The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-02 00:00:00

THE SUM LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING; MAY 2. 1856:

must become very limited ; and no doubt that is a theory very
agreeable to a Ministry, from whatever party selected.
To say that opposition is only to be justified by a divisloa
-- sufficiently successful to upset a Ministry, is to lower poli-
tical conduct to a selfish and sordid standard. It is telling
the people of this country that their Parliament is not to' be
an assembly where the relative merits of different principles
• of Government are to be discussed and debated ; where the
pulse of the nation is to be felt ; and where the passions even
of the people are to be represented ; but that it is to be a
clever, well-organised, mechanical assembly, where nothing
is to be considered but selfish consequences and the mere am-
bition of the individuals who are fortunate enough to obtain
a seat in it, and where the distribution of power and enjoy-
ment are to be, in fact, the sole objects held in view. It is
not so that I have understood the character of Parliament ; it
is not so that I have conceived the duties of opposition.
(Hear.) There is a ready answer for a Minister to a captious
and factious Opposition. He will appeal, aud, generally speak-
ing, not without success, to the independent feeling of this
house, and if he is not supported here he will appeal without
fear to the country. (Hear.) But so long as we represent—:
whether our opinions be erroneous or not—a great force of
public opinion on any question which we bring forward, so
long as we vindicate, though we be a minority—and it is the
necessary consequence of our Parliamentary system that an
opposition should be a min rity—the principles of Govern-
ment and the policy which we think right we are fulfilling our
duty, and not all the swagger of a Ministry, not all the flip-
pant taunts of its followers, will deter us from taking that
course which we believe to be founded on right aud justice.
(Cheers.) No majority, however accidentally gained, can de
prive discussion g its consequences nor prevent the force of
truth—if truth be ou the side of our opinions—ultimately
prevailing. (Cheers) It is thought, and justly thought, to be
a very great inconvenience to have to address you, Sir, at the
end of a long and protracted debate. Every public docu-
ment which has been referred to as an oracle on the first
night of debate has lost its inspiration iu the course of
the speeches which have been delivered. Every paper,
Which was scarcely understood when first introduced to the
notice of the house, has become worn and faini iar when
three or four nights of discussion have intervened, and al.
tee arguments which are obvious have become obsolete. Then
is not an opinion which can be enforced, if it is just, which
has not been examined, and all that is left to ono who ad-
dresses you under these circumstances is the dreary duty of
repetition. There is, however, a counterbalancing advantage,
which, were I as dexterous as the right hon. member for 'Jar-
lisle, I would make greater use of than unfortunately my
abilities will allow me. There is this to be said, when we
come to, the conclusion of a debate the circumstances of the
discussion have taken the relative _positions of importance
which they must ultimately occupy, but which when it com-
mences they unfortunately never can occupy. The principles
which are of great importance when the debate is opened have
found their proper position in men's minds as it proceeds,
and at the end we have this edvantage, that we see the real
neetion at hale dive steel of all those extraneouseircumstances
which masses of documents and the ingenuity of speakers
have cast around it ; and we have therefore the opportunity
of addressing the house, us briefly asi shall endeavour to do
the present oceasion. What is the real point which we have
to decide upon ?
,The right, hon. gentleman who ha-, ad-
dressed the house with so much art has said that the subject
under discussion may be divided under two heads—the con-
duct of the ambassador, Lord StraVord do Redeliffe, and the
subsequent conduct of the Government in the summer of 1855.
These, he says, are the two points which we have to consider
in calculating-what may have been the causes which led to the
fall of Kars. With great respect to the right hen. gentle-
man, I cannot agree with him in that division of his. Ido
not consider that the conduct of the ambassador is a moiety
—certainly not a principal moiety— of the subject. Let us
look a little at this question of the conduct of the ambassa
dor, because the observations of my hon. and learned friend
the member for Enniskillen on this part of the subject
have been very much misunderstood. I draw from them
inferences quite the reverse of those which were drawn
by the light honourable gentleman the member for Carlisle.
(Hear.) When the fall of Kars was first known in this coun-
try—l speak of circumstances notorious, lam sure, to mem-
bers on both sided of the house—there was undoubtedly an in-
stantaneous feeling of sorrow and indignation. (Hear.) I
hatdry ever remember an occasion when our troops had not
been engaged -and when our own immediate interests—in-
terests, at least, which the mass of the population would
look upon as immediate—were not affected, on which that
feeling was so deep and so prompt. (Hear.) What hap-
pened ? Mysterious whispers were heard from those who
knew it was impossible to.deny the nature and consequences
of the catastrophe, and who, feeling how disgraceful and in-
jurious the event must be to the Government, were anxious to
palliate it as much as possible. It was darkly said, that if we
only knew the truth we should find that the Government

were perfectly blameless, that there was another influence at
work which had produced all the mischief. For a consider-
able time, in a most powerful and consistent manner, by the
most able machinery, the public mind was kept quiet by the
intimation that there would at last be a revelation, that it
would at last be known, what was she criminal influence
which had caused the sad disaster, but that we mast wait for
a time before the scapegoat was indicated. At last the fact
was published, and the scapegoat was indicated by the same
machinery. Every means—l will not sa. which a Govern
ment can influence, because we know that all Governments
are totally uninfiuential—a Gcvernment never influences any-
body nor anything—but eveiy means which power, ingenuity,
and some feeling of despair could command wab set to work
to prove that it was the ambassador at Constantinople who
was the real cause of the disaster. Some days before this
blue-book was published we were toll that 62 despatches,
addressed to the ambassador by Colonel Williams, had re-
mained unanswered, and the people of England were asked
whether an ambassador who left 62 despatches unanswered on
so important a subject had not betrayed his country? Public
indignation was excited against Lord Stratford, and there
Was one of those strong but premature verdicts pronounced
against him which are oten as unjust as they are precipitate.
I am not here to vindicate the conduct of Lord Stratford (1,..

Redclitre with respect to General Williams. My hon. sand
learned friend does not bring Lord Stratford's conduct bet ,re
the house to be branded by its verdict. Look at the resolu-
tion. What reference is there in it to that part of the sub

ject 1 My hon. and learned ff iend was neither able nor wl.
liug to defend the conduct of Lord Stratford to General Wil-
liams, but in this volume, which contains all the confidential
correspondence between Lord Stratford and the Government,
here is a passage which my hon. fdend the member for Dor-
netshire said he could not believe though he had read it, in
Which the Secretary of State complains that he has appealed
ii-ftbn and often in vain, and continues to appeal in vain, to
the ambassador. All the correspondence is plaeed before the
house—much of which it was not necf,ssary to place before

us, according to the view now supported by the Government
—and an amendment was placed on the paper by au hon.
gentleman who sits behind the noble lord, which, if it had
any object at all—there certainly are people who have no ob-
ject in life, and for aught I know the member for Leominster
may be one of them—(laughter)—was meant to divert the
storm from the heads of the Ministry and to direct it ou the
head of Lord Stratford de Radcliffe. My hon. ansl lea ned
friend was forced to go into the question of the conduct of
Lord Stratford towards General Williams because the Govern-
ment placed the whole of that correspondence upon the table.
It was impossible to avoid giving an opinion upon the conduct
of that eminent person, and I defy any person of a generous
disposition, or who has a due regard to the public service of
this country, to avoid expressing such opinion with the u most
frankness. The conduct of Lord Stratford, as shown by the
xuments which her Majesty's Government have placed upon
the table, was indefensible. But the argument of my hon.

and learned friend—an argument in which I perfectly con-
cur—a constitutional argument, and, like all constitutional
arguments, a just and generous one—is this—lf Lord Strat-
ford has sinned so grievously, you did not recall him ; and
therefore you, and you alone, are responsible for his conduct.
(Rear, hear.) It was the unnecessary placing on the table
Of the whole of this correspondence with regard to Lord
Stratford and Mr. Commissioner Williams which forced us to
form the opinion which my hon. and learned friend ha-
frankly and fully expressed. My hon, and learned friend
refuses to include Lord Stratford in the motion which he
asks the house to adopt, because the Government, by not re-
..

calling the ambassador, has made itself responsible for his
conduct. lam not surprised that a Cabinet Minister has, in
a manner becoming one who occupies such a position, sanc-
tioned and adopted that constitutional theory. Why, sir, if
there are any principles which ought to regulate ns in our ob-
ervations on public men, they are the two principles never to

permit an attack to be made upon a particular Minister when
we believe that the whole Cabinet is responsible for his con-
duct—(hear, hear)—a species of attack which I have ever re-
sisted, and which I hope I shall never sanction—and never
to allow that any person employed in the service of her
Majesty abroad—however outrageous, however iniquitous,
however ruinous, in our opinion, his conduct may be—is
guilty se long as he is not recalled by her Majesty's Govern-
Mont. (Hear, hear.) I suppose the noble lord (Lord Pal-
merston) will concur with mo that these are the principles
z Which ought to guide our conduct. But, sir, I cannot anise
with the right hon. baronet (Sir J. Graham) that the conduct
of Lord Stratford is by any means an important portion of
the subject under discussion. It is not touched in the reso

