The Sun.
London, England, 1869-11-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Times in referring to the official inquiry into the
loss cf the Carnatic, thinks there are probably many who
will be disposed rather to consider the sentence too light
than too heavy when they remember the extraordinary
—we may perhaps safely say the unprecedented—circum-
stances which led to the loss of thirty-one lives, in
addition to that of the steamer. We are ourselves
grateful for any sentence which, whether heavy or
light in proportion to the particular offence, is at
least of a nature forcibly to remind all sea captains
that by wrecking their ships they render them-
selves liable to graver consequences than a reprimand.
That the lesson was sadly wanted we think there can be
no doubt. When the Chambers of Commerce memo-
rialised the Board of Trade upon the notorious and
lamentable increase of casualties at sea, one of the causes
to which they attributed this increase was the carelessness
of commanders. Yet the difficulty of getting a cat eless
commando:. adequately punished, if punished at all, has
long been proverbial. Nor can this difficulty be much
wondered at, however much it be regretted. But, com-
pensation apart, most people shrink from inflicting punish-
molt as punishment upon mere carelessness. It frequently
happens, as happened in the case of the Carnatic, that the
offence carries with it its own most heavy retribution.
Even supposing that Captain Jones was able thoroughly
to persuade himself that the loss of the Carnatic was in no
degree attributable to his own incompetence or neglect,
still, the mere consciousness that she was lost when under
his care would to a man of his established character
occasion suffering scarcely less grave than the formal
censure of a court. The fatal consequences which
actually followed his decision to remain with the ship
will probably prove an effectual warning to future
commanders, under similar circumstances, not to repeat
his policy. It is very desirable that it should be a point
of honour with every captain to be "the last man to leave
the ship," but it is quite another matter to hold that the
last thing to be done is to allow others to leave her. This
age is accused, among other weaknesses, of setting too
much store by human life, but the weakness, if such it
be, is as yet too prevalent to be safely slighted, and it
will probably be long before the finest ship and the
costliest cargo will be generally censidered of greater
value than the lives of her passengers.
The Standard thinks that the retirement of Lord Cairns

'rom the leadership of the Conservative party in the
House of Lords will cause regret to many but surprise to
none. The duties of party leadership are, even in times
of political stagnation, very onerous, and in sessions such
as the last was, and the next promises to be, tho burden
one that only a strong man can bear with impunity. Lord
Cairns's health is unfortunately delicate. Tho
noble lord accepted the post last session, because
it was pressed upon him that his assumption of it was,
under the circumstances, of the utmost importance
to the interests of the party. If he now declines to con
tinue labours which ho deems beyond his strength, the
Conservative party cannot press him to make further
sacrifices. It is impossible, although we may hope to have
Lord Cairns long amongst us, to credit him with greater
oratorical and legislative triumphs than he has achieved,
to allow his resignation to pass without some reference to
his singularly brilliant political career, and some recogni-
tion of the great powers he has devoted to the ser-
vice of the Conservative party. Lord Cairns is
but fifty when he gives up a position which no
man, the sole architect of his own fortunes, ever
before achieved. He is a lawyer who has won the
highest reputation, not merely as an advocate but as a
judge—a lawyer, who before he was fifty had gained the
highest prize in his profession, and taken the highest
place in it by the public verdict, and yet, overwhelmed as
he seemed to be by the immense labours of his profession,
managed to make for himself a parliamentary and politic)
position which no lawyer ever made before. We thank
him for what he has done, and express the earnest hope
that the relief from laborious duties will give him a new
lease of life and strength, and enable him to take regu-
larly the place which will belong to him by the side of the
pr p ig new leader of the party.

The Times, in discussing the position of Ireland, says
that we must go on as we have begun. It was solemnly
declared just twelve months since that Ireland should bo
treated by Englishmen just as Englishmen would have Eng-
land treated by Irishmen; and by this we abide, even though
the state of Ireland were infinitely more dangerous than
it is. We do not, however, say that the com-
pletion of the remedial measures promised by the
Ministry is all that can or should be done. But tho
Government must also remember that they have other
duties to discharge. They are not merely tho Legislative
Committee of Parliament ; they are also executive officers
of the Crown. They have to prepare and propose schemes
of law for amending the relations between different classes
of the people ; but they have also to enforce the laws already
framed for maintaining peace among the people. They

cannot escape either responsibility. It was justly charg6cl

against the late Ministry that, while frankly confessing the
dangerous condition of Ireland, they had nothing to
propose towards improving it, and the Ministry therefore
stood self-condemned, for, while intrusted with the duty
)f initiating legislation, they recoiled from fulfilling it.
'We fear it may be charged with some justice against the
present Administration that they also fail in fulfilling the
second branch of the duties of a Ministry. Their legisla-
tion is good, but that is not all. They have to main-

