The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-16 00:00:00

ould seem as if the hon. member has constituted
himself into a defender of the illustrious General,
brought before the bar of this house on his trial.
Such, gentlemen, was certainly not our intention.
Far from showing any want of respect to General
Garibaldi, by bringing before the house the ques-
tion of confidence, we think we have paid him the
greatest homage that ever could be shown to a
citizen. A profound dissent has arisen between the
General and the Cabinet. (Hear, hear.) We had
not provoked this dissent, and if reasons of public
service had not removed from his place in this house
an illustrious Admiral (Persano), to take the com-
mand of his squadron, he could bear witness to the
spirit with which our instructions, both official and
confidential, given to him when he set out for
Palermo, were dictated. Not only did the Cabinet
not provoke this dissent, but they did all in their
power to keep it from the knowledge of the coun-
try. We dissembled it as.long as it was practica-
ble, but when a public writing, when a mission to
some extent solemn, showed that his dissent existed,
the Kng's Government thought that this was a
sufficiently serious circumstance to entail upon them
the duty of referring to Parliament the question
whether that dissent modified the judgment by
them pronounced a few months before respecting
our policy. Such a proceeding, I think, far from
being injurious, is highly honourable to General
Ga sibaldi. (Bravo!) What, for the rest, could the
eMinisters have done? Take no notice of this dis-
sent, and go on reckoning that the confidence of
Parliament could not fail them, and that the latter
did not share Gen. Garibaldi's opinions as to the
policy of the Government ? It would have been a
dangerous course, and we would have been reproved
by our opponents for not consulting Parliament in
such aserious emergency. To do away with the dis-
sent there was another means, and it was suggested
by the Hon. M. Mellana ; it was to resign our offices;
for then we " should have lost power, bat achieved
greatness." Such were his words, and the advice
was not so bad; but it is only faulty with respect
to the epoch it refers to ; we were concerned by a
dissent between the Dictator of the Two Sicilies
and the Ministry, and notonly had we endeavoured
to avoid it, but also strove in order that the breach
might not widen. Truly, gentlemen, in the last days
in August, when the Dictator was still far from
Naples, when this dissent was not yet certain,
though probable, the Ministers considered its pos-
sibility, and the consequences such a dissension
might have. We then came to the unanimous reso-
lution to inform the Crown that the news we re-
ceived from the camp brought us the painful cer-
tainty that the men, who, agreeably to the expres•
sion of the Hon. M. Chiaves, " poured gall and vine-
gar upon the sore heart of the illustrious general,"
had far greater influence than those deserving citi-
zens, although his friends, who made vain efforts
to heal his heart's wounds. We then showed the
Riug the oerioues concerpteneez of these eventualities
and declared that it was perhaps expedient to pre-
vent them, not by a change of policy, for this we
could never have advised, but rather opposed it with
all our might, but with a change of persons. After
mature deliberation the King declared a change of
Ministers, in the absence of the Chambers, and
without an ostensible political motive, would have
been an act greatly weakening the Government at
home as well as abroad. His Majesty therefore in-
vited the Ministers to remain in their places. They
obeyed without hesitation the voice of the high-
minded Sovereign, and continued to hold office,
hoping that the dreaded dissent would not ooze cut.
But it became matter of public talk, and we had not
the means to prevent that. At that moment it was
no longer in our power to tender our resignation,
because, gentlemen, I repeat it, if the Crown, upon
the demand of a private man, however highly distin-
guished and well-deserving of the country, were to
change his advisers, a grievous an d,I would say, mor-
tal wound would be dealt to the constitutional sys-
tem. (Bravo!) Nor is it just to say that Garibaldi is
not a General like Gen. Fanti or Gen. Cialdini. I
acknowledge that General Garibaldi is in different
conditions ; but, gentlemen, if he is a Dictator in
Napes, ho is also here a citizen who has sworn to
the constitution, as we did. (Hear.) As we were
no longer empowered to resign our office, we had no
other resource than to assemble Parliament. We did
so under conviction that, far from widening the
breach and rendering it irreparable, it was the only
means of putting an end to it. By coming freely to
you, gentlemen, to reveal the existence of that dif-
ference, and calling for a vote of the Chamber, not
upon General Garibaldi's conduct but upon our
policy, we shall obtain either that your vote goes
against us, and then the Ministerial crisis will occur,
but only agreeably to the great constitutional prin-
ciples, and in this hypothesis the change of Minis-
try not only does not affect those principles, but
rather confirms them; or your suffrage is favourable
to us, and then we feel confident that it may exer-
cise a great influence on the mind of Gen. Garibaldi.
(Hear.) We feel confident that he will rather be-
lieve the representatives of the nation than those
evil ones (" tristi"—sad ones, spoken with great
emphasis), who endeavour to part men who have for
many years worked together for the triumph of the
national cause. (Applause.) If you grant us your
vote, we still, actuated by the same spirit of conci-
liation which we have evinced hitherto, and animated
by the generous words which were addressed to us,
not only by our politieal friends, but by those in
whom we might have expected to find opponents,
animated by these feelings (spoken with great
warmth), we shall meet General Garibaldi, and
showing him the order of the day proposed by your
Commission, which we accept with all our hearts,
and at the same time pointing to him your vote of
confidence, we shall ask the General, not in our
name, but in the name of Italy, to give us his hand.
(Loud applause.) I think I have sufficiently ex-
plained the motives which led the Ministers
to resort to a convocation of the Chambers, and
to elicit from them a vote of confidence. I
might here end my discourse if I did not think
it my duty to give some explanations which
were asked during the past sittings. I must say
a passing word as to the objection raised by the
Hon. M. Ferrari—that by adopting this bill we ex-
pose ourselves to the cession of other parts of Italy
as to a probable contingency. I shall not here repeat
the declarations lately made, that no word occurred
about such a cession, either officially or officiously,
either in writing or by word of mouth, directly or
indirectly; but, setting aside the questionoffatcitiatt,o
come to that of probability, I think t strange
in order to guard against a diminutioneoffitteariryi., territory,
one may wish to prolong the division
to foster its dissensions. Gentlemen, let us make
the
will
become annexation,
pa
ensds
ithhi ee
e isestiouna o anymf
ak e pt ahret
aonf
II e Italyxa.
teifonm, aanredhthweillprneecyederenbt
eofqathee treatyainosftthues
;24fotrh,
gentlemen, the great principle of nationality,
the corner stone of our political edifice, can
never be invoked for the cession of a portion of
ourt rroifto
it could not be invoked is conside-
h rY3
immense sacrifices in men. and money.
ratecr