Sir 3. GRAHAM—The non-recall of Lori Stratford.
Mr. DISRAELI—But the non-recall of Lord Stratford is
not referred to in this resolution. I think the question is of
11 much simpler kind. Somewhat more than a year ago that
happened to the Government of Lord Aberdeen which
the President of the Board of Control (Mr. V. Smith)
says we Want to do to the present Government; it was
" upset." There is not the slightest wish to " upset" the

present Government here. (Cries of " Oh, oh !") We arc
not the men for that. If we wanted to " upset" a Govern-
ment we should seek an artist on some of the benches behind
the noble lord (Palmerston). (Laughter and cheers.) We are
plain men, quite content to assert our opinions and vindicate
ear principles. We are so silly, Booth, that we actually ex-
press in our resolutions that which we say in our sreeehes.
(Hear.) But, sir, rather more than a year ace the hand of a
very fine artist "upset" (as the President of the Board of
Control said) the Government of Lord Aberdeen. We had no
idea that that Government was going to be " upset." We
thought it was the strongest Government which this country
ever possessed; and I suppose had there net been in the
Cabinet one who was equal to the occasion it never would
have been "upset." (A laugh.) Let me remind the house
what was the ground on which the noble lord the member for
London (Lord J. Russell) left that Cabinet and sealed its
doom It was frankly expressed. The noble lord found fault
with the conduct of the war; and mainly, specifically, par-
ticularly, and precisely with the conduct of the war in Asia
(Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Aylesbury ha made a
speech upon that subject, which reminds me that .the .hon.
member (ifr. Layard) said the other night that be had been
continually bringinc, the war in Asia before the house, and
asked us why we had' not supported him,—in fact, spoke of
us in language almost as contumelious as that •of the Scotch
members to-night. (A laugh.) I will take this opportunity
of saying, on the part of myself and my friends, that we are
quite unconscious of the laches of which the hon. gentleman
has accused us. I perfectly recollect that the hon. member
for Aylesbury was in the habit of giving notices of motions
upon almost every night of the session ; but at this mo-
ment I have no recollection that he brought forward one
of those motions. (Hear, hear.) Constant visions I have
of excited houses called together to hear the revelations
of the honourable gentleman, and almost equally constant
ones of occasions on which—of course prompted by the
most patriotic motives—he felt it his duty not to embarrass
her Majesty's Government. (A laugh) That the boa, mem-
ber did once make a speech on the war in Asia, there is, I
believe historic evidence, because that speech threw into a
musing mood the noble lord the member for London (Lord J.
Russell), and made him contemplate the position of his Cabi
net, and his responsibility to his country ; and it was that
speech, like the first move in the " House that Jack Built,"
which ultimately destroyed the Government of Lord Aber-
deen. (Laughter.) Now, sir, why was the Government of
Lord Aberdeen destroyed ? It was because he did not effi-
ciently conduct, because he entirely neglected, the war in
Asia. Well, that—to use an expression lately adopted from
the German—is the " standing point" of this question. Wo
' have been told several times in the course of this discussion
that we must look to dates. I will look to dates. At the
sad of January, 1855, the Government of Lord Aberdeen is
destroyed by a colleague, who of course, acted under some
sense of responsibility, because be neglected the war in Asia,
If you look to dates, you will find that about the same time

General Williams was made a Turkish officer of the highest
rank, was invested with the Ferik, was evidently contented
with his position, and felt that at last ho could accomplish all
that he desired, and could achieve those great results which
from the first he saw with so clear a ken were to be attained.
Therefore, we started the year with great advantages. We
had a Government formed to carry on With efficiency this
neglected war in Asia, and at the same time all these squab-
bles, jealousies, and misunderstandings with Lord Stratford—
the evil effects of which I do not depreciate, but most ear-
nestly deplore, and think that they ought to be visited on
Lord Stratford, and to which I think h cannot look back
without regret and remorse—were terminated. By a fortui-
tous .combination we had a Prime Minister —a modern Chat-
ham—determined to carry on with vigour the war in
Asia, and all these local misunderstandings with which
the Government of Lord Aberdeen had to struggle, and which
would have been some excuse for them, had been terminated.
General Williams was in a powerful position, recognised by
the Turkish authorities, invested with great powers, content,
sanguine, determined to do his duty, and looking only to the
gentlemen opposite to support him, and to give him an oppor-
tunity of atzaining those great objects, which, had he been
supported, his bold spirit, his mind, so fertile in expedients
and resources, would undoubtedly have enabled him accom-
plish. (Hear.) If that be a true representation of the pc,si-
tion of affairs—and that it is so is proved by your own docu-
ments on the table—l have a right to ask what did you (the
Government) do ? Talk to me no more of Lord Stratford. I
admit all that. I admit that his conduct was, as stated by
my hon. and learned friend, indefensible. I think he may
road these debates with profit. With regard to him I will
agree to anything except the amendment of the hon, and
learned member for Leominster (Mr. G. Phillimore) of which
he himself was ashamed, and which was unjust, uncoustitu
tional, and unsupported by evidence. Yet lam told that it
was at one time sanctioned by a very great authority. It
would have been a disgrace to the House of Commons. But
now I ask you—you who were formed as a Government to
conduct the war with effect and to prevent the contin -auce of
this shameful negligence in the Asian army—you who had
the advantage of acting with a man who had been put in au
. .

in(elligible, powerful, and satisfactory position—what have
you done for the country? What did you do for him ? This
is a question which appears to me to be a very proper one

for the consideration of the House of ComiLmi, and I
believe that the people of Edinburgh are of the same
opinion. (A laugh.) I believe that it is much more im-
portant that that question should be discussed, that some
s ttisfactory conclusion of this involved controversy sh,uld
he arrived at, that some determinate opinion should be
expressel ou this matter, than that the bill of the hon.
member for Ayr, which the house would not meet to
consider, should be introduced. Well, what did you do for
Gen_ Williams ? Did you assist him with men? That is the
most extraordinary feature in this case We have been told
that this deb,tte has been prolonged for factious purposes,
:And that it is quite unnecessary that there should be any
speeches upon a subject which is so insignificant and so petty.
Nay, but this is a great question, a..d one in which the ho-

nour cf the country is deeply involved. (Hear, hear.) Did
you assist General ill ams : and if'so, when I (Hear, hear.)
We have been told that you had it got in your power to do
so. I protest that, had I not myself heard this excuse from
the lips of Ministers of the Crown, and from those of the right
lion. baronet the member for Carlisle—l say nothing of the
other members who like mo .king birds repeated the words of
_ _

hose high authorities —rsholedhave found it difficult to be-
[eve that any matt of position would have had the courage
,) stand up in his place and use such language. (Hear, 'hcar.)

We have b3eu assured that all the energies of the cation were
concentrated on Sebastopol, and that the stake was too great,
the conflict too arduous, to admit of your undertaking any

other enterprise. That the stakp was great I freely confess;
that the energies exerted were no greater than the occasion
demanded events have testified ; that mighty efforts were
required to he made even by the leading nations who were
emb.,rked in the struggle is beyond all controversy. But what
armies were ass ambled ou that remote peninsula ? France was
there, Imperial France—England was there, free and patriotic
England—you had by your side the Turkish army, a gallant
band, whose valour bad been proved on many a well contested
field ; you had br,,wilit from the north of Italy a body of men,
_ _

dauntless and intrepid, for whom I trust that the glorious des-
tiny is yet reserved of exercising a high and salutary influence
on the fortunes of their country—(hear, hear)—and not con-
tent with these assembled hosts, you had entered into con-
ventions, enabling Austria to call up from the banks of the
Danube all the chivalry of Hungary to protect your interests
in Wallachia and Moldavia. (Hear, hear.) You were five
nations allied in a common cause —England, France, Turkey,
Sardinia, Austria. That you were pitying a high game, and
that you had a great stoke in Sebastopol, I do not for one
moment dispute. But was there not another Power who
had also a great stake in that mighty fortress? (Hear, hear )
[lad not Russia everything at stake in Sebastopol ? (Hear,
hear.) And did she not prove by her policy that she knew
well how to gauge the value'of the prize she set her heait ou
in Asia Minor? (Hear, hear.) Now that peace has been
concluded, we can afford to speak of Russia with the respect
and admiration due to the prowess, the valour, and the' fore-

,slit of which she gave such abundant evidende throughout
ie recent contest. (Cheers.) Russia, I repeat, had every-
ling at stake in Sebastopol. Her pledge was as grave, her

interest in the fate of the struggle as momentous as it is pos-
sible for language to describe. Yet Russia could at the same
moment defend Sebastopol and invade Asia Minor. (Hear,
hear.) And now we are told that the combination of two
such enterprises exceeded'our powers ! What a tribute to
our country ! What a compliment to our great and faithful
! What an encouragement for these rising Sardinians !
What an animating reflection for Turkey in her future con•

fiiets with the Czar to
tell
her that the banded nations of
Europe made common tauso against Sebastopol, and that
Russia, unaided and alone, not only baffled them f an year,
iuit sent an army of diversion to Kars. while you could not
afford 900 guns to General Williams ! (Hear.) I will not
believe that we are so fallen that the House of Commons will
tolerate such a defence. ' I tell you that you ought to have
sent forces to Asia Minor—however grave the responsibility
that devolved on you—however great the stake for which
yon were contending—however Arduous the difficulties that
encompassed you. (Hear, hear.) Yes, even though you
had not had these true and gallant allies by your side—even
though you had stood against Russia single-handed and alone
at Sebastopol, it still would have been your duty to have
sent assistance to Gen. Williams in Asia Minor. We have
upon the table of this house a desp ttch from that heroic offi-
cer, written about the time when the Ministry of the modern
Chatham was formed on the principle of carrying on with
vigour the war in Asia Minor. I believe I am correct 111
stating that that despatch boars the date of the very day on
which the noble lord took his seat as First Minister of the
Crown. In that most interesting document Gen. Williams
gave you an estimate of the forces necessary not only to se-
cure his communication with Erzeroum, but also to de-troy
the Russian army in those regions. It was no such extrava-
rant calculation ; it was less than 20,001) ieee. (Hear.) Yet
this aid could not be granted. Our army was engaged at the
siege of Sebastopol, and we are to be told that with all the
resources of England as completely at his commandos if he
had been autocrat, with an enthusiastic nation ready to pour
their treasure into his exchequer, the noble lord at the head
of the Government could not afford to send 20,000 men to the
,•clief of the beleaguered garrison in Armenia ! It exceeds

belief. (Hear.) Say, if you choose, that as a matter of high
policy you did not think it necessary to interfere; say, as the
Chancellor of the Exchequer had the intrepidity to assert the
other evening, that the fall of Kars was neither a military nor
political disaster—say that or anything like it, and, how-
ever the facts of the case may be, you will at least have a
:)lausible case for argument ; but, in the name of com-
mon sense, and if you would not insult the intellect of the
;louse, do not ask us to believe that you were prevented
from vindicating the honour of our army in Asia Minor, be-
cause, forsooth, your energies were concentrated on Sebasto-
pol. (Hear.) On the treaty of peace which the right hen.
bart. thinks so satisfactory I shall express no opinion, except
to say in general terms that peace is a great blessing where
war has been carried on so inefficiently—(a laugh)—and that
for my part, after all I have seen, I Should be disposed to welcome
any peace which is not disgraceful. I may be permitted,
however, to observe that the right hon. gentleman appears
to me to have quoted erroneously the only two articles of the
treaty to which he has alluded. I should be sorry to see any
of the contracting parties presume to interfere with Turkey
in favour of the Christians according to the stipulations of
that treaty, nor can I believe that the forts upon the eastern
coast have been destrbyed as he supposes them to have , een
under the provisions of that document. The treaty, as I
read it, does not at all touch those important places. This,
byway of an episodical answer to the right hon. gentleman's
own episode on the subject of the treaty. Reverting to the
' question more immediately under consideration. I will take
leave to assure the right hon. baro,,et that, whatever the
treaty may be—whatever humiliations its conditions may
impose on Russia—whatever may be her sacrifices of terri-
tories, fortresses, or fleets, Russa, is entirely compensated for
all her losses by this avowal id the English Minister in the
presence of .the English Parliament, that united Europe,
when pitted 'against her, was not so strong as to be able to
offer resistance to her simultaneously in any two regions.
But, if you did not send men for the relief of Kars did you
send money ? This is a question that has been asked ou both
sides of the house, and, if it be not satisfactorily answered,
the right hon. baronet will not stand justified before the
country in supporting the Government. Indeed, I must
take leave to inform the right hon, gentleman that the grounds
on wh:ch ho seems disposed to vindicate his vote are not
such as are likely to find favour with the country. When he
speaAs he is listened to by others besides those who are as-
sembled in this chamber. The people of England watch with
interest what falls from his lips, and when they are told that,

