The Sun.
London, England, 1860-07-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 13, 180.

BRITISH POSSESSIONS.

Closing
Share Railways. Paid.
Frice.
100 Atlantic &St Lawrence all 85 86 (-----tSk
stk
Born.' Baroda&.Cent Ind 100 945 95 95
Gru. 5 psr cent..
18 Do, Do. B 135 15d 4 d
zoi Buffalo and Lake Huron all 41 55d
zoi Do. New
10 Do. Preference .... . all 65 61
100 Buffalo,Brant,&Godric.h 100 75 80
6 p. ct. bds. Aug. 1, 1872
100 Do. do. July 1, 1873 100 70 75
100 Do. do. June 1, 1874 100 68 73
5 Clcutta.&S.Eastn. (Lim\ 1. 30. 4 d I P
20 Cape,Eastn.Prov. (Lim.) 2s.
20 Cape Town & Dock Scrip 3s. 25 11 d
20 Ceylon Guarantd. op. c. 74 11 1 d6t
174 Demerara..
20 Eastn. Bengal gu. sp. c 5 14 1/ d3t
stock East Indian, gu. sp. c. 100 994 1004
100 991
20 Do. F Shares Ext..... 15 4 d par
20 Do. Jubbulpore l5 d par
100 Do. 44 pc. Debentrs all 99 994 .
100 Do. sp. c. Deb., 1864 all 101 1014 101
21 2 /
20 Geelong & Melbourne all 2
sto. Geelong Corporation lOO
per cent. Bonds
stock Grand Trunk of Canada 100 28 284 28
100 Do. 6 per cent. Pref all 91 93 911
100 Do. 6 per ct. Debentr all 53 56 545
100 Do. 7 per cent. 1862
100 Do. do. 1867 all 57 62 54
100 Do. do. 1872 all 55 60 51
took Gt.lndiaPenin.f.Tua.sp.c lOO 97 98 974 1
20 Do. New gua. sp. c 6 1d 4 d -
20 Gt. South.oflndia(Lim) 13 11 lid nil
guaranteed 5 per cent.
201 Gt. W. of Canada Shares all 114 111
20/ Do. New
100 Do. Bonds pay.'76, with all 96 98
opt, till '6O
100 Do. do. '7:l till '6O all 96 98
100 Do. do. '73 without opt all 95 97
100 Do. 54 p. c. do. '77 do all 90 92
stock Madras, guar., 44 p. c lOO 86 88
stock Do. d 0.5 per cent lOO 96 97
stock Do. 4/ p. c. Extension 100 90 92
20 Do. Fourth d. 0.... 10 15 1 d
20 Do. d 0.....
stock Melb.Corp. 6p. c. Inds lOO
Newßrunswick & Canda
20 Ry.&Land(Lim.)g.6pc all 5 7
Class A Capital Share
Do. do. Land do
20 Do. do. B Capital do.
Do. do. Land do.
20 Oude (Limited)
stock Scinde .... ... p 4 100 974 984
20 Do. Punjaub ,9 7 led 11,1
20 Do. Do. ........ 1;1 a all d 19
stock Do. Indus. St. Flo. "a", 100 93/ 944 915
20 St. Andrews & Quebec A 18
10 Trinidad (Lim.) Scrip.. 1 1 1 d
FOREIGN RAILWAYS.
10 Antwerp & Rotterdam all 41 41 44
20 lArdennes— ......... all —p
20 IBali.&S.Fran...Lim.7 p.c. Si 1 id
5 Belgian East. Junction all 1
20 Beziers to Graissessac.. all
6 Carmeaux Mine & Rail all 24 24
100 Copiabo ......&...... all
10 Ditto Extension .... all 25 lid
20 Dutch Rhenish ........ 15 44 424
20 Eastern of France .... all 234 24
20 Grand Rus. guar. 6p. c. 6
20 Do. do. all
20 Great Central of France all
20 Gt. Luxem., Con. shs... all 64 71 7
20 Italian Junction •.. all
20 Lake Constance & Bale. all
20 Lierre & Turnhout .... all
20 Lyons & Geneva .... all
334 Maria Antonia .... • ... all •
10 Do. New .. all
20 Namur & Liege ........ all 8 85
20 Do. 6p. c. Pref......... all 19 194
16 Northern of France all 37 S 8
20 Do. New Shares • ..... 15 p
10 Norwegian Trunk Pref. all 8 85
20 Paris,Lyons, & Mediter. all 344 35/ 355
20
Recife & s
20 Paris&or. Fran.leans. (Peru.)
....... all 53 55
gua. 7p. ct. 1im...... 13 2 lid
20 Riga & Dunaburg...... 14
10 Rome & Frascati .... all
20 Royal Dani5h.......... all 13 15
5 Royal Swedish ........ all
4 Do. 7 per cent. Pref.... all
20 Sambre & Meuse ail 5 51
10 Do. 54 per cent. Pref..... all 8 011
20 San Paulo, lim, a. 7p. c. 2 4d 11
20 S. Aust.&Lomb Venetin 12 pr IP 12
20 Southern of France.... all 124 20/
81 West Flanders
10 Do. 5/ p. c. Preference.. all 95 91
20 W. & N.W. of France .. all 22 23
23 Western of Austria.... 6
20 Western of Switzerland all --
6 Wiesbaden
6 Do. 8 per cent. Pref all
20 Zealand

MPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAYI
THE JEWS ACT AMENDMENT BILL.
Upon the order of the day being; read for the committal
of this bill,
Lord LYNDHURST said that when the bill first came
up from the other House of Parliament it was not his in-
tention to have taken charge of it, The amendment which
he was about to propose having been inserted, he had con-
sented to take charge of the bill. Of course their lordships'
intention had been that a resolution of the House of Com-
mons should have the force of a standing order ; but the
Speaker was of opinion, on the contrary, that it must be
renewed every session, as a resolution founded on an act of
Parliament could not be controverted into a standing order.
The object of this bill was to avoid the inconvenience of
renewing the act every session. He would, with their lord-
ships' permission, read the bill, which consisted of only four
or five lines, as it would stand with the amendment in..
serted. It was to the effect that, " Whenever the House of
Commons shall order than any resolution framed pursuant
to said act shall have the force of a standing order, any
member professing the Jewish religion may thenceforth be
sworn in pursuance of the standing order, se long as the
same shall continue in force." The effect of the bill was,
therefore, nothing more than to enable the House of Com-
mons to convert a resolution into a standing order, se as to
prevent the necessity of passing the resolution at the com-
mencement of every session.

The bill then went through committee with the amend-
ment, and was ordered to be reported on Monday next.

THE NAVAL DISCIPLINE BILL.
This bill was committed pro forma, to be recommitted on
➢ionday next.

INDEMNITY BILL.
This bill was read a third time.
LOCAL TAXATION RETURNS BILL.
After an observation from Lord DUCIE this bill was read
a second time.

RAILWAY CHEAP TRAINS BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
THE ANSTRUTHER UNION HARBOUR BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
THE UNIVERSITIES AND COLLEGE ESTATES

+---
BILL.
This bill passed throngh committee and was reported to
the house.

THE LAW AND EQUITY BILL.
The bill was read a third time and passed.
_

THE PIICENIX-PARk BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
TENISON'S CHARITY BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT SUPPLEMENTAL
BILL.

This bill passed through committee.
HARBOUR OF REFUGE AT HOLYHEAD.

The Earl of MAYO then moved for a select committee to
inquire into the state and efficiency or otherwise of the new
refuge harbour at Holyhead, and the cause or causes of the
number of wrecks that occurred there during the last year .
Also to inquire into the plan as now sanctioned by the Ad-
miralty for the construction of a packet harbour for the
accommodation of the large class of steamers about to be
employed for the Irish mail service.
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YESTERDAY.)
THE GALWAY CONTRACT.
Mr. CORRY asked the Secretary to the Treasury whe-
ther the assignment of the Galway contract had been pur-
chased by the Montreal and Ocean Steam Packet Company
if so, on what terms the purchase had been effected, and
what modifications of the conditions of the contract had
been sanctioned by the Government.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—In reply
to the right hon. gentleman's question he would, in the
fret instance, take notice of a question which the hon.
member for Liverpool (Mr. Horsfall) had put upon the
paper, and in doing so it would not be necessary, as the hon.
gientlernan would see, to enter into many details on the sub-
ject. It was true that an arrangement was made between
the Montreal and Ocean Steam Packet Company on the
one side, and the Galway Packet Company on the other, for
the assignment of the Government contract to the former
company; but that arrangement was of necessity subject to
the consent of the Government. An application was
accordingly made two or three days ago to the Go-
vernment for that consent, the copy of the assignment
being at the same time placed in their hands. At the same
time an intimation was made to the Government that the
answer must be immediate, as the matter would not bear
time for consideration. Under these circumstances the Go-
vernment really were precluded from fully considering the
question on its merits, and had no hesitation therefore in
replying, without at all intimating what would have been
the result if full time had been given for consideration, that
they would not sanction the assignment. (Hear.) Certain
gentlemen who held office in Canada, and had given the Go-
vernment to understand that the question was then press-
ing, were to have quitted England on the previous evening,
and the answer given by the Government was considered by
them a definite reply. That day, however, indeed within the
last few minutes he had learned that ono of those gentlemen
had not quitted England, viz., Mr. Smith, the Postmaster-
General of Canada; and he had just sent in a letter, re*
questing that a more full consideration might be given to
the subject. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had
had no opportunity of communicating with his colleagues
since, and all he could do therefore was to mention the fact
that such a letter had been received. With regard to the
other portion of the question, he need hardly say that the
advertisement quoted, which intimated that the Govern-
ment contract had been transferred to the Montreal and
Oeean Steam Packet Company, was incorrect, such transfer
not having been sanctioned or authorised by her Majesty's
Government, and the advertisement must therefore be un-
derstood as only intended to convey that an arrangement
had been made between the parties so far as they were in a
position to do so. As to the pledge given to Mr. Inman,
that no transfer should take place without allowing him to
show cause against such transference, it was true that such
a pledge had been "given, which the Government would
take care should be adhered to. (Hear.)
In reply to Mr. BAXTER,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER added
that with regard to the four new steamers which were to
have been provided, and on the faith of which provision the
subsidy was promised, they could not have been placed
upon the station if the transfer took place, but other steam-
ers would have been provided by the Canada Company,
which of course would have been subject to inspection and
approval. The Government had no official knowledge of
the conditions under which the Canada Company under-
took the service, but the sum for which the contract had
been sold was stated in the assignment, viz., £35,000 a year
for the seven years. (Hear, hear.)
STEAM COAL.
Mr. RIDLEY asked the Secretary to the Admiralty
whether any reports had been received of the experiments
ordered to be made by the Admiralty, at Woolwich or other
dockyards, on the mixture of Welsh and north country
steam coal for the use of the Royal Navy, and if so whether
he would lay such reports upon the table of the house,
Lord C. PAGET replied in the affirmative, and added
that the reports would be laid upon the table.
MALT DUTY CREDIT.
Mr. HODGKINSON asked the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer when he proposed to bring in the bill to shorten the
term of credit for malt duty ; whether he intended to pro-
vide by such bill that a discount on the duty should be
allowed, as on.the last occasion of reducing the term of
credit ; and whether he proposed by such bill, or by any
other bill, to modify any of the existing excise restrictions
under which the malt trade were now obliged to conduct
their business.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER replied
that it was intended to proceed with the proposal long since
announced to the house respecting the shortening the time
of credit for the payment of malt duty ; but as the question
iven way to other more press-
ingdid not greatly proge it had
business. The Government, however, would endea-
vour to proceed with it on as early a day as was compatible
with the claims of other measures. His hon. friend was
aware that there was another proposal which would have
been brought forward earlier in the session, but had been
poitponed once or twice in deference to the wishes of gen-
tlemen who took an interest in the question, viz., for the
remission of the duty that still existed on the import of
foreign malt, and supposing that proposition to be adopted,
it would be the duty of the Government to submit a legisla-
tive measure to give effect to it. With regard to the main
point of his hon. friend's question, he had to state that it
was not intended to propose that there should be any dis-
count on the duty. A discount was allowed last year en the
ground that no notice had been given to the parties of the in-
tention to shorten the annual credit, but as full notice had
been given in the present instance no such proposal would
be made. With reference to the restrictions under which
the malt trade had to conduct its business, what he believed
his hon. friend referred to was, the allowance of drawback
on duty-paid malt. (Hear, hear.) Upon that point he had
to say that in the event of its being determined to authorise
the import of foreign malt, such an allowance would be
made, and a clause would be introduced into the bill for
that purpose.
NATIONAL DEFENCE REPORT.
Mr. S. HERBERT, in reply to Mr. Hankey, stated that
2,500 copies of the report of the committee had been printed,
and 500 had been distributed.
THE PAPER DUTY.
Mr. CR AUFURD asked the Chancellor of the Exche-
querwhetherdeliN.ered theb definition
" paper" given in the judg-
ment ythfieCtin of
Court of Exchequer on the 20th of
April, 1859, in the case of the Attorney-General v. Barry,
mentioned in the third report of the Commissioners of In-
laud Revenue, was to be taken as the present definition of
i
inten-
tion
o fthe taxable articleG ev ern
m "paperen t o ; and whether it was the
e x
tend
The CHANCEL
vey to all articles falling
t uonfdtehrethEatthe
xd exc
oefinnEi se duty and sur-
tQioUn.Eß was not R
aware that anything had occurred to alter the present state
of the law so far as it depended upon the construction given
by the courts with respect to the difficult question of what
constituted the taxable article of paper. With regard to
the question whether Government intended to extend the
survey and excise duty to all articles falling within the de-