TURIN, OCT. 12.
After the speech of the Deputy Ferrari, in yes-
terday's sitting in the House of Deputies, Count
Ca your rose and said :
Gentlemen,—lf I had entertained any doubt as
to the opportunity of the determination the King's
Government has come to of calling Parliament toge-
ther with a view to lay befite you for deliberation
the conditions of the count y, and obtain your vote
as to the direction to be given to public affairs, that
doubt would have been entirely removed by the
discussion which continues after four days ; for I
think we must all feel that this debate has temoved
many fears, cleared many doubts, and greatly re-
conciled men's minds and hearts. Gentlemen, in
sooth, the distance which one could think sundered
the parties in this Chamber has been greatly nar-
rowed, so that I can almost assert that, with one
splendid exception (Ferrari), all agree as to the
necessity of promoting the immediate manifestation
of the votes of the Italian people. lam glad to be
able to do this justice to the members who rose to
oppose this bill: Even those who spoke with the
most excited voice, even the Hon. M. Mellana him-
self, hastened to declare that the entrance of the
King and of our troops into the Neapolitan territory
so materially modifies the state of affairs that he
also acknowledges the expediency of no longer put-
ting off the manifestation of that vote. If, there-
fore, any dissent exists among us it is only as to the
way Government proposes to follow in order to bring
about this annexation ; and it was on this point
that the Cabinet appealed to the vote of the Cham-
ber as to the political direction they have given to
public affairs. The main argument to which our
hon. opponents resorted to censure the Government
was that the way proposed by it was open to con-
tradiction with the precedents of the Emilian and
Tuscan votes of last year. It seemed strange that
we should now advise a system which had rot been
adopted with regard to those two noble provinces.
Some of the orators who preceded me, especially
my friends the Hon. Minghetti and Galeotti, met
that objection, and proved that if the annexation of
Tuscany and )Emilia was not accomp'ished imme-
diately after the deliverance of those provinces, it
was not the fault of those people nor of the illustri-
ous citizens called by them to rale their destinies.
I must say, for my own part, that if that annexa-
tion was not immediately brought to pass, neither
was the King's Government to blame for the delay.
Here I speak not merely for the Ministers who now
have the management of public affairs, but also for
those whom we have succeeded (the Rattazzi Mi-
nistry). Truly, gentlemen, was it possible imme-
diately after the Peace of Villafranca, and while the
negotiations of Zurich were still pending, that Go-
vernment should accept the votes of the Tuscans
and the lEmilians asking for immediate annexation?

