The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 13, 1860.

ELECTIOIV INTELLIGENCE.

SOUTHWARK.

The., result, of the polling was officially declared
yesterday forenoon at the Horse Repository- The
attendance of electors and. non-electors at this
&losing ceremony of a lengthened and exciting con-
teat, though numerically very large, comprising, as
it must have done, several thousands of persons,
yet presented a considerable falling-off compared
with the vast concourse present at the nomination.
Whet, however, the audience wanted in point of
nurnbers it more than made up in respectability,
an .d the proceedings consequently offered the most
rnarked contrast to the incessant din and confusion
of Monday. The speakers were all listened to with
exemplary patience and attention ; no lively pan-
tomime, and only one slight personal scuffle or two,
occurring to disturb the order of the meeting. Mr.
Layard, the successful candidate, on entering the
building, was received with tremendous and pro-
longed cheering. He was accompanied by his
mover and seconder, by many other leading mem-
bers of his committee, and also by Mr. B. Williams,
Dr. Brady, M.P., Mr. G. Leeman, mayor of York,
Mr. Hector, formerly of Bagdad, &c. On his ap-

pearance upon the platform the enthusiasm of the

assemblage burst forth afresh. Mr. Scovell, the
defeated candidate, did not attend in person, but
he was represented by Major Beresford and one or
two other of his principal supporters.
The business was opened by Mr. GRESHAM, the
High Bailiff, who said,—Electors of the borough
of Southwark,—it is now my duty to declare to
you the state of the poll as the result of this elec-
tion. I shall be able to give you the numbers with,
I believe, considerable accuracy; and, seeing that
they accord very much with the statements made
by the check-clerks on behalf of both candidates,
that circumstance is a satisfaction to myself and
also to them. (Hear, hear.) I beg to announce to
you that the numbers were—
For Mr. Layard
For Mr. Scovell