finition of paper, the matter had been referred to the Board
of Inland Revenue, and he was not able to give any definite
reply at present. _

INDIAN FINANCE.

Mr. VANSITTART asked the Secretary of State for
India when he proposed to make the annual financial state-
ment relating to India ; and whether it was his intention
to proceed this session with the bill to provide for the trans-
fer and management of East India Stock at and by the
Bank of England, and for the application of unclaimed
dividends on the said stock.

Sir C. WOOD--It is my intention to make a statement
on the subject of the finances of India, but in the present
state of public business it is impossible to say when. It is
my intention to proceed with the bill for the transfer of the
management of East India Stock.

LAWS OF JERSEY COMMISSION.
In reply to Mr. HADFIELD,

Sir G. C. LEWIS said the report of the commissioners
appointed to inquire into the laws of Jersey was made on
the 26th June, and would. be laid on the table as speedily
as possible.

POST-OFFICE REPORT.
Sir G. BOWYER asked the Secrbtary to the Treasury
when a Postmaster-General would be appointed, and when
the report on the Post-office would be laid upon the table ?

Lord PALMERSTON said that the duties of the Post-
master-General were at present performed by the noble duke
who held the office of Privy Seal. That arrangement had
been made in the uncertainty whether Lord Elgin would
proceed to China or whether upon his arrival at Ceylon he
would find that his services would notte required, and that
he might return. Unfortunately the Chinese question was
not settled, and it would be the duty of the Government to
fill up the appointment permanently.
DISQUALIFID CANDIDATES BILL.
Mr. GRTFFIFH asked the hon. member for Youghal
whether as Government had given up the Corrupt Prac-
tices Bill he would proceed with th 3 Disqual fled Candi-
dates Bill this session ?
Mr. BUTT said when the order of the day was read be
would state his reason for proceeding with the bill, and he
did not despair of obtaining the hon. member's valuable
assistance in passing it.
THE DISTURBANCES IN SYRIA.
Sir C. NAPIER, who had a notice on the paper to ask
several questions respecting the disturbances in Syria, said
he would, for the purpose of putting himself in order, move
that the house do now adjourn. This was not the first
time, he observed, that outrages had occurred in Syria of a
character similar to those which had recently taken place
there. He asked the noble lord the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs whether any steps were likely to be taken for the
protection of our countrymen there. He was afraid that
sending a squadron to the coast would not have much effect
in restoring order in the interior. In 1840 the Christians
were attacked by the Druses, and the Turks encouraged
them, and he was afraid that the Turks encouraged the dis-
turbances which had recently taken plan there.
Sir J. FERGUSSON said he had given notice that even-
ing of his intention to ask a question on this subject, but as
it had been brought forward he would ask the question now.
The house would have seen with great regret and pain the
accounts in the newspapers of the shocking events which
had recently taken place in Syria, and his object in rising
now, when their information was so imperfect, was to beg
the house to suspend its judgment till they had more accu-
rate information, for he believed great injustice would be
done, and perhaps permanent evil inflicted on a portion of
the inhabitants of the country, if the house ran away with
the idea that one party alone was to blame. He begged to
offer these observations, because it was with great pleasure
that two years since he spent some time with some of these
very Druses who were said to have taken part in these distur-
bances. He thought the house would commit a great mistake
if they believed that these disturbances had a religious ori-
gin; he believed that in fact religion had very little to do with
them. It was well known that these two races, the Druses
and the Maronites, divided the district between them. There
were some smaller tribes, but these two were the dominant
races. There had always been a deep-seated hostility be-
tween them, and it must be remembered—and while he was
there about two years ago it was well known there—that
efforts were being made by French and Russian agents
to promote disturbances in the mountain. In fact, he be-
came, from living among these people for a short time, so
sensible of the imminent danger with which they were
threatened that he made a communication to the noble lord
who was then Secretary for Foreign Affairs on the subject,
and he was sure that the Government must have received
information from the intelligent gentleman who was our
consul-general at Beyrout, that groat injustice would be
done to these people if they were left to the tender mercies
of the Turks. These were a flourishing people. Every
traveller was struck with the miserable appearance of the
'Turkish villages ; but when he arrived at Lebanon, he
found the greatest prosperity, and the evidence of wealth
among the inhabitants, and on inquiry he found that the
reason was that the Turks had no immediate authority, but
that the people were self-governed. Now, if Turkish pachas
were sent down there, under the pretence of establishing
tranquillity, they would enrich themselves at the expense of
the inhabitants ; they would establish tranquillity, but at
the expense of desolation. Another danger was imminent,
and that was that the French might take the opportunity of
establishing a position in the East, and he had seen with
great satisfaction:statements in the papers, and the Govern-
