The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-26 00:00:00

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UICIDE IN THE SERPENTINE.—Lnat evening
Mr. Bedford, the coroner, held an inquest in the vestry-
room, Mount-street on the body of William Smith, aged
42 years, who destroyed his life under the following cir-
cumstances :—Froza the evidence it appeared that on Mon-
day morning last the deceased left home, as it was believed,
to proceed to his employment. About seven o'clock the
same morning, however, he was seen by a man named
Harris to get upon the parapet of the bridge crossing the
Serpentine, and before he could reach him the deceased
plunged into the water. Harris raised an alarm, and John
Parson, the deputy superintendent of the Royal Humane
Society, together with police-constable Lloyd, 97 A, were
quickly on the spot, and at once proceeded to the rescue of
the deceased. The deceased, before assistance arrived, was
seen to rise to the surface and throw up his arms, and then
to sink. The jury returned a verdict that the . _
~ if.
committed suicide while in a state of temporary 0001•—*"
The inquiry then terminated.
SUEZ RAILWAY.—The _Malta Times
Eggstiatt
lowing :—" It is said to be the intention of the Af...
Government to carry the railway from Sucz .
eit°nnear Cape
rican shore of the Redd Se
as far as a Ptliteanehag dis-
a s
hone of
would be within h
°Ciead sandy level
tame of Aden. The coast is said to
be a diluent whatever
neatly the whole dish anee, offering no iv,
hi tho work would
to the laying down of the rails,
°fmwouut of forced labour
almost entirely consist, and as sr' t. 0
th undertaking by the
could be brought to bear up?et _.
ed When this project is
Pasha, it might soon be comp well
will be shortened by five
carried out, the overland
Journeysee navigation will be avoided.;
days ; the danger of Re 0
th worst part of the voyage, and
has the fols
passengers will escaPe.
ntal Company will save the great
the Peninsular and
depot at Suez."
..N.T._._
, } Holloway's Pills.—Cheerfulness,
viLvayCoituyt,ha.nud
osilelofw-caorns-
[A.DVERTIS -
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_Every y experienced from a visit to the coun
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till its
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The fact is, the purer. a.ir renders the
e-
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with
rehinchewtoa
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n
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iseuinttniisentthew
liver, heart, lungs, and kidneys.