Leaving a majority in favour
of Mr. Layard of . ........ 1,195
(Loud cheers.) It is therefore my duty to announce
to you here that Mr. Austen Henry Layard is duly
elected a member of Parliament for the borough of
Southwark, and I shall return him in my writ
accordingly. (Renewed cheers.)
Mr. LAYARD then stood forward, amid deafening
hurrahs, to address the assemblage. He said,—
Electors and non-electors of this great borough
you have nobly redeemed the pledge which was
given to me on your behalf by those gentlemen who
invited me to stand for this constituency ; and I
hope that I also have on my part redeemed the
pledge which I gave to them on that occasion.
The pledge they gave to me was this,—that a large
and influential portion of the electors of Southwark
were determined to wage battle on principle alone;
that they would support me gratuitously—(cheers)
giving me aid and assistance by day and by night
also, to the bestef their ability and power, in order
worthily to return me to represent you in Parlia-
ment. The pledge which I gave them was this,—
that I would come down here, not to appeal to you
on any other than public grounds, not to have
recourse to any unworthy means, but to fight this
battle in a manner honourable to an English gen-
tleman, and to a great and enlightened consti-
tuency. I believe I may say conscientiously that
those gentlemen and myself have mutually kept
these pledges, (Cheers.) At one time it appeared
as if this contest was to turn en other than
public grounds. A great deal was said about local
interests, and men who did not reflect much sup-
posed that local interests represented merely a
personal question. But I have looked upon local
interests in a different manner, viewing them
as representing a great principle. I have been
taunted with undervaluing those interests,
and have been told that I sneered at vestries.
Gentlemen, I don't sneer at vestries ; on the con-
trary, I regard them with unfeigned respect. I
may almost say I have an admiration for the Lord
Mayor's show—(laughter)—and never without a
feeling of awe eat turtle at the Lord Mayor's feast.
(Renewed laughter.) And I will tell you why.
These things may be barbarous relics of ancient
times, but they remind us of this great fact—that
the municipalities of England were the preservers
of English freedom, and that we owe our liberties
to our local institutions and local self-government.
(Cheers.) No man living prizes more highly than
I do the great principle of self-government ; and
I believe that any country which adopts it, and
where each citizen takes an interest in the conduct
of public affairs, is likely to become a free, prospe-
rous, and happy State. On the other hand, I be-
lieve that where municipal institutions are neglected
or crushed a nation is likely to sink under tyranny
and oppression. I hate centralisation. Where-
ever I have set my foot I have ever seen that
where centralisation reigned the liberty of the sub-
ject decreased. Therefore, don't think for a
moment that I despise local interests or local self-
government. In me you will always find their
most ardent supporter. But, gentlemen, there are
even greater questions than local interests. If it
were once admitted that these interests are to be
the principal basis of a candidate's claims, you
would run the risk of making the House of Com-
mons not what it is now, the great interpreter and
exponent of the wishes of the nation, but—a very
secondary tribunal in the estimation of Europe and
in the eyes of the country. Every true English-
man would be sufficiently unselfish to abandon any
private interest if he thought by doing so he would
contribute to the public good ; and, as I said on
Monday, Mr. Scovell's argument as to the repre-
sentation of the city of London or of the metropolis
at large tells rather against himself', because there
are already men enough in the House of Commons
who represent local interests. I hold that that great
legislative assembly should contain men who repre-
sent every interest in the State. You now have
represented there the navy, the army, the law,
and the mercantile body ; in the House of Lords
the Church is represented ; in fact, every class of
the community is represented in Parliament ex-
cept one, and that one, perhaps, the most import-
ant, as it certainly is the most numerous. I ask,
then, is it not time that you should do something
towards having that class represented ? (Cheers.)
On that ground I have fought this battle, and
incurred all that abuse and calumny for which I
was Prepared, but which has exceeded my most
sanguine anticipations. (A laugh.) I felt that if
rat?. of local interests prevailed, the
working
Would be entirely excluded from
any chance of I,ein_
g represented in Parliament.
To sum up the"
interests in a few words, they
mean, they an, if mean anything that in the House of
Commons capital shall be represented and not
Because who
labour. are the men cited by Mr.
g local. interests? Why,
Scoveil as representing local
and
men of greatlarge employers of
labour; and thatreasoning gentleman's
would con-
vert the House of Commons into a Place of pleasant
retirement for superannuated capitalists. `Laugh-
ter and cheers.) But,
if 6,
local interests"-
mean the
representation of capital, how is the working ma,
If they mean ,none
they get into Parliament • eyt
mean that by spending
they may also be taken to
that money you can win an election. I don't pre-
tend to say that a man can come down to such a
constituency as this and hand sovereigns over the
counter, or, as a friend of mine said the other day,
send a £5 note by mistake in a letter. (A laugh.)
But I will tell you how the thing may
done—
by hiring public-houses by hundreds, andbe
men by
thousands, by messengers and clerks, and
all the paraphernalia of elections. (Hear,
hear,) That is what local interests amount
to in a borough like Southwark. I wish to
know the sum spent on the other side. Every man
shall have an opportunity in a few days of knowing
every farthing spent on mine. (Cheers.) Gentle-
men, I haven't had a single lawyer. (Cheers and
.laughter.) You won't, I am sure, think any the
worse of me for that. I mean no disrespect to my
excellent friend on my right—the High Bailiff.
(Laughter, amidst which Mr. Gresham bowed to the
speaker and smiled.) Gentlemen, not one single
shilling has been paid by us for advertisements—
by no means an insignificant fact. The greater num-
ber of the men who have worked for me as canvas-

