The Sun.
London, England, 1869-06-09 00:00:00

THE--.SVbi, LONDON, \'‘. EDNESDAY IiVENING,_ JUNE 9, iF.569.

THE 111,4C',AZIN ES ON -AiIIEI?ICA.

Those just out for June_ touch niore fury than
usual on American affairs. Blackicood has " Arne-

rican Reasons for Peace" ; the Fortnightly, " Ame-

rican Feeling towards England" ; Macmillan "In
terna! ional Copyright between Great Britain and
America"; St. Paul's, "International Coinage."

TLe article in Blackwood, to which we have allt,ided
in a leader, is poor to a surprising degree ; nor that

oily, for it is untruthful. I'Ve are accustomed to plau-
sible papers misrepresenting America, but Blackwood
does this so as to impose only on those shamefully igno-
rant of the United States. Putting politics aside,Ebony
is a favourite magazine,and much read in America.

The more the pity ; for such rubbish as the article
in question generates contempt, as well as annoy-
ance that the educated classes in England should
be content to remain so ignorant of the country
that such stuff can be imposed upon them. The
writer may abuse Senator Sumner to his heart's
content if it eases his mind and satisfies his readers ;
but what he says should at least have a semblance
of truth. Several English papers have followed the
same plan to belittle Mr. Sumner by associating him
with Senator Chandler, whereby agreat orator, states-
man, and party leader is classed•with an individual
who has no such standing, and excites but little re-
spect. The writer might as truthfully, couple in the
same category the Queen of the British Empire
and of the Sandwich Islands, or Mr. Bright and
Mr. Finlen. Whatever may be the opinion held
of Mr. Sumner's celebrated speech, no man can
truthfully describe the Senator himself who does
not speak of him as a great and good man. His hatred
of slavery may have grown into a mania, but can any
one deny that his life has been devoted to a noble
cause ; that this cause has been pursued by him
with consistency, through evil and through good ;
in peril, for there was a time in Washington when
a man risked his life who advocated such opinions,
and Mr. Sumner nearly lost his ;—in triumph, for
now he is a ruler in the Senate and in the councils
of his country, even this philippic 2gainst England
being inspired by the belief, that Eniasd was false
to the emancipation faith she professed, sacrificing
it to the desire of rending the Republic asunder.
Nor is Mr. Sumner a man imbued wAb a noble
.ject only ; for he has followed it by pure and up-
right means. He is a great orator, which even the
men who most condemn his speech are compelled to
allow ; he is able and most successful ; therefore
those who knowing this yet class him with Chandler
and with Robinon, write with malicious untruth,
and are not likely to benefit the periodical iu which
such falsehoods find a place. Blackwood discusses
the probable effect of a war much in the same way,
but other papers have surfeited uswith this nonsense.
The paper in the Fortnightly, written by Edward
Dicey, is of a different character. Mr. Dicey con-
demns the speech in no measured terms ; but he
puts it in its proper place as an expression of the
American mind. Regardieg that feeling he takes
almost an identical view with that expressed by us.
He maintains that the attitude of England during
the war was most keenly felt in the New England
States ; hence in them is to be beard its most bitter
condemnation. These were the States which not only
suffered most in an outraged sentiment, but in ma-
terial loses by the cruisers —a!though Mr. Dicey
has overlooked this—and their interests are those
chiefly iitvolved in American supremacy in the ocean
can ring trade. The feeling in the West be hold;
to be one of comparative indifference, the South
being almost wholly indifferent. Ile has some
remarks about New Englanders as Americans and
as Englishmen. Of all Americans they most closely
resemble the English ; indeed he maintains they
are identical, with that difference, of course, pro-
duced by a continental iustead of an island mi-
dence. They would be deeply offended if mistaken
for anything hut Americans, while claiming to be
something differing from ordinary Americans. But
this is natural, and has its counterpart in every
country. We all lay the flattering unction to our
souls that our's is the great nation of the earth,
while our own section is the creme de la create of
that nation ; thus we arrive at the pinnacle of
humanity, and we have only to go a step further and
assert an individual superiority to place oneself on
the apex. The neighbours dispute the individual's
pretension ; the nation displitts the sectional pat n-
sion, and the world disputes the national l ret,nts,ion ;
thus by as easy stages we come down again. The
Fostiiight/y makes an assertion we are greatly
Inclined to endorse, though not wholly —that
America is thoroughly English in the tone of its
sentiment and thought; that if England takes

a question, and argues it from the same point it
will arrive precisely at the same conclusion at
which America would arrive, and use the same
means for redress. Hence he maintains that if the
English would regard the Alabama question from
the American aspect they would comprehend the
American feeling ; and it is a pity for this reason
that Senator Sumner's speech was not published in
the Times or the Telegraph, with an introduction
asking the reader to listen to the orator if he could
as an American, explaining what this meant in a
few brief sentences. Professor Goldwin Smith. in
his reply before the Cornell University, on the 19th
May, said, "If I know anything of the English
people, the Government, to rouse to fierce and una-
nimous resistance has only to circulate that speech
throughout the land." Yet it appeared to Ameri-
cans (notably to Mr. Sumner himself) a very pacific
speech, setting forth the injuries, although in exag-
geration, still calmly and dispassionately. Had an
English Minister made such a speech in the House
of Loris after the repeated invasions of Canada
described by Sir Francis Head, claiming not only
heavy damages, but an apology, he would have
fired the American heart precisely as Mr. Sumner's
speech has that of England, while Americans are
unconscious of having wronged England in the
way Sir Francis describes. There is one remark from
which we entirely dissent. Mr. Dicey says—" If the
State of New York, for instance, was governed by
an Irish majority, as might well happen, and if
popular opinion was hostile to England we should
have Alabamas sailing from the Empire City, no
matter what Conventions had been entered into
between the Governments of Washington and St.
James." Herein we believe the writer to be altogether
wrong, feelingas we do assured that the Government
at Washington would be as well able to enforce its
orders and the law on New York as on New Or-
leans, or on any other city of the Union, and not
only could, but would loyally do so If not, the
attitude of America is little less than mere bullying,
for it brings that as a heavy charge against Britain
which, under similar circumstances, must occur in
America, condemning in unqualified terms the in-
fraction of an international and municipal law in
another country which it could not prevent in its
own. Not only is Mr. Dicey mistaken, but he is
shown to be so by the recent course of the Execu-
tive at Washington with regard to Cuba, andlthis is
one of the errors which makes England feel os sore
under these claims, for here it is held that America
urges iutemrerately au infraction of law, which,
had the circumstances been reversed, she, in accord-
ance with her usual practice, would have infringed.

Mr. H. A. Burnell, a lay preacher of Wisconsin,
is to Spend four months in preaching on the line of the
Pacific Railroad. His head-quarters for May was Council
Bluffs ; for June, to be at Denver and Salt Lake City ; and
for July and August at San Francisco.

_Professor Austin. of Washington City, with a
number of assistants, is now at Springfiebl, Illinois, by
order of the authorities of the 'United States, for the pur
pose of establishing a new meridian lice, to be called the
" Springfield Meridian Line." One object of the establish-
ment of this Hoe is for the purpose of taking observat.ons
during the great solar eclipse to occur on AugLst 7, 18(19
and which will be total in that city. Preparations are now
being made by the authorities at Washiugten to scud out
a complete party of 01:bevy:thou, as this will Lo the most
complete and interesting eclipse that will occur in America
during this century.
Alexamier T. Stewart, of New York , has given
56,000,000 to bu:id two homes, oae for young working
women, and the other fur young working men.
LITXUIIIANT AND BEAUTIFUL HAIII.—MRS. S. A.
DRESSING never f
un
le vceorl failsour ant
o
lA.LuiLekENl;srlel'toourLeDG'srlieyA
onrt
IR,azdseTao nun
l On
to
beauty, and with the first application a beautiful gloss and de
lightful fragrance is given to the Hair. It stops the Hair from
Tailing off. It prevents baldness. It promotes luxuriant growth ;
it causes the Hair to grow thick and strong. It removes all
4andruff. It contains neither oil nor dye. In large Bottles -
Price Sig Shillings. Sold by most Chemists and Perlanieu
Depot 266, High Holborn

MISCELLAZJEOUS NEWS.

- AO.

nig POLITICAL CRISIS.

The Liberal Commons gave their note of defiance
to the Conservative Peers on Monday night. The
Whips arranged a little scene which was
intended to have, and did carry with it, much
significance. When the Speaker took the chair there
were barely enough members present to constitute a
house, and there was nothing on the paper calculated
to prompt hon. gentleman to display any particular
alacrity of attendance. A few minutes prior to the
commencement of public business, however, there
was a sudden and numerous inflow of Ministerialists,
and very shortly the benches on the right became
crowded to excess, as if pending some important
official declaration, or in expectation of a great field
night. The Prime Minister, who usually
enters the House and takes his seat on the
Treasury Bench from behind the Speaker's chair,
departing from his wonted custom on this occasion,
came by the bar when the way was clear. His
entrance was at once recognised, and immediately
a shout was raised by the Liberals, which they
renewed and renewed again until long after Mr.
Gladstone had taken his seat. Thus again have the
Liberals shewn their adhesion to their leader, and in
doing so have proclaimed unmistakeably that they
will support him, if it be necessary, against the
Peers. Of course the Tory journals find in the event
an indication of the ready subservience of the mem-
bers of the party to the Whip. That can pass.
But a few months ago the same organs were
rejoicing in the division of the same party. They
would doubtless rather see a repetition of the same.
It is worthy of note that the same Conservative
journals are exulting in the fact that " When the
members of the National Union assembled to
present to Lord Derby their address in regard to
the Irish Church Bill, they were joined by Sir Thomas
Gladstone, Mr. W. E. Gladstone/s elder brother, who,
on the part of the Scottish Constitutionalists, presented
to Lord Derby a petition for the rejection of the
bill." This paragraph is published under the heading
"A Divided House."

In spite of the continued confidence with which
Lord Derby expressed to the deputation from
the Conservative Association his conviction that
the bill would be thrown out by "an adequate
majority," that contingency becomes more and more
uncertain. It is understood that eight peers, includ-
ing, beside those already mentioned, Lord Sidmouth,
expressed their dissent from the course recommended
by the ex- e'lief ; and it is probable not only that
more dissentients would have expressed their views
but for the impatience with which those who spoke
were received, but that a large number of the peers who
absented themselves did not approve of the course
to which Lord Derby has pledged himself. The few
remarks made by Lord Devon in presenting the
petition from the Archdeaconry of Exeter are
sure to have great weight. It is remarkable
that five such distinguish_ed High Churchmen
as Lords Devon, Salisbury, Carnarvon, :Nelson,
and Limerick should all be opposed to the
rejection of the bill. Their natural antipathy to the
Orange party has perhaps quickened their judgment
in this matter. They cannot but see how dangerous
both for the Church and the State is an alliance with
men who, because their Church is destined to dis-
establishment, threaten to hoist the green flag and to
resort to civil war.

The lengths to which the Orange party are pre-
pared to go in dealing with the Irish Church Bill
may be gathered from the fact that the most extreme
of the Dublin papers talk of appealing to the mob,
and openly contemplate the probability of civil war.
Extremes meet; and in suggesting an appeal to
arms, the organ of the Orangemen—the lowest depth
of Low Churchism—is but carrying out the policy
which the High Church Archdeacon Denison first
put forward in his address at the Bristol Conservative
banquet prior to the session of 1808.
The London correspondent of the Leeds Mercury
attributes the present action of the Conservative
peers entirely to Lord Derby. He says that it is
notorious that :

"Lord Cairns was in the first instance strongly opposed
to the course which has now been adopted ; and it is hardly
necessary to say that Mr. Disraeli and Lord Stanley regard
that course with positive disgust. But the Tory peers are
no longer disposed to take their cue from the two most
eminent men of their party in the House of Commons, and
Lord Cairns has not the personal influence in the counsels
of the Opposition which would be necessary to enable him
to bend his nominal followers to his own will. He is the
!Tent more than the leader of the party, and in this
instance he has received his brief from Lord Derby, and is
compelled to speak to it. Acute critics saw mischief some
weeks ago, when Lord Derby suddenly assumed a leading
part in the House of Lords, and made his most outrageous
and unscrupulous attack upon Mr. Bright. At that
time it was generally supposed that the Earl intended
to thrust Lord Cairns aside, and assume, uninvited,
his old post of leader. He has, it seems, chosen another
course. He is to be, not the ostensible chief, but
the wirepuller of the party. The moderate men have
been thrown overboard, and the Westmeaths and Redes-
dales anti Marlboroughs are ready to go anywhere
or to do anything at his instigation. The amiable but
very weak nobleman who has been chosen to move the
rejection of the bill of course, give no support but
that of his vote to his party. It will rest with Lord Cairns
and Lord Derby to state their reasons for forcing upon
the House of Lords the unequal contest between them.
selves and the country. On the other hand, Lord
Salisbury, Lord Stanhope, and Lord Carnarvon will
speak against the policy of their party, and it is now
understood that Lord Westbury, upon whose support the
Tories confidently reckoned a short time ago, will take no
part with them. It is yet more certain that Lord Russell
will give them no assistance."
The same writer testifies to the extreme delight
with which the decision of the Peers has been hailed
by the extreme Liberals. He says—and we can bear
out his assertion—that the number of able men who
now openly avow their preference for a Republican
form of government is increasingly large. These
views were openly avowed. at a dinner party given
by an eminent journalist on Saturday evening, and
every member hailed with delight the news of that
evening. The hope of those who hold these extreme
views is that the great question of privilege versus
the public good will be raised upon some point of
broad and general interest; and their belief is that
the moment the question is raised under such
circumstances they will be able to enlist under their
banner the whole of the trades unions, which they
have been courting assiduously for years past, and
which they regard as the most powerful organisations
existing in the country.
The llon. Lyulph Stanley writes to the Star on the
present political crisis, and endeavours to find some
means of escape from the impending dead-lock. Con-
sidering the large majority by which the Suspensory
Bill was thrown out, he thinks we must contemplate the
creation of at least fifty new peers, or, perhaps, even
a hundred, if this means of carrying the Irish Church
Bill be resorted to. Mr. Stanley thinks it is neces-
sary to remember that while many Peers who voted
for the Suspensory Bill will be absent from the
division, the creation of new peers will offend many
lukewarm Liberals who have hitherto supported
the Government. There are grave objections
to the creation of peers, and there are
many considerations which shew that we want
some more efficient remedy for the present state of
things. It has been suggested that it might be
found in Mr. Gladstone's resignation, since the im-
possibility of forming a Conservative Government
would, it is supposed, convince the Peers that they must
give way. But Mr. Gladstone is supported by such
an overwhelmig majority that no light could be
thrown on the matter by this course. Neither is a
general election likely to be of much service. How
can the position of affairs, asks Mr. Stanley, be
different if we go through the same routine, and
what new argument can be addressed to the House
of Lords in October 9 The present collision has, he
thinks, been impending ever since 1832, and the dis-
cord of ideas between a House of great territorialists
and a popularly-chosen assembly will become daily
greater. The Peers have got to learn the lesson—
and the sooner they learn it the better—that the will
of the people must prevail. Let them not invite a
revolution by seeking, either alone or in alliance
with great material interests, to stem the rising tide
of popular government.

T 1 E ItIPPIIZSENTATIOX or NOTTINGITAII

Thirty thousand persons having witnessed the
funeral of Sir Robert Clifton, the electors are now in
a state of excitement ts to his successor. Mr.
George Potter has issued his address. He
offers himself as a working man," and as
" one of the representatives of organised labour
throughout the country, and the advocate of industrial
associations as a corrective to the enormously grow-
ing, and often misused, power of capital." He
upholds the rights of workmen to combine, but says
that intimidation must be " firmly restrained." He
is an advocate of Boards of Conciliation and the
development of co-operation. He is a supporter of
the Ballot, the religious equality of all Churches, of
a Government system of emigration and reclamation
of waste lands, and of the reform of the land tenure
both in England and Ireland. It is nut expected
that Mr. Potter will meet with much support. Mr.
Digby Seymour, a friend of the late member, is
mentioned as likely to be selected by the Indepen-
dent party. The position of Colonel Wright with
regard to the constituency further aggravates the
uncertainty. It appears that when Mr. Seely, the
defeated Liberal candidate who had the highest
number of votes, commenced to petition
against the elected Conservative member, he
(Colonel Wright) said that he was in such a
wretched state of health that, petition or no petition,
he should resign before the end of the session. He
further told Mr. Seely that the doctors said that the
worry of a petition might prove fatal to Min. There-
fore, he urged, " Leave me in quiet possession of my
seat for two or three months, just long enough to
satisfy the Claims of my party, who have put them-
selves to great trouble to get me in, and I'll resign
at the end of the session or during the session." Mr.
Seely withdrew his petition on this understanding. It
is now proposed that Colonel Wright shall resign at
once, in order to spare the excitable borough the
turmoil of another election a month or two hence.