The Sun.
London, England, 1860-06-12 00:00:00

But now observe the inconsistency. Upon the question of
the franchise he was prepared to accept the £6

rental, which excluded 95 per cent of the unerty
franchised, that being one of the questions which affected
the poorer classes ; but on the greater question, of the dis-
tribution of seats, which affected, not the operatives, but
the masters, and which would facilitate the admission of

his own class into Parliament, on that question he said " I
will have no compromise." He must say that his hon.
friend was not inconsistent in this, because it was not the
first time in the session, that ho had applied the same prin-

ciple. Professing to be the peculiar representative of the
working man, he had applied the same principle to taxation
when he bad the chance of removing the taxes which fell
on the operative. In the case of taxation as in representa-
tion, he had in both instances thrown over the interests of
the poor, and advocated the interests of the rich. (Opposi-
tion cheers.) He believed no man was more sincere and
more honest in the advocacy of his views, but there was
this peculiarity about him, that unconsciously in questions
affecting the education of the poor, the taxation of the poor,
and the representation of the poor, wherever it had been a
case of the poorer classes on the ono side and the rich land-
owners on the other, there had never been a more vehement,

a more inflexible champion of the poor than \the hon. mem-
ber for Birmingham ; but where it had been a case of manu
facturers on the one side and operatives on the other, the
interests of the masters had been upheld, and those of the
operatives trampled upon. (Opposition cheers.) There-
fore he declined to receive the hon. member in the house
as the representative of the working classes. He did not
believe the hen. gentleman had their interests at heart.
(Opposition cheers.) He had been led to go further into
this subject than he intended. He wished to conclude by
making one remark on what fell from the noble lord the
member for the City. He heard with regret one observa-
tion which fell from him, which looked very much like a
promise, though it did not amount to a promise, that it
was likely he would introduce another Reform Bill. He
would repeat to him what he said to him last year on
the debate on his resolution. Ile warned him that his
difficulties would then begin. He told him then that
if he could do anything either to promote the reform
that he wished or to secure his own position by voting for
the resolution he would do so, but that he felt certain that,
neither the one nor the other could facilitate the object ho
had at heart. And now, said the right hon. gentleman, as to
the future, I would address this warning to the noble lord.
It is no light thing for a Minister of England to discredit
the only free constitution now left in Europe. (Hear.) It is
no light thing for a man in such a position as the noble lord
to promulgate the doctrine that it is the legitimate function
of a statesman and of a minister once in every 20 years to
remodel the constitution of his country, and always on the
same principle—effecting a new distribution of political
power always in one direction, giving less and less influence
to intelligence and property, and more and more power to
numbers. It is no light thing to promulgate the vital prin-
ciple that a constitution like that of England can only be
expanded in a downward direction. As I concur in the hope
expressed that this may be last occasion on which we may
have a discussion on reform, I cannot refrain in the interest
of the future from saying that we aro now all aware that
this bill did not emanate from the people ; that it did not
arise from the aspirations of the unenfranchised, but that it
arose from official rivalry and ministerial jealousy. It arose
from political parties racing alul wrestling with each other
for place, endeavouring to outvie each other in bidding for
the support of a political minority; that party, as regards
its representation of national power, is the least important
party in the State, but still it has ruled the Cabinet, it has
ruled the House of Commons, and it has ruled the coun-
try, because its support was a political necessity to
Ministers, who dreaded reform very much, but who
dreaded expulsion from office a great deal more. The
authors of this bill have much to answer for, and I say
that the more, because I remember that in the autumn of
1858, when the hon. member for Birmingham was making
his tour in the provinces, they and their organs denounced
him, because, as they said, he was discrediting'the consti-
tution. No, sir, the lion. gentleman was not discrediting
the constitution ; he wars only illustrating that great prin-
ciple of it which enables anal allows every man to promul-
gate his opinions. But I wilt: tell you who it is that dis-
credits the constitution. It is discredited when leading
men—when Ministers of State—premise what they do not
wish to perforin—(cheers)—when they conce;le what they
think is dangerous—(eheers)—when they deny what they
hold to be true—(cheers)—when they pander to an un-
wholesome appetite, and when they endorse what they
despise. (Loud cheers.) Then, and then only do they dis-
credit and endanger the constitution—then, and then orel.,y,
do they arm men of more advanced opinions, and of greater
earnestness, with a power that they may hereafter find
themselves unable to resist. (Hear, hear.) Sir, that power
is resistible only because the hon. member for Birmingham
happily does not understand, and does not represent, the
opinions of the masses of this country. (Cheers.) There
is no man with his powers and with his opportunities, that
has so completely failed to excite their sympathies or their
enthusiasm. (Cheers.) Sir, they don't understand the
principles, of the hon. member. They don't understand a
men being the champion of freedom in this country, and