t ...PAPER
ofsrhet •
FRANCE APZ.7 ITALY,
triumph. may be
riumph,.taunddehow
It is not an uncommon figure oric to sug-
gest against ourselves an aceuss 'tr°ll which we are
fully competent to answer. The
free.?
peoplee r a cheap s
to
sea it has. been
, or
pontoe,wbueitgshtillitist iesxaactt
gni
see through the logical artifice by wit,'
obtained ! Such, we cannot help thinkiny, has bees
the object of a very dexterous article be,e;ring the
impress of a semi-official character which Las ap-
peared in the Constilutionnel. There are IMI ny
things which any one writing in a spirit of cavriL
the
even severe criticism might find to reprehend in the
conduct of the Emperor of the French with regar d
to Italy. He might be asked a series of questional
to which it would be very hard for him to find am
answer. Why did he, professing himself the enemy'
of revolution, give him& If the signal for revolution.
by the quarrel which he forced upon Austria on the
Ist of January, 1859 ? having commenced
his career and formally announced to the world the
object which that career was to realise, did he sud-
denly stand still in the very midst of success, in pre-
sence of an obstacle which the revelations as to the
real state of the garrison, stores, and fortress of
Verona at the time of the battle of Solferino show
could not have offered any serious resistance? Why
did he allow Ls morieiere to take charge of the Pat: al
army, and send Cialdini to destroy it ? How cane
he to commit himself to a scheme of Italian Coal's-
deration, which, notwithstanding the authority and
power of its proposer, has never found a single
hearty adherent ? How could he be so shortsighted.
as to break the peace of Europe and expose his
army and himself to the danger of a most disas-
trous reverse to raise up in united Italy, a pOwer
fir less sb-_?-: ails to French influence than the di-
vided and half-subjected Italy which existed under
the yoke of Austria and the fetters of Naplesr P
These, and fifty other questions of a similar nature,
the Emperor of the French might have found it
•
difficult to answer ; but the question which he has
chosen to propose to himself involve no difficulty
at all. The Emperor Napoleon is asked, on theekt
one..
side, why he has not intervened to Prmilpte
cause of the liberation of Italy ; and, on the other,t
why he has not intervened to put down the revo-
lutionary movement. Before we consider the rea-
sons which the Emperor urges in defence of his
abstinence from intervention in favour of or against
Italian liberty, we may venture to suggest another
answer which the modesty of the Imperial cate-
chumen has probably prevented him from making
for himself. When a man is asked why he has not
done such and such a thing, it is assumed that he
has not done it. Now, this is precisely the assump-
tion which the querist is not entitled to make, as
the Emperor did interfere for the revolution in
Lombardy, and is now interfering against the re-
volution in the Papal States. The occupier' of
Milan and Brescia cannot deny that, he has done
something by armed force to forward political
changes, nor can the present holder of Viterbo,
Velletri, and Orvieto pretend that he is not inter-
vening by armed force on the reactionary side'.
This consideration robs the article of a good
deal of its interest, for it is, after all, nothing more
nor less than an attempt to account for events which
have not happened, and is besides, under the form
of a defence, the severest censure on the line of con-
duct which was actually pursued. When Napoleon
tells us that it was impossible for him to take the
revolutionary side without becoming the chief in-
stead of the moderator of the revolution, he pro-
nounces the severest censure possible on himeelf ;
and when he shows that he could not take the
reactionary side without betraying his origin as the
elect of universal suffrage, he reflects with equal
bitterness on his own conduct. Still, though based
on an inaccurate assumption, the article is interest-
ing; as showing in very clear and energetic lan-
guage what the Emperor Napoleon believes, or
wishes Europe to believe, is the duty which his
position in Europe casts upon him. He has made
a profession of faith by which not only, as we have
shown, his past, but his future actions, must be
judged. The Emperor Napoleon cannot be accused
of undervaluing his own mission. "He holds a
character from the universal suffrage by which he
was elected, and an authority as Sovereign of France
necessary to the good of Europe. On the other
hand, he can be no accomplice to a revolutionary
state of things ; he shrinks from the contingency
of a general war. He is the moderator of the re-
volution, the pacificator of Europe, the arbiter of
questions relating to the balance of power, the re-
presentative of the national will." There was a
time when European Sovereigns as little thought of
descanting in official or semi-official documents on
their greatness, their glory, or their power as of
claiming two-and-fifty kingdoms, like the Turk,
or a near relationship to the sun and moon. But
we live in other times, and the established mexims
of good sense and modesty must change like ev,ery-
thing else. Pretensions which ancient and 101)g--
established potentates may repudiate as tinctured
with vulgarity may find place more naturally in
the mouth of the founder of a dynasty which exults
in the appellation ofparvenu. 'The Emperor might
have left it to others to invest him with the magni-
ficent titles of "Pacificator," "Arbiter of Europe,"
and " Moderator of Revolution.' Such names are
honourable indeed when conf,rred by the common.
consent and feeling of mankind, but of little VS eight
when assumed without that preliminary sanction.
As having some right to speak on behalf of a coun-
try which has not always been last in the camps or
councils of Europe, and which till lately has not
been accustomed to hear without comment or with-
out protest such assumptions of superiority by sine
great Power over its fellows, we beg to remark
that Europe does not recognise in the Emperor of
the French either its pacificator or its arbiter. A
pacificator is one who neither originates nor fosters
war; an arbiter is one to whose justice, fairness,
and absence of indirect or selfish motives mankind
are willing to submit their differences. The con-
queror of Magenta and Solferino is no pacificator,
The Sovereign who made war for an idea, and ended
it for a province, may be great in the executive, but
can lay little claim to the impartiality of the judicial
character. The word " arbiter" has another sense
tQo offensive to be attributed. We cannot suppose
that even in a semi-official document the Emperor
would designate himself as the master of Europe,
That as yet, he is not ; and, if he were, he would
do more wisely to emulate the moderation of the
first erasers, who condescended to associate
equals with men of whose lives and fortunes they
could dispose as absolute masters.
is its
To us the most agreeable part of the article
Italy is
conclusion, eAn organized and powerful iihis
is a
henceforth for the interest of Europe. it may—a
truth let it come from what
quartertlrecognised in
truth we fear not always sufficieefn
/reposed Italian
the times not yet very remhote
destined, we trust, to
federations, but still a trtutese
practical verities by
take its place among h
which the destinies of nations are henceforth to be
ruled and determined. We hope the time is not
very remote when it may meet with the approbation
Congress.ought
•f an European Such bodies
rarely to be called in to alter by the vote of a
majority the rights and the Governments of man-
kind, but they have nevertheless a mission of the
most indisputable utility when they serve to record
and give solemnity and validity to changes which
popular will or the fortune of arms has brought
about. We do not despair that the day will arrive
when the three Northern Powers who have
just
met at Warsaw, apparently to commemorate their
joint exploit—the partition of Poland,—and to
recall to the memory of
mankind
the detested
tradition of the Holy Alliance,
will unite to acknow-
ledge the crown which Italy
has just placed on the
brow of Victor Emmnnuel, and to give their sanc-
tion to a revolution,
earnest protests and bitterest reclamations.—linics.

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