ment might have received similar information, that the
French Government would not interfere beyond protecting
the interests of the French subjects. But could we depend
on such assurances ? Had we not received similar assur-
ances with regard to countries nearer home, and had we
not reason to believe that these disturbances had been ac-
tually fomented by French agents to promote Frence in-
fluence ? This was an important question involving mat-
ters of such interest that he trusted the house would pardon
him for calling attention to it He believed that it involved
interests of vast magnitude.
Mr. D. GRIFFITH said, from a personal acquaintance
with those regions, he could corroborate what had been
said by the hon. baronet. He thought her Majesty's Go-
vernment should proceed with great caution.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he quite agreed with the hon.
baronet that we should be very cautious in imputing blame;
to one of these parties more than the other. The Druses
and the Maronite Christians had, it was well known, been
long divided by sentiments of deep-seated hostility, which
from time to time broke out into war and contention. Un-
fortunately, an occasion of this kind had happened lately.
With regard to the immediate cause, one party laid the
blame upon the other, and the other replied that they were
attacked first ; but whatever might be the causes, and
whatever the measures which it was desirable to adopt, he
thought the house would have no hesitation in coming to
the conclusion that the European powers were bound to do
their utmost to put a stop to the massacres. (Hear.) The
Government were informed first that one village and then
another was attacked, and great slaughter ensued ; and the
British consul informed them that he believed not less than
20,000 persons were wandering about the mountains, in the
greatest distress. The hon. and gallant officer said that
our sending ships to the seacoast would not save those who
were in the mountains. Undoubtedly that was true; but
when the Turks were reproached with regard to the appa-
rent indifference they had shown, and the little impression
they had made, there was this to be said, that during the
winter there had been reports very current, indeed, that in
Bosnia, Servia, and Bulgaria there would bo a rising in the
course of the spring, and the Porte naturally caused troops
to be sent there ; and he was informed by the Turkish am-
bassador here that there were 400 of the regular troops in
Syria at the time of this outbreak. Of course it was not to
be expected that 15,000 or 20,000 armed men could be put
down by so small a number of regular troops, but still he
was afraid the statement was not without foundation, that
the Turks showed very little desire indeed to put down
these disturbances. Well, it appeared to her Majesty's
Government that it was desirable to order ships of war to
the coast, not only for the protection of British subjects on
the coast, but that the pachas sent there should have the
means of sending troops into the interior and to the relief
of Damascus, where there were great apprehensions of an
attack by the Druses. When representations were made at
Constantinople to send forces to put an end to these
massacres in the mountains, the Turkish Government said
it was necessary to keep all the troops on the coast to pre-
vent disturbances there. Therefore it would be a great sup-
port to the Turkish authorities in preventing the attack on
Damascus if they were enabled by the presence of foreign
ships of war to be quite at ease with regard to Sidon, Bey-
rout, and other places, and thus armed forces might be
transported to the interior. To show the effect which might
be produced by a very small force, he might state that an
English gentleman, who was cruising near Tyre, had a
message sent to him that an attack on the place was ex-
pected, and he was requested to place his guns in position.
He said his guns were of small calibre. However, it turned
out that he did approach the harbour, and he placed his
small guns in a position to oommand the entrance to the
town, and it afterwards appeared that there were two spies
of the Druses in the town, and they went to the camp of
the Druses and said an English ship of war was on the
coast to prevent an attack on the town. The result was
the place was saved. With regard to the greater subject to
which the hon. baronet had adverted, it was a subject of
large extent, and he could not enter into it now. He did
not believe that those jealousies and those wishes to obtain
influence which certainly had actuated European powers in
former days would be so detrimental as to prevent a settle-
ment of this question. He quite agreed that the Turks
ought not to be allowed to extend their power, which was
used not so much to establish order as to establish rapacity,
corruption, and venality. He thought that power should
not be extended among these people, but that efforts should
be made to secure that these very hostile tribes should live
in peace.
ln
wishedtere
wasto call aal lgtehnetleattention
s3rof
ho
g ph o
tk, e i
fthhee
theva itnr.
00.
fblhe GREGORYe
lro lord
Majesty,
thestjoe ty saidf
a fact
whot
b
ethath
was extremely well known in
Syria,
actiovnesu(r
Itve
oaobdi)l,itwyh,
oa,nhde
thouswere sent there might be able to exert great influence over
ly:t: a a g
e man
li k ao f
n
the minds of the sheiks, and he would be able to give her
Majesty's Government most desirable information. When
he was consul at Damascus he exercised an influence which
Europeans had seldom attained.
Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said he believed the Turks were
bound by treaty executed in 1816 not to enter the country,