Government introduced the Turkish Loan Bill to this house.
Its preamble, if I can recall the terms aright, declaree•that
the•loan is to be raised for the defence of the territory of, the
Sultan. Were you too late in bringing 'forward that measure
If so, what is your vindication of your tardiness? You
charge us with being an obstacle to your affording the neces-
sary supplies to the Ottoman Porte. We are no such obstacle;
but, whatever were our intentions, your bill was passed with
promptitude. I ask you, then,,what did you do with the loan?
Did you furnish the Sultan with money ; and, above all, did
you remit the funds in time? If not in time, why, then, was
your proposition not made before? (Hear.) But what did
you do ? Year measure was opposed in this ECM on grounds
which, on reflection, I still believe to have been sound and
constitutional. (Hear, hear.) Its policy, I think, caunnt be
too severely impugned. In any case, it could only be justi-
fied by the extreme urgency of the occasion. There are
moments, I admit, when even the constitution must be
wrested to save an empire ; and if the noble lord, had by his
sudden, crude, and unprecedented project, rescued the
Asiatic dominions of the Sultan, he would have found that
vindication which energy, and especially successful energy,
has a right to obtain. (Cheers.) But not a piastre of your
loan went to the relief of Kars. The justification of the Go-
vernment is, that it was too late—that is the excuse given by
one of their own members. Of its truth, however, lam not
quite so sure. The first instalment of the loan was paid in
the month of August ; and the wonderful victory of General
Williams at Kars was gained at the eud of September. But
I will not insist that the money might not have been sent
too late. I won't be so severe as to deprive the Government
of the immense vantage ground afforded tlien by such a plea
—(a laugh)—although I may doubt its perfect accuracy. Yet,
in either case, I ask what became of the money? Have hon.
gentlemen looked at the return for which I moved on the day
that Parliament met ? At that date those millions, raised by
appeals which, if sincere—as I don't for an instant doubt—
could only be justified by the Minister's want of information
and care, were absolutely lying idle in the Bank of England,
not one-third of the sum having been transmitted to Turkey.
(Cheers.) I don't for a moment pretend that the Turkish
loan was necessary to have saved Kars. We all know the
amount neces-ary to have done that. rho sum that you raise
as a testimonial to a suecessf& ra;lway speculator, the sum
that every hour of our lives we are called upon to contribute
for some meritorious but obscure instance of excellent con-
duct, would have saved Kars. (Hear) Why., sir, the Cabi-
net might have themselves subscribed the money. (Cheers
and laughter.) The Government of Lord Aberdeen was
changed because the war in Asia must be conducted with
vigour to achieve that object the noble lord (Palmerston)
steppedinto power, I ask him, how has he conducted that war
with vigour ? Did he send men or money to Gen. Williams ?
I have, I think, disposed of the unworthy and ignominious
plea that you were too much occupied with the siege of Sebas-
topol-to be able to defend Kar If you had been attacked in
your Indian empire, at the Cape of Good Hope, or in any of
your other possessions, you would, of course, have defended
yourselves But was this a British interest—did it less con-
cern British honour? (Hear) Of all the arguments used in
this debate the one most discouraging and depressing to the
heart of the nation is th-,t which says you were unable, with
all the aid of banded Europe, to resist th: foe save at ono
point, and that he must be suffered to run riot elsewhere be-
cause your energies were absorbed in oppo •ing him at Sebas-
topol. (Cheers.) I am told that the resolution before us
applies strong language to the Ministry. An Administration
of great responsibility having been displaced in time of war
because it failed to wage the conflict with adequate vigour,. a
Pew:. Ministry is constructed for the special vigour, a new
Ministry is constructed for the special object of correcting the
omissions of their predecessors. Yet, when a heavy disaster
occurs on the very theatre of the struggle which they were
chiefly-bound to prevent, because, under such circumstances,
I ask whether they. sent men or money, and find that they
did neither, I am to be told that I am supportiug a resolu-
tion couched in strong tangnarr'e, since it accuses such states-
men of want of foresight and energy. (Cheers.) Where is
the display of those qualities proved ? lam not addressing
the right lion. gentleman the member for Carlisle, because,
although he is about to support old comrades, has, in a
most crushing and effective speech, demonstrated that they
have exhibited neither energy nor foresi4lit. (Laughter.) I
urn addressing the Government—the modern Chatham,
the War Minister par excellence—and I ask him in all
humility, where in this period of the new Adminis-
tration is foresight to be detected and energy dis-
covered? (Loud cheers.) On the sth of March Genet al
Williams sent to the' Government bf England an account of
the force necessary to secure not only his safety, but; his
triumph. His demand for aid was moderate, and might easily
have been met; but how was it treated? The facts are in
the recollection of the house, and I have no wish to pervert
them, Why, sir, communication was bandied from public
office to public office, and tossed from one Under-Secretary
to another. The two Under-Secretaries corresponded with
each other from either side of Downing-street like two wooden
puppets pulled by strings. (A laugh,) The principle of
existence was not necessary to such beings, (Laughter.) To
,accomplish such results vital power was not necessary. The
anintula vaqula blanclu,,a—that evanescent thing —animated
mot those mechanical and frigid forms. (Laughter.) I. ought
to have been one of the grounds of censure of the Government
that they should, with fatal accuracy, have 'published this
correspondence—that they should have revealed to Sardinia,
to which this country ought to be-a model, that this is the
mode in which our public business is conducted that they
shOuld have damped the rising energies of the Turks by
showing that the great nation which has saved them conducts
its affairs in such a Manner. Well, the Under-Secretaries
communicated from either side of Downing-street, at inter-
vals of abont a fortnight, the principal Secretaries animating
them with instructions quite worthy of the occasion. The
demand of General Williams was tossed back to Constanti-
nople ; at Constantinople it was tossed back by our Ambassa-
dor to the Divan, and the Turks were asked to- do that which
British gold and British valour ought to have accomplished. I
ask them this question, a very simple one—Was that energy
(Cheers and laughter.) Is there a man in this house who Will
say that
,was energy? Will even the First Minister of
the Crown rise iu his place and say that it was energy ?
(Renewed cheers.) Well, ou the 3d of August, the
War Minister of this country, which was then engaged iu
one of the greatest struggles in 'which we have ever em-
barked, was in his place iu Parliament called ---I will not
say to account, but to deep and serious reflection, by one
who will be admitted, even by those who differ from him on
general political questions, to be a ripe and practised states.
man, and one eminently qualified to speak upon such a sub-
ject the Earl of Elleaborough. In the month of August
Lord Ellenborongireeite his Once -Palitatnent; milled the

attention of her ilajesty'a Government to the state of affairs
in Asia, and asked for information with reference to our
policy. Tho War Minister of Eng and then assured Parliament
that in the opinion of her Majesty's Ministers the power of
the Porte was sufficient to maintain its ~uthority and clonal-

nions in Asia. Was that foresight ? (Cheers and laughter.)
If, in the first iustance, there wa a want of energy, was there

not subsequently a want of foresight A new Ministry was
formed upon the principle of conducting the war in Asia,

and from the period of their formation to the fall of Kars
there was"an interval of nine months. We find that at last

ale Porte, wearied with the energy and foresight of the Bri-
tish 4overntneut—(a langh)—in its desperation ralliM its