ten, and, let me add, as check clerks yesterday at
the polling-booths, gave their time to me gratui-
tously. (Cheers.) If that can be done in a great
constituency like this—if I can leave This borough
to-day without having spent more than is absolutely
necessary for legal expenses—and ese are a hun-
dredfold more than they ought to ' e—then, I say,
the working man will have a chance of going to
Parliament. Therefore, the principle involved in
this question of local interests is purity of election
against money. Have I spent a sixpence in bring-
ing down men to hoot and howl ? Why, what
should I have thought of myself if, after the pledge
I gave, I had on Monday last been represented here
in this vast area by 100 or 150 men whose coun-
tenances and condition lead me to believe they come
from a neighbouring, but a sister island—(laughter)
and who congregated for the purpose of interrupting
our proceedings ? I should have imposed upon you,
and done discredit to this constituency. Would the
workingmen then have rallied round me as they have
done ? Talk of a man protecting local interests. Let
him protect local character first. (Cheers.) Your
reputation and respectability are surely your
greatest local interest. I ask any working man pre-
sent whether his face was not tinged with the blush
of shame—l confess my own was—when he read the
account in the papers of what took place here the
other day ? Because reflecting persons, Tories and
enemies of the working man, will point to that scene
and say, " Here is your reduction of the suffrage ;
here are the men you want to intrust with the
franchise !" Who brought that discredit on the
working men ?—who were the means of giving him
suchafalse and calumnious character? Why, it was,
I will not say the man himself, but the friends of
the man who came here to uphold your local inte-
rests. (Cheers.) The great argument in favour of
the rotten boroughs is that they alone afford seats
to competent men, men of capacity, statesmen, and
how is that argament to be overcome if great con-
stituencies only return men upon the ground of
narrow local interests ! In Southwark a broader
principle has triumphed, and mark my words, gen-
tlemen, the victory we have gained here will have
its effect throughout the length and breadth of the
land, and may be fraught with more important
results to the workingman than any event that has
happened for many years. (Cheers.) Working men,
if you want to reform Parliament, irst reform the
constituencies. When you have have done thati.you
will reform Parliament. Elect the men whom you
think the best calculated to promote your own and
the general interest, and depend upon it the day
will not be distant when you will enjoy the rights
and hold the place in the Constitution which you
deserve. (Cheers.) I do not therefore regret coming
down here to encounter all the difficulties, perhaps
even the dangers, incident to this contest. I feel
proud of being returned, as well as of the friends
who have returned me. It now remains for me so to
act as that they should be proud of the member
they have chosen. (Cheers.) By whom has this
victory, this Inkermann of constitutional battles,
been gained ? I say by the working men. The poll
in the early morning, and at the dinner hour proves
that. On the support of the working men alone I
have relied, and through that support I have tri-
umphed. (Cheers.) Is it not incredible that in
these days calumnies should be thrown on the
working man, and attempts made to make the
world believe he is not an intelligent and reflect-
ing individual ? Is it not surprising that all
the mean arts, the dirty intrigues, the con-
temptible proceedings which I hope have been seen
in Southwark for the last time, should lead to any
disparagement of the working man beyond your
limits ! It depends upon you, gentlemen, whether
that shall ever occur again, and whether this great
borough will hereafter send men to Parliament,
myself or any other, upon the same principles as
have guided you in this contest, and whether
Southwark shall be relieved for ever from the
stigma that some have endeavoured to place upon
it. (Cheers.) The Reform Bill of 1832 was carried
by the working man. Bat did he profit by it ?
No ; unselfish and generous as he always is, he
helped to benefit another class, giving up his own
claims in the belief that his rare moderation would
before long win for himself fair treatment and the
recognition of his just rights. During the last
twenty-eight years, again, have not the working
classes behaved nobly ! And when it is said by
the enemies of reform that there is no symptom of
a desire for it in the country, let me ask what are
the symptoms they require ! Manufactories burnt
down, houses sacked, gaols pulled to pieces, riot,
fire, and misery throughout the kingdom ? If these
are the symptoms they want they will not have
them. (Cheers.) No; the symptoms of reform being
necessary are to be found in this, that Englishmen
and working men now rest their cause upon truth
and reason alone, and appeal to the justice of their
country. Have not the condition and the intelli-
gence of the working man improved since 1832 !
If not, what has been the use of all our mechanics'
institutes, our educational grants, our public and
and private schools, our cheap literature per-
meating the million ? Not only has the working
man improved, but I say his improvement has been
greater than that of any other class in the State. I
venture even to assert that it has compelled the
improvement of the classes above him, and made
them become more just, wise, and truly enlight-
ened. (Hear, hear.) Shall you continue, therefore,
to refuse him his due ? I am-told that the spread
of intelligence among the great body of the working
classes is dangerous to the country. I scorn such an
unworthy plea. No one who knows the working
man, or knows foreign nations, as I hope I do, can
pretend that the diffusion of education is dangerous
to any State. Let us illustrate this case by a refe-
rence to the volunteer movement. Have our agri-
cultural classes, perhaps the lowest in the scale of
enlightenment, taken any considerable part in that
movement ? No; it has been the intelligent work-
ing men and their employers in our cities and towns,
as for example in Bermondsey, who have done that.
Is a man, because he is more enlightened, less quali-
fied to appreciate the blessings of constitutional
government, or less likely to defend them at the
risk of his own Hie ? (Cheers.) Look at America.
Sixty years ago the volunteer movement began
there. During the first 20 years it made little ad-
vance; in the next 20 it gained ground considera-
bly ; and in the last 20 its progress was enormous.
And who formed the great bulk of those volunteers ?
Why the movement was always most successful in
those American States which were most distin-
guished for their intelligence. (Cheers.) And so
it is in this country. If you have your people armed
and ready to defend their own homes, and at the
same time too enlightened to interfere with other
countries, then we may hope for reduced taxation
and rendering cheaper every article of the poor
man's consumption. But as long as our money is
suffered to be spent by classes, and petty jealousies
are allowed to divide States, we must continue to
support great armaments and give up all idea of
diminished taxation. As long as the working man's
feelings, sentiments, and interests are not consulted,
we must expect to have class government and to pay
heavily for the faults of our rulers. Fifty years
and more ago, when the working man had no
voice whatever in the Government, what was
the result! England engaged in expensive wars,
lavishing her blood and treasure in support of
tyranny in Europe. She was never found on the
side of freedom or of the peoples. No, there never
was a despot, who saw his throne sinking from
under
him and felt that his time was come, who
did not appeal
to this country and receive from her
millions of pounds sterling and thousands and tens
of thousands of lives. And what did all this lead
to What was our position at the peace of 1815 ?
always looked after Were we beloved in Europe?
had exhausted own
espots
ever do anything for us. (Never 1) No, like vile
interestsa! d selfish
nuer and
ltihveeysw
theyl mn
they
turn e d their
thesetheir d
us neither gratitude nor respect- in
our
backs upon
umoney d and
gaveo
What have we seen within thereturn. last few
years ? The people of England have raised their
voice in favour of the liberty and independence or
nations:—they have declared themselves on the aide
of peoples, and not of tyrants. One example of
this was given in this very borough. I will not
pass an eulogium on Barclay and Per •kins, s dray-
men—(laughter)--I think they treated a distin-

