The Sun.
London, England, 1856-07-15 00:00:00

have ceased, even if it had ever arisen. (Hear, hear.) Be
it observed that the excuse of its being necessary in order
to support the Government, because the Government
causes discontent and disaffection, gains strength from
every unjust exercise of unjust and unlawful powe
(Hear} -Take the case of Bologna. The city of Bologna'
has been in a state of siege for the last eight years. If the
Papal Government were to demand that the heads of 100
families in that city should be arrested and sent to i dun-
geon, there would arise great discontent and disaffection,
and then, because there was discontent and disaffeCtion,
the foreign Government and the Papal Government Would
say that it was impossible to relieve this city from the pre-
sence of foreign troops, and that the occupation must be
continued. It is an evil, therefore, which propagates
itself. (Hear, hear.) But are there no reasons even
stronger than these general considerations of this state of
things being abnormal, of there being no precedent for
sanh an occupation, and of the discontent which it creates
being so great as to induce her Majesty's Govern-
ment, at the Conference of Pari-e to pronounce themselves
in so decided a manner, which would still lead them to
carry into effect the views which they there expressed?
This house will well remember that at the time when we
'were carrying on the struggle in the Crimea—when the
troops of Great Britain and France were besieging Sebasto-
pol and were suffering every sort of privation, the Powers
of Europe generally stood aloof from that struggle, which
are proclaimed to be a struggle for European liberties. At
that time there was one State—a small State, but with an
heroic people and a heroic Sovereign, which came forward
to join us—(hear)—to add its troops to ours and to send to
the Crimea apart of its small army in order to 'hare in the
dangers and glories of our army, to stand side by side on
the banks of the Tohernaya and before the walls of Sebas-
topol with those gallant men whose reception in this me-
tropolisa few days ago filled every breast with emotions
Of gratitude and pride. (Hear.) That noble army, by the
•couamand of the Sovereign, with the full assent of the
Chambers, became most willing associates of our hardships,
and partook of our glory and our honour. (Hear.) It would
be too much to say, too mach to suppose, that the Govern-
ment of Sardinia would have added their forces to ours in
that struggle from no other motive but regard to the gene-
ral interests of Europe. Sardinia had suffered much in its
contest with Austria, its finances had been greatly bur-
dened, and its taxes had been enormously increased. A
Sardinian Minister standing before the Parliament to ask
them to enter into this war with Russia—a distant Power,
whose advances against Turkey, however menacing to Eu-
rope in general, did not bear on the face of them any great
danger to Sardinia—would have had great difficulty in ob-
taining an assent to his proposal had the Chambers thought
of nothing but the dangers of Europe. (Hear.) There ap-
peared, however, to be a general impression on the part of
the Sardinian Government, and from all that I can hear a
very justifiable impression, that if they joined us in that
war their position of continued sacrifice and of consider-
able danger in Italy would be very much ameliorated by
the acquisition of the friendship of two great Powers like
France and England. I shall not be told, I hope, at least by
her Majesty's Gotiernment, that there are no words in the
treaty binding us to take into consideration the state of
Italy. The Piedmontese believe, and I hope they believe
rightly, that, although we may not be bound by the letter
of the treaty, yet that its whole spirit would give them as
much right to expect this consideration at our hands and
at the hands of France as if the determination to consider
the state of Italy had been specifically inserted in the treaty.