the great advocate of despotism abroad. (Loud-cheers.)
They don't understand how the great advocate of peace in
this country can be a great admirr of the representative of
war abroad. (Hear, hear.) They cannot understand the
principle lay which free nations are to be absorbed, swallowed
up, subjected to despotic powers, simply because the free na-
tion, the little free state, happens to be but a bad cus-
tomer, while the larger one may become a great purchaser
of Manchester manufactures. (Loud cheers.) Least of
all do they wish for a reform of our institutions on the
transatlantic model. The masses of this country are
sound-hearted and English to the backbone; and, thank
God I they are intelligent enough and well-conditioned
enough to appreciate the constitution under which they
live. (Cheers.) They know that under it they enjoy,
politically, socially, and religiously, more freedom,
than is enjoyed under any other in the world. They know
that the blessing which they thus enjoy was not easily ob-
tained ; they feel that it ought not to be lightly perilled ;
and they know that this house is one of its appointed guar-
dians. We know, too, and we ought always to remember,
that in our hands Providence has reposed a precious trust;
and that as we discharge that trust, whether now or at any
future time, faithfully, honestly, and righteously, we shall
surely be judged. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. SLANEY thought that on the whole his noble friend
had clone the best be could under the circumstances ; but
he humbly hoped that the noble lord's failure on this occa-
sion would not prevent him from bringing the subject for-
ward in another session. It appeared to him that by a
fusion of provisions contained in the two last bills a satis-
factory measure might be arrived at; but he hoped the
noble lord would in his next attempt fix his borough fran-
chise somewhat higher. That, with a county qualification
of £l5, and some of the franchises out of the right hon. gen-
tleman's bill, would, in his opinion, make up a measure
likely to meet with general approbation.
Mr. LONG thanket; the noble lord for having at last
adopted a simple, straights:orward, common-sense course.
lie
He believed that the country' would much rather that
tion of our rot ten gun-
ghs. (Hear.)
turned his attention to the reconetrne:
boats than to the reform of our rotten bel.Tou
Mr. W. E. BUNCOMBE submitted that ere had never
been the slightest desire-on the part of the pubi":o for the
bill, or the slightest belief in its necessity. The onl>• pur-
pose for which it had been brought forward was to serve a
party purpose. He regretted to lied that the noble lord en-
tertained some idea of making another attempt Dither next
session or at some future time, and he hoped that he would
reconsider the matter before he again determined on stop-
ping the way of useful legislation.
Mr. WARNER would not affect any surprise at the fate
of the bill; but he regretted that the noble lord should have
been compelled by circumstances over which he was sure
he (the noble lord) had no control, to adopt the course
he had taken ; for he believed that there had never been a
session so eminently suited for arriving at a comparatively
permanent settlement of the question. No one had a greater
interest in having the matter set at rest than hon. gentle-
men opposite ; because so long as it continued unsettled
they would be in the wrong before the country, and it
would thus stand in the way to their return to power. He
was sorry that the bill had been made a party question, and
thought that if hon. gentlemen opposite had devoted half
the time to remedying the defects of the measure that they
had to obstructing its progress, the house would have been
at this moment in a very different position.. The late de-
bate showed that neither the house nor the country was
prepared to deal with the question, and he hoped that any
future measure veould not be introduced until it had been
well considered, even if it were not introduced at so early a
period as next session. One feature of any new bill ought,
in his opinion, to be the representation of minorities.
Mr. WHALLEY4,.g ave the Government credit for having
taken the best course in their power; but within the last
few weeks he had felt himself unable to take any lively in-
terest in the proceedings of the Government, on account of
their tame submission to the House of Lords upon a ques-
tion on which their privileges were vitally affected. He
thought the course taken by the Government since the re-
jection of the bill for repealing the Paper Duty was more
worthy of a debating society than of the House of Com-
mons. For his own part he felt himself linable to discharge
satisfactorily the trust which had been reposed in him by
his constituents until he clearly understood the real cha-
racter of his duties.
Mr. Mackinnon's amendment was then withdrawn, and
the order of the day for going into committee was dis-
charged. The bill was then withdrawn.
T
QFFENCES AGAINST THE PERSON BILL.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL moved the second read-
ing of this bill. He stated that it had already passed
through the House of Lords, and that it formed part of a
series of seven measures for the consolidation of the criminal
law. For no less than 27 years numerous commissions had
been engaged in considering the best means of amending
and consolidating the criminal law, and these measures
were the fruits of their labour. Each of tire seven bills, ac-
cording to its province, proposed among other things, such
an amendment of the law as would assimilate the law
Ireland to that in England. Such an assimilation was n
per-
fectly practicable, and had received the assent of persons
thoroughly acquainted with the state of the law in the two
countries. This was not the first occasion upon which the
question of consolidating the criminal law had occupied the
attention of Parliament. The lion, and learned gentleman