The Sun.
London, England, 1860-01-07 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANLIABY 7, 1860.
_ _

GREAT y BETO.RM MEETING- AT

BIRMINGIL4111:

Yesteriay evening a public meeting was hold in the
Town-hall, Birmingham, for the purpose of giving an oppor-
tunity to the representatives of the borough, Mr. Schole-
field, M.P., and Mr. Bright, M.P., an opportunity of ex-
pressing their sentiments on the question of Reform. The
hall was very densely crowded in every part, and the meet-
ing was altogether of an enthusiastic character.
The Mayor of Birmingham (Mr. Lloyd) occupied the
chair, and was supported by Mr. Bright and Mr. Schole-
field. There were also present Mr. G. Edmonds, Alderman
Baldwin, Alderman Sturge, Mr. Wright, Mr. Holland, &c.
The platform was crowded by a vast number of gentlemen
who take an interest in the question.
Tho Mayor having taken the chair, called n7on Mr.
Alderman BALDWIN to move the following resolution :
"That the necessity of Parliamentary Reform being ac-
knowledged by all the great political parties, and her Ma-
jesty's Government being pledged to introduce a Reform
Bill during the ensuing session, it is the opinion of this
meeting that any bill to be useful to the country and
satisfactory to the people must provide for a large exten-
sion of the suffrage, for vote by ballot, and for a better ap-
portionment of members to population."
The resolution was seconded by Mr. G. EDMONDS, and
carried amidst the cheers of the meeting.

Mr. SCHOLEFIELD, M.P., then rose, and after the cheer-
ing had subsided, spoke as follows :—My friends and fellow-
townsmen, after an interval of nearly 30 years men of all
parties in the State, Conservative as well as others, seem to
have arrived at the conviction that &Reform Bill is abso-
lutely necessary. (Hear, hear.) What may have been suffi-
cient for the year 1830 by no means applies to the change of
circumstances in 1856. (Hear, hear.) The enormous in-
crease in the wealth of the country is in itself one very
important element which should govern our future consi-
deration, because that wealth has now diffused itself among
all classes of the community. The working classes have
shared as amply as others in the great prosperity of past
years, and that being the case, there is no question that
the education of the country has also made enormous pro-
gress, and has reached even to the poorest classes in the
country. The consequence is that the middle class men of
the year 1830 were scarcely up- to the mark of the great
body of the working classes in the year 1860, and yet
in spite of this the working classes as a body have still
no voice in the representation. Now, Ido not mean to tell
you that I think the working classes are more honest or
more intelligent, or more patriotic than their fellowmen in
other classes. I have never attempted to rouse your pas-
sions by any such statement, but I do say this, and I say
it with the utmost confidence, that the working classes are
no less intelligent, honest, or patriotic. (Cheers.) If
this be so, the working classes as a body have the fullest
right to a share in the representation. Now I do think
that on a ietrospest of what has taken place during the
last thirty years, even the strongest Conservative may
take heart of grace and put all his alarm on one side.
We remember what were the prophecies of a large num-
ber of men in the highest position in the country at the
time the first Reform Biil was under discussion. We were
told that we were on the eve of a revolution, that England
was to sick to the level of a second. rate power, that the sun
of England had set for over, and yet what has been the
fact ? Why, that so far from this having been a revolu-
tionary measure the first Reform Bill, if it had ono stilling
feature more than another, was that it averted revolution,
We have had the freest press, free trade, and greater free-
dom of religion ; and, upon the whole, we have had a vast
increase of contentment and prosperity throughout the
country. (Cheers.) Well, then, I believe that we shall
have a Reform Bill next session ; and I say so in despite of
tertian rumours to the contrary. It has been said that the
Ministers have not yet prepared their bill. Of course it is
impossible for any persons out of the Cabinet to know what ,
has passed at the board ; but if the Ministry have not yet
made up their minds as to the nature of their bill, they
have very ill conducted themselves during the recess. We
are also told that there is an intention on the part of the
Government to divide their bill into two parts—one part to
apply to the franchise, and another to the manner in which
decisions shall be come to in the great centres of represen-
tation. Now, Ido not believe that, for Ido not believe that
any body of men composed as the present Ministry is, would
seek to de it. As my hon. friend (Mr. Bright) has told you
over and over again, it is impossible to separate the two
questions as to the extension of the franchise and the mode
in which you will give to different parts of the country the
power of sending members to Parliament. We must re-
member that, whatever we may think of the Reform ten-
dencies of some members of the Government, there are
men in it, among others Mr. Milner Gibson, who have
earned the confidence of all true Reformers. (Hear.) We
must not forget that. a neighbouring borough has returned
one who is a member of the Government, and who always
will receive the applause of his fellowcountrymen as having
been the first man in this country who mooted with any-
thing like success the question of free trade. I mean Mr.