resources ; it made a final effort, and it offered a plan of ac-
tion for the approbation of the British Ministers. That pro-
ject of the • Porte, after due deliberation, and after many
councils, was described by her Majesty's Government as an
insanesa
projectplan (c)wh
ae
se r
as 4 —0
adopted—but t find t d I
hyhena t
her Majesty's
month afterwardsthe
same
Government.te
gnee eolg.gduehyrina
ivuaesnd b united,ee(Cheersbroughtna natdno foresight;ldd:
ihlnaetuho
fgawahtl
pelt laughter.)
fy.ne) 0
kwa
,:ilv,
ier
fen
find the
ch
presciencea
finer
neiur s instances
qualitiese
and
n oaf
(Renewed cheers.) Well, is that energy and foresight com-
bmivnenfii
notis complete.
justified
i(nC hbeleir sn
c,._)
ing forward this question. Why, what subject, for weeks,'
and I may say for months past, has more occupied
public attention ? Upon what subject has there been
more industrious misrepresentation and greater perplexity ?
If the only result of this debate had been to show
the true light in which this
s
house and by the country it wouldluebeetioann isinip viewedc
rimportant
tbdy i s
etuhsi
s.
sion, as it is one necessary to the honour and usefulness of
the House of Commons. We have, however, been told by the
right. hon, hart. wholast addressed
the house, and the other
night by the noble lord *t op os e, when ho tried to suppress
the debate, that in anotherr iplace they have shruok from the l
discussion of this question. can assure the noble I,,rd and
his colleagues that they are very much mistaken There has
been no disposition iu the other House of Parliament to shrink
from the discussion, and the course taken in that house by a
noble friend of mine was one which lie could not avoid. My
noble friend (Lord Malmesbury),l believe, fully and entirely
.approves of the sentiments
I. arned friend expressedthe member for Enniskillen (Mr.
in the resolution of my
hon. and
Whiteside), but that noble lord thoughtm
his motion a declaration of opinion hat it was expedient to
proper to include in
t
consider the effect of this quistion
tiPell the conditions of
peace. When my noble friend's notice
stated by a Member•. of her Majesty's Government wasgiven, it was
that the
treaty of peace would be brought before the house on Monday,
and, after what I cannot but think that the injudicious intro-
duction i,,to his motion of the t* declara i
it was of course totally impossible
for my on I have mentioned,
noble friend to pur-
sue the course he had originally intended to follow. I do not
think, however, that my noble friend'
will
for the opinion of the other House of Parliamentshrink from calling
subject. I have now touched upon
what upon this
conceive to be the
principal points for the consideration of the house, and it only
remains for me to refer to the nature of my hon. and learned
friend's motion, to which I shall give my support, and which
I trust the house will not reject without
think the terms of that motion are Perr
(Inc onsi
perfectly
:oration. I
y justified, not
merely by the arguments which have been submitted to the
house, but by the admissions which have been
Majesty's
,Ministers themselves, and by thei made bY her
unanswerable
arguments of the right hon. member for Carlisle,
Wheers and
laughter) This motion has been brought
forward
hoaoutible and learned frieni the member for Enniskillen by
my
at
the desire, and with the concurrence, of all those who
the honour of acting with him in public life. It
tihave
has been
said that my hon. friend precipitately forced this sub'
the consideration of the house. It is not the hall.ect upon
hon. friend to force any subject upon the consideration of
InY
house. He is, in my opinion, PeeullarlY fitted to bring°f the
ward this question from the attention he has devoted far-
subject, and from his intimate acquaintance and Constantt°the
in-
tercourse with that gallant officer who was so rudely
tti rejected
—or rather ejected—from the office which he held by
pre-
sent Minister for War. The hon. and learned gentle
brought forward his motion in a manner which entirely email
tified the expectatione of his friends, and I cordially ttjus-
him for that great intellectual effort, which fully sustainedauk
the reputation of this house. (Cheers.) Two amendments
have been proposed to the motion of my hon. friend—one
an hon. and learned member opposite (Mr. J. Phillim ;c-
-ond. the other by my hon, friend the member for Dorsetshiree)'
(Mr. K. Seyiner). I shall support the resolution o my hon.
-and learned friend (Mr. Whiteside), the introductionorwanci
to this house, so far as my humble influence is concern d,. I
have already sanctioned. I wish it, however, to be under-
stood that I have no desire— so far as the forms of the house
are concerned - to stand in the way of the amendment pro-
posed by the hon. member for Dorsetshire. I approve of the
motion of the lion. and learned member for Enniskillen. I
have vindicated it, and I am prepared to give my vote in its
favour. I know very well the objections that are brought
against motions which it is probable may not be. carried in
this house. In my opinion those objections are foUnded en.:
tirelv ou a fallacy and t think that the House of Commons'
or rather the Opposition, commit a great Mistake if they
limit the occasions upon which they ask ;or the opinion of
this house to those cases only iu which, as the President of
the Board of Control says, they may upset a Cabinet. (Hear.)
Far from that, I think, upon every occasion of importance,
where there are subjects which arrest public attention, and
especially subjects upon which the public mind is perplexed,
it is the duty of the Opposition to assert the policy which
they approve, and to vindicate the principles which keep them
together ; and to comment upon and denounce the conduct
of the Minister, if they think that that conduct is injurious to
the interests and the honour of the country. (Cheers.) If the
Opposition relinquish that duty,—if the country have reason
to believe that they shrink from performing that office, if they
take refuge in a scandalous silence because they think they
may not put the iMinistry in a minority. I can tell them that
they will, in the long rue, fall in public estimation—(hear)—
and that this house, too, will. equally in the long run,
fall in public estimation ; and that no greater blow to the pri-
irileges and reputation of Parliament and to the influence of
the House of Commons can be levelled than that it should be-
come a question whether or no the Opposition is influenced

only by selfish and sordid sentiments of official success and
Parliamentary triumph. (Cheers.) The noble-lord opposite
4y. not be of my opinion. .(Hear.) I fear thexoble lord is
not of my-opinion. (Hear) Nothing but sentiments contrary
to mine—nothing but early conduct in public life, utterly op.
posed to that which I have attempted to describe, would
have induced the noble lard, with indecent exultation the
other night, when ho knew, and ought to have known, that
the question had only been partially discussed, and had not
even been decently discussed from his own benches—nothing
but feelings contrary to mine could have induced the noWe
lard to express himself in such a manner as lie did the other
night ,when a temporary majority was obtained by. him.
(Hear, hear) I deeply fear that the noble lord is influ-
enced by very different feelings to mine on this subject.
('‘ Oh, oh I") Well, .1 will prove to you. These happy in-
terruptions, when one is sometimes nearly wearied with a
lengthened discussion, are what one is not ungrateful for.
(Laughter.) I remember a crisis in this country scarcely
of less importance than the one from which we are new
emerging. I remember when this country was on the eve
of a war with a country with which, of all others, I should
most deprecate hostilities, not only from considerations of
material interests, but from moral considerations—l mean the
United States of America. I remember when this country
was on the eve of a war with thAt great Power. Sir Robert
Peel was then Prime Minister of Eugland ; he appointed a
ne-
gotiator for that great emergency, one admirably qualified for
the difficult but noble task which he had to accomplish. With
a wisdom which can never be too much admired and appreci-
ated Lord Ashburton prevented a war—(cheers)—and he laid
the foundation of what I trust will be an enduring peace, even
though the noble lord is Prime Minister of England. (Cheers
and laughter.) Well, sir, when Lord Ashburton returned with
an admirable treaty he was received with the gratitude of the
country, and with the appreciation of all men who duly valued
the importance of his labours. (Cheers.) But there arose in
this country, immediately on his arrival, an organised attack
upon what was called the Ashburton capitulation—an attack
conducted with ample knowledge, prosecuted with unceasing
vigour, and constantly impressing upon the public opinion of
England that our interests had been betrayed and our honour
had been disgraced. Well, sir, in due time, when the same
feeling with regard to the Ashburton treaty had been created
as has now been created iu re ;ard to the capitulation of Kars,
and when Lord Ashburton was selected to be tho scapegoat
then, as Lord Stratford de Redeliffe was selected in the present

instance, due notice was given to the Parliament of England
that this important question, involving, as
.a perplexe i and
frightened public believed, the deepest interests of the nation,
and oke which concerned mattera of charge against the Prime
Minister f England scarcely short of treason, would be brought
under the consideration of Parliament by one most competent
to discharge that duty. It was brought :Omani by one who sat
on this side of the house and opposite this box; and he bad
that which neither my hon. and learned friend nor myself can
pretend to, accurate official experience, derived from long years
of po,session of offic3, powers of great eloquence, and unri-
valled knowledge ,ffif the subject. The noble lord recollects
the time when he introduced the question of the Ashburton

capitulation to the attention of the Douse of. Commons. The
no de lord and. his friends now sneer at, ,long speeches when
the conduct of the Ministry is impugneth "But the noble lord
on that occasion made a very long speech, though I don't
believe it was so long as the speech of my lion, and learned
friend : it certainly was not so entertaining; that, however,
was not the fault of the noble lord, but of his subject. (Cheers
and laughter.) Never Wore such charges brought against a
Minister as were made ou that oce • Sion when the assembled
Pardament hung on the accents of the noble lord, a most ex-
perienced Minister, with a knowledge unrirdled in diplo.-
matic subjects, and who is now Prime Minister of England.
They were charg s little short of treason urged by tho noble
lord, mister of speech as be is, in a speech of hours. But
the noble lord is not a rash leader of a party. He can make
a long speech, and can make charges which no man has a
right to make who is not prepared to take the -opinion of
Parliament upon them. (Hear, hear.) The noble • lord did
all this. The charges wore brought forward with all the
pomp and solemnity of an indictment; the debate was ad-
journed, and he concluded his elaborate and lougtheued ha-
rangue, not by a resoludon, and in strong language, but by
motion for papers. ( 'beers and. laughter.) Now I wish to
contrast, for the instruction of the house, the e tse of my hon.
and learned friend and the case of the noble lord. ,I wish
those who think it rash to speak in strong language—l wish
tlose who think it precipitatolo express in a resolution that
which they darn not say in a speech-4 wish them to contrast
the conduct 4,f •mv rash and impetuous friend—(clieers)-..
with the wary and circumspect conduct of the noble lord.'
(Renewed cheers.) I am certain that the noble lord who
accuses statesmen of treason, and ends by moving for papers,'
must have conclucte I his business much more warily than he
supposes my hoe, and learned to be doing when he with so
much complacency prophesied what is to be our doom this
evening. (Bear.) Sir, we may be defeated, but until the,
numbers are really kniwn it is not necessary for me even to
believe in that, (Cheers and laughter,) But at all events this
unexampled speech of my hon. and learned friend will be fol-

lowed by an explicit motion, and I am sure my hon. and
learned friend will have the support of a large and powerful
party, while the noble lord in ay possibly be supported by th,ae
who have male speeches against him. (Cheers and laughter.)
That will be to reverse the position of my hon. and learned
friend, But what was the position of the wary master of
tactics on the occasion of which I hare spoken ? Why, on the
second night of the debate the noble lord, strong with his blue-
books, and with his documents admirably arranged and tied
up, this great statesm n, who would not enter upon any
imprudentcours; had the satisfaction of fiuding the house
counted out. (" Hear," and laughter.) Therefore I think
the noble lord, who took such an exulting tone the other night,
and who seemed to suppose that ours is to be the minority and
his the majority, ought to remember that, whatever our fate
may b it will be at least superior to that of the noble lord
when in a similar position. (Hear.) The right hon bait. the

member for CArli;le ha- said lie could have wished that a pro

posal had been made to pals a vote' of thanks to General Wil-

hams, but that there existed no precedent for such a course.
I too, sir, wish that this house had proposed a vote of thanks
to General Williams. ( Loud cheering) I wish this house had
proposed a vote of thanks to Gen. Williams in the sense of ex-
pressing their indigdatiou at the manner in which he has been
upported. (Cheers.) That was an idea which had occurred
to others besides the right hot,. baronet. (Hear.) But we,
too, were stopped by routine. There was uo precedent. I
think it wou!d have been wise if we had made a precedent
(hear)—and had proposed a vote of thanks to a man who was
the distinguished object of an admiriug Senate, and had ex-'
pressed our sympathy witil one who isau exile and a prisoner,
(Cheers.) I think it..is well, toraetimm that we should.show
our sense of the eunduct of melt who, though not successful,

arc at least triumphant. There are berocs in a7lversity,and there

are prisouers,not to say it profanely, who have proved even
more than conqueror by their leading captivity itself captive.
We have not been ab:o to express those feelings, but at

least we have done this—we hay; not taken refuge iu a shame-

ful silence; we have allowed to the people of this country an
opportunity of having their opinions and feelings rePreseulcd
in this, their own.house ; and, whatevar may be the fate of
this division, we have had the satisfaction of expressing our
sympathy with heroic merit, and With national honour.. ('he
. .

