The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-09 00:00:00

RUSSIAN COMMERCE.

(From the Money Market Review.)
During the last year or two, the commercial
world has repeatedly been frightened from its pro-
priety by alarming statements respecting the atti-
tude of Russia. At one time, that Power has con-

eluded an alliance with France, with a view, of
course, to aggression upon Europe in general, and
upon Turkey in particular. France, it is true, four
or five years ago, lavished millions of treasure and
thousands of lives in resisting, in conjunction with
England, the attempted encroachments of Russia
in Turkey. Were she to enter into an alliance, one
of the first objects of which would be to promote the
long-talked-of partition of the Sultan's dominions,

she' would just& incur the opprobrium and even
ridicule of the world. Is it to be imagined that her
Emperor would beard public opinion, by proclaim-
ing that all the French blood and treasure expended
in Turkey has been utterly wasted, and that his
policy is directed by motives of the narrowest and
most selfish order ? France is proud of the achieve-
ment of her sons in the Crimea, and would con-
sider it almost a sacrilege were Russia to be
helped by her hands to the prey in defence of which
they died. Even the Emperor Napoleon dare not
attempt to guide the nation into a path repugnant
to its very nature. His language in every public
document of speech points to the exaltation and
grandeur of France. How could he possibly make
these high-flown sentiments harmonise with a
policy which would bear upon its very face the im-
press of pique, personal resentment, and petty
views ?

More recently, alarmists have availed themselves
of a new peg whereon to hang the forebodings.
Hitherto they have talked of a secret alliance be-
tween Russia and France. Now, ,with a strange
disregard of consistency, they croak about an
alleged understar ding—i e., alliance—between
Russia and Austria, the vanqrished and bitter
enemy of France. They soon sketch out a pro-
gramme. Russia is to hold down Hungary—as if
she had not had an effectual lesson in her former
interference in that kingdom, and in the gratitude
with which Austria repaid her for it—and Austria
is to step forth from her fortresses, overthrow the
national party in Italy, and disjoint the map of
Europe once more. According to some, all this is
to be accomplished in defiance of France; accord-
ing to others, with her concurrence, disgusted as
she is alleged to be with the restlessness of an Ita-
lian revolution. We might point to the folly
of supposing for a moment that France can let her
work be undone in Italy any more than in the
Crimea, or that the Emperor can abandon a broad
policy through a petty pique, in the one case more
than in the other. We might dwell, too, upon the
egregious folly committed by those who complete
the sketch by assigning to enlightened Prussia the
ignominious task of assisting Austria in replacing
the fetters upon Italy.
But a trace to such nonsense. We only refer to
it in order to show the kind of foreign news, and
of comments thereupon, which, in these days of
wholesale purveying of telegrams and oracular
despatches from abroad, is occasionally served up
to tickle the palate of the English people. It
meets, unfortunately, with a certain market, or it
would cease to be supplied. Let us, however, quit
this fanciful branch of the subject, and consider
what is really the position of Russia, who is made
to figure in so many projects tending to the dis-
memberment and permanent agitation of Europe.
We do not hesitate to affirm our belief that Russia
has been maligned. We believe that she has neither
the power nor the will to embark in any line of
foreign policy that must be backed up by force of
arms. And we have very little doubt it will be
found that, although the Emperor Alexander may
perhaps permit his Foreign Office to go to a certain
length in inditing strong despatches relating to
Russia's " mission," and so forth, there will be be-
hind all a strong check, which will prevent their
proceedings from becoming a real source of anxiety
to Europe. Russia has been flung back from the
aggression which she attempted under the direction
