The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-19 00:00:00

MEXICO.

Our relations with Mexico remain in a most unsatis-
factory condition. In my last two annual messasges, I
discussed extensively the subject of these relations, and do
not now propose to repeat at length the facts and argu-
ments then presented. They proved conclusively that our
citizens residing in Mexico, and our merchants trading
thereto, had suffered a series of wrongs• and outrages such
as we have never patiently borne from any other nation.
For these our successive Ministers, invoking the faith of
treaties, had, in the name of their country, persistently
demanded redress and indemnification, but without the
slightest effect. Indeed, so confident had the Mexican
authorities become of our patient endurance, that they
universally believed they might commit these outrages
upon American citizens with absolute impunity. Thus
wrote our Minister in 1856, and expressed the opinion that
"nothing but a manifestation Of the power of the, Govern-
ment, and of its purpose to punish these wrongs, will
avail."

Aft erwards, in 1857, came the adoption of a new con-
stitution for Mexico, the election of a President and Con-
gress under its provisions, and the inauguration of the
President. Within one short month, however, this Presi-
dent was expelled from the :capital by a rebellion in the
army, and the supreme power of the republic was assigned
to General :Zuloaga. This usurper was in his turn soon
compelled to retire and give place to General Miramon.
Under the constitution which had thus been adopted,
senor Juarez, as chiefjustice of the Supreme Court, became
the lawful President of the Republic ; and it was for the
maintenance of the constitution and his authority derived
from it that the civil war commenced, and still continues
to be prosecuted. •
Throughout the year 1858 the constitutional party grew
stronger and stronger. In the previous history of Mexico
a successful military revolution at the capital had almost
universally been the signal for submission throughout the.
republic. Not so on the present occasion.
A majority of the citizens persistently sustained the con-
stitutional government. When this was recognised in
April, 1859, by the Government of the United States, its
authority extended over a large majority of the Mexican
States and people, including Vera Cruz and all the other
important seaports of the republic. From that period our
commerce with Mexico began to revive, and the constitu-
tional government has afforded it all the protection in their
power.
Meanwhile the government of Miramon still held sway
at the capital and over the surrounding country, and Con-
tinued its outrages against the few American citizens who
still had the courage to remain within its power. To cap
the climax : after the battle of Tacubaya, in April, 1859,
General Marquez ordered three citizens of the United States,
two of them physicians, to be seized in the hospital at that
place taken out and shot, without crime and without trial.
This was done, notwithstanding our unfortunate coun-
trymen were at the moment engaged in tho holy cause of
affording relief to the soldiers of both parties who had been
wounded in the battle, without making auy distinction be-
tween them. • •

The time had arrived, in my opinion, when this Govern-
ment was bound to exert its power to avenge and redress
the wrongs of our citizens, and to afford them protection in
Mexico. The interposing obstacle was that the portion of
the country under the sway of Miramon could not be reached
without passing over territory under the jurisdiction of the
constitutional Government.

Under these circumstances, I deemed it my duty to re-
commend to Congress, in my last'annual message, the em-
ployment of a sufficient military force to penetrate into the
interior, where the Government of Miramon was to be
found, with, or, if need be, without the consent of the
Juarez Government, though it was not doubted that 'this
consent oould be obtained. Never have I had a clearer
conviotiou on any subject than of the justice as well as wig-
dom of such a policy,
No other alternative was left, except the entire abandon-
ment of our fellow-citizenswho had gone to Mexico, under
thefaith of treaties, to the systematic injustice, cruelty, and
oppression of Miranion's Governinent. Besides, it is almost
certain that the simple authority to employ this force, would
or itself have accomplished all our objects without striking
a single blow. The constitutional Government would then
era this have been established at the City of Mexico, and
would have been ready and willing, to the extent of its
ability, to do justice.
In addition—and I deem this a most important consi-
deration—European Governments would have been de-
prived of all pretext to interfere in the territorial and
domestic concerns of Mexico. We should thus have
been relieved from the obligation of resisting, even by
force, should this become necessary, any attempt by these
governments to deprive our neighbouring republic of por-
tions of her territory; a duty from which we could not
shrink without abandonieg the territorial and established
policy of the American people. I am happy to observe
that, firmly relying upon the justice and geed faith of these
governments' there is no present danger that such a cc,n-
tingency will happen.
Having discovered that my recommendations would not
be sustained by Congress, the next alternative was to ac-
complish, in some degree, if possible, the same objects by
treaty stipulations with the constitutional government.
Such treaties were accordingly concluded by our late able
and excellent Minister to Mexico; and on the 4th January
last were submitted to tho Senate for ratification. As these
have not yet received the final action of that body, it would
be improper for me to present a detailed statement of their
provisions.
Still I may be permitted to express the 'opinion in ad-
vance that they aro calculated to promote the agricultural,
manufacturing, and commercial interests of the country,
and to secure our just influence with an adjoining republic
as to whose tortun,a and fate we can never feel indifferent ;
whilst at the same time they provide for the payment of a
considerable amount towards the satisfaction of the claims
of our injured fellow-citizens.
KANSAS AND UTAH.