usual" language of ministers, implored this house to grant a
guarantee because he said Turkey might fall to pieces if that
assistance were not given, this house by almost a majority
endeavoured to defeat that object. And,who ware the fore-
most in endeavouring to refuse that assistance ? Why the
right bon, gentleman and his friends. I trust that whatever
may be at times the injustice of public opinion, and I think 1
am ,one of those who at times have suffered from that injustice
—that in this country, and in every country .vhere we can
have any influence, there will be a free current of public
opinion, and the representative, institutions may gain fresh
strength and excite increased admiration from the contlsts in
which we have lately been engaged.
Lord PALMERSTON—The right hon. gentleman has
taunted me with the course which I thought it my duty to
pursue on Tuesday last. He has endeavoured to represent
that it was my object to stifle discussion. Sir, I entirely
deny that representation. Undoubtedly I thought that at
the time at which the adjournment was moved there still
remained time to carry the d.scussion to an end. and that it
was more fitting .to go on with it than to adjourn it till this
evening. I certainly thought, and still think, that the divi•
sion which too': place on that occasion was not simply a divi-
sion on the question of whether the debate should be adjourned,
but that it declared in a great degree the opinion which had
been formed by the members present as to £he qu'estien which
is now under discussion, and I think that the state in which
we are at present is a state that has often been proposed for
Parliament—dividing first and debating afterwards. The

speech of the hon. and learned gentleman who made this
motion was indeed a wonderful speech. (Hear, hear.) It
was a speech of great ability, as all speeches made by that
hon, and learned gentleman must necessarily be. (Hear )
It was a speech, however, which those wise saw it, I
s>y, not heard it, but those who saw it, must admit to be a
speech which exhibited as much bodily activity as mental
acumen. It must have been gratifying to the friends of the
hon. and learned gentleman to see him continue for four
hours and a half to exert so much power; but however cre-
ditable the speech was to the body and mind of the hon. and
learned gentleman, it did little credit to the judgment with
which it was conceived. The hon. and learned gentleman be-
gan with a dissertation upon the interest of England as con-
nected with Turkey, with Affghauistan and with India, and
founded the argument by which he proceeded to condemn the
conduct of the Government upon the assertion that by net at-
tempting operations in • sia we were neglecting the great
interests of England in India. Why, if anything could be
imagined more calculated to encourage those suspicions which
the enemies of England endeavoured to engender as to the ob-
j cot of England in the war, such representations were calcu-
lated to effect that purpose. The Russians endeavoured to
instil into the minds of our allies that we were dragging them
into the war for objects of our own ; that it was not the
maintenance of the power of Turkey that we so brach wanted,

as that we wanted to defend our Indian territories.

Carl

taiuly we engaged iu that war not for the purpose of defending
Indio. If England should be attacked we are capable of de-
fendhag ourselves. We do not want the anance of any Power
for the purpose•of defence. England is able to defend her-
self, when attacked, in any part of the world. (Cheers) We
and our allies, when we commenced the war, disclaimed
any selfish interest. We had European objects as important
to our allies as ourselves the maiuteaance of the
Turkish empire and the balance of power in Europe.
The speech, therefore, of the hon. and learned gentleman
was calculated to give countenance to an opinion utterly
inconsistent with the. fundamental principle of the war.
(Hear, hear.) The hoe. gentleman's address was certainly
productive of one very singular and remarkable result. A
noble f. iend of his in the other house of Parliament, who
had given notice of a motion of the same purport, whether
actuated by the effect of that speech, or from whatever cause,
but certainly by a most remarkable coincidence, the very
hext evening abandoned.his design. (" Hear, hear," and a
•laugh.) One portion of the hon. getitlenian'S speech then
was devoted to an attempt to induce this house and' the
public to believe that the main object of the war was to de.
fend India against the attacks of Russia—an utter
_misrepre-
Sentation of the policy of the war (Cheers.) Another and
a great portion of it was devoted to the vituperation of Lord
Stratford. Indeed, I may say the speech was a singular,iu-
stance of vituperation, right and left. (Hear.) It reminded
one in some degree of the great explosion which took place
in the French lines—up went rockets, shells, and c trtridges
in every direction, killing and wounding friends all around,
but none going far enough to reach an enemy. (Cheers and
laughter.) The hon. gentleman devoted an hour and a half
' to the unmitigated condemnation of Lord Stratford ; but re-
membering, perhaps, admonitions received in a morning
meeting—(cheers)—he terminated his speech with praises of
the nob e lord whom lie had before represented as being to•
tally unworthy to maintain the situation he held. (Loud
cheers.) In fact, 11:s main charge against her Majesty's Go-
' vernment was for continuing Lord Stratford in his office of
Ambassador at ConstantinoPlo after ho had neglected to an-
swer the letters of General Williams; and it was for that he
held that we were deserving of the ceusure of" parliament.
But the hon. gentleman was immediately answered by his
noble friend who sits near him, and who said that the fall of
Kars was not accelerated one moment by the omission of
Lord Stratford to answer the letters of General Williams.
And truly did he say that because the omission occurred in
1854, and Kars did not fall till November, 185.. (Cheers.)
But I am perfectly ready to take my share of any respon-
sibility that may devolve upon thoSe who did not think it
right to recall Lord Stratford. (Hear, hear.) No duabt
we regret that from pressure of business Lord Stratford
omitted those letters, and to give amend Williams that
comfort and encouragement which he would naturally
_

derive from letters received from the Ambassador at Coil-
statitinople But Lord Stratford did at Constantinople all
that Gen Williams urged him to do. (Hear.) No one who
reads these papers can fail to arrive at the conclusion that
Lord'Stratford did everything that it WAS in the power of an

ambassador to do in order to obtain for Gen. Williams the

supplies and reinforcements he wanted. (~:heers.) But when
the hon. gentleman treats Lord Stratford so lightly, I am
bound to say that of ail men he was the fittest for the post
he occupied. (Hoar.) He was beyond all men acquainted
with the details of circumstances connected with Turkey, and
he had established an influence over the Turkish Government
which was of the utmost importance. Indeed any govern-

ineut that should have recalled Lord Stratford at that mo-
ment simply because heliad omitted to answer certain letters
might have boasted of their energy, but they could not be
praised for their foresight. (Cheers.) Sir, it is clue to Lord

Stratford to mention, in connOctiou with that great act which
has been recently obtained from Turkey, and which we may
call the Magna Charta of the Christian population of the
Ottoman empire, that when, in 1546, upon the termination

of Sir R. Peel's administration I became Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs, Lord Stratford was on leave in this coun-
try.At that time I thought it my duty to urge that ho

_ .
would continue to hold his office and to return toConstanti-
nople. Lord Stratford did not belong to our party. He was
a friend of Lord Derby; and it was Lord Derby who gave
him the title which he wears with so much honour to himself.
(Hear.) Lord Stratford, then Sir Stratford Canning, said ho
would agree to do what I asked him upon one condition.
And what was that condition 4 Why, that he should be sup-
ported, uay, urged by the Government at home to continue
those exertions which had been the great object of all his
energies during the time he had been in Turkey, namely, the ob.
taining of that equality between Christians and Mahommedaus
which has now crowned his labours. (Cheers.) It was that
honourable ambition which induced Lord Stratford to con-
tinue s ) long in a situation which under other-circumstances
he might have preferred to relinquish ; and yet it was the
moment when he wore upon his brow that double coronet
one granted to him by his Sovereign, and the other the result
of his own honourable labours —that ho was selected by a
friend of Lord Derby to be the object of his vituperation.
(Cheers.) But the mistake of the hou. and learned gentleman
was soon discovered. Those who have followed him have al-
lowed Lord Stratford's conduct to pass without doing it addi-
tional injustice ; and they have turned their batteries more
directly against her Majesty's Government. A great attack
has been made upon us because wo did not send Gen. Wil-
Hems reinforcements of men and supplies of money. In the
first place, be it observed, it is a total misrepresentation of
the right hon. gentlemen opposite to say that wo undertook
to carry on war in Asia. We never hinted that we intended
to carry on war iu Asia. The Government of Lord Aberdeen
had decided, and decidedly wisely, that in i; war with Russia
for the defence of Turkey, the point to in struck at was Se-

