The Sun.
London, England, 1869-04-12 00:00:00

THE UNITA

AND CUBA.

MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)

TUE MONEY MARKET.

The action of the United States towards Cuba
has excited much comment in Europe, where it is
considered to be inconsistent with the attitude of
the Republic towards England. The same Con-
gress which rejects the Convention for settling the
Alabama Claims, on the plea that England's pre-
mature recognition of Confederate belligerency was
au act as unfriendly as injurious, and actuated by
unfriendly motives, passes a resolution suggesting
to the Executive the propriety of recognizing, not
the mere belligerency, but the independence of an
island, portions of whose inhabitants are in insur-
rection against their Government, then on terms of
amity with that at Washington. In the same news-
papers, containing columns of denunciation of
England for favouring the American rebellion, and
allowing the Alabama and other corsairs to escape
to sea, are columns in sympathy and support of the
insurrection against Spain, detailing the aid, in
arms and money, forwarded from the United
States. At a glance, this is sufficiently contradic-
tory to shock the moral sense, but it is not so
when more closely examined. The nature of the
Anglo-Saxon is to sympathize with rebellions in
every country but his own. Wherever men of one
nationality are in insurrection against the rule of
men of another nationality, his sympathy—suppos-
ing that he is ignorant of the causes of the quarrel
—is with the insurgents. As the mass of a nation
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port of the Anglo-Saxon, so long as they are not
directed against himself. As a mere matter, then,
of prejudice, American feeling runs in favour
of the native Cubans; and, as far as England
knows anything of the circumstances, her feel-
ing inclines towards the same groove. But
this would not have excited throughout the
States so warm an interest were there not Ameri-
can questions of deep importance involved. Cuba,
though divided by a channel, is a part of the North
American Continent, under a rule peculiarly hate-
ful to a liberty-loving people. The bIONROE doctrine
simply announces the proposition " America for the
Americans ;" yet not only does a European power
sway in this, perhaps the most valuable tropical
island in the world, but a power marked in Europe
for the despotism, both civil and religious, by which
its own inhabitants have been degraded. It is,
then, but natural on the Cubans rising against the
Spaniards and becoming champions of the MONROE
doctrine, that they should excite in no ordinary de-
gree the sympathy of the United States. Cuba is
one of the last places of importance wherein negro
slavery has been maintained. By an Act of the in-
surgent Government a proclamation has been issued
of emancipation and freedom, to take immediate
effect throughout the island. The United States
has just closed a gigantic war which has enabled it
to attain the same end, hence another cause of sym-
pathy. In freeing the slaves the Cubans are but
freeing themselves, and their design is openly an-
nounced of establishing, as a temporary measure, a
Republican Government ; and in this intention is
to be found another cause of sympathy. The United
States bas of all countries the most complete free-
dom of religion ; in Spain and her dependencies
there is the least. The insurgent Republican Go-
vernment which with emancipation proclaims free-
dom of worship makes another appeal, which
strongly touches the Protestant community of the
Union. Were there no other cause these would
suffice for the great Republic openly to espouse the
native and Republican side against the foreign and
Monarchical ; but there remains, without disguising
the fact, a very material and selfish inducement. The
Republic has long coveted the Spanish island, in itself
worth all the Westlndies put together. If it gains its
independence its next step will be to enter the
Union as a State, and if this programme can be
carried out it leads directly to the attainment of a
desire, to gratify which, the American Government
is said to have offered £20,000,000 sterling. Such
a position differs altogether from that taken by
Great Britain in connection with the great civil
war. There the contest was domestic, confined
within the boundaries of a Republic, and purely an
American question, with which Europe bad no
right and no call to interfere. The Cuban affair
differs in this essential, that it is the attempt of na-

The Economist thinks that the Bank directors were
fully justified in raising the rate to 4 per cent., but
that it will not be necessary to continue this rate
long. It will attract more capital than we want, and
we shall probably go back to 3 per cent, shortly.
Our contemporary does not take notice of the objec-
tion that these frequent fluctuations are the result
of undue interference exercised in order to preserve
equability; that, in fact, if Ave had free trade in
money we should find the same result as has
followed free trade in corn,.the cessation of the
violent changes which ::ways occur under a protec-
tive system.

THE NEW Ct:ERVATIVE PAPER.
The first number of the Britannia was issued on
Saturday. This new attempt to provide the Con-
servative working man with a newspaper is most
creditable. The editor makes no promises in his
prospectus, but appeals to " intelligent Conservatism
among the honest sons of toil, of which the world
wots not, aye, and of which the holders themselves are
but dimly conscious." There is a summary, or rather
a running criticism on Liberal mistakes and Conser-
vative triumphs than a compendium of the week ;
and the supply of news on the whole is very scarce.
But this is made up for by chatty articles. In
this first number there is presented the first instal-
ment of a popular life of the Right Hon. B.
Disraeli, RP. The writer attempts to .shew that
from the first Mr. Disraeli was in favour of reforms
which he has himself adopted ; and that while he is
Conservative, he is not, and never was, a member of
the old Tory party. The paper consists of eight
tones of the same size as the John Bull.

