The Sun.
London, England, 1860-07-03 00:00:00

particularised by the right hon. baronet in a few
words and then, disposed of in words almost as few.
Take, for example, the objection raised to the num-
ber of troops to be retained in India having been
fixed at 80,000 Europeans. The reason, as Sir
CHARLES shewed, was simple enough in all con-
science, being simply this—" That, on inquiry, it
was ascertained that the maximum number which

any of the authorities upon the subject recommended
to be retained was 95,000, and the minimum 75,000.

80,000 had therefore been taken as the number

which the circumstances of the case would
require." Again, the hon. and gallant mem•
ber for Aberdeen had moved for the production
of certain documents, parts of a lengthened official
and semi-official correspondence. These documents
could not be forthwith made public according to
the wish of Colonel SYKES—there was a delay in
responding to the desire of the hon. and gallant
member—and a great deal was thereupon made of
that same delay and hesitation. It was conceived
by many to betoken a very suspicious reticence.
But the Secretary of State laid the simple facts
of the case yesterday before the House of Com-
mons—and what de those simple facts clearly
demonstrate ? Why, that the course pursued by
the Government in this matter could not possibly
have been more straightforward, more candid, or
more strictly honourable. "It was impossible,"
Sir CHARLES WOOD observed yesterday in the
course of his explanation, "it was impossible
to assent to his hon. friend's motion, as the papers
moved for were confidential memoranda, but he
(Sir C. WooD) wrote Lord CLYDE and Sir W.M.
MANSFIELD, by whom the documents were fur-
nished, for their authority to publish them. As soon
as he received the necessary authority the motion
of his hon. friend was complied with, and the papers
were produced ; but even then it was deemed advis-
able, with the sanction of the writers, to omit cer-
tain passages which were calculated to give
offence, and to expunge two paragraphs in
which extracts were given from private letters
written by Sir PATRICK GRANT, the assent
of Sir PATRICK not having been obtained
to their publication. The papers came late in the
autumn, and after being fully considered by the
Cabinet a decision was arrived at !" Certainly to all
which we may add Q. E. D. As to the objection
raised by some of the more impetuous of the Old
Indians against the course pursued by Sir CHARLES
WOOD in not consulting the Council as to the ad-
visability or not advisability of the measure about
to be submitted to the consideration of Parliament
—namely, this very measure, the triumph of which
was secured beyond any further chance of doubt
by last night's division—the right hon. baronet
showed quite distinctly to the apprehension
of all, that the . question was a question
for the Cabinet, and not one in any
way to be decided upon by the Council
or the Secretary of State. Altogether the mino-
rity can hardly, even in this hour of their complete
discomfiture, feel themselves in any way aggrieved.
They have been allowed every possible advantage.
They have said their say—they have given in their
votes—and they are defeated. They have been
supplied with printed information in the shape of
official documents extending over more than five
hundred folio pages—a blue book as ponderous in
the scales as in the reading. They were permitted
to adjourn quite unnecessarily, until it was idle to
dream of any further adjournment. To sum up
all, they have been allowed just rope enough to
hang themselves.

" When the Devil was sick,
The Devil a saint would be ;
When the Devil got wall,
The devil a saint was he."
We doubt not this incident in the biography of
the Evil One has been recalled to the memory of
thousands by the telegrams and communications
from Naples this week. Almost literally on a bed
of sickness, of sickness brought on by the reaction
of his crimes in the successful insurrection of his
people—at the very eleventh hour his MAJESTY
consents to hoist the Italian flag, to proclaim a
constitution, to grant an amnesty, to ally himself
with Sardinia, to give Sicily an independent Ad-
ministration, to form a member of an Independent
Italian Federation —in fact, to place himself
in the Calendar of Italian Liberalism. Can
he be surprised that not a soul confides in him ?
The clique of wretches who have prospered as the
executioners of his crimes, even they do not trust
him, or rather do not trust his declarations ; for
him they do trust, well knowing that his proclama-
tion is a mere bait to catch those who are willing
to be duped, and that once let him get things quiet
again, and he would soon reconquer Sicily,
overthrow the new constitution, and imprison in
heavy irons SPINELLI and all whom he had tem-
porarily used as a blind to those whom he had
entrapped. There lives not a mortal in Naples,
we may almost say in the civilised world, to whom
the whole affair is not as transparent a piece
of fraud and villainy as the similar act
of his father, with which all compare it.
FRANCIS the Second has had his day of
grace, and thrown it away. He might, on
coming to the throne, have reversed the policy
and renounced the cruelties of his father ; he
might have been legally crowned and sworn ; might
have called together the Houses of Representatives
according to the illegally ignored, not abolished,
Constitution of 1848 ; he might on the occasion of
the insurrection in Sicily have elected to forbid
the repetition of the barbarities practised by his
father—but he has chosen to continue every illegal
course, to do without parliaments like our STUARTS,
and to even outdo the atrocities of an atrocious
father. His returning vanquished Generals have
been actually degraded for not bombarding more
murderously the non-military part of Palermo.
He has more than rivalled his father's horrid
bombardment of Messina, only fearing lest his
father's cruelty should surpass his own.
Too late ! too late! is the cry of all. The Nea-
politans exclaim thus themselves, and PORAIO from
the Chambers of Deputies at Turin returns the ex-
clamation. " If," he said, " the new King had
begun thus on the first day of his reign, perhaps I
might have trusted him now that he has shown
his disposition by a year of despotic and cruel
Government, in which be has rivalled, if not sur-
passed, his father, the only thing about him I be-
lieve in is his readiness to perjure himself. I shall
remain in exiIe—VICTOR EMMANUEL is my King."
POERIO has but too good reason to know his man,
and understands but too well the motives which
prompt him ; indeed we cannot express our own
impressions better than in the words of the noble
patriot at Turin. " A drowning man," ho re-
marks, " hopeless of any other escape, will, in the
agony of death, cling to and catch at any object
within his reach. I, therefore, can well understand
that the Government of Naples, which up to this
moment was always the most fierce and implacable
foe to Italian nationality—that Government which,
with the most 'cowardly obstinacy, persecuted the
generous men who aspired to that common object,
should now all at once change its language, and
put forth words of independence, patriotism, and
nationality. Gentlemen, I have often seen men laden
with the most hideous crimes, when brought before
the Court which is to try them, and unable to deny

