The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-08 00:00:00

S-7 MS DA Y.

LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET.
May B.—Sales ;probably 6,000 bales. The mai ket
quiet; unchanged.

MAY 8,

1869.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

PARIS. FRIDAY, May 7.

The electoral campaign presents an aspect of monotonous
activity. Both sides are working hard to win, and that is
about all that can be said. Doubts arc expressed in some
quarters as to whether the Opposition is doing all that it
might to oppose a strong front to the overpowering cur-
rent of Government influence ; but with the exception of
a little dissension, which might well be amended, it does
not seem to me that the Liberals could do much more.
Meetings are ',held by the score, electoral cir-
culars, manifestoes, and signs in general mock the
weary Parisian at every step, and the papers are nothing
but a budget of electoral horrors. Many of the Liberal
party are sacrificing time and money in the interests of
their country. Many of them work *ith no desire beyond
that of a sincere wish to aid the great cause of liberty ;
and let all honour be given to such men.
But if it were not for a little squabbling we should get
almost as dull and as melancholy as you seemed to do
before the memorable day when the Conservative party
of Britain was utterly defeatedin the boroughs. These little
quarrels keep us alive. The row about M. Emile 011ivier,
for instance, is very entertaining, except perhaps that we
have too much of it. I need hardly enter into detail
as to the cause of this quarrel. M. Emile 011ivier's esca-
pade with the Emperor—the famous " Le 19 Janvier"
affair—has lost him the confidence of the Paris
Republicans, The Siecle opposed him, and the
Liberta furiously fought his battle in its columns.
Vituperation of an advanced time —" fool," " madman,"and,
other polite expressions—distinguished the dispute between
the two papers, which was killed at length by its own
fury. But the Liberte has not succeeded in converting
the Republicans, who are opposing M. 011ivier with a hot
and strong man of the name of Bancel. M. 011ivier does
not object to the Empire, provided liberty were granted
by the ruler ; M. Bancel goes in for a general "chaw up"
of the Empire and everything in it. His theory is that
the Emperor has no right to occupy the throne
of France; that France, indeed, ought not to
ha vo a throne at all, but ought to be a
republic. No measure of liberty, no degree of national
prosperity, can reconcile M. Bancel to Imperial institu-
tions. Let the Emperor grant a constitution as liberal as
that of England, and the Republicans will still stri te to
overturn him. M. 011ivier has just addressed a challenge
to M. Bancel, requesting him to fight out his opinions on
a public platform. The one would argue liberty under the
Empire ; the other would argue that liberty is not possible
under the Empire. But M. Baucel declines this chal-
lenge, urging that a debate on a fixed issue would not be
an electoral meeting, and that, moreover, M. 011ivier can
learn and combat his opinions by attending any of the
numerous me,,) ,4:s which he holds. Perhaps M. Bancel
is right, I.osy.iyhow he would be no match for the elo-
quent, though not very wise, 011ivier in an oratorical
battle.

A shocking story of domestic life was told the day be-
fore yesterday in the first chamber of the Seine Civil
Tribunal. The case was one of demand for separation de-
corps—the only form of divorce known in France—
brought by Madame de Turenne against her
husband, Count Raymond de Turenne. Madame
de Turenne was the widow of a rich Jew. She
married Count Raymond for the sake of his title, and
Count Raymond—it is the old story—married her for the
sake of her money. M. Allegri, father of Madame
de Turenne, saw but too well the motive of the
young Count, and at first opposed the marriage ; but
he gave way to the wilies of his daughter. The niarriage
took place, the young Jewess became Madame de Turenne,
and gave up to her husband a fortune of £2,000 a year
and the most colossal expectations. The Count soon re-
vealed his real disposition. In order to marry the Jewess
he had to obtain a dispensation from the Pope,
and in his application he in no wise concealed the motives
which led him to the union. Greta et sola occa.sio ad
reparandum fortunam suam. "It is the only sure chance
of repairing my fortune." This well-beloved son of the
Church gave the Pope to understand that, after the death of
the father-in-law,the daughter might be brought into the true
fold ;moreover, all'his children, Le said, should he brought
up Catholics. Count Raymond was an officer of the Pon-
tifical Zouaves, and Rome therefore could refuse him
nothing. Besides, would it not be spoiling the
Egyptians to take away a fortune. from the
Jews, and bring it into the Catholic Church? The dis-
pensation was granted. But Count Raymond was
clearly not born for marriage. He seemed to have no
opinion of women save that they were destined by nature
to alleviate the ennui of man. The habits of his
military career were strictly preserved at the domestic
hearth. Ile ignored utterly the delicacy and refinement
requisi • •te in social intercourse with the gentler sex. The
day after his marriage he entertained his wife with certain
piquant scenes from his lively career, the narra-
tion of At hich would have discredited the lowest
Paris wine-shop. He entered into details respecting
tome love affairs which were still going on.
His life throughout was a faithful continuation
of this beginning. Ire carried on an intrigue with the
governess of his children. lle engaged a young girl of
18 to give them lessons in German, and addressed enthu-
siastic declarations to Ler in his wife's drawing-room. It
is quite time that such a marriage was dissolved. Madame
de Turenr.e might have commenced the suit much sooner.
The case is still going on.
The tastes of modern Paris are exemplified by a drama
now being performed at the Francais. All Paris is wild
about this piece. And yet its plot is such that, in the
language of the reporters, it is "unfit for publication." A
cave scene similar to that between Dido and .;Eneas, a girl
falling in love with her mother's unlawful lover, and the
betrayal of the mother to the husband by the daughter, are
some of the incidents in this hideous conglomeration. It
draws immense audiences, and is greeted with frantic
applause.