by expre, oractical
questior are all
agreed Hon.
M. Regnoli, who questioned me about Rome,
I think that he also agrees that it is
neither opportune nor honest to go to Rome so long
as that city is occupied by French troops. Gen-
tlemen, this is a question of the future. It is a
serious matter for a Minister to have to give his
opinion as to great future contingencies; yet I ac-
knowledge that a statesman, to be worthy ofthe
name, must have certain fixed points, which may
be, so to say, the bearings by which to steer his
course, only choosing or changing the means to his
end according to events, but always keeping in view
these points which are to be his guidance. During
the last 12 years the pole-star of King Victor Em-
manuel has been the principle of national indepen-
dence. What will this star be with respect to
Rome ? (Movement of attention.) Our star, gen-
tlemen, will direct us to look upon the Eternal
City, upon which five and twenty centures have ac-
cumulated all glorious memories, as destined to
become the splendid capital of our Italian King-
dom. (A storm of loud applause.) This answer
may not perhaps satisfy the hon. gentleman who
asked what means we intend to employ to this
end. I could say I will answer when you before-
hand tell me in what condition Italy and Europe
will be in six months hence—(laughter)—but if you
do not supply me with these data—these terms of
the problem—l fear that neither you nor any diplo-
matic mathematician may be able to find the x
which you seek. (Laughter.) Nevertheless, gen-
tlemen, if I cannot point out the special means, I
shall not hesitate to indicate the great causes which
are to bring us to this goal. (Movement of atten-
tion.) I said, and repeat it, that the problem of
Rome is not to be solved by the sword alone. The
sword is necessary, it was, and ever will be to pre-
vent extraneous elements meddling with the solu-
tion of this question ; but it is not the sword alone
that is to cut the knot. Moral forces must aid in
the solution ; and what are the moral forces upon
which we can and must reckon ? I know that here
I trespass on the ground of philosophy and history;
but as hon. gentlemen have set the example before
me, I must give free utterance to the whole of my
mind. I think the solution of the Roman ques-
tion must arise from the conviction which will
daily gain ground in modern society, even in
the great Catholic society, that freedom is
highly favourable to the spread of true religious
feeling. (" Bravo !") This truth, I feel confident,
will soon triumph. We have seen it acknowledged
by most impassioned upholders of Catholic ideas ;
we have seen an illustrious writer, in a lucid inter-
val, show Europe in a book which has made a
great noise that freedom had been highly condu-
cive to the revival of religious spirit. Nor need we
for the confirmation of this truth go far abroad
for arguments. We only need look at home. I do
not hesitate to affirm, gentlemen, that the free go-
vernment established in those Sub-Alpine countries
for the last 12 years is greatly favourable to the
development of religious feeling. I think I have
the right to declare that there is at the present day
a more lively and sincere religion in Piedmont than
there was 12 years ago. (" True, true !") The
clergy may have less privileges, the monks may
have diminished in number, but true religion has
more control over the winds and souls of our people
than at the lime when, by flattering a certain hier-
archy of the clergy and the hypocritical practice
of going to church led men to public offices
and honours. (Applause.) Those among you
who do not belong to this part of Italy may upon
quitting this hall recognise the truth of my asser-
tions. You may have the confirmation from all the
venerable pastors of this capital, although this dio-
cese had not an enlightened prelate at its head, as
befell to the lot of other cities, where the bishops
well knew how to reconcile the precepts of freedom
with the canons of religion. (Applause.) When
this opinion shall generally prevail, as it soon will
(since the conduct of our army, the behaviour of
our high-souled Sovereign will have a tendency to
confirm it), when it shall take root in the minds of
other nations, in the heart of modern societies, we
feel assured that the great majority of enlightened
and sincere Catholics will acknowledge that the
august Pontiff who is at the head of our religion
may exercise his office in a far more free and inde-
pendent manner if he be guarded by the love and
affection of 22,000,000 of Italians than defended by
25,000 foreign bayonets. (Applause.) I proceed
to Venetia. (Profound silence.) However deep our
affection may be to this illustrious martyr, we must
acknowledge that it would be impossible at
this present moment to declare war with Austria.
Impossible, because we are not yet organised ; im-
possible, because Europe is against it. I know that
this argument will not be admitted by those orators
who think little attention should be paid to the
opposition of other Powers. Yet, gentlemen, I
think I must discard this opinion, and observe that
the disregard of the opposition of great nations has
always proved fatal to sovereigns and to people.
We have had instances of tremendous catastrophes
arising from this want of respect to the feelings of
other nations. At the opening of the present cen-
tury the most famous warrior of modern times dis_-
, regarded the opinions of the people of
genies and his
notwithstanding his extraordinary genars,
reign—
infinite resources, he fell after a fewye
under the
fell miserably, never to riseagain,_
ho also reckoned
Europe, and,
combined efforts of Europe.
to us another ln times nearer
p ande
nt_ thoughthi
s littleh he could
esti
to no other soldiers—
inferior in valour
la not listen to the re-
this Emperor would Emperor,
his soldiers by hundreds of thousands—soldiers
his differences with the
at his own pleasure settle
Well, this great potentate had
Ottoman Power.
monstrances other
btte
soon to repent yowtoerrs
the interests and opinionsof Europe.
esti-
mation of
We might well fear that the same or worse might
to us, if, trusting right and
happen our h
our means
only we should pay no attention to the advice and
suggestions of Europe. But, gentlemen, we are
asked, how, then, will you solve the Venetian
question? In a very simple manner, by changing
the opinion of Europe. But how ? The opinion
of Europe will change, because the
now meet exists not only in the
Governments, but,
we must avow it, also in a great part of the popu-
lation, even liberal, f oEurope. The opposition to
the enterprise of the liberation of Venice arises from
two causes ; the first is the doubt Europe enter-
tains of our ability to constitute ourselves into a
strong and independent nation ; it lies in its igno-
rance of the :means of which we may dispose,
in its conviction that we are unable alone to
accomplish so great an undertaking. This opinion
it is for us to rectify ; let us organise ourselves;
let us show that no fatal germ of discord and
dissolution exists among us ; let us constitute a
strong State, which may not only muster up a
for-
midable army and a considerable navy, but which