Villiers. (Cheers.) Wo must not forget that these gen-
tlemen are members of the Government, and I am content
to believe that in that Government these gentlemen will
not remain unless that Government consents to a Reform
Bill based on sound principles. But supposing we may be
disappointed in this respect, we are not without able and
willing leaders. We cannot forget that we have my hon.
colleague, whose consummate ability and vast eloquence
have been acknowledged on all occasions in defence of the
rights and liberties of the subject. Even should the Go-
vernment be deficient in its desire to promote reform, I
have no doubt we shall find some means of showing that
the liberties of the people are not forgotten in the existing
House of Commons. The question is, what shall the re-
form which is required amount to. I am not here to discuss
the bill of my hon. colleague, which has received the sanc-
tion of all classes of the country. We cannot discuss the
bill of the Government, because we do not know what the
provisions of that bill may be ; but I think we are in a
position to declare the broad and general principles on which
any reform bill ought to be based. (Cheers.) The resolu-
tion states that we will not be satisfied with any reform which
does not give us a very great extension of the franchise—l
would say a franchise equal to that which Lord J. Russell
proposed of an rating ; and I say this because I believe that
in any measure which we adopt we ought to do that which
we can do well. (Hear.) Although I look to the widest
extension of the suffrage as the point to which I think we
ought to go, I never would refuse any measure evleaell
honestly and seriously attempted to give the
epic any
portion of their rights—(cheers)—because
am quite sure
'ae to obtain. (Hear.) The
that every extension of the franchise Vaal be the lever of ob-
taining that which many of us ho
re :ors to the more equal apror-
population. I will not say what
tsicoenoinndenobtjoefemt iesmthbaerst which itetie
h
boroughs ought to be ':ifsfranchised, or what boroughs ought
sot to be enfrancheised, or the number of members to be
given to this or to that district, because these are matters
which will be discussed in the Government Bill. (Hear.)
But I may say this, that unless wo have a more equal appor-
tionment of members to the population we shall not obtain
anything like what we have a right to expect. (Cheers.)
The resolution mentions the question of the ballot. I do not
wish to diminish the importance of that subject. I have
Always voted for the ballot and shall alwayswish to see that
a part of the means by which members are to be returned to
Parliament. But if the recolution means that the ballot is
to be made a sine qua non in any bill, that we are to reject
any measure which does not include the ballot, I must re-
luctantly demur to the conclusion of the resolution. I should
be glad to accept an honest reform bill even without the bal-
lot, not because I undervalue its importance, but I wish you
to bear in mind the circumstance that a great portion of the
Government are against the ballot, and that you have not
a pledge that the ballot shall form any part of the Go-
vernment measure. I do not wish to see our public men
dragged through the mire so as to pledge themselves to
support opinions which they do not entertain. Ido not
wish to see the leading members of the Government who
object to the ballot coming forward and saying that the
arguments of the public have convinced them that the ballot
ought to be, adopted. I would much rather see the public
make their representatives pledge themselves, when the
time comes, not to vote for any Ministry which will no t
carry the ballot. (Cheers.) But I should be disposed to
take env honest measure of Reform which the Government
adopts, even though the ballet may not be included in it.