and he thought it was hard to blame them under such cir-
cumstances.
Lord PALMERSTON said the hon. baronet was mis-
taken. There was no authority to exclude the Turks from
Lebanon in the same manner as from the Principalities.
But there was an arrangement some years ago by which no
Turkish administrative authority was to be established in
Lebanon, but the people were left to govern themselves.
For a long time endeavours were made by the Turks to get
off their engagement, but they were held to it, and that
arrangement was still in existence, but it did not exclude
them from appointing a pacha to represent their authority.
The motion that the house be adjourned was then put and
negatived.

THE NELSON MONUMENT.
On the motion that the house go into committee of
supply,
AdmiralWALCOT called attention to the non-completion
of the Nelson monument in Trafalgar-square. He alluded
to the great services of Nelson, and to the policy of erecting
statues of persons who had so distinguished themselves.
He asked what department of Government it was that had
the charge of this monument, and which had so grossly
neglected its duty in not getting it completed.
Mr. COWPER. said the incomplete state of the Nelson
column was not to be attributed to any want of veneration
for the character of Lord Nels n, or for the profession
of which the gallant admiral was an ornament. On the con-
trary, it had arisen from a desire that the lions which were
to adorn the base of that column should be worthy of the
position in which they would be placed, and should be
worthy, likewise, to represent the British lion. (Laughter.)
He believed that an artist had now been selected, in the
person of Sir E. Landseer, who, from his well-known ac-
quaintance with animals in general—(a laugh) —and his
equally well-known patriotic feelings, might be safely
trusted to exert himself for the purpose of producing a
worthy effigy of the national quadruped. (Cheers.)