of her late proud stern Autocrat ; and under the
more humane rule of Alexander—more especially
under the influence of absolute exhaustion—she has
accepted her position. The tremendous nature of
the exertions and sacrifices which she made during
the late war, is order to cope with Great Britain
and France united, has never been fully understood
in Western Europe, The finances were brought
into a frightful state of disorder, and the nation was
drained and impoverished to an extent of which we
have little conception. Russia continued the strug-
gle until she could carry it on no longer. The bur-
thens which it has left behind are sufficient to dis-
gust her with the idea of war for a long time to
come. Accordingly we see that great retrench-
ments, amounting by some accounts to three or
four millions sterling per annum, have been made
sines the olouo of the war, in the ordinary military
expenditure. The levies of the population under
the conscription have been reduced considerably
below the normal level. Neither in point of finan-
cial nor of military preparation is the Government
in a position to enter at present upol a new war,
or even upon a course that might lead to war.
But apart from the pacific policy which is dic-
tated by her exhaustion and financial embarrass-
ments, Russia has other serious internal cares just
now. The question of the emancipation of the serfs
has forced itself upon the attention of the Govern-
ment, and is being taken earnestly in hand. The
condition of the serfs throughout Russia has been
materially ameliorated. It may be said, indeed,
that a great social revolution is in course of accom-
plishment, demanding all the watchfulness and
energy of the Government. As an illustration of
the changes that have taken place, we may allude
here to the contents of letters from Russia which
were received in London two or three weeks ago.
The writers reside in a district within 100 miles of
St. Petersburg. They state that the crops in every
part of that region had been greatly retarded by
the bad weather, and they draw attention to the
remarkable circumstance that their in-gathering on
the estates of many of the nobles and great landed
proprietors has been delayed and jeopardised more
than in other instances. The serfs, in fact, had got
in their own crops, whilst many of the proprietors
had been unable to do so. The explanation is to be
found in the alterations which have been established,
with due sanction of law, in the relations between
the proprietors and the peasantry. Formerly, if a
noble wished his crops to be got in, or other work
to be done, he sent his factotum to the serfs' village,
who collected the male inhabitants and marched
them off without more ado to the scene of opera-
tions. The lord's work must be finished whatever
became of the peasant's patch of land, any rules or
regulations to the contrary notwithstanding. Were
a,-:v of their serfs to prove refractory, there was a
milit,,_ry force not far off, and the knout at hand.
But now the serfs are only required to work for
their lords de::ing three fixed days of the week, the
other three being ,ssigned to themselves. Should
the days given to his et:'rvice prove unfavourable for
badly off, and is obliged
field work, the lord comes
to urge his peasants to increasedexertion by pay-
ing them. The letters to whie:l we havo re-
ferred are of a perfectly original t: nd reliable
character, and throw an interesting light upon the
progress of the great social revolution in R1::ssla•
The movement is obviously not free from dangefs
of a vast scope, and the means of obviating these
furnishes ample occupation to the Government.
Upon the ground, then, of her exhaustion, her
financial difficulties, her lack of military prepara-
tion, the absorbing nature of her home cares, and the
humane and enlightened character of the present
Emperor, we refuse to believe that Russia harbours
at present any designs against the peace of Europe.
The meeting of crowned heads at Warsaw, should
it take place, will not signify aggression. These
views are confirmed by many indications, too nume-
rous to mention, which cannot escape the attention
of those who have peculiarly valuable opportu-
nities of watching diplomatic and military move-
ment; in Russia.

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THE BATTLE OF THE VOLT URNO.

We are now in possession of details of the great
battle which took place on the Ist inst. between
the army of Garibaldi and that of Francis 1I.—
a battle which has probably decided the campaign,
and will leave the discouraged Neapolitan forces an
easy conquest to the advancing Piedmontese. The
English people have so sincere an admiration of the
extraordinary leader who has risen up in Italy that
they will be glad to find him by a brilliant exploit
retrieving the reputation which had been for a
moment obscured. True, the military qualities of
Garibaldi, his boldness, his devotedness, and his
fertility of resources, had never been questioned,
but still one is unwilling to see any shade on so
great a man, and a temporary error of political
judgment will now be forgotten in the splendour
of a victory won at great odds against an enemy
who seems to have behaved with sufficient courage.
On no former occasion has Garibaldi ever been op-
posed to so numerous a force in the field. The
Neapolitans are estimated by our correspondent as
30,000 strong, while all the troops whom Garibaldi
could bring from first to last to the scene of action
did not amount to more than half that number.
When it is considered that the Neapolitan army is
the military force of a large kingdom, that it has
been drilled and disciplined for years, that it is
well provided with every material of war, and that
it rests on such places as Capua. and Gaeta, we may
well wonder that Garibaldi, with his hasty levies,
is able to keep the field at all. But that he should
with a most inferior force repel a general attack of
the whole Neapolitan line, defeat the enemy with
great slaughter, and take a number of prisoners,
variously estimated at from 2,000 to 5,000, proves
that he is not only a partisan chief or a reckless
and fortunate adventurer, but a General in the
highest sense of the word, one capable of command-
ing in a regular campaign, and winning a battle by
the exercise of military skill. The events of the
Ist show Garibaldi to be a trustworthy leader in
warlike operations, and give reason to believe that
when the Piedmontese succours arrive he will be
able to make short work with the Bourbon throne.
The details of this important victory will be un-
derstood from the letter which we print this morn-
ing. To this we need add little. The position of
the opposing armies is well known. The revolu-
tion, though it has driven King Francis from his
capital, has not yet been able to expel him
from the neighbourhood. The Neapolitan army
on the morning of the Ist was within a few
hours' march of the city of Naples. The country
between Capua and Caserta was the scene of the
fight, and the cannon of the Monarch and the
Revolutionists affrighted the timid citizens of the
capital. If the Kin,z had been victorious, he would
have been in Naples before night. And at one time
it seemed that he might be victorious. The troops
which he commanded might be relied upon for at
least one struggle worthy of an army. The Swiss
and Germans would fight because they are consti-
tutionally brave, and look to the Royal cause for
food and pay, and, in case of a victory, for plunder.
The Neapolitan soldiers would behave well because
they are soldiers, and look with contempt and aver-
sion on irregular levies. Accordingly, at early
dawn they were led to the attack. The King and
his advisers knew they must strike a blow. In a
few days the Piedmontese would be in the country,
confident in their numbers and discipline, and
flushed with success over the Algerian General and
his mercenaries. Should Cialdini march in from
the Campagna and take the Royal position in the
rear, there would be nothing left for Francis but to
return to his original intention, and take the
steamer for Barcelona or Trieste, or whatever other
port he might find convenient. A victory over
Garibaldi might rehabilitate the Neapolitan throne.
If the King were once again in his capital, even
the audacious Cavour would hardly venture to is
vade his dominions. He would be dealing success-
fully with rebels in his own territory, and the prin-
ciple of non-intervention would demand that he
should be left to fight it out with the Filibuster
who had landed on his soil. So, in the mist of an
autumn morning the whole Neapolitan line at-
tacked. It was, in short, a second Inkerman. The
Neapolitans, " taking advantage of the mist," ap-
proached unobserved quite close up to a barricade
of four guns, and carried it at the first onset, driving
the Garibaldians across the main road towards Sr.
Angelo. They then formed on this new position
in regular line of battle. The whole line was suc-
cessful, and it appeared for a moment as if every-
thing was lost.
How Garibaldi retrieved the fortune of the day
our readers will learn from our correspondent's
letter. The fight began with only a small number
of the Garibaldians opposed to the enemy. The
leader went forward, revolver in hand, and encou-
raged his men in their desperate resistance. Gra-
dually the supports came up, and the Neapolitans
were charged with the bayonet. They were every-
where driven back, broken, and routed. But the
battle was not decided till the afternoon. For eight
hours long did it rage, till, at last, about four
o'clock, the Neapolitans were flying in all direc-
tions, and were pursued by the conquerors close
under the walls of Capua.
Such was the battle of the Volturno, which has
probably caused the King and his advisers to give
up all hope of retaking Naples. It is evident that
if the Neapolitans, with the advantage of numbers
and a surprise, could not defeat the revolutionary
army, they are not likely to succeed when the Dic-
tator's forces are fully prepared, and are encouraged
by the victory they have won. The 5,000 men
made prisoners, if not an exaggeration, must in-
clude the Bavarians, who in the same telegram are
announced as having been cut off by the Garibal-
dians. From all sources, however, it is announced
that the number is large, and the King's army
must be considered as weakened by several thou-
sand men. The effect on the people of Naples of
the threatening attitude of the King's troops pre-
vious to the battle shows the difficulties of the Dic-
tator, and the immense- importance of his success.
The frightened citizens were engaged in taking
down the tricolour wherever it ornamented their
houses, and would, no doubt, have shouted as
loudly for the returning Bourbon as for the de-
throner. There is a story of a number of people
being crushed to death in Naples through one per-
son in a crowd having felt some water trickling on
him from a balcony. He started aside. This com-
municated a shock to his neighbour, who sprang
against a third, and in a few seconds a wild panic
had seized the whole assemblage. Such is the
Neapolitan, the ready victim of every kind of
excitement and terror. They will probably glance
uneasily at the emblem of Italian unity until
they hear that Francis has taken ship from
Gaeta, and then they will go mad again with
joy and the desire of vengeance. The Dic-
tator must take care to avoid even the momen-
tary appearance of failure, if he would keep the
people true to the cause they have espoused. Hap-
pily, he seems to be following up his victory. It is
announced from one quarter that Capua was at-
tacked on the sth. The telegram we publish states
that a report was current at Naples that the place
had surrendered. It seems therefore at least pretty
plain that the revolutionary leader had taken the
offensive, and that the royalists could not prevent
him from attacking one of their strongholds. A
few days more will probably crown with success
this strange and romantic expedition.---7imes.