It has been said you talk a great deal about Reform —what
do you mean to do when you get it ? Now, in the fiyst
place, I would say, if you get nothing else you would got
this, you would place every man who felt he had a right to
vete on the same footing in that respect as the richest man
in the country. In that sentiment is embodied that which
constitutes loyalty to the Queen and love of the country, for
no man can feel that he is an Englishman unless he pos-
sesses all the rights of an Englishman. (Cheers.) Well
then, I think beyond this that the House of Commons itself
would be no worse off if we had a little infusion of fresh
blood. I mean no disrespect to that house—which, with all
its faults, I look upon as still the noblest representative as-
sembly in the world—in saying that its deliberations would
be greatly improved by having in it some men who should
be more immediately the representatives of the working
classes. (Hear.) There are many questions in which such
representatives could give an opinion, which, if not sounder
and better than that of other men, would satisfy the work-
ing classes of the country that their wishes were represented
in a manner which they themselves understood, and with
which they sympathised. (Hear, hear.) I feel also, that
in the coming session it would have been an immense-ad-
vantage if we had in Parliament men who would represent
the working classes on the question of taxation, and
which is a question that there is reason to believe will
be subjected to revision next session ; nor do I think
that the question of the revision of the taxation of the
country could be introduced to the 'house by
_au abler

_ .
1 financier than Mr. Gladstone ; but I an sure that the
1 Chancellor of the Exchequer would be none the worse if
he had the views of the indiistrious as well as of the
property classes of this country plated before him.
I do not mean to say that the property classes have mani-
fested a desire to shift the burden of taxation from their
own shoulders to the shoulders of the working classes ;
but sinse the termination of the Russian war the only
tax that has been lightened has been the income and pro-
perty. tax, while .the taxes upon tea and sugar have re-
mained untouched. That in itself is an injustice; and my
hon. friend has before pointed out the great inequalities
which at present exist in respect to taxation. I do not mean
to say that I adopt every syllable of the statements which
have been made by my hon. friend, although I could not
find fault with this or that particular part of his argument,
but I say that substantially he was quite right, and that it
is the bounden duty of the Government to revise the taxa-
tion of the country, and in doing so to take care that it
shall not fall rather uptm industry than upon property.
(Cheers.) I should have great confidence in a reform of
Parliament which would snake the members give a more
constant eye to the expenditure of the public money. (Hear,
hear.) lam not quite sure that any reform of Parliament
will lead to great economy, because I cannot help think •
ing that all classes, when dealing with the public money,
will be more lavish than they would be if they were deal-
ing with their own; but I believe that we should not eyed
find a Parliament of working men which would object to
the proper and reasonable expenditure of public money
in order to keep up an efficient army and navy. (Loud
cheers.) This, however, I know, that they would take
care that they had their money's worth for every
pound which was spent. Numberless attempts have been
made to make the House of Commons economical, but the
House of Commons is a body which is not altogether con-
stituted in the best manner to watch over the expenditure
of the country ; and I candidly confess that when the esti-
mates aro introduced, such is their extent that they abso •
lutely bewilder me, and when the Government say such is
the amount which is absolutely required for the service of
the country, and if you refuse it you will be responsible for
the result, I am not prepared to disagree with the Govern-
ment, and to undertake so great a responsibility. The late
Mr. Hume, and the present hon. member for Lambeth,
both proposed that the estimates should be submitted to a
committee, but I am not quite clear that such would be the
best mode of dealing with them, because if a committee re-
ports upon any particular item, and the House of Commons
acting upon its recommendation, rejects the item, Govern-
ment escapes all responsibility ; but what I think would do
a great deal of good, without relieving Government of re-
sponsibility, would bo to refer the question of the expendi-
ture of the estimates to the investigation of a committee.