It is therefore a question of honour with this country and
with France not to abandon the affairs of Italy. I believe
such an abandonment would be fatal, if not in name, yet
in reality, to the independence of Piedmont. The course
of affairs would be probably this. The Austrian Govern-
ment, if they were aware that this country and France did
not mean to interfere—that we were content with the bar-
ren aid of protocols —would increase their troops from one
end of the frontier of Piedmont to the other. Piedmont
would be obliged—she is even now obliged—to keep up an
army larger than her size and resources would naturally
justify. Discontents would arise thereupon. There would
be in the Piedinontese Parliaments—perhaps in the very
next session—complaints of the Government which had im-
posed such burdens upon the country, and had sent its
army to such a distance without bringing back anything
but hostility on the part of Austria and indifference and
disregard on the part of the Western Powers. It would be
said—and very likely successfully said —that, if this was to
be, the rtisult, it would be better for Sardinia to diminish
her armies, to yield to any demands which Austria might
make for the suppression of a free press and the limitation
of the right of free speaking in the Tribune, and to sink to
that wholly dependent condition which existed for some
25 years after the peace of 1815. If that wise statesman
and sincere patriot, Count Cavour, were driven from
power because England and France had failed in their
implicit engagements—if he were to be driven from
office amid the despair of Italy and the laments of those
who looked to us and to France for assistance, should
ere not feel humiliated that we had asked fur the assistance
of Sardinia, that we had ever appeared at the conferences
of Paris to say a word on behalf of the Italians ? There
are other considerations besides this which immediately
affect our honour. I cannot but think that if France and
England, holding the poation they do in Europe, should
go to a conference of European Powers, and declare that
the Roman States are misgoverned, and point out a way
in which that misgovernment can be remedied—that if
they should denounce the King of the Two Sicilies as a
Monarch whose rule was so intolerable that even that
general international law which forbids others to interfere
in the internal affairs of foreign nations must be suspended
against him—and yet iu the end should'allow the Austrian
Government to treat them with haughty disdain, the Pope
with positive denial, and the King of Naples with taunts
and defiance, they would be humbled even to the dust.
I am now patting the case that it was wise and right to go
to the Conference of Paris with these statements. I was
myself an earnest advocate for that treaty with the King
of Sardinia. Say, if the house chooses to say, that the
whole of this policy has been wrong, that her Majesty's
Government, and those who support such a policy, have
advised a rash and undue interference in the affairs of
Italy. That I can well understand. Go back, then, in
Your policy and assume a totally different attitude. But
what I -cannot understand is, that you should maintain
the same opinions, that you iihould retain the same senti-
ments, and yet that you should not proceed to execute
that which you said it was necessary to do for the security
of Europe and the good of Italy. Sir, these are questions,
and qftestions of great difficulty, which would arise in the
pursuit of the policy upon which we have set out; but
recollect that the Goveruinent of this country but a short
time ago--a Governmeet to which I had the honour to be-
long—the very pacific Government of Lord Aberdeen—sent
tt, fleet to Constantinople, and ordered it to take the
rommand of the Black Sea—a sea at that time very
inuch unknown to us—and also despatched an expedition
to take a fortress upon its shores ! Is any such effort
necessary to accomplish oar present object? Nothing of
the sort. I cannot for a moment think that of Guest Br i•
tain and France declared that they could no longer permit
Austrian occupation, that occupation would be continued.
• Ido not believe that, such a declaration would lead to the
slightest danger of war. Italy is accessible at all points.
,Great Britain and France, with the good-will and hearty
concurrence of the whole Italian people, would surely be
more than a match for any force that the Emperor of Aus-
tria could bring against them. Well, theq, you may de-
pend upon it that the Austrian Government would yield
at once to such a determination. And, be it observee,
that what I am now speaking of is not an interference in
the internal concerns of foreign nations. I will say a few
words upon that question hereafter. What I am now
speaking of is a declaration to Austria that she shall no
longer interfere. Ido not propose that there should, with
regard to the Roman States, be any authoritative inter-
erence for the secularisation of the 'Government, or for
effecting any of those improvements of which Lord Cla-
reudou spoke. lam quite satisfied to leave that question
to the Roman people. Let the people of the Roman States
be freed from this incubus of foreign occupation, and let
them settle with their rulers what shall in future be the
form of Government. If they, as Milton inys that " na-
tions grown corrupt" are apt to do, prefer " bondage with
ease to strenuous liberty," let them have their preference.
