentiful. Cotton
steady, but sales limited, without change in prices.
Medium and extra brands of flour were scarce, and
prices firmer, with some sales of fine, wanted for
export, at a slight advance. Wheat declined from
3 to 5 cents per bushel. Pork sold at 20 dollars
for mess, and 18 dolllars 25 cents for prime.
Sugars sold to the extent of about 1,300 hhds.
Cuba at full prices. Coffee was in fair demand.
Freights to Liverpool rather firmer, with engage-
ments of wheat in bulk and ships' bags at 6d. to
64d., and flour at Is. 6d.

The Nord contains a communication from St.
Petersburg which endeavours to justify the occu-
pation of the Isle of Serpents by the Russians. It
is averred that the Turks had still less right than
the Russians to take possession of the island, inas-
much as the latter must belong either to Russia or
to the territory to be ceded to Wallachia, but in
no case could belong to Turkey. The Russian
"Lighthousemen" have been taken to Odessa on
board of an English vessei of war, and the local
authorities there had confined themselves to re-
ceiving them, declaring that the affair must be
made the subject of diplomatic negotiations.

THE PROGRAUME OF THE CORONATION
CEREMONY AT MOSCOW.

OFFICIAL PROGRAMME OF THE EMPEROR'S
ENTRY INTO MOSCOW, AND HIS CORO-
NATION.