(Cheers.) There are many other questions which I think
would be settled immediately if we had a reformed Parlia-
ment. There is that question of church rates, which I be-
lieve will never be settled except by the sweeping measure
of Sir J. Trelawny for their total abolition. There is
another question, which affects the Roman Catholics of
Ireland, upon which the hon. member for North Warwick-
shire is so often eloquent. I mean the question of the May-
nooth Grant—that would be settled for ever. (Hear.) For
these reasons I think that Reform is absolutely necessary,
and will give additional stability to the Government, and
produce additional content, prosperity, and loyalty among
the people of this country. (Cheers.) Entertaining these
views, I shall do all in my power to co-operate with my hon.
colleague in endeavouring to make a broad, honest, and
effectual Reforten Bill. (Cheers.)
Mr. BRIGuT, on rising, was received with loud and long
continued cheering. He said, I feel very sure that you will
agree with me when 1 say that I think it a wholesome thing
that constituencies and their representatives should meet
as we meet to-night, for the purpose of discussing questions
of vital interest to the community—questions which must
very soon come before Parliament, and which pre-eminently
call for legislation. (Hear.) But if these groat questions
—vital as they aro to the interests of the community—can
only bo determined by Parliament, hew necessary is it that
that Parliament to which these great questions are referred,
should fairly representthe great interests and the intelligent
mind of the people of this country. (Cheers.) I think Ido
Let overstate the case, when I state that for many years Past
there has been a growing conviction, not amongst the unre-
presented classes only, but amongst all classes, that the
blouse of Commons in this country—the chief house of le-
gislation in the kingdom—does not fairly include within• it
a representation of all the interests and of all the classes
who belong to the great concerns and to thogreat population
of the kingdom. (Hear, hear.) And we have a most conclu-
sive proof of- this opinion from the fact, that without any
great agitation, without any firmeombination, or any series
1 of combinations throughout the country, the whole country
has come at lastto the conviction that we must have another
Reform Bill, a far larger number of voters, a bettor distri-
bution of members, and such changes as will make the Par-
liament more entirely a mirror to represent the public than
it does at present. (Cheers.) The question has grown
very quietly, but it has attained at last a giant's stature;
and whether yens. Government be formed of men from one
side of the house or from the other, it is all the same.
They come down with one speech after another from the
Throne, proclaiming to the whole country that it
is the opinion of the Crown, as it is the opinion of the Go-
vernment, and, as I hesitate not to say, as it it; the opinion
of the vast majority of the people, that we are entitled to
an extension of Parliamentary representation. (Cheers.)
It is a curious thing to watch the progress of this question.
When the bill of 1832 passed, there were many people in
Birmingham who thought it very inadequate, though they
had agreed to accept it, and had done so much to carry it.
For 20 years the authors—l mean the parliamentary authors
of that bill—the leaders of the Whig party— steadily re • i
fused to stop one single hair's breadth in advance of it.
They justified, by their conduct, that which a friend of mine
who knows what took place at that time, told me, namely,
that he thought the people of Brookes's Club—the principal
Whig club in London—were about as much frightened at
the Reform Bill as anybody else. (Laughter.) It was not
till 20 years afterwards—till the year 1851, I believe—
that Lord John Russell—by far the most eminent, by far
the most distinguished, and, as I believe, by far the most
trustworthy of his party on this question—it was not until
1851 that Lord John Russell himself avowed his intention
to offer a further bill, providing for a further extension of
the franchise to the consideration of the House of Commons.
In 1852 the promised bill made its appearance. It provided
for an extension of the suffrage in boroughs to this amount.
That every man having a house rated at £5, which I pre-

sumo would be equal to about £6 of rental, should have a
vote. With regard to Scotland, it provided that every per-
son living in a house not rated at but rented at £5 should
have a vote. Well, that was a largo and substantial offer
to Parliament and the country ; but the unfortunate quar-
rel which took place between Lord John Russell and the
chief of the present Cabinet, caused a change of Govern-
ment, and that bill was withdrawn. Wo step on now,
passing over the short Government of Lord Derby, to the
Government of Lord Aberdeen, and in 1851, Lord J. Rus-
sell, acting again as spokesman for the Cabinet on behalf of
the Reform question, brought in another bill, which was
not so good as the bill of 1852 with regard to the franchise,
for it raised the suffrage from a £5 to a £6 rating, which is
probably equal to a£7 rental. That bill was withdrawn.