tain order, to repress crime, to prevent the perpetra-
tion, or at least to detect the perpetrators, of murder.
They have not been able to do this. It is intolerable

that week after week accounts should roach us
)f men shot in the open day by assassins who escape
without any risk of arrest or detection. To suffer this is
is to permit barbarism to submerge civilisation, and, un-
pleasant as may be the expedient, it were better, in the
face of such barbarism, to adopt the means used in semi-
civilised countries to repress crime rather than to let it
flourish unreproved. But, whatever be done, the Ministry
must recognise the fact that they aro called upon to exe-
:;ute laws as well as to devise them, to keep the peace now
no less than to propound safeguards for undisturbed peace
hereafter.

We are charged, says the Herald, with making an unfair
and unreasonable use of -Chia election of a Fenian for an
Irish constituency. The opponents of Mr. Gladstone are
said to have complained—" You have disestablished the
Irish Church, and you have promised to bring forward a
Land Bill, but with all this you have not pacified Ireland."
It is retorted, on behalf of the Government, that we have
no right to expect that the results they contemplate will
ho brought about within a period of three or four months.
We never expected that the policy of Mr. Gladstone
would bring peace and contentment to Ireland. On the
contrary, we have always predicted that it would alienate
the loyal without conciliating the disaffected. But at the
same time we never pretended to argue that the policy is
a failure because it has not completely extinguished
treason and made the people contented and faithful to
their allegiance. The proper answer, the answer
which will dispose of our charge against the
Government and compel us to silence, is to show
that the state of Ireland, if no better, is not in-
finitely worse than it was a year ago, snd that the
election for an important county of a treason felon, over
the head of a supporter of the Government, avowedly on
the ground that he is the symbol of armed rebellion against
the Clown, is not the gravest evidence of widespread
popular disloyalty that we have yet been confronted with.
We shall be curious to see if any such demonstration is
forthcoming; but in the meantime, we repeat, Mr. Glad-
stone's policy stands self confessed a signal and disastrous
failure.

The Daily News considers that the weak point of the
Rev. Mr. Purchas's letter to the Dean of Arches is, that it
proceeds upon considerations which that learned person
has nothing whatever to do with. His case is that St.
James's Chapel, having no ecclesiastical district assigned
to it, either conventionally or by law, is therefore the
Church only of those who voluntarily resort to it;
and he argues that if they are pleased with what they see
and hear there, it is not the business of any one else to
interfere. This is tho Congregational theory, of which
we have heard much amongst a certain class of Churchmen
during the last two or three years. The prosecutors start
from the assumption that every minister of the Church of
England is bound to conform to its laws, which
within certain limits contemplate uniformity of worship.
We need not discuss the question whether Congrega-
tionalism is the policy of the Church of England
members of the Church Association are, as a rule, strong.
The advocates for tho maintenance of a National Church, and
they think that the law is of use in holding its members
together. Others think that the best way to preserve
tho Church as an establishment is to admit of the widest
diversity of opinion within its pale. But while theorists
are thus contending, the two principal sections of the
Church of England are really forming themselves
into two Churches, which must some day go asunder.
I Considering the striking demonstration of the strength of
the Ritualistic movement afforded by the recent Twelve
Days' Mission, what does the Church Association think it
has got in return for the large sums it has spent in eccle-
siastical prosecutions ? It has prosecuted Mr. Mackonochie,
but is St. Albans less Ritualistic than before? Is not the
Ritualistic party in greater force than ever? Surely the
promoters of these prosecutions must begin to suspect that
their money is worse than thrown away.
Tho letegraph, had great sattstaction in announcing that
arrangements had been made by which the office under the
Commander-in-Chief of the Army would be amalgamated
with that under the Secretary of State for War. It is
understood that those arrangements have so far ad-
vanced, that at the opening of the next financial
year the "dual government of the army" will cease
to exist, and the hitherto distinct establish-
ments of the Horse Guards and the War Office
will be brought into close communication, and located in
the same building. It is certain that considerable reduc-
tions must be made in the military estimates •, and every
saving in the administrative must be a gain to the com-
batant branch. The more economy can be effected in the
apenses of the staff, the less need will there be for the
:eduction of battalions or regiments. Public opinion has
so often expressed itself on the necessity of the change,
that the intelligence of its accomplishment will be balled
with LAtonse Aatigaotion.