Live Americans to free themselves from the rule of
European Monarchy, and, as such, is essentially an
American question, becoming when the revolt is
general a jwar between au American island and
Spain. The main difference on this point then is
that England's recognition was an interference in a
domestic trouble on another Continent ; whereas, the
United States recognition would be in accordance with
the MONROE doctrin e in countenancing the struggle of
Americans to throw off the rule of a European
kingdom. The war of the Confederacy was a
struggle to establish a slave empire ; in its suppres-
sion four millions of men became free ; in its success
over a great portion of the Continent, slavery would
have become permanently established. Aid and coun-
tenance then tendered to the rebellion went di-
rectly to advance the cause of slavery, and Eng-
land in giving them broke away from her pro-
fessions, actuated, as Americans have good reason
to know, by the desire to cripple the power of the
Republic. The essence of that recognition was its
animus, and here again the case widely differs from
the attitude of America towards Spain. The recog-
nition of Cuban independence is the recognition of
the emancipation of the negro, as well as of free-
dom to the Cubans, accompanied with sorrow that
it should injure a power otherwise friendly, whom
Americans have no desire to hurt. Indeed any
other action would be inconsistent with the whole
tenour of American diplomacy ; and if such aid and
comfort were not extended the Cubans might with
justice consider themselves betrayed, for a nation
has no right to lay down a policy of action and
adhere to it for half a century, yet abandon it at
the moment when another people calculating on it
have committed themselves to a position of great
peril. Americans are accused of inconsistency for '
attacking Great Britain for her premature recogni-
tion of the belligerency of the South, while Con-
gress urges on the PRESIDENT the recognition of
Cuban independence. But even were this grossly
inconsistent, the Republic was on the horns of a
dilemma, for, it would have been vastly more in-
consistent had she turned a deaf ear to the Cubans.
At the worst, the one is but the irritability of a per-
son who considers he has been insulted and injured
—the other would be the inconsistency of not act-
ing on the principles recognized since the birth of
the Republic, and of the two inconsistencies (pre-
suming that there be any) the Republic is right in
choosing the lesser. The weak point really is the
prospect of gain to the Union. If through this
means it gets what it was willing to pay twenty
millions sterling for, it will certainly make a very
considerable gain ; and we think it is a pity that
Spain does not voluntarily withdraw on the guaran-
tee of the United States for the payment of a round
sum, which, we hope, may yet be the solution of this
difficulty.

Twiehell has been refused a new trial, and was
to have been executed on the day fixed. Meanwhile,
Philadelphia has been the scene of another tragedy.
Joseph 11. Smith, who had saved some money, was
thought to have secreted it in his bed-room. Two
former attempts had been made to obtain posses-
sion and defeated, but on Wednesday, the 24th March,
he was found gagged and killed, his tin box believed to
contain the money rifled of its contents as well as his
pockets, and the room ransacked. It is supposed that the
murderers found their victim lying on the bed, Tagged
and throttled him, dragged his body to the box, and ended
by firing a pistol shot through his head. Two persons
are in custody on suspicion.
C. Dorwin, an old and apparently respectable Mon-
treal banker, formerly United States Consul in that city,
levanted with $lOO,OOO of the funds of the banking com-
pany, and with liabilities reaching nearly to $300,000, leav-
ing but $37,000 of assets. He fled to Vermont, and being
discovered professed such penitence that he hoodwinked
a Burlington officer, who, on calling with the representa-
tives of the bank, found that the man who pretended such
a desire to make restitution to the bank had again levanted.
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THE SUN, LONDON, _MONDAY EVENINur, ANIL, 12, 1869.

contested Falmouth in 1541 unsuccesmily, wnen ne
was beaten by Captain Vivian, now the War Lord
of the Treasury; but he represented the place during
its most corrupt period, from 1847 to 1857, when
happily Mr. Baring (now Lord Northbrook) was
successful in reclaiming the borough from the error
of its ways, and rescuing it from the fate which
ten years later befel Totnes. In 1859 Mr. Gwyn was
only third on the poll. In 1865 he went to another
very corrupt borough, Barnstaple,. but in spite of a
large expenditure of money, again found himself
only third. On the accession of the Earl of Breck-
nock to the Marquisate of Camden, Mr. Gwyn stood
for Brecon, and defeated Lord Alfred Churchill by
twenty-six votes; and at the general election of last
year he defeated Mr. Pryce by fifteen votes and by
bribery. He is now unseated. The Liberals intend,
it is said, to bring forward Lord Hyde, the
eldest son of the Earl of Clarendon, who fought
a very severe battle in South Warwickshire last
November, and was only forty-eight votes behind
Mr. John Hardy, (whose return is now petitioned
against). His lordship is rather young for these
political contests, being only 23 years of age. The
Conservatives talk of Mr. I3aillie Cochrane, who used
to represent the now disfranchised lloniton, and
unsuccessfully contested the Isle of \Vight
against Sir John Simeon, in December, the
Hon. D. Plunk-et, who was third on the poll
for Dublin city, and Lord Claud Hamilton, who lost
his seat at Londonderry at the general election.
Whoever is selected as a candidate,whether Liberal or
Conservative, is to be pitied ; for Brecon is what
Penryn used to be, and Barnstaple is,—hopelessly
corrupt, and ought to be disfranchised.