, Far be it from•ns to order them to be free, or to command
them to enjoy any of the libertiesof which we are ourselves
ao proud; But do not let a foreign force interfere: Let
'notes man who prefers not to be sent to a dungeon because
he wears a particular sort of hat, or who has been suspected
by some worthless and villanous spy, who gains his liven-
. hood by the betrayal of the upright said the good—
let not a man who has such a preference and feels that
hist fellow-esuntrymen likewise entertain: it, be met
with foreign troops' anti forced to submit to the mis-
government which he detests. (Cheers.) With regard to
liaples the caseis different. Lord Clarendon has stated that
there the circumstances are so grave that evien internal in-
terference may be justified. 'What may be the intentions
of the Government I know not, nor is it for me to say
whether the case is really so strong as to j a ray this inter-
ference. If it is, I should much doubt the efficiency of any
new laws or the permanency of any constitution granted
under such pressure. If it merely means that those vir-
tuous and good men who have been pining i o dungeons for
• years, because thoy had the audacity to d evise for their
country something better than its former misgovernment,
should be released, I can wall understand that some inter-
ference may be justified. What I want to lay stress upon
is that we ought not to allow this foreign occupation to be
continued.. There is, however, one par; of this subject of
which we must not lose sight, because it somewhat con-
cerns the character of this country. In the year 1812 we
were the patrons of every people in Europe wh o rose against
what was then the foreign occupation of the :French army.
That army, extending from Piorence to Hamburg, excited-
strong feeling of repugnance to foreign 'dominion arid a
strong wish for independence. We favoured that wish. In
Sicily especially—Sicily, which it was the last object anti
concern of the public life of Mr. Fox to preserve for the
house of Bourbon—in Sicily we ailed to establish a free
constitution, and by means of that constitution, as Lord
new Bentinck stated in this house, everything gained a
we_. aspect ; the country which had beets miserably
k became strong, troops and militia were forth-
coming, and the csmunauder-in-chief in Sicily was
enabled to send 6,000 British troops to Spain, to aid in the
contest there. The people enjoyed an unwonted degree of
prosperity and liberty—liberty unwonted in modern times,
but not discordant with their ancient constitution. In 1814
• the British troops left Sicily, and in that or the
following
year it was stated, on the part of the British Government,
that although we did not pretend
in to say that there should be
no changes in the constitution, that the Prince Regent
would think himself juatitiedinterfering if either those
persons who had appealed to British protection during our
stay in the island should be molested, or the prosperity
liberty of Sicily should be materially reduced- leSai en d
lien Minister, in vaguer terms, leaving out especially the
word "liberty,'.' accepted that declaration, and e 3
-gee
the honour of his Government to its performance. In
1815 the general treaty of peace was concluded at Vienna ;
but on the 12th or 15th of June in the same year, the
Ring of the Two Sicilies had signed a treaty with the
Emperor of Austria, by which he engaged that no Govern-
ment should be permitted in Naples or Sicily which was
nut in conformity with that of the Austrian empire. The
Sicilians were of course treated with bad faith. They
complained that England had deserted them ; and, with-
cut entering into the policy of those days, it is sufficientto
!,.ul %), that Lord Castlereagh was disposed, as someone said at
ttime, to trust rather to sovereigns with large armies
al ttheir command than to popular efforts or to popular
sympathies. A few Pears ago another effort was made by
Sicily. At the request of the King, Lord Minto went
over from Naples with terms which, after a long discus-
sion, it was thought might at once assure the privileges of
the Sicilians and maintain the union between Naples and ,
Sicily. But, before
Sicilian Parliament,
make his communication to
the leaders of the Parliament, the Neapolitan
Government, ender the direction of the King, had carried
through the land intelligence of these terms, and had pro-
.voked so much opposition and resistance that it was found
Another effort was
impossible to obtain assent to them.
"lade, having for its object to raise the Dukeof Genoa to
thave been
the throne of Sicily. We, for our parts, should
not think
• eeeppy if that effort had succeeded; but wed
ourselves entitled to interfere between the Ringi'
au d his Sicilian subjects and, in a manner, todoisZbeeptlhees
ki ngdorn of Sicily from that of Naples. It must
litted that in that instance, and likewise in anotherepadr"
%Maly, our conduct has to a certain degree excited the