That Government—composed, as I believe it was, of three
sections of politicians, if not of three factions of politicians
—that Government allowed the country to drift into a
needless and sanguinary war, and therefore, as a matter of
course, all questions of Reform and improvement in your
domestic affairs were laid aside until the war was concluded.
Well, after that Government fell, we had the Government
of Lord Palmerston, with a good many promises, and not
only no performance, but no attempt at performance.
(Laughter.) In 1858 that Government fell, and was suc-
ceeded by the Cabinet of Lord Derby; and, as Mr. Disraeli
insists upon it that the Whigs have no right to a monopoly
in dealing with the Reform question, ho and his colleagues_
proposed to deal with it, and at the beginning of last year
they introduced a bill which, as it had one evening devoted
expressly to it in this hall some three months ago, I think
we need not go into further to-night, and in avoiding any
discussion of it I think we shall only be acting with charity
and compassion to its author. (Laughter and cheers.) So
unsatisfactory was that bill of Lord Derby's to the House of
Commons and the country, that not only was it rtjected, but
the Government was rejected too. (Laughter.) Lord Derby
took the opportunity, as it is reported, on one occasion of
making some not very pleasant observations upon me, in
which he said, if I recollect rightly, that the Queen would
not have me, the House of Commons would not have me,
and the country and the people would not have me. The
noble lord fell into precisely the same predicament. (Laugh-
terand cheers.) The House of Commons would not have Lord
Derby's bill, and the House of Commons would not have
Lord Derby. (Laughter.) He then appealed to the consti-
tuencies of the 'United Kingdom, and with a power of cor-
ruption, waich I suppose has never before been equalled ;
but he learned, notwithstanding, that the country and con-
stituencies would not have him ; and acting in accordance
with the Constitution, finding that the house and the coun-
try had decided against him, of course the Crown would
not have him, and Lord Palmerston was called in to supply
his place. Now we coma to the position in which wo now
find ourselves in connection with the great question. On
the night—l think the very night the dissolution was an-
nounced—Lord J. Russell made a statement in the house
of what he thought would be a liberal proposition for a Li-
beral Government to make—a proposition which he inti-
mated he would be willing to make himself, if in a position to
do so. Well, we had the dissolution, and after the general
election we went up to London, and we had a meeting at
Willis's-rooms, and there was some discussion there on this
as well as upon other questions. It was determined that if
a majority of the House of Commons would agree, Lord
Derby's Goverment should be put vitt and a new Qoveru-

merit formed. The great point upon which the house and
the country differed from Lord Derby was upon the ques•
tion of Parliamentary Reform, and if there be anything in
the world to which the statesmen now in office, are pledged
more than any other, it is to a measure of Parliamentary
Reform, such as shall be clearly distinct from, and better
than that which they rejected when Lord Derby proposed
his bill. The promises of the leaders of the 'Whig party
gained them power, and having acceded to power, the time
for action, and for the fulfilment of their promises, is now
come. (Hear.) in making.these observations, do not for a mo-
ment imagine I am doubting the course the Government will
take. lam merely stating the facts that they may be in
your recollection, and the recollection of the country, if
by any possibility there should be hereafter any necessity
to recall that which has passed. (Cheers.) But now
what was the measure which Lord J. Russell proposed ?
Reform, as we all know, is a question of degree. In a
great many countries of the world there are Legislative
Assemblies elected by constituencies. They are elected in
almost all kinds of ways, and therefore a proposition may
be made which is not mine, or which is not yours, but still
may have value in it, and may be worth fairly considering.