bastopol, that that centre of the Russian power was aggressive
against Turkey—and that ufltil you strck a blow at the heart,
al other attempts would be futile. (Cheers.) It was on that
account that the Gcfe:•nment of Lord Aberdeen declined to
send an army into Bessarabia or the Principalities ; for if
there is one principle of war far more evident than another, it
is that when you have a great object to accomplish, you must
concentrate all your power upon that object, and not to allow
your self to be tempted away from it by any collateral opera-
tions, The great object of the allies was to capture Sebasto-
pol, and to get possession of the Russian fleet. (Hear.) The
right bon. gentleman says, " What a disgrace to Euglaudand
France that they should not be able to have one army in the
Crimea and another in Asia, warm Russia was able not only
to maintain an army in the Crimea but to make a diversion
in Asia." But Russia was defending herself at home. She
had all her resources at hand, and she had an army, be it
of 500,000 or 1,000,1,00 men, ready prepared for the
contest. On the other hand, England and France hal to
send troops by sea to a great distance, and at the end of a
long line of communication. It was therefore no disgrace to
England and France that they were not able to etuploy as
many forces in that quarter as Russia. No doubt the fall of
Kars was an event greatly to be lamented—not for the mere.
fall of the position; for Kars has no great fortifications.
Kars is not a town surrounded by walls or natural defences ;
but Kars is an important geographical position, which it is
desirable that Russia should not occupy. Why we lamented
the fall of Kars was, that that gallant hero and his brave
associates, who inspired such courage in the 10,000 Turks
who held the town, that they and those brave Turks should
have become prisoners through famino to men who could not
conquer them in arms. (Loud cheers.) But we knew well
that we must succeed or fall; and if we;succeeded, whatever
Russia might have taken from the Turks she must have eva-
cuated before she could obtain a peace. We had taken up
the war to maintain the integrity of the Turkish empire ;
and never would we have sheathed the sword so long as an
inch of Turkish territory remained in the hands of Russia.
(Loud cheers.) Therefore all those arguments which are
founded upon the danger to Turkey which might arise from
the lois of Kars are based upon a vain and groundless assump-
tion—an assumption which implies that we should have been
content to make peace upon terms inconsistent with the very
principle upon which the war was commenced. (Hear,
hear.) No doubt, when Gen; Williams first went in the ca-
pacity of commissioner to Kars, ho was not vested with those
powers which were necessary to enable him to perform effi-
ciently the duties which devolved upon. him. But every man
that knows anything of Turkey must be aware of the insur-
mountable difficulty there is in getting military command for
a European, more especially in Asia, because military com-
mand there gives a person control over paellas and the
governors of provinces. (Hear, hear.) What caused the
fall of Kars ? • It was the want of provisions and of a relieving
force. Supplies were missing in consequence of the miscon-
duct of the Paella of Erzeroum. It was nos, want of money,

Money had been supplied him to purchase provisions, and he
had bought them, but he had neglected to pay the carriers
to convey them to Kars ; and they had left them about half
way between the two places. The result was that when the
Russians invested Kars with a superior force of cavalry, they
pushed on to where the supplies were lying, seized and de-
stroyed them. Had those supplies been properly sent to Kars
by the Governor of Erzeroum they would probably have been
sufficient to enable the garrison to hold out. Additional
troops for the garrison were not required,' for the garrison
had shown itself to the last more than a match for its toes.
But what was required was a relieving force, to open a com-
munication with Kars. The hon. and learned gentleman,
finding the case not very easy to handle, chooses, with that
dexterity which belongs to his profession—to represent that
as a disgraceful act of the Government which was, in truth,
most deserving of approbation. He dwelt upon that de-
spatch of Lord Clarendon of the 13th of July, in which the
noble earl on behalf of his Government expresses disappro-
l'ation of the operation for the relief of Kars by Yenikate and
Kutais. I am not discussing this piestion as a military man,
.but the hon.. gentleman is likewise not a military man, and
therefore my opinion is as good as his. But I will maintain
against all comers that the arguments in that despatch are

perfectly conclusive that the plan proposed by the Turkish
Government was radically defective. The plan they pro-
posed was to land at Redout-Kaleh, and then to march against
the rear of the Russians, for the purpose of drawing them
away from Kars. Now, in the first place, the sea passage
was longer, and a greater quantity of transports would be
necessary. Then the country iu which the Turkish troops
would land was Christian, and they were Mahommedan, The
population would thus be hostile to them. Besides, as the
operation was only for a diversion, and not a permanent con-
quest, they would know that if they joined the invaders they
must soon expect to feel the resentment of the Russian Go-
veraine,nt. (Hear, hear.) The country moreover was in-
tersected with rivers, and was difficult to be traversed by
au army; it was one,,, likewise in which animals for trans-
port were scarce. r!nally, the route was long, and the army
proposed to be sent, as an hon. gentleman had observed, was
a collection of odds Bend ends, without the regularity and com-
bined discipline of the Russian troops. If it had gone, it
would probably have advanced a certain distance from the
sea, the Russians would have attacked and defeated it, and
would then have resumed the investment of Kars freed from
all fears of being again interrupted. The plan of her Majesty's
Government was that the troops should bo sent by Trezibond,
from which 10,090 men might have marched, according to
Mr. Brandt, to Erzeroum in 10 days. The road was even
practicable for artillery, for all the artillery at Erzeroum and
Kars bad gone by that route ; but there were guns e ;lough,
so that was not material. The country was Mahommedan ;
there were in it plenty of animals for transport ; and it woi.hi
even have been easy to raise a force of irregular horse, light
cavalry being the arm which General Williams most required.
Besides, if the movement for the relief of Kars had not suc-
ceeded, it would at least have made Erzeroum safe ; and the
garrison of Kars might have retired to that city. But it is
said you recommended a disgraceful course, the abandonment
of Kars. We recommended no such thing. We recom-
mended that which we believed would have saved Kars, but
which at all events would have enabled its garrison to fall
back in safety upon Erzeroum. (Hear, hear.) The brilliant
imagination of hon. gentlemen suggests to them that if Kars
had remained in the possession of Russia Constantinople
might have bees taken. But that would have been impos-
sible, unless, indeed, the Russians had an army of Leanciers
to swim the Bosphorus. (Laughter •and cheers.) Honour-
able gentlemen seem quite to have forgotten the existence
of that famous strait; and that there was a Tarkisa. a
French, and an English fleet close at hand, if by auy strange
accident the enemy had arrived at the shore opposite Con-
stantinople. But it is said,"You proposed this scheme for the
relief of Kars at cne time, and thou you adopted one exactly
contrary." But we did not adopt any measure. It was
not an operation in which the British or French army
was to take part. It was a proposal made to us by the Turk-
ish Government, and we stated our reasons why we thought
it ought not to be adopted. But when we were told that the
council of war still held to its former view, it was not for us
to maintain our opinion to the contrary. (hear.) Then hon.
gentlemen complain that we did not send the contingent as a
part of the relieving force ; but the contingent was not in a
condition to go. That was the opinion of General Vivian, of
Omer Pacha, of General Simpson, and of every man who knew
the state in which the contingent then was. (Hear, hear.)
The right hon. baronet (Sir J. Graham) has drawn a com-
parison between the Turkisli Contingent and the Portuguese
troops, whom ho described as the " fighting cocks " of the
Peninsular army ; and I have no doubt that the Turkish
Contingent would have been the same. (Hear, hear.) But
my right hen. friend must consider time as well as men.
W hen that Portuguese force obtained the designation which
he mentions, they had been longer in organisation under
British officers than the Turkish Contingent, which at that
time had oulyjust been formed. It has often been said that
in the early part of the Peninsular campaign, the Portuguese
battalion fled at the sight of shells in the air, but at the storm-

in,s of San Sebastian, the bodies found most forward in the
assault were those of the Portuguese soldiers. The change
was effected, not merely by better pay and clothing, but was
the result of better leading by British officers, and the greater
confidence which they felt. So it undoubtedly would have
been with the Turkish Contingent. I have not the least hesi-
tation in saying that, if the war had gone;oa another year, we
should have seen iu the ensuing campaign the Turkish Con-
tingent behaving with the same courage as the brave TUrks
who had defended Kars, and adding fresh laurels to those
gained by their countrymen ou the banks of the Danube.
But at that time it would have been madness to expose the
half-armed and half-clad Contingent to the attack of ,the
Russ;an forces. That objection applied not only to their
being sent as part of Omer Pacha's relieving army, :but
it applied also to their being posted at Balaklava, in
exchange for the 12,000 Turks who bad been some of the best
troops in Omer Pacha's army. Therefore it was out of the
question to send them either to Redout-Kaleh or to Balaklava-
The Government very properly would not consent that the
Turkish Contingent should f -rue any part of those forces. Then
the question was, whether Omer Pacha should be allowed to
take from Balakiava those 12,00) Turks, who held an impor-
tant deffusive position on our line. It is said that se might
have ceu allowed to take away the force at Enpatoria, and
that we were wrong in not doing so. Who commanded at
Eupatoria ? The French Geueral d'Allonville. What right
had we to insist on his relinquishing a part of the force which
he thought necessary ? (Hear, hear.) If that position bad
been ours, would we have alio', ed the French Government
to dictate to us what the English Government should do and
what amount of forces should be retained there ? ear.)
The main question was whether Omer Pacha s .ould take

the Turkish forces from Balaklava either to Trebizond or to
Redout-Kaleh. Against that proposition General Pelissier
and General Simpson protested ; they said they could not
spar. a single mau!from before Sebastopol. And I must Say
I think upon the whole they were right. (Hear, hear.)
Sebastopol was the great object of the whole campaign.
Sebastopol had stood against us for a twulvemouth, and the
great object was to conquer. the resistance of Sebastopol.
(Hear, hear.) We were quite sure if Sebastopol was
taken, that wo should get back Kars even if it had
fallen. (Hear, hear.) But if we had been beaten
before Sebastopol the calamity would have been great,
and the object of the campaign would have been en-
tirely lost. (llear, hear.) Therefore I think that no mau,
taki,,g a review of the question at issue; can for a moment
doubt that the Governments of England and of France were
right in upholding the decision of the generals—that no
troops of any kind should be taken from before Sebastopol
until Sebastopol had fallen to the attack of the allies.
(Hear, hear.) The question, then, seems to me to resolve
itself into nothing. ("Hear, hear," and laughter.) A
censure on the Government is, in fact, a censure for having
done their best to get possession of Sebastopol. (Hear.) It
is a censure for not-having-pursued a course which would en.
danger the very objects of the campaign, and by so doing
would defeat the very objects of the war. (lieu, hear.) I
am quite content to take my stand upon that issue. (Cheers.)
"notwithstanding the deep sy•upathy which every man must
have felt at the surrender of General Williams—the con-
queror yielding to the conquered—l am prepared to put it
to any reasonable man in the country to say whether the
Government would not have been very much to blame if
they had done anything which might interfere with the
accomplishment of the great object for which the forces of