SICILY.
Sir R. PEEL rose to move for an address for copies or
extracts of papers relating to the threatened annexation of
Sicily to Piedmont, and to any information received by her
Majesty's Government as to the probable demands of France
consequent upon the event of that annexation taking place ;
also for any papers showing that her Majesty's Government
have within the last. few weeks intimated to the Government
of Turin that the cantinued aggressive policy of that Govern •
ment would not be viewed with indifference by Great Britain.
The hon. baronet trusted that the house would not think
there was anything inopportune in calling attention on the
present occasion to the threatened annexation of Sicily, and
the probable demands of France. He also hoped that they
would agree with him in his wish that her Majesty's Go-
vernment might have intimated to the court of Turin its
apprehensions with regard to its aggressive attempts. He
was bound in all fairness to say that the words he had just
read were literally taken from an inquiry which was made
in 1848 by Lord Aberdeen with reference to the affairs of
Sardinia; but he thought that that inquiry was ten times
more applicable to the present situation. In drawing at-
tention to the threatened annexation of Sicily, and to the
probable demands of France, be (the hon. baronet) consi-
dered that it was impossible not to pause and cast a glance
over the progress of events which were occurring on the
sunny shores of the Mediterranean ; for they were events
not only calculated in themselves to excite the deepest in-
terest, but they were likely to give rise to the gravest com-
plications in the status of European affairs, as well as deeply
to concern the commercial and political interests of this
country. They concerned our commercial interests, be-
cause as we could not withdraw from all commercial inter-
course with the continent, we could not remain indifferent
spectators of the fate of European nations ; and what was
occurring was of infinitely more importance from a mari-
time and political point of view than questions which had
been the subject of so much discussion within the last few
weeks, such as the cession of Nice, the sale of the Savoy-
ards, and the outrage upon the neutrality and independence
of Switzerland. (Hear, hear.) For what was the Medi-
terranean ? It was, as it had always been, the great high-
way of the trade and traffic of Europe. Dr. Johnson had
well said that the Mediterranean ought to be the aim of
every one. Upon its shores the greatest empires—Assyria,
Persia, Greece, Rome, Carthage—had risen; and from its
shores we had received all our religion, almost all our laws,
almost all our arts, and almost everything that raised us
above the savage and the slave. (Cheers.) But if the
Mediterranean had always been of such importance to us,
what was it now f He believed that the maintenance of
our commercial and political interests upon it was at this
moment an object of scarcely less moment to us than the
maintenance of our maritime supremacy in St. George's
Channel and the Irish Sea. (Hear, hear.) And this
was no new opinion ; but it was common to almost every
statesman of modern times. In 1810, when a discussion
took place as to the granting a subsidy to Sicily, the
Chancellor of the Exchequer (then Mr. Percoval) made
use of words which he would take leave to read,
for they were much more strongly applicable at the pre-
sent moment than they were even at the time they were
uttered. The right hon. gentleman said, " that his govern-
ment and every ether government of this country, that men
in fact of all parties had always held that our connection
with Sicily was of great value to us in a political point of
view as well as regarded our commercial interests in Malta
and the Mediterranean." (Hear, hear.) And then the right
hon. gentleman went on to say that " there was no differ-
ence of opinion as to the importance of preserving the in-
dependence of Sicily from the grasp of Bonaparte." (Hear.)
Now did we not know from the experience of the last few
months that Sardinia was nothing but a tool in the hands
of the Emperor of the French—(hear)—and that by oppos-
ing by every means in our power the influence which
France was seeking to gain, both,in that portion of Sicily
to which the hon. baronet opposite had alluded as well as in
Sicily, we should be doing great good to the political in-
fluence which we were entitled to exercise in that part of
the world ? (Hear, hear.) He (Sir R. Peel) wished the noble
lord, therefore, to give a frank exposition of the policy
which he was prepared to pursue. He did not want to be
told hereafter that he was too late—that the thing was done
and that the annexation had taken place, as they were told
with regard to Nice and the poor Savoyarch. (Hear, hear.)
He wished to warn the noble lord not to be too late ; and to
take care not to be able hereafter to say that he had been de-
ceived by Lord Cowley, outwitted by M. Thouvenel and
Count Cavour, or duped by thefranchise and cordiality of
the Emperor of the French. (Cheers.) The noble lord told
him the other day not to pay any attention to newspapers,
but only to listen to whet ho (Lord J. Russell) said, and
then he would know the truth. (Laughter.) Well, that was
exactly what he wanted to know. (Hear, hear.) He did
not think the noble lord could accuse the opposition, or any
hon. gentleman that took an interest in foreign affairs, with
being over anxious for the discussion. Things in Europe
at this moment were of infinitely greater importance than
the ordinary run of parliamentary business. For what was
the state of Europe ? There was no fusion or cohesion in
Italy; and he had letters from the banks of the Rhino and
from the towns in the Prussian provinces of that river,
which assured him that there was a general feeling of
mistrust and apprehension—in fact, they were all in fear of
a common enemy. In Germany there was an attempt which,
he hoped would one day be effected, also as against
a common enemy. In Switzerland there were 176,000
brave fellows ready to rally round the standard of their
country, should it be raised for the protection and vindica-
tion of their rights and interests. Take even this country.
At present we were arming for nothing but the unsettled
state of foreign affairs. We were contributing more this
year for our maritime defences than we had done for fifty
years previously There was a talk of fortifying not only
our ports, but our metropolis ; and we had even called out
the volunteers. We had thus called into activity a force
which had not been employed for half a century. He had
the more pleasure in referring to this subject on the present
occasion, because some observations which he had made
some time since had given offence. He was glad, therefore,
to take this opportunity of bearing his most willing tribute
of admiration to the zeal, the discipline, and the efficiency
which characterised that magnificent display—for he could
call it nothing else—which our Sovereign had lately in-
augurated in Hyde-park. (Loud cheers.) He hoped, please
God, that their services would never be required ; but if
they were, he firmly believed that they would not be un-
worthy to defend the interests and the institutions of this
country. (Cheers.) Considering all that was going on,
he thought the noble lord had no right to complain of
his now asking for some expression of opinion upon passing
events. They were of infinitely greater importance than the
events of 1848. He recollected the visit of Lord Minto en
route to Italy. He should always have an agreeable souve•
nir of the kindness with which the noble lord had received
him on that occasion ; but from a political point of view the
noble lord's mission was nothing but a revolutionary fiasco.
(Hear.) The noble lord went to Rome ;he coquetted with
the Italian patriots; he visited Ciceroacchio; he compli-
mented Pio Nono, and he almost patted Ferdinand 11. on
the back ; but he deceived the Sicilian patriots, and com-
promised the British Government. (Hear, hear.) Those
occurrences formed the subject of no fewer than 15 sepa-
rate debates ; but though what was now going on was of ten
times greater importance, it has scarcely as yet been dis-
cussed. In 1848 the present Prime Minister was Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, and the noble viscount • did not com-
plain of being called upon to address the house for the al-
most incredible number of more than a hundred times. He
(the hon. baronet) considered, therefore, that on the pre-
sent occasion the house had shown the greatest possible
forbearance, and they had a right now to call upon the
noble lord (Lord J. Russell) to state his views. As to the
noble lord's spirit and capacity when he pleased—( a laugh)
—there could be no doubt. He (the hen. baronet) had just
been reading the despatches that, had been laid on the table,
and he honoured the noble lord for them. (Cheers.) He ,
took a pride in saying that those despatches were worotfhytho:
an English Minister ; and as an English
House of Commons he begged to thank the noble lord M the
°bh:d defended
name of Switzerland for the way in wheel;
the interests of that republic. If the rhbiolebleord would only
(the hon. bare-
go in the same course, he wouldhfi. ndorlioy
as any gentleman
net) as generous a supporter ofihiers
onP this occasion to glance
in that house. It was onlyposhse
ores of the Mediterranean,
at the progress of events on t
Garibaldi, and his succese,if th
and to allude to the achievements of Garibaldi. Universal'
s at Manchester, Glasgow, andey
sympathyhsd accompantiined
might judge from reee
in this country.
Ills progress and success had shown what
other places, had elicited ggreat admiration ' •
(Rear, hear-)