The proposition which Lord J. Russell made before the dis-
solution appears to me to be one of that character, and we
shall not waste our time if we devote a few minutes to an
examination of what it really is. The bill must necessarily
be something in the shape of a compromise. It will not be
a mere deception, like the bill pf Lord Derby, and, cer-
tainly, if he adheres to what ho proposed, it will not be as
full and as comprehensive as the very moderate proposition
which last year I was permitted to submit to the considera-
tion of public meetings in various parts of the country. It
will be more moderate—l am confining myself now to the
question of the suffrage—it will be more moderate than a bill
which Mr. Pitt was ready to submit, and I think proposed,
about 70 years ago. It will be more moderate and more re-
stricted in its suffrage than a bill introduced by the late
Lord Grey, and supported by Mr. Fox 60 years ago. It will
be more moderate than the bill or the proposition that was
made by Lord Durham about 30 years ago. It will be very
much on a par with the bill of Lord !ohn Russell in 1852,
and it is that kind of a measure which I presume, in the
course of the month of February at the latest, we shall see
brought before the House of Commons. Now, I shall con-
fine myself to the question of the borough franchise, as the
House of Commons has already agreed to the question of the
county franchise. The £lO occupation franchise in the coun-
ties appears to be agreed upon generally in the House of Com-
mons, but there still may be a difference of opinion with re-
gard to the borough franchise. In large towns a£6 rental
franchise willadd very largely to the constituency,though, as
appears from the returns of small occupiers, which have been
sent up to the Poor-law Department for the uee of the Govern-
ment in discussing this question, not nearly so largely as
might be imagined. I, however, take it for granted that
in all places which are large, like Birmingham and Man-
chester, and which are full of manufacturing activity, like
Wolverhampton and many of the boroughs in Lancashire
and Yorkshire, a £6 rental franchise will double, and per-
haps in a few eases will rather more than double, the exist-
ing number of electors. In other towns, too, which are
what is called "unfinished"—(laughter)—towns, where
there has not been a new street, and perhaps not a new
house, in the memory of anybody living—(laughter)--in
towns of that kind, where there is no commercial or manu-
facturing life, the increase in the number of electors will be
comparatively small. I believe there aro many in which
the increase will not be more than 10 per cent. ; and I be-
lieve that if we take such a city as Exeter, which has a very
considerable population, but is still not a town of great com-
mercial life or activity, the increase in the number of elec-
tors will not be more than 20 per cent. I mean by this that
if the present number of electors is 1,000, the addition will
not be more than 200, making the register in future 1,200.
It is quite clear, then, that that would not be a particularly
destructive measure, and a man must have eyes of a highly
magnifying power to enable him to discover that it was so
(Laughter.) Now there is one point which is very impor-
tant in considering this matter. There are 134 boroughs
in this country—l am speaking now of the United King-
dom—returning 198 members, which aro so small that it is
utterly impossible for any extension of the franchise to give
an adequate constituency to them. For instance, there are
56 boroughs, whose average population is only 5,900. The
average number of electors is only 321 voters, and yet they
return 87 members. (Hear.) If you give a£6 rental in
these places, and rents are much lower than at Birmingham
or Manchester, you will find that you add very few in •
deed to the constituency, and therefore the proposition of
Lord John Russell will be found wholly inadequate for
such boroughs. Then, again, there aro nine boroughs in
Ireland with a population of 5,600, in which the average is
173, and yet they return nine members. There aro also
69 boroughs whose average population is 11,300. The
average number of voters is 483, and these 69 :boroughs re-
turn 102 members to • Parliament. (Cries of " Shame.")
Although this bill will give a great accession to Birming-
ham and Manchester and to large towns of commercial
activity and manufacturing life, if you come to the list
which I have read, you will find that there are 200 mem-
bers returned from boroughs whose constituencies will be
altogether insufficient for a proper, representation if that
bill should pass. (Hear, hoar.) But, now, look at the
large boroughs. There are 23 boroughs with a population
between 54,000 and 127,000, which return only 42 members,
and there are 12 boroughs with a population over 127,000,
which return 24 %embers. These 35 large towns return 66
members, and whatever may be the extension of the suf-
frage in these boroughs, they would still only return 66
members. If then, it should frighten anybody to be told
that the number of electors in those boroughs will be
doubled, they will know, at the same time, that they would
have 124 boroughs returning 198 members, in which this
bill will make hardly any perceptible difference in giving a
free and suffieient constituency. It is not, then, for those
who are against Reform to say that the great boroughs
will have too many electors; but it is for us, who are in
favour of Reform, to say that these small boroughs under
this bill will have a number of electors wholly insufficient to
justify Parliament in cos tinuirig to them the privileges they
now enjoy. (Hear.) It is impossible to say what will be
the whole number of electors added to the boroughs of the
United Kingdom, but I make a sort of guess, which will
be sufficiently near to enable us to argue from. At pre-
sent, in the United Kingdom, the borough voters aro about
500,000. I am of opinion that a£6 rental franchise will
not add 63 per cent. to the whole of the borough consti-
tuencies of the kingdom; but I take it at 60 per cent.