If you reflect on the condition the country was in,
not only with respect to Au atria, but also to France,
you must acknowledge that the answer given by the
King at Turin to the deputations from Tuscany and
the Duchies, and at Milan to those of the Legations,
was neither a timid nor a cautious act; which, in-
deed, reached the extreme limit, beyond which it
would have become rashness. If Government could
not accept the annexation on the eve of the Treaty of
Zurich, neither could it do so on the morrow of that
important transaction. Nevertheless, the times were
becoming more favourable; but there arose in Europe
a proposal, for some time cherished by all the great
Powers, of a European Congress, which was to meet
on the basis of non-intervention proclaimed by two
of them—a basis, that is, acknowledging the legi-
timacy of the vote of the Italians. So long as
this Congress was expected to assemble on terms
which one might hope would be favourable to Italy,
it would have been no prudence; nay, it would
have been folly, to hurry on that annexation which
the Governments most benevolent to us advised us
to put off. When all the chances of a Congress were
at an end, the Ministers then in power (Rattazzi)
determined to send a mission to London and Paris
to hasten the annexation. I could not blame that
act, as I at that juncture accepted to be the repre-
sentative of our Government in those two great

capitals. The mission had no effect; a Ministerial
crisis then occurred, which, as I may truly affirm
without fear of contradiction, did not arise from

causes relating to our foreign policy, but merely
from matters belonging to our home government.
I shall allude no further to these matters, because