the two countries had been for so many months contending.
(Hear, hear.) Well, then, I think there was neither want
of energy nor foresight in the course pursued. There is no
want of energy in the speakers on the other side ; there has
been plenty of energy in this debate. (Laughter.) But
want of foresight I think there is. (Cheers.) I perfeetlyagree
with the proposition laid down, that the duty of an opposi-
tion is to oppose, which no man can for a moni,ent deny.
(Laughter.) It is perfectly true also that if the right hon.
gentleman wants to keep his party together, he ought every
now and then to bring them into action, although he knows
beforehand that he will be exposed to a great and disastrous
defeat. (Hear.) If the right hon. gentleman has come into
action with a perfect conviction that he is going to be de-
feated, there is certainly uo want of foresight as to that, but
some little want of judgment. (Cheers.) I am the first to do
justice to the course which the right hon. gentleman and his'
party have pursued during the war. With those exceptions
which have been adverted to, when Russian blood could not
withstand the temptation, or a little opposition to giving
Turkey money without which she could not move on—(laugh-
ter)—and attempts to prevent our raising additional troops to
assist us in the first operations of the war—those are trifling
matters which few joined in. But beyond that I am seri-
ously willing to admit that their course has been most honour-
able to themselves, and in perfect accordance with what was
the general feeling of the country. • (Hear.) They felt that
the nation was engaged in a war which the whole nation
thought just and right, and for which the people of the
United Kingdom were prepared to make any sacrifices ; and
they abstained very honourably from any real demonstration
calculated to embarrass or impede the course of the Govern-
ment. (Hear, hear) That was a course which was in per-
fect unison with public opinion, but which was honourable
to them, and which, looking back to former periods of his-
tory, was always pursued by the gentlemen who sat on that
side of the house. But I think it quite natural, when the
war is over abroad, that there should be war at home, that
opposition should revive, and resort to its natural function—
that of opposing Government, and trying to turn the Go-
vernment out ; for there is no imputation on an Opposition
for wishing to do that—it is the natural function of an
Opposition. (Laughter.) And when they think they
have the power of dispossessing the Government, it is
natural that they should from time to time take up subjects
on which they think the people will go with them, for the
purpose of keeping their party together, or keeping them-
selves alive. (Cheers, and laughter.) But I think they
have chosen their time injudic ionsly. What is the moment
they have chosen for this attack? And though the right
hon, gentleman professes to deal with it as a mere expression
of abstract opinion, of course when a censure is,proposed ou
a Government to the extent of saying that they have neither
energy nor foresight, I do not know what other quality is to
be left them, for certainly a Government possessing neither
energy nor foresight is not one which the House of Commons
would long like to see in their places. What is the moment
chosen for this purpose ? We have be ought to a cicse a war
which has been carried en with admirable energy—(cries
of " Hear, hear ")- a war carried on at a great distance
from these shores, with an army which was originally
sent out, though in small numbers, with greater expe-
dition, greater rapidity, and better equipped than any
army of the same amount that ever left these shores. (Hear,
hear.) It is but justice to the Duke of Newcastle to bear
testimony to this. That army was in the first instance ex-
posed to great suffering; but since then, by the persevering
energy of my noble friend at the head of the War Depart-
ment,r who his earned a title to the gratitude of the country
for the successful energy with which ho has follo,vea uph
brought
the
campaign, campaign, the army now in the Crimea has been
a state of admirable efficiency, health, and order, which
renders it the admiration of all who see it. During that.
war, while, on the one hand, the Government showed the
utmost energy, we have, I tnk not been deficient in fore-
sight in regard to the peace which. we have concluded.
Those who will take the trouble to look at the articles of
peace will see that we here foreseen all the matters upon
which it was possib'e to framee treaties,havepraoide
nvdthdata, against
futureas
future danger to
political foresight could go,
, w
P the Turkish Empire. (Hear, hear.) I
contend that the Government has, in the prosecution of the
r, shown groat energy, and that the stipulations of the
peace have proved their foresight. (Cheers.) At that time,
when the country at large is, I have no hesitation in saying,
satisfied both with the results of the war and the peace that
has been concluded, the hon. and learned gentleman steps in
with a vote of consul e upon the Government —a vote, I will
undertake to say, not more at variance with the general feel-
ing of the country than the division of this night will show
that it is at variance with the general opinion of the House
of Commons. (Hear, hear.) I think, therefore, that the
gentlemen •opposite, whatever may have been the energy
which they have displayed, have shown very little foresight
as to the result of this motion ; and I am satisfied that if they
pursue that duty of opposing which is said to be the proper
function of an opposition with no more judgment than they
have shown with regard to the motion now under con,idera-
tion, the people of this country will be of opinion that the
longer those gentlemen sit where they do the better will it be
for all who are interested in the welfare of the country.
(Loud cheers and laughter.) And on that ground I go with
confidence to the division that is about to take place.
(Cheers.)
Mr. WHITESIDE, who rose amidst loud cries for a
" division," said that when the noble lord stated they had
nothing to do with the war in Asia, he forgot that the
Bluebook contained several despatches to General Williams,
informing him that Asia Minor was to be the theatre of the
war in the spring. General Williams had been sent out,
as it ucw Appeared, to learn the misfortune of your ally

but not to assist him. (Hear.) The noble lord the member
for the City of London, who was the means of making the
noble lord Prime Minister, speaking on this very subject of
the war in Asia on a former occasion, said, "The war in
Asia is a very important question, but I could not get from
Lord Aberdeen that support I hoped for when the subject
was under consideration." (Cheers.) Was that the way
these Lohle lords thought to trifle with the people of Eng-
land ? (Cheers) lie denied that he had cast any imputa-
tion on the gallant defenders of Kars, and the best proof of
that was, that he bad received a letter of thanks from their
relatives. He spoke the conviction of his heart when he
siid that the officers in Kars' Williams' Teesdale, Lake,
and Thompson, deserved the honour of the country far
more than her Majesty's Government, because they saved
it from an ignominious peace. He denied that he had
been asked by any one not to speak what he believed to
be true of Lord Stratford. When he read the blue-book
he sai 1 that no honest man could justify the conduct of
Lord Stratford. He spoke the dictates of his heart when
said that Lord Stratford showed himself arrogant to
his inferiors and disobedient to his superiors in office,
and if such conduct was to receive the sanction of Go-
vernment, their generals and ambassadors would in
future be little better than despotic tyrants. (Cheers.)
But even when Lord Stratford's judgment got the
better of his temper, and informed. the Government
of what they ought to do, the Government took r•
steps to carry out his suggestions. Since he last ad-
dressed the house he learned that even without money
General Williams could have procured provisions if he had
had but t!ie authority of the Ambassador. (Hear.) The
pay of a Turkis'a soldier was 2d. a-day, and if the Govern-
ment had sent bat 30,000/. to General Williams he would
have saved Kars. (Oh, oh.) He did not know how many
would vote for him on the present occasion. He counted
on the support of the Administrative Reformers, but he
believed they would prove mere mock reformers. (Cheers.)
When areal abuse was placed before them, they retailed
the abuse, in order to maintain the men who were guilty.
of it. (Hear, hear.) On his side they struck at the abase
and the men. (Oh, oh, and Hear, hear.) He was aston-
ishe.) at the speech of the hon. member for Aylesbury,
who defended not only the conduct of Lora Statford, but
of Lord Penrnure. He could not understand that politi-
cal morality wnich justified a misstatement of the truth.
(Hear, hear.) If that was the hon. member's morality, it
*as not the morality of the gentlemen of England.
(Cheers.) .Wheu such questions were pat, a Minister
might preserve silence if he pleased, yet be had no right
to say that which he knew not to be right. (Hear.)
" But the age of virtuous politics is past,
And we are deep in that of cold pretence ;
Patriots are grown too shrewd to be sincere,

And we too-wise to trust them."
(Hear, hear.) This question is now before the House.
Whatever may be the result, we at least have dens our
duty, and it is satisfactory to feel, in examining this mi-
serable business, that it was not in the power of a Minis-
try to efface the glory of the past, for the mighty names of
our Wellington and NelAm would ever keep fresh the
fame of our military victories and preserve the lustre of
our naval triumphs. (Cheers.)
Lord PALMERSTON rose to explain. The boa. and
learned gantleman had entirely misconceived his remarks
with regard to the war in A.Qis. What he meant to say
was that during the attack on Sebastopol, and until, it was
taken, they had nothing to do with the war in Asia.
(Cries of "oh " and cheers.) a did not mean to say that
after Sebastopol was taken acampaign in Georgia was aot
part of the plan of operations.
The house then divided on Mr. .Ker Seymer's amend-
ment.

For the amendment • 52.

Against it — .
The house then divided on the origins I resolution of Mr.
Whiteside.
___

For the resolution
Against it • 303-L-127
. •
The announcement of tha numbers was iToceived with
kill cheers from the 'Ministerial benches.
The other orders were then disposed of, an d the hone.
adjourned at half-past one.

PARLIAMENrARY DIVISION.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-MAT 1.

FALL OF KARS.

Motion uncle, and question put. The house divided—Ayes
176, Noes 303.