which would give an addition of 330,090 voters, making the
present number of 500,000 into 800,000, and therefore fall-
ing widely short of doubling the present constituency. Now,
the county constituencies of the United Kingdom have about
700,000 names upon the register, and I calculate that realm-
hag the county franchise to £lO will add, perhaps, 200,000
more, arid bring them up to 900,000. Therefore the present
number upon the register for counties and borough being
1,200,009, will be increased by half a million, but the real
number of voters will be not more than a million, as many
wore upon both the county and the borough registers, and
the whole number of voters, if this bill passes, will conse-
quently not be more than a million and a half. lam quite
sure that the mon who dread a measure like this, who fancy
that we are extreme in our propositions, though this
bon know is not our proposition, cannot really have ex-
amined it, or they vrould not say a syllable against it. What
did Mr. Disraeli say in that last memorable debate, in which
ho fought for his political or rather his official life, and did
not succeed in saving it. On the 7th of June he said, "It is
unnecessary on this occasion to vindicate the measure which
We brought forward in the last Parliament, but I will state
one fact, not upon my own authority, but upon that of men
of high scientific character not connected with politics or
with parties, whose only object in their researches is to esta-
blish and promulgate truth, and that is, that our measure
Would have increased the constituent body by not less than
500,000, being absolutely a larger addition than was made
by the Reform Bill of 1832." Further on he said—" We"
—and in this he was speaking of the monopoly which Lord
S. Russell and the Whigs had usurped on the question of
Reform—" we, who at least have prepared and introduced a
measure which would more than have doubled the constitu-
ency of 'the kingdom, are never to be allowed to give our
opinious upon a measure of this kind." In one case he said
the bill added 500,000 ; and, in the other, that it mare than
doubled the constituency of the kingdom. He know that the
bill had been a bill of exclusion against the working classes.
He and Sir E. Bulvrer Lytton had taken credit to the Go-
vernment for excluding the working classes and having
given the suffrage to the middle classes; and he said, fur-
ther on, " The questior of the borough franchise must be
dealt with, and it must be dealt with, too, with reference to
the introduction of the working classes. We admit that
that has been the opinion of Parliament, and that it has
been the opinion of the country, as shown by hon. gentle-
men who have been returned to this house." He then goofs
on to say " And therefore we are perfectly prepared to deal
with that question of the borough franchise, and the intro-
duction of the working classes by lowering the franchise in
boroughs, and by acting in that direction with sincerity;
because if you intend to admit the working classes to the
franchise, by lowering the suffrage in boroughs, you must
not keep the promise to the ear, and break it to the hope.
The lowering of the suffrage must be done in a manner
which satisfactorily and completely effects your object, and
is at the same time—using the usual stereotyped phrase—
' consistent with maintaining the institthutions
at
if of th
Govere
nment
coun-
try' Fell, am I not entitled to say
bring in a bill for a £lO franchise in counties, and a £6
rental franchise in boroughs, which bill would not add
more than 500,000 electors to the register—am I not
entitled to say that such a bill cannot be opposed by Mr.
Disraeli after the extracts I have read ? (Hear, hear.)
He proposed to add 500,000 voters in his delusive measure.
He said it would more than double the constituency of the
kingdom, and he said, "If you admit the workin classes,