in these solemn moments, far from wishing to revive
those recollections, I only wish I had the power to
efface them from all men's minds. (Prolonged ap-
plause.) The new Cabinet hastened to promote that
annexation ; but as it met with serious obstacles on
the part of diplomacy, it seemed a wise course to
associate the Parliament in its accomplishment.
When therefore the Dictators of Tuscany and /Emi-
lia appealed to a Plebiscite, the King's Government
invited them to proceed immediately to the election
of the deputies of these provinces, inviting them to
sit in this house. By doing this, gentlemen—l de-
clare it openly—we departed from strict legality,
we ventured on an unconstitutional act. We had
not by right the power to ask the deputies of /Emilia
and Tuscany to sit in Parliament, to deliberate toge-
ther with the representatives of the old provinces
and Lombardy, as to the annexation of these new
central provinces. Your vote, however, unanimously
sanctioned this illegality. If to ensure the annexa-
tion of Southern Italy it were necessary to commit
other illegal acts, I have no doubt that the whole
Cabinet, though we number among us two learned
jurisprudents, zealous, high priests of Themis—
(laughter)—would take upon themselves the re-
sponsibility of the new breaches of legality; but,
thank Heaven, this necessity does not exist. I
will not say that the annexation of Southern Italy
may meet with no obstacles ; but they are of a
different nature from those of last year. It is
not necessary that this great act should be conse-
crated by the deputies of all Italy, as there is no
such necessity; we deem it more in keeping with
the spirit of our institutions, and more conducive to
their development, if we proceed legally, and if,
when the people of Southern Italy are called upon
in the popular coinitia to deliberate on their annexa-
tion, the deputies of the old provinces, including
/Emilia and Tuscany, should give their previous
vote on this momentous question. Neither am I
moved by the argument urged by some members,
that we depart from legality if we vote a treaty as
yet not concluded ; because gentlemen, we ask for
no latitude as to the terms of the treaty. You know
what this treaty is to be. It is the unconditional
annexation of the South Italian people. We can-
not depart a single iota from those words occurring
in the bill. If, therefore, gentlemen, you do not
sanction a treaty already made, you give the Exe-
cutive power a positive invariable rule for the
treaty to be entered into; and you must observe
that by this system you not only authorise the Go-
vernment • to promote this annexation, but settle in
a solemn and unshaken manner this fact—that you
wish it without conditions. Although I'd° not
exaggerate the forces of the Municipal party in