guished foreigner rather too roughly ; but I am
not ashamed to say that I admire the spirit in which
it was done. It was done because they felt there
was a man among them who had committed intoler-
able acts of emelt, injustice, and wrong ; they felt
that the rights of justice and humanity in all parts
of the world were under the protection of English-
men. This they showed in a way which I repeat
I cannot applaud—(a laugh)—but still in one
which marked without doubt what their real
opinions were of that distinguished foreigner.
(Cheers.) Again, when Italy rose to cast off her
oppressors, on her side were found the people of
England. France went out armed indeed to her
aid, but she went with a selfish idea. The
people of France had no great sympathy with
Italy, because they knew their own liberties
had been compromised, and they did not
feel that the man who had compromised their
liberties was likely to confer liberty upon others.
(Cheers.) Their armies, no doubt, rendered great
service in Lombardy; but look at the conduct of
France ever since. Why everything she has done
has only impeded the progress of freedom in the
peninsula. If it had not been for her action at
Rome, Gaeta, and Naples, at this moment Italy
would have been free from the Alps to Sicily.
(Cheers.) On the other hand, what we have done
we have done without the expenditure of a shilling,
or the infliction upon the country of a farthing of
increased taxation. Why, we have given an aid to
Italy without which she would not be what she
now is ; and I tell you, on the authority of great
statesmen in that country who have stated the fact
to me, that she has gained more from the moral
support of England than from the arms of France.
(Cheers.) Last year what did I hear in the upper
circles of this 'country, and at the dinner tables at
the West-end ? Why, sympathy was expressed
with Austria rather than with Italy ; and no man
can deny that fact. But in whose favour were the
sympathies of the freedom-loving and intelligent
working men of England ? Why, for nations
struggling for their liberties. And how has that
sympathy at last found vent? In Lord J. Russell's
second despatch—l say nothing about the first one,
which we had better all forget. (A laugh.) Tbat
second despatch, avowedly based on Vattel or
Grotius, instead of the heart of the English people,
declared that the sympathies of England were
with freedom throughout the world, that we were
on the side of Italy, and would see her have justice
done. (Cheers.) That was not the voice of Vattel
or Gtotius, or any other gentlemen who passed
their days in their studies 200 or 300 years ago—
(a laugh)—but the voice of the present, living,
active mind and will of England, to which I, for
one, shall hereafter look as the real source of inter-
national law. Sympathy with nations struggling
for their freedom, the resolve not to interfere with
the affairs of other States ourselves, and not to allow
others to interfere—that should be our future in-
ternational law ; and I only hope there may be
some future Vattel in this hall who will arise and
put these principles upon record. Lord J. Russell
has done this: to a certain extent ; and 1 say,
going to Parliament as I am about to do, he shall
have my ardent and disinterested support, because
he has done a noble thing, and spoken in your
name. (Cheers.) I have never yet entered, and
shall not now enter the House of Commons pledged
to support any Government, except so far as I be-
lieve they do their duty to England, and represent
the true wishes and feelings of the people. Every
Government, however composed, which does that
shall night and day receive my earnest support ;
for if I fail to render it I know I am sure to lose
yours. But on any Government which is untrue to
its trust shall my back be steadfastly turned, and
nothing on. earth shall induce me to connive at
their unfaithfulness. I hope these are not idle
words. (Cheers.) I can appeal to a past though
short career, and I think those who refer to my
previous conduct will find that, whether right or
wrong, these are the principles on which I have
acted, and on which I have suffered. (Cheers.) No
doubt some persons were not in favour of my views,
or I should not have lost my seat, Well, although