their offences, put forward words of compunction
and repentance. Every Government, gentlemen,
has its traditions, from which it cannot depart.
" The traditions of the Neapolitan Government are
hereditary perjury." The new King, almost to
prove the legitimacy of his decent, is preparing to
perjure himself; and in order to qualify himself
for the task of forswearing himself, he must first
swear. It is with that view that he declares
himself ready to swear constitutions and alliances.
His object in proposing an alliance with the King's

Government is obvious. He is only meditating the

reconquest of Sicily. These are the old fox-like
wiles of the
_Neapolitan Government. As these
have thrice aTailed them, they hope even
now, from the same arts, to attain the same
results."

We have no reason whatever to distrust our
Foreign Secretary, or any member of the Cabinet,
or perhaps of any possible Cabinet in regard to
Naples, and the adequate carrying out there of the
policy which will be at once the right one, and
popular with all classes of Englishmen. But we
may be allowed to express our hope on two points.
The first that, after the language in which our Go-
vernment has denounced the outrage at Palermo, it
will not only protect, as Lord JOHN RUSSELL said,
British residents at Naples—but native residents
also. His Lordship significantly remarked that we
have two, three, four, or five sail of the line at
Naples. All Europe must agree that in forbidding
a bombardment of the town, such as the Neapoli-
tans hourly dread, we should be simply prohibiting
a piece of brutality and cruelty which no civilised
beings who can prevent it are required to tolerate.
There is a law of nations far above the technical
law to which they profess to defer as long as it
suits their purpose—the law of not seeing the in-
nocent and powerless murdered by the guilty and
the strong. We trust that our Admirals have
orders to seize the Neapolitan fleet and to batter
the castle of St. Elmo if a shot or a shell is fired on
the helpless city.
We also hope his Majesty the Emperor of the
TRENCH knows our mind officially, as well as he
knows it from public sources. He has been
showing himself rather restless of late. He has
crossed the Rhine, it being well understood that he
has an eye on that" natural boundary" also. He has
called out an additional 100,000 men, why or where-
fore, unless mischief be brewing, no mortal can tell.
But we are not without a fleet now, and shall soon
see it augmented with vessels which will find it
easy work to run down or cut in halves any vessel
which hoists the colours of despotism. We do not
spend £15,000,000 on our navy without expecting
that the voice of Englishmen should be heard
in favour of that which is the object of
their universal, we might say their passionate
attachment. Nothing unreasonable need be asked
—" We let GARIBALDI and his antagonists alone if
you do"—that is all. "No intervention." It is
neither needed nor desirable. The Italians will be
all the better for conquering their own liberties
from their own tyrants. They could have done it
at any time left to themselves. They can do it
now. But we must have no underhand work. No
attempt to get a kingdom for a NAPOLEON ; or,
if the old trick, attempted in Tuscany do not
succeed, dodges to keep Italy divided, when all
the patriotism, education, and intellect of the
country crave to be united. We may be told to
eschew suspicion—we should be glad to do so ;
but we cannot yet forget Savoy ; and,remembering
it, we must think our Government has but one
course open—to trust no promises, to have a
force in the Mediterranean which shall make our
just demands respected, and which shall enable
us to say—lf Italy wishes to be free and united,
what the Italians would join together, let no
Frenchman put asunder.

GOVER'S MAP OF THE KINGDOM
OF NAPLES: OR, THE TWO SICILIES.

We have before us a map of the lands which are
now exciting the interest of every Englishman,
giving a bird's-eye picture of the scene of Gari-
baldi's late exploits, and of the scene, we hope, of
his rapidly approaching career of glory. A litho-
graphed picture, rather than a map, of Sicily and
Naples, and Rome up to the confines of Sardinia,
by which we may all enjoy almost the privilege
of an seronaut, gazing through the clear atmos-
phere of Southern Italy upon the mountains, and
plains, and towns below him. If such maps would
not enable us to measure distances to a furlong ;
they do what is more useful to most of us—they
give us a vivid conception of the aspect of the
country they paint.