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n may„ rest on the unanimous consent or, . .Bz,
then will European opinion be modifi' 1,,
;-, r--,
.k., .tic,-
,i will shine on these European Liberals, Vill " ' ... Z 4.41
:1":11 J '"NIN
L ( plexed and reluctant as to the possiblled jai;
--, _„... I!ts ifirre + dilating that unhappy and noble provin6 of iy.S
There dwells also in the minds of some people the
-- _ notion that it is still possible to reconcile the people
1860
, . PRICE 4D. 0
QTAMP . I of that province to the AUbLigAll dominion. This
16
idea is, however, waning fast. Venetia cannot be
reconciled with the Austrian empire. No concession,
limit them to a few, though Let the annexation be made, and his no favour, no possible arrangement can induce the
yet this solemn vote of would no longer be made to a people i e t; Venetians to give up those aspirations which urge
'l render far easier, far (with warmth); but it would be made ot,
tstronger
them towards the great Italian family:. If this was
which the people of Italian nation, a compact and stro , g i
true in past times,:how much more true will it vet
to give their vote. 22,000,000 freemen. (Loud applause. Ma be for the future ? Since the moral world gentlemen,
,strated that the annexation, and even if the Ministers , ere ch is subject to laws analogous to those of the physical
as grounded lam confident that the men sit g upon world, attraction is proportionate to the mass. The
groundless, benches, no matter to what part , the Chamand i
tmore exercises compact
upon ltaly
Nren i c
e.
(Prolongedbecomes,
,
car more of the country they belonged to, ould give th
greater, the more powerful and irresistible will be
vote mand an answer worthy of the , escenclants of 1 he attraction
dome Capponi. (Long and loud ap .ause,) Doubts applause) For the rest, gentlemen, this fact has
do started, explanations were :ed upon two pai been acknowledged
~ by the Government itself of
but delicate subjects—Ro., e and Venice. I ( Vienna. At Villafranca, the Emperor of ANstria,
intrench myself behind .•asons of State, and I doubt not, had a sincere • •
wish to introduce into
'9nt. I could say to t, e House, " Since we a Venetia a conciliatory system, to endeavour by
what is before us o-day, why should be 1 beneficent measures to bring back morally that
-es with the co, ingencies of a distant t province to his empire. He tried it for some time,
Tint, gentle ~ en, this is the age of pa but he soon saw he was on the wrong track, and
'ik it b. -t that Governments and Pat fell back on his system of repression. Nor can I
1:1* • out. (Hear.) Here I must be, blame him for it. So long as the empire must
V satisfaction that on the practi needs keep 'Venice, an irresistible fatality drives it
present question, we are to measures of coercion and severity. When these
well understood the Ho truths shall have reached all minds and hearts in
•stioned me about Rom Europe they will, I trust, exercise a great in-
'so agrees that it fluence. I know that I shall be told that I fall
st to go to Rome so lon, into illusions ; that diplomatists ha ve no hearts
of
..
reach troops. Gen To begin with, I for my part, by reason
future. It is t my office, cannot admit this assertion. (Laughter.)
',eve to give hit But were it even so, my answer would be, if
-ies ; yet I ac- diplomatists hay, no hearts, the people have.
lrthy of. the In this present age, in this rapid movement
Which may of all things, it is not diplomacy that
'teer his settles the destinies of the people ; it is the people
to his who set to diplomatists the task they have to
;ew accomplish. I feel confident that when this truth
I' no longer admits of contradiction, the miserable
condition of Venice will awaken an immense sym.
pathy not only in generous France, not only ,in
righteous England, but also in noble Germany,
where liberal ideas yearly, daily, acquire greater
ascendancy. I think the day is not far off witen
the great majority of Germany will dread any cool-
plioity in the sacrifice of Venice. When this C0121,e6
to pass, gentlemen, we shall soon arrive at the de-
liverance of that illustrious city. How this may be
accomplished, whether by arms or negotiation, it
will be for Providence alone to decide. Gentlemen,
I have no more to add. I know not whether I may
flatter myself with having removed all your doubts,
and persuaded all the members of the House of the
uprightness of the Government's intentions, and of
the opportuniny of the policy it advises you to fol-
low. But I may, perhaps, not be charged with
presumption if I express an ardent desire, an ear-
nest hope, that you will give a unanimous vote
in favour of this present bill ; this vote will have
no little weight on the councils of Europe, and, by
its immense authority, it will stifle in its rise that
germ of discord which has shown itself in the
southern provinces, and which, if it were allowed
development, might perhaps render impossible the
greatest, the most magnanimous enterprise that a
accomplish. (Repeated salvoes of
nation may
thundering applause.)

The Monitore Toscano of the 10th of October
publishes the following very curious correspond-
ence in the Italian language, with the French teat
en regard:—

" Head-quarters, Rome, Oct. 7.
" M. le Gonfaloniere,—l have the honour to ac-
quaint you that a column of French troops, com-
posed of two battalions of the 25th of the Line, a
section of two pieces of artillery, and 20 horsemen,
forming an effective of 60 officers, 1,260 men, and
70 horses, will leave Rome on the 9th of October
for Viterbo, at which place they will arrive on the
11th. I beg you to take all necessary
measures for
procuring quarters for this force.
" Receive, M. le Gonfaloniere, the assurance of
my distinguished consideration.
" The General Commanding-in-Chief the French
troops of occupation in Italy, Aide-de-Camp
to the Emperor,

“ COUNT DE GOYOM,”
The following is the Gonfaloniere's answer
Viterbo, Oct. 8.