I did lose my seat, I shall never regret my views.
Not that in the abstract I am a peace-man, but I
thought we went to war on unjust grounds ; and
although I believe that China may have afforded
us a hundred excuses for quarrel, I believed that
the ground selected by our Government was a false
one. God only knows to what that war may lead
us. When I read the newspapers, as I do daily, I
tremble at our position in China. What is to be
done with that great kingdom of hundreds of mil-
lions of souls ? What fearful bloodshed and
misery are falling upon that great country ! Shall
we obtain there results that will be satisfac-
tory to ourselves ? I earnestly hope we may. I go
to Parliament with the conviction that the sooner
we bring this unhappy war to a close, with honour
to this country, and with such guarantees as will
prevent the possibility of a recurrence of a similar
state of things, the better it will be for the
interests of every man, woman, and child in the
kingdom. Gentlemen, you are all pugnacious
—you all like to fight ; but not a man among
you likes to pay for it (a laugh) —yet if
you would not pay you should not fight; and
if fight you will, trust me, gentlemen, pay you
must. (Cheers and a laugh.) I am one of those who
are not opposed to war when war is absolutely
necessary, but I would never wage it without having
right on our side, without having great interests at
stake, nor where we had not a rational hope of
coming out of it, not with the mere fleeting honour
of a day, but with that enduring honour which
some future Grote or Macaulay might conscien-
tiously inscribe upon the historic page. (Cheers.)
Gentlemen, I fear I must have exhausted your
patience— (" no, no!")—while I have nearly worn
out myself. I have never shrunk from answering
any question, whether put to me by elector or non-
elector, but have done my best to open my heart to
every man. All I ask of you is that you will judge
me strictly as one who has been sent to discharge an
important trust—that if you think me worthy you
will not turn from me hereafter, but will extend to
me a renewal of your confidence ; for remember,
the obligations of a men,ber and his constituents
are reciprocal. If he performs Lis duty towards
you you are equally bound to perform a duty to-
wards him. (Hear, hear.) Let me again thank
you all from the bottom of my heart for your noble
and generous support; for your triumph is one of
which you may be justly proud, and the results of
which may be such as few of us contemplate
throughout the length and breadth of England.
Mr. Layard concluded amid vehement cheers by
proposing a vote of thanks to the High Bailiff for
his kindness and impartiality in presiding over
their proceedings.
Mr. J. HARRIS, a member of Mr. Scovell's com-
mittee, was understood to second the motion.
Niajor BERESFORD then said—Gentlemen, I am
sure that in appealing to you I appeal to the best
feelings of Englishmen when I ask you to treat the
matter which I am about to submit to you in a
generous spirit. Mr. Scovell is the defeated can-
didate. I assure you that he is physically unable
to attend here to-day. (Oh, oh, hisses, and cries
of "Silence !") Gentlemen, can't you afford to be
generous for one minute ? (Cheers.) I state a
fact—that Mr. Scovell is physically unable to
attend here this day. I, therefore, come here on
his behalf simply to thank those electors who
honoured him with their support, and I do so most
cordially. (Cheers.)
Mr. NEWMAN, Mr. Layard's mover, said thit
having fought a fair and manly battle, and gained
a glorious victory, let them now be generous to the
vanquished, and not attempt to trample upon them.
(Loud cheers.)
The vote of thanks having been carried by
acclamation,
The HIGH BAILIFF said the electors had been
deprived, by some chance or other, of their ancient
Town-hall. Fearing that they might have had a
continuanceof the late wet weather, he had brought
them under that cover, where they had heard,when
they bad listened—(laughter)—all that had been
aredaldriersesde,d
atnoa athem. Fortunately, his anticipa-
tions about the weather had not been
thrown over the wholegleam
of
that of
eslue
entsiho inn. e
(Cheers
r sbeen
d
a laugh.) He thanked them for their kindness