AYES-176. .
Adderley, C. B. Evelyn, %V. J. Montglmery, IL Ii;
Alexander, J. Farnham, E. Moore, G.
Anuesley, Earl of Farrer, J. Mowbray, J. It.
Arbuthnott, Oen. H. Filzgeraid, W. R. S. Murrough, J. P.
Archdall. Capt. M. F over, J. • Naas, Lord
Bailey, Sir J. Follett, B. S. • Na.,ler, J.
Bailey, C. Forester, Col. Newdegate,.C.
Bantle, 11. Forst r, Sir Geo. -Newport, Viscount
Baldock, E. H. Franklyn, G. Noel, G.
13,11, E. Galway, Viscount North, Col. J.
Banker, At. Hon. G. George, J. Northcote, Sir S.
Barrington, Vist. Gilpin, Col. H. Oakes, J.
liateson, Capt. T. Graham, Lord M. Ossulston, Lord
Bellew, T. Groan. Edward • "Packs, C.
Bennet, Capt. P. Guernsey, Lord Pakington, Sir J.
Bentinck, Lord H. Guinness, R. S. Palk, L.
Rentiock. 'G. Gwyn, Howe' Peacocke, G.
Beresford, Rt. Hn. W Halford, Sir Henry Itepto st‘ G.
Bernard, Vist. Hail, General John Robertson, P.
Bignold, Sir S. Hamilton, Lord Claud Rushout, Capt. G.
Blake, M. J. Hamilton, G. A. Rust, James
Blakemore, T. Hamilton, It. Shirley, E.
Blaodibrd, Marquis of Banbury, don. S. Sibthorp, Major
Bolder°, Col. H. G. Handcock, IL. . • Smijth, Sir W.
Bowyer. G Hardy, O. ' • Smith, Abel
Bramiey- %fnore, J. Hayes, Sir E. Somerset, Colonel
Buck, Col. Heathcoate, Sir W. Spooner, R.
Bader, •lr.T. Henley, J. Stafford, A.
Bur. ell, Sir C. Herbert, Sir T. Stanhope, J.
Burroughes, H. N. Ilildyard, It. C. Stanley, Lord
liurrowes, Robert Hume, W. Starkie, Le G.
Butt, G. M. Irton, S. Stracey, Sir H.
Cabbell, U. B. Jolliffe, 11. Stuart, Captain
Cairns. 11. Jones, Admiral Stull, H.
Carnac, SIrJ.R. Ke11..., Sir F. Swift, R.
Cecil, Lord Kendall, N. Thesiger, Sir. F.
Chandos, Marquis of Kennedy, T. Tottenham. C.
Christy, Samuel King, J. Trollope, Sir J.
Clinton, Lord C. Knatchbull, W. . Tyler, Sir G.
Clive, Hon. R. W. Kn ght; F. Vance, John
Cocks, T. S. Knox, Col. B. W. Vansittart, G.
Cole, H. A. Loco's, Sir E. Verner, Sir W.
Coles, H. Langton. W. EL P. G. Vernon, V.
Compton, H. C. Lennox, Lord A. P. Vyse, col. it.
Conolly, T. Lennox, Lord H. G. Walcott, Admiral.
Corbally, M. E. Ltddell, 11. G. Walpole, 8.
Corry, H. T. L. Lindsay, Col. J.. Warren, S.
Cubitt. W. Lisburne, Earl Whiteside, J.
Davies, D. Lushington, C. M. Whitmore. H.
Davies. J. Lytton, sir E. 'Wigram, Loftus T.
Davison, R. Macartney, G. Williams, T.
Disraeli, B. MacEvoy, E. Woadd, B.
Dod, J. MacGregor, James . Wyndham, Gen.
Drax, J. MacMahon, P. Wyndham, H.
Duncombe, Hon. A. Maguire. J. F. Wynne, John
Duncombe, lIon.W.E. Malins, Richard Yorke, E.
Dundas, G. Manners, Lord J.
Dunne, Colonel March, Earl of TELLES!.
Du Pre, C. Meux, sir 11. Jolliffe, Sir W.
Elmley,,Viscount Michell, William Taylor, Colonel

NOES-303.
Aciand, Sir T. Fortescne, C. S. O'Flaherty, A.
Acton, Joseph Fox, W. J. Oliveira, li.
Asiatr, H. Freestun, COlenel Osborne, R.
Agnew, Sir A. Gibson, M. Otway, A.
Aleock, T. Gifford, Earl of Owen, Sir J.
Anderson, Air J. Gladstone, W. Paget, Lord A:
Antrobue, E. Glyn, G. Palmer, Roundel'
Atherton, W. Gordon, A. - Palmerston. Viscount
Baines, Rt. Hon. M. Gower, F. Patten, Col. -
Ball, J. Grace, 0. Paxton, Sir J.
Baring, H. Graham, Sir J. Pecheli, Sir G.
Baring, Sir F. Greenish, Gilbert Peel, Sir R.
Barnes, T. Greene, John Peel, F.
Bass, M. Greene, Thomas Pallatt„ A.
Baxter, W. Gregson, Samuel Perry, Sir E.
Beamlsh, F. Grenfell, Charles Philipps, J.
Beaumont, W. Grevilie, Colonel F. Phillimore, J. G.
Beckett, W. Grey, Rt. lion. Sir G. PhilLmore, R. J.
Bell, J. Grey, R. rigott, F.
Berkeley, Sir M. Grosvenor, Ld. R. Pilkington, J.
Berkeley, Hon. 11. F. Grosvenor, Earl PoHard-Urquhart, W.
Bethel', Sir R. Gurndy, J. 11. Ponsoiiby, A.
Biddulph, Col. R. M. Hadfield, George Power. N.
Biggs, W. Hall, Sir Benjamin Price, W.
Black, Adams Hankey, T. Pritchard, J.
Bland, L. H. Hanmer, Sir John Ramsdell, Sir J.
Bonham-Carter, I. Harcourt, G. G. Raynham, Viscount
liouverie, Hon. E. F. Hardinge, lion. C. Ricardo, 0.
Brady, J. Hash% Alex. Ricardo, S.
Bramston, T. W. Hastie, Archd. Rice, E.
Brand, H. B. W. Headlam, T. Rich, H.'
Brocklehurst, J. Heard, J. Richardson, J.
Brockman, E. D. Heathcote, G. Ridley,' George
Brotherton, J. Heneage, Geo. IL Robartes, T.
Brown, H. Heneage, Gco. F. Roebuck, .1.
Brown, W. Herbert, H. Roll. P.
Bruce, Lord E. Herbert, S. Russell, Lord J.
Bruce, H. A. Hervey, Lord A. Russell. F. C.
Buckley, Gen. Heywood, J. Russell, F. W.
Bulkeley. Sir R. Higgins, G. 0. Sawle, C.
Burke, Sir T. Handley, C. Scholefleld, W.
Byng, G. H. C. Hogg, Sir J. W. Scobell. Capt.
Cardwell, E. Holland, E. Scrope, G.
Castlerosse, Vis. Tlorsman, E Scully, F.
Caulfield, Col. J. Howard, C. Seymour, H.
Clavendish, C. C. Howard, Lord E. Seymour. W. D.
Cavendish, G. C. Hughes, W. Shefto, R.
Challis, T. Hutchins, E. Shee, Serjt. W.
Chambers, M. Hutt, W. Shelburne, Earl
Chambers. T. Ingham, It. Shelley. Sir J.
Chaplin, W. Ingram, H. Sheridan, R.
Clay, Sir W., Et. Jackson, W. Smith, J. B.
Cobbett. J. Jennyn, Rt. Ha. Earl Smith. M.
Cockburn, Sir A. 3. E. Johnstone, J. Smith, R.
Collier, R. P. Johnstone. Sir J. Smyth. John
Colvile. C. R. Keating, H. Somerville, Sir W.
Cowan, C. Kershaw, J. Stafford, Marquis
Cowper, W. , King, L. - Stanley, W.
Craufurd, E. H. J. Kinsscote,
Kinnaird, A. S:rickleud, Sir G.
Capt. 5. Steel, John
Crossley. F.
Currie, Raikes Kirk, W. Streit, lion. E.
Dalkel 1, Earl Labouchere,llLTlon.ll Sullivan, Michael
.R.
Davie, Sir IL B. r• Langston, ne,31).1t.• H. Talbot,
J.
Talbot, C.
Deasy, R. Langton, U. G. Denison, E. Tancred, 11.
Layard, A.H. Thompson, G.
Lee, W. Thornely. T.
,
Derin„, Sir E. Legh, G. C.
Lindsay,
Lowe,
iR.
.W . Thornhill, W.
Dent, J. J. B.
pe Vern, S. E. Lemon, Sir C. Tite. W.
oiliwyn, L. L. Lewis, Sir G. C. Towline, G.
Divett, E. Trail', G.
Druinlanrig, Via.Uxbridge, Earl
Drummond, U. Luce. T. Vane, Lord H.
Duff, G. Mackie, J. Vernon, G.
Duke. Sir J. Mackinnon, W. Villiers, C.
Duncan, Viscount McTaggart, Sir J. Vivian, 11. H.
Duncan, George N agan, W. Waddington, D.
Dundm, F. Marjoribanks, D. walmsley, Sir J.
Dangtarvan, Viscount Marshall. W. Walter, J.
Dunlop, A. Martin, J. Warner, E.
East, Sir J. Martin, P. Water park, Lord
Ebrington, Viscount Massey, W. Watkins, Col.
' Ellice, E. Milligan, It. Watson, W.
Ellice, E. 34 ills, T. Wells, W.
Emlyn. Viscount Milner, W. H. E. Whatinan, J.
Esmonde, J. Milnes, It. Whitbread, S.
Estcourt, T. lti itchell, T. A. Wickham, 11.
Euston, Farl of Moffat, G. Wilkinson. W.
Ewart, W. Monck, Vie. 'Willcox, B.
Ewart, J. Moncreiff, J. Williams, M.
Fagan, W. Monsell, W. Williams. W.
Fenw ck, H. Morris, D. Wilson, J. „,... •
Fergus, John Moityn, E. Winningtorl. ~- .•
Ferguson, Colonel Ai owatt, F. Wins, A.
Ferguson, Sir It. Mulgrits, e, Earl of Wood, Sir C.
Filmer, Sir E.. Manic, G. Wrightson. vv.
FitzGe^al.l, Flr John Napier, Sir C. 'Wyndham, W.
Fitzgerald, J.. Norreys, Sir D. - Wyvill, M.
Fitzroy, Dena? North, F.
Foley, J. 11. O'Brien, P.
Forster, Chi tries O'Brien, J.
Forster, Jo' ma, O'Connell, J.

TELLEI9.
Hayter, W.

Berkeley, G. C.

Th 3 Berlin wool fair will be held this year from the
21st to t.bH 25th of June.
LILZESt EAF : THE CONCLUDING PASSAGES IN TNI
LIFE OF 1 IRS. MARGARET MAITLAND, OF SUNNYSIML
—WWI,' MI BY HERSELF.-1 VOLUME:—We are glad t 3
observe the A a new and cheaper edition of " Lilliesleaf,"
compri ;ed in a single volume, has just mitered. In
this ft ,rm the work will 'doubtless become extremely
populr a.. The iftlemiceum, in its notice of this interestin
book, Nays:--`The concluding series of 'Passages in th•
Life of Mrs. Margaret Maitland is to our thiuki.ug
Ripe, ior to the beginning, and this we take to be about
the Inagt satisfactory compliment we can pay the
autm J4ese.. There is a vein of simple good sense and
pie oas fee ling running throughout for which no reader
ca ,q fail to) be the better."