" M. le General,—The Municipal Commission of
this town, of which I have the honour to be presi-
dent, is disagreeably surprised at the receipt of your
communication that a column of French troops is
coming here. Relying on the assurance of your
Emperor that no intervention would take place in
Italy, we proclaimed the Government of King
Victor Emmanuel, the friend and the ally of France.
His Majesty sent a Commissioner to govern us, and.
we have maintained the most perfect order with the
unanimous consent of all the citizens. Persons and
property were never so secure here as they have
been since the installation of the King's Govern-
ment, and we can conscientiously say that we do
not deserve to have our tranquillity troubled. If,
however, your orders, General, should be such that
you cannot change your determination, you will
not meet with the slightest resistance, but you will
find the town deserted unless you assure us that
you will not be followed by the reaction. I myself
and the entire municipality will seek a place of
safety, as will also the other citizens, who almost
all are liable to prosecution by the clerical Govern"
ment.—Receive, &c.,
L 4, The President of the Municipal Commission,,,
ALLESSANDRO DI AGOSTINO POLIDOIti.
ic viterbo, Oct. 8.

ccoanncet,ratTlrleaitsiiii:
" M. Polidori, the president of the Municipal
with General de Goyon, and replying
Commission, in placing himself in communication
takeans
his communications, acted in concert with me, and
aboven en entire
we have together adopted, under these critical
cumstances, the measures dictated by prudence and
EFORZ A.."
the desire to maintain order without troubling by
left Macerata on
exaggerated
itnfheea fears
Governmentalt h e sp iri t s ofau
tthhoer
iptsopii population.
The object of this declaration is to show that nobod
arrived at Loreto at
King's
sCommissioner, arbitrary ares ol 11 tiIID
Duke
sing Victor Emmanuel, who
itiho::othheitnhsetanupt
raotee9edoe'deltoock, a •
has established his head-quarters.
Grottamare, where he

ecrasrptehnet
their
s intention and
CARPENTERS AT BATH,—On Saturday
last
theTßl operative OF
F
respective employtittoi mraet es
resume
to e
workthe7,
noti
until their demand for an increase in wages shall be com-
plied with, A. month since they fc-,•warded to their employers
a memorial asking for an increase of 6d. per day from Oct.
13, urging as their reasons the high prieo of food, and the
lowness of their wages compared with those given in every
other town in England. They further require that they
shall leave off work at 4 4'clock on Saturdays; that for
overtime they be paid at the rate of a quarter of a day for
every two hours; and that they shall be paid Cd. per day
extra for work done three miles from Bath. The employers
replied, on the 6th October, that they would give 2s. per
week beyond the present wages from March next " to all
deserving men," and 4d. per day extra for work executed at
four miles, an 6d. at 12 miles from Bath. These concessions
the operatives declined to accept, and invited their masters
to meet a deputation from their body on the 11th i
and nst.
th The
delay of the masters in replying to the memoritheir
refusal to meet the deputation, have met with strong and
universal condemnation among the men. There arears
irs
Bath about 250 carpenters and joinera. of whom 140
members of the Nottingham branch of the Carp
ranch
and Joiners' Association of Great Britain. This bre_,l,'
numbers upwards of 2,000 members, and is consegeuern;
wealthy. It will allow the turn-outs 11.. per are _
11 long as the strike shall last. Not a dozen ille%ed and
petted to resume work The men appear deterv:ii
strike
in
. • , . 0 orate
united. and are sanguine of a speedy issu
their favour. .icitte invariably ag-
[ADVERTISEMENT.] Pills and ute.ir
annoyance, die-
gravate and perpetuate diseases;
both:voided by persons
appointment, and expense maY their address to E
in indifferent health sending cub _.-..
ye London, and they'
S. Barry, Esq., 77, Regent-strectot
the
„INVALIDS' OWN
Will receive gratis and free
4 bYr,P°rvitbout medicine or ex-
GnIDE," or Natural nerorterong
serves, sound lungs, and
pmse, et perfect di
ge'etrai°o;t enfeebled, insuring the removal
reireph jog sleep, to the
oia).
constipation, liver complaints,
of indigestion (dY9PiyPos.
debility, nervousness, palpitation,
nausea, cpitepsY,P ption dropsy, flatulency, diarrhea
oonsuin ,
cough, asthoss:,
ess, levers, sore threats, eatarritS, colds
dysentery, bibeuerheumatism goat impurities,
in the care, r " eruptions,
noises
neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, Palpi-
heartburn, headaeite, despondency, omit
teflon, pi, spasms,
little —"Unauese4 It,
sinking, its, mic • . 011617 the egost said.
W bealtit"