the energy, perseverance, and personal prestige of one man
could accomplish. When they heard that an army of
20,000 of well equipped soldiers had laid down their arms
before a body of 2,000 ill equipped men, with a bad com-
missariat, and that Garibaldi had obtained possession not
only of the ports, the harbour, and the treasure of the Go •
vernment, but also of the capital, he could not help saying
that the powers of Europe could not remain indifferent spec
tators of his proceedings. He attached very little weight
to the fact of twenty thousand men laying down their arms
to two thousand, because they had witnessed the effects of
panic in other cases. Thus, in 1848, the army of Radetsky
ran away from before the unarmed population of Milan, bit
a few weeks after it marched back from the Mincio to the
Ticino, and annihilated the whole insurgent army. He (Sir
R. Peel) did not wish to diminish the splendour of Gari-
baldi's campaign. He could almost liken him to Miltiades,
who with a handful of men on the plains of Marathon gained
immortal renown against the hordes of Asia. (Hear.) Bu t
we must not be dazzled by his military successes; we must
look at the political consequences which they involve. Gari-
baldi having been named dictator at Palermo, there were
I cries not only of " Viva Phalle!" but of " Viva Vittorio
Emmanuele." He (the hon. baronet) supposed it was all
arranged between the Governments of France and Turin,
and that Garibaldi had allowed the people to cry out" Long
live Victor Emmanuel, King of Sicily 1" Could this be that
Victor Emmanuel who at so much a head, like sheep in the
shambles or slaves in the market, had sold 20,000 of the most
devoted of his subjects? Was this the kind of man that
should be selected to be King of Sicily ? What a warning
voice ought not that cry to be I " Victor Emmanuel, King of
Sicily I" Why, if he could barter and sell the interests of
a brave and devoted race, who for centuries had been the •
rock and mainstay of that very royal house of Savoy, what
would he not sanction towards his subjects of Sicily, if he
became their King ? (Cheers.) We had in this country a
strong feeling of patriotism—and he knew what the feeling
was—but if he were a Sicilian patriot he would prefer almost
anything, he would almost consent to continue for some
timelonger in the dungeons of Castellamare, rather than bow
before such a false god of patriotism. They called him "Il
Re galantuomo ;" and if the house wanted a translation of
that term, they might ask the citizens of Nice, or the moun-
taineers of the Alps. He deeply deplored the fact that the
salvation of Italy was to be worked out between political
treason on the one hard, and a military despotism on the
other. He could not see how the interests of Italy could
profit by such a junction. They wanted Victor Emmanuel
to be King of Sicily ; and he would therefore show what its
condition was when a Prince of the house of Savoy was so-
vereign of the island. By the treaty of Utrecht Sardinia was
ceded to Austria, Nod Sicily to the Duke of Savoy. In 1714
Victor Amadeus 11. was crowned King of Sicily. He went
to his new kingdom, proclaimed a pt,rliament, and promised
all kinds of liberties, after which be went away, and soon
began to intrigue, as it seemed all the Savoy Princes did.
In 1718 he intrigued with the Spaniards to drive out the
Austrians from the Milanese territory. The Spaniards did
so, but then they turned round on their allies and drove
them also from Sicily. The domination of the Spanish
Bourbons thus began in 1736 ; and it was now in its very
last agony. He made no allusion to the time when Sicily
was in the hands of England, in 1806, and when we held it
against the whole force of France until we gave it up at the
peace. He would now refer to the mission of Lord Minto,
which took place in the years 1847 and 1848. He
even recommended, upon the advice of the Prime Mi-
nister, who was then Minister of Foreign Affairs, the
separation of Sicily from Naples. He allowed Admiral
Parker to encourage the feeling of Sardinian independence,
and to take such steps as he thought advisable with a
view of making that independence complete. He even recom-
mended the offer of the throne of Sicily being made to the
Duke of Genoa. Lord Palmerston wrote to Mr. Aber-
crombie on the Bth of May, 1818, in the following terms :
" With reference to the offer of the Crown of Sicily to the
Duke of Genoa, you will state to Sardinia that it is of course
for the Duke of Genoa to say whether or not he will accept
this flattering offer, but it may be satisfactory for him to
know that if he should do so he would at the proper time be
acknowledged by her Majesty's Government." In the year
1818 the Government of this country were prepared to seethe
separation of Sicily from the kingdom of Naples, and to see
the crown of Sicily pass into the hands of a prince of the
house of Savoy. Would the noble lord (Lord J. Russell)
recommend the same policy now as was recommended in
1818 ? The noble lord had to show that he held the same
views that were shown in the despatches which had been laid
on the table with reference to Savoy. The noble lord had
made use of some very curious expressions. He had said
repeatedly, " We wish well to this dynasty of the Two Si-
cilies." He (Sir R. Peel) wanted to know whether the
noble lord's policy had changed since 1848. On the 22d of
June the noble lord wrote to Mr. Elliott, "Her Majesty is
sincerely desirous to see the dynasty and throne of the Two
Sicilies maintained and consolidated." But that was not
the policy of 1848. That was not the policy which had been
approved by that house on several occasions. Mr. Elliott
wrote to say, " The Sicilian Government continues to
maintain its power by a vi, lation of law." The noble lord
in reply said, " Her Majesty'ss Government"—(this time
not her Majesty)—"ller. Majee'ey's QtaVernment is desirous
to see the present annitety 'niaintainea upon the throne
of Naples." Then Mr. 'Elliott on 19th of July said