• • 1.•
CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS, SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

The Times says that the triumph of the Government
has, indeed, been complete. " Call no man happy before
his death" was, however, the warning of the wise of old,
and in this hour of their prosperity it may be fitly
declared that the maintenance for the future of such
an unchequered course of success as has attended
the progress of the Irish Church Bill is neither to be
expected nor desired. It may, however, be urged with
much truth that the complete accord which has been
manifested between the Government and the majority of
the House of Commons is of the Lightest importance in
its bearing upon the reception of the bill by the House of
Lords. There is only one way in which a bill thus
matured can be received by the House of Lords. If we
are bound to say thus much, we do so with no desire to
wound their dignity or to disparage their power. The most
resolute members of the House repeatedly declared last
year, when opposing the Suspensory Bill, that the delibe-
rate will of the people, deliberately recorded in the House
of Commons, must prevail. The condition is now fulfilled,
and we have the most assured confidence that the Peers
will maintain their self-respect by bowing to an autho-
rity the rightful supremacy of which they have already
confessed.

The Daily News finds cause for satisfaction in the pas-
sage of the Irish Church Bill through its most trying
stage. Three weeks is a very short time in which to have
passed through committee a bill of sixty-three clauses,
involving at once contested principles of the greatest
magnitude, and details of the most minute and complex
character. It is scarcely saying too much to affirm that
in the hands of any other person than Mr. Gladstone
this achievement would have been impossible. The
progress of the Irish Church Bill has been of a very diffe-
rent character from that of the Reform Bills of 1867 and
1868. In the passage of those measures principles were
dropped at every stage. In its final form the Reform
legislation of 1867-8 was something of which its authors,
at starting, had never dreamt. Its identity was gone.
The Irish Church Bill is not merely in fundamental prin-
ciples, but in every linFoita,nt detail, what it was when
Mr. Gladstone first laid it on the table of the House.

The Standard declares that the end is not yet, but it is
close at hand. There will be a battle on the report, and
another on the third reading, and thenceforward the fate
of the measure will rest with the Upper House. In the
Commons the Conservative party have been boriio
down by sheer weight of numbers; but they have fought
their cause with undeniable gallantry, and have made it
respected, if not successful. In the Lords they will renew
the struggle under more favourable conditions.

The Telegraph says that with almost unexpectel
promptitude the Irish Church Bill has actually passed
through committee. In pugilistic phrase, the "sponge
was thrown up" on Thursday, after the Maynooth clause.
of the bill had been carried by overwhelming majorities :
and not a single division interrupted the course o'
the debate. For the rapidity with which the
measure has been advanced in the later stages.
special thanks are due to the Scottish membere,
who, although tempted by fervent appeals to the religion:
prejudices of their countrymen, refused to vote against
the compensation apportioned to Maynooth. With the
Maynooth clauses ended the real debate on the bill ; and,
although the report of the committee will involve another
discussion, the measure is now out of all danger so far as
the House of Commons is concerned. Virtually the bill
has already passed through the Lower House, and in
two or three weeks it will challenge the judgment of the
Peers.