in appreciating the step he hod taken, and respect-
fully wished them all good day.
The assemblage then dispersed.
The following analysis of the poll indicates the
comparative strength of the two candidates in the
six districts into which the borough is divided :
Scovell. Layard.
Parish of Bermondsey
Rotherhithe
Christchurch ..
St. George 749 1,390
St. Olave and St. John 4lB 160
St. Saviour and St. Thomas 554 519

Totals 3,377 4,572
Layai d's total majority, 1,195.
_

The excitement in the borough caused by the
recent contest is gradually subsiding; and, owing
to the admirable tact and vigilance of the police,
those symptoms of riot which once looked threat-
ening have entirely disappeared.
The arrangements of the High Bailiff were ex•
cellent, and his courtesy to the representatives of
the press demands special acknowledgment.

TILE LOSS OF THE CONNAUGHT

STEAMSHIP.

The following is a copy of the report made to the
Marine Department of the Board of Trade, on the
loss of the Connaught :

" Greenwich Police-court, Dec. 8.

"My Lords,—l have to report for your lordships' infor-
mation the result of the investigation which has been made
by me, assisted by Capt. Harris, as Nautical Assessor, re-
specting the loss of the steamship Connaught, on the 7th of
October last, on her voyage from Galway to Boston, in the
United States.

" The Connaught was an iron ship belonging to the
Atlantic Royal Mail Steam Navigation Company, built by
Messrs. Palmer, at Jarrow, on the Tyne, was launched in
April last, and intended to form one of the line of packets
from Galway to St. John's and Boston. Her gross tonnage
was 2,963 and her registered tonnage 1,522 tons. She had
three engines of 800-horse power (combined). A very
minute description of the ship appears in the evidence of
the builder, Mr. John Brough Palmer, who was examined
in order to discover whether there was anything either in
her construction or in her machinery to account for her loss.
" The Connaught left Galway for St. John's and Boston
on the 25th day of September last on her second voyage,
commanded by Captain Robert Leitck, having on board
about 467 passengers, and crew, including engineers and
firemen, of 124 officers and men. She encountered some
bad weather on her passage to St. John's, by which damage
was done to skylights and other parts on deck, but nothing
apparently of a serious nature, or likely to have contributed
to the subsequent loss. On leaving St. John's she was sup-
posed to have 616 tons of coals on board, having burnt 664
tons on the passage to St John's, and having, as was be-
lieved, shipped 1,280 tons at Galway. This, however, would
appear to be an error, as her bunkers and coal reserves were
not capable of containing above 1,200 tons, and conse-
quently she could not have had more than 536 tons on
leaving St. John's. This is an important fact, as it may
partly account for the crank state of the ship as mentioned
in the engineer's log. The bottoms of the bunkers of the
Connaught, two in each wing, were at a level of nearly
two feet above the water line, and at the time she was
abandoned there were about 20 tons in each bunker. Had
these bunkers been emptied into the coal reserves below,
the ship would have been in better trim, and it would
not probably have been necessary to have recourse to the
expedients mentioned in order to bring her upright, such
as blowing off one of the port boilers, filling the starboard
lifeboats with water, bringing the ship's head to wind,
and throwing her out of her course for three or four hours.
With respect to the blowing off the boiler it is to be observed
that, besides its utter uselessness for the purpose intended,
it was an imprudent measure, inasmuch as it decreased the
stability of the ship, and deprived her of a portion of her
steam, then much required for pumping out the water, and
being done without previous communication with the mas-
ter it proves a want of co-operation much to be blamed.
"About 7 30 p.m. of the 6th October the water was first
observed to be gaining ground in the ship's bilge. The
joiner, whose duty it was to sound the wells, the carpenter
being disabled, states that he then found an increase since
noon of 10 inches under the fore coal reserve, while there
was not more than three inches of increase in the other parts
of the ship. It does not appear to have occurred to any one
that the increase of water in that particular part indicated
some local cause; that it might arise front a defective pipe
or outlet of the ship, quite as probably as from the starting
of a plate or other injury in her frame, and that by applying
the pumps where the great increase of water was observed,
and shutting off the communication with the other compart-
ments,:the locality, and probably the cause, of the leak might
have been ascertained. Instead of this the whole pumping
power was employed to reduce the general body of water, at
first apