The Sun.
London, England, 1869-01-20 00:00:00

LOA DOS,NWERNESDAY, JAN. 20, 180.

Perhaps the best compliment that can be paid to
the personal character of the Emperor of the FRENCH,
and to his influence in Europe, may be found in the
interest invariably excited by his speeches. With us
the opening of Parliament has grown to be a very
ordinary affair. Unless her MAJESTY graces it with
her presence, it is looked upon as a necessary piece
of routine, to be got over without needless delay ; as
the prologue to the great drama, for whose com-
mencement all politicians are eagerly watching•
Even the Royal Speech excites little attention.
Every one knows bcforehand what will be the sum
and substance of it, and whatever the constitutional
pretence as to its real authorship, it is known
to be merely an exposition of that Minis-
terial policy which has been previously in-
dicated in a good many different ways.
In France, on the contrary, it has not unfrequently
happened that the speech at the opening of the
Chambers has proved the key note of a startling and
unlooked-for policy. Every one remembers the
effects produced by these utterances of NAPOLEON
111. in more than one great crisis of European

fortunes, effects which certainly confirm the EM-
PEROR'S claim to be the central figure in the direction
of continental politics. In the speech of Monday,
however, we find no indication of coming changes or
of sudden revolution. Nctwithstanding the anxious
and troubled state of public feeling fostered by the
enormous armaments which show that every nation
holds itself in immediate readiness for war, the tone
of the EMPEROR'S address is eminently pacific. The
relations of France with foreign powers are, he de-
clares, most friendly. The Spanish revolution has
not altered her good relations with Spain ; the
Conference approaches its termination, and
all the plenipotentiaries have agreed upon
the pri:,ciples calculated to bring about a reconcilia-
tion between Greece and Turkey. NAPOLEON 111.,
therefore, indulges in the confident hope that peace
being thus generally secured, France will be able to
give all her attention to social and domestic improve-
ments, and to her own interior organisation. Her
military task he holds to be accomplished, and France,
to use his own words, "is in a position to confront
every eventuality." The land and sea forces are upon
a peace footing, the armament is rendered perfect,
the arsenals and magazines are filled, the reserves well
trained, the fleet reconstructed, and the national
strongholds in good condition. The EMPEROR de-
clares the constant object of his efforts to be attained,
now that France finds her military resources on a
level with her destiny in the world. Retracing the
fortunes of his reign, he does not hesitate to assume
the credit of the national tranquillity. Compared
with the generations which preceded U 3 the last seven-
teen years have confessedly been to France years of
peace and strength. The authority of law has
been "maintained, and social order observed. Which
is the Government, asks the EMPEROR, that has
given to France 17 years of ever-increasing quiet and
prosperity ? The answer is, of course, readily sup-
plied, and perhaps under such circumstances the
speaker may be forgiven for overlooking the fact that
his whole system depends upon the one central
figure. L'empire c'est ntoi is the keynote of his speech.
" I am thoroughly resolved" he says to his Chambers
" to persevere in the course I have laid down, to
adopt all real progress, but also to maintain without
discussion the essential bases of the Constitution," and
yet he styles himself in an earlier paragrapa " chief
of a free country." The partial concessions which
have been made towards popular liberty h.,ve evi-
dently occasioned him some uneasiness. To
maintain the rights of the Government while
having due regard to the wants of the age, is, as he
reminds us, no light task to undertake on a soil shaken
by so many revolutions. The two measures passed
last session produced two different effects. The
liberty given in part to the intelligence and
ambition of the country by the laws for the Press
and for public meetings created in some quarters " a
factious agitation," but the nation, as a whole, re-
mained calm, relying on the firmness of the EMPEROR
for the maintenance of order. No one can question
this firmness, or deny the service which he has, in
this respect, rendered to France. Whether or no
enemies be disposed to concede to him the single-
ness of purpose, and the patriotism to which he lays
claim, they cannot deny him the credit of a great
political achievement. He has consolidated his
empire, and welded its jarring parts so firmly toge-
ther that, however individuals may suffer, the tran-
quillity of the State is secured and preserved.
The destinies of France, says the EM-
PEROR, rest upon the intimate alliance
of power with liberty. Let us hope then, now
that he finds unlimited cause for congratulation in
the peaceful aspect of French po'itics, that he
will see the wisdom of anticipating the wishes
of the masses, and of permitting the alliance of
power with liberty to become more real, more sub-
stantial, and more lasting, by relaxing a little of
that rigorous control which he holds over the conduct
of affairs. Thus the " ever increasing quiet and pros-
perity of France" may not represent the repres-ion of
all political and literary activity, but the actual satis-
faction of a contented people, who find scope for their
political aspirations without rushing into anarchy or
" changing the essential bases of the constitution."

YESTERDAY one of the most magnificent poten-
tates in the world bade farewell to the country
which he had been governing. Yesterday the ruler
of 150 millions of people became a private gentleman.
He had not been driven from his dominions by
enraged subjects whom he had forced into rebellion
by his bad government. Ile had not been compelled
to abdicate nor to sacrifice his throne in order to save
his life. On the contrary, he had been a beneficent
ruler, and when he departed he was treated with every
mark of honour and respect. The explanation of the
puzzle is simply this. Sir JOHN LAWRENCE, having
fulfilled his term of office, having ruled one-sixth of
the human race for five years, had to retire, accord-
ing to the wise rule that will not entrust so weighty
an office to one man for more than a brief period.
Sir JOHN LAWRENCE, having spent just forty years
in India in various capacities—from the lowest rank of
the civil service to the magnificent position of Vice-
roy—has now left the country in which he has spent
two-thirds of his life,the country which a dozen years
ago he saved, and which in all probability he will
never see again. Looking back over those forty
years, what a series of events must the late VicEnoY
recall. The conquest of Candahar, the disaster in
Afghanistan, the annexation of ;...'cinde, the Sikh
war, the annexation of the Punjab, the Burmese
war, the annexation of Gude, the great mutiny,
the Bhotan war, the construction of our railway
system, the transmission of the first telegraphic
message from England. All these, and many
other events in swift succession, might well
make Sir JOHN LAWRENCE despise our quiet sober-
going life in England, with its petty disputes.
But, after all, the life of a nation does not consist
in its wars nor in its annexations. The glory
of a ruler is not the square miles which he
has added to his territory, but the wise laws which
he has given to his subjects. Is the Indian nation
any the better for our rule during the ninety-seven
years that have elapsed between the assumption of
the Governor-Generalship by WARREN HASTINGS
and its assumption by Lord .3IAYO ? Has the Indian