—" The King's Government is based upon a total denial
of justice ;" whereupon the noble lord wrote in reply,
" I admit that the commonest rules of justice are not ob-
served." Well, that required some interference, if they
were to interfere. Then the noble lord went on to say, .
on the 16th of January, 1860 :—" We wish well to the
Neapolitan dynasty, but we recommend to them a repre-
sentative constitution." The noble lord offered them no
details, and really at a time when they were discussing the
£6 and £lO qualification in that house the noble lord might
have suggested some scheme of that sort to the Government
of the Two Sicilies. (Laughter.) He recommended them,
however, free discussion, popular assemblies, and public
opinion. The noble lord, however, need not have gone so
far as Naples to recommend this. Nothing had occasioned
him (Sir R. Peel) greater surprise than to find that there
were nations which, having once tasted of constitutional
liberty, were content to submit themselves to the rule of a
single despot. The noble lord had recommended free dis-
cussion, popular assemblies, and public opinion to the Go-
vernment of Naples ; but if he had wished to recommend
them, he need only step across the Channel, and address
them to the Emperor of the French. But they were all of
them laying aside all political considerations, almost all of
them in favour of the heroic proceedings of Garibaldi. Not
so the noble lord. The noble lord was not in any way in
favour of Garibaldi ; he had done all he could to stop him,
Let them hope there bad been no mistake about the policy
the noble lord had pursued. The hon. member for Dundalk
on the 4th of May asked the noble lord a question respect-
ing Naples. The noble lord had said in reply that the
Ministry of the King of the Two Sicilies from time to time
communicated with them on terms which showed they had
great reliance on the friendship of her Majesty's Government.
Upon one occasion there was a representation that General
Garibaldi was going to Sicily with armed vessels. The
Government of the Two Sicilies implored her Majesty's
Government to endeavour to stop his progress, and the
noble lord said he lost no time in applying to the Sardinian
Government asking if they had some authority over Garibaldi
not to allow him to proceed. He (Sir R. Peel) hoped the
noble lord had no desire to see the union of Sicily to the
kingdom of Sardinia, which was intriguing under the cover
of Garibaldi. Meanwhile all sorts of promises had been
made ; constitutions and all manner of good things were to
be showered upon the Sicilians, if they would only give
way. He (Sir R. Peel) should suppose that the Sicilian
patriots would not accept them now, as they had been so
often disappointed. In 1848 a constitution was offered to
Sicily. It was afterwards denied them ;:when things looked
better it was withdrawn ; a general was seat to Messina
and bombarded it ; and Poerio and others had passed years
of their lives in the dungeons of the state because they were
faithful to the constitutional doctrines of their country. In
1821 another constitution was granted, and was immediately
withdrawn. Tie hoped that the Sicilian patriots would not
be deceived by these promises, and that something might
be done to secure to Sicily the freedom she deserved to
enjoy. The Prime Minister had used an expression which
he theught was one of the best that had yet been employed
on this question. He was asked what course they proposed
to take with regard to any revolution that might be ex-
pected to arise at Naples. In answer to the question, the
noble lord, on Tuesday, June 12, made a very remarkable
reply. He said that governments whose subjects revolted
against them were liable to forget that in order to remove
the authors of these revolutionary movements the first
necessary step was the removal of themselves. In that re-
mark he (Sir R. Peel) entirely participated, and would only
say, in conclusion, he did not profess to see any solution
for the existing difficulties in Sicily. lie hoped that her
iently alarming,
enough
with the crown of Sardinia. They had already
Majesty's Government would not allow the union of Sicily
with the crown of Sardinia. They had alreadY snough upon
dangers would
and more than that, they knew that g
ifr athat rower were
e
their hands ; the state of Europe was su ffict
result from the influence of France,
ere for good.
ere
wanted to see the power and rthesoautrePesower and and
duly
allowed to obtain a permanent footing inotfhaEtuislland.
maintained. He wanted tothose re-
Seeaahat-ewveorrkwinags there re-
sources duly exercised
t_abroad,atw d
They knew very well h
the e•rowththe extension
of our wealth, whatever b of our revenue,
our commercial prosperity could only succeed in
a degree commensurate with the maintenance of
I our political power in Europe. He hoped, therefore, that
her Majesty's Government would take every step to secure
that political influence. If they abated one iota of the po-
litical power of the country, they immediately narrowed
and dwarfed its prestige
amongst foreig,n nations; but if
on the other hand they maintained it• unabated and un-
diminished, growing with the of the and
growth nation,
strengthening with its strength, the house would look with
confidence at the course and progress of events in Europe,
and England would still continue to hold that place among
the nations of Europe which, during the last half century
of our time, had thrown such a magnificent illustration ove r
the annals of our country's existence. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL—I cannot deny—indeed I freely
admit—the ability, sincerity, and generosity of the bon.
gentleman who has just spoken. (Hear.) I will readily
admit likewise that I have to thank not only him and others
who share his political views, but also hon. members oppo-
site for the forbearance which they have shoesni!l ac 7170
difficult period of foreign peliey. (Hear.) I pace n