At the period of my inauguration I was confronted in
Kansas by a revolutionary government, existinc, under
what is called the Topeka consfitution. Its avowed object
was to subdue the territorial government by force, and to
inaugurate what was called the Topeka government in its
stead. To accomplish this object an extensive military
organisation was formed, and its command entrusted to the
most violent revolutionary leaders.
Under these circumstances, it became my imperative
duty to exert the whole constitutional power of the Execu-
tive to prevent the flames of civil war from again ragingi n
Kansas, which, in the excited state of the public mind,
both North and South, might have extended into the
neighbouring States.
The hostile parties in Kansas had been inflamed against
each other by emissaries both from the North and the
South, to a degree of malignity without parallel in our
history. To prevent actual collision, and to assist the civil
magistrates in enforcing the laws, a strong detachment of
the army was stationed in the territory, ready to aid the
marshals and his deputies, when lawfully called upon, as a
posse eomitetus in the execution of civil and criminal pro-
cess.
Still, the troubles in Kansas could not have been perma-
nently settled without an election by the people. Theilbaldloert
box is the surest arbiter of disputes among freemen. ;we
this conviction every proper effort was employed to induce
the the hostile partial to vote at the election of
o
frame the State constitution, and afterwards the electioneu,e
decide whether li.ansas should be a slave or a fre St t
lest this
The insurgent party refused to vote at either, _
antes
tot
might be considered a recognition ontileir Fut t4l) rri

torial government established by Congress. A better spirit,
however, seemed soon after to prevail, and the two parties
met face to face at. the third election, held on the first
Monday of January, 1858, for members of the Legislature
and State officers under the Lecompton constitution. The
result was the triumph of the anti-slavery party at the
polls.

- The decision of the ballot-box proved clearly that the
party were in the majority, and removed the danger of civil
war. From that time we have heard little or nothing of
the Topeka Government; and all serious danger of revo-
lutionary troubles in Kansas was then at an end.
The Lecompton constitution which had been thus recog
nised at this State election by the votes of both political
parties in Kansas, was transmitted to me with the request
that I should present it to Congress.
This I could not have refused to do without violating my
clearest and strongest convictions of duty. Tho constitu-
tion' and all the proceedings which preceded and followed
its formation, were fair and regular on their face. I then
believed, cud experience has proved, that the interests of
the pepple of Kansas would have been best consulted by its
admission as a State into the Union, especially as the ma-
jority, within a brief period, could have amended the con-
stitution according to their will and pleasure.
If frawl existed in all or any of these proceedings, it was
not for the President, but for Congress, to investigate and
determine the question of fraud, and what ought to b.) its
consequences. If, at the two first elections, the majority
refused to vote, it cannot be pretended that this refusal
to exercise the elective franchise could invalidate an elec-
tion fairly held under lawful authority, even if they had
not subsequently voted at the third election. It is true
that the whole constitution had not been submitted to the
people, as I always desired ; but the precedents are nume-
rous of the admission of States into the Union Without such
submission.

It would not comport with my present purpose to review
the proceedings of'Congress upon the Lecompton constitu-
tion. It is sufficient to observe that their final action has
removed the last vestige of serious revolutionary troubles.
The desperate band recently assembled, under a notorious
outlaw, in the southern portion of the territory, to resist
the execution of the laws and to plunder peaceful citizens,
will, I doubt not, be speedily subdued and brought to jus-
tice.

Had I treated the Lecompton constitution as a nullity
and refused to transmit it to congress, it is not difficult
to imagine, whilst recalling the position of the country at
that moment, what would have been the disastrous conse-
quences, both in and out of the territory, from such a dere-
liction of duty on the part of the Executive.
Peace has also been restored within the territory of
Utah, which, at the commencement of my Admjnistration,
was in a state of open rebellion. This was the more dan-
gerous, as the people, animated by a fanatical spirit and
entrenched within their distant mountain fastnesses, might
have made a long and formidable resistance. Cost what it
might, it was necessary to bring them into subjection to
the Constitution and the laws.

Sound policy, therefore, as well humanity required that
this object should, if possible, be accomplished without the
effusion of blood. This could only be effected by sending a
military force into the territory sufficiently strong to con-
vince the people that resistance would be hopeless, and at
the same time to offer them a pardon for past offences on
condition of immediate submission to the Government.

This policy was pursued with eminent success ; and the
only cause for regret is the heavy expenditure required to
march a large detachment of the army to that remote region
and to furnish it subsistence. Utah is now comparatively
peaceful and quiet, and the military force elias been with-
drawn, except that portion of it necessary to keep the Indians
in check and to protect the emigrant trains on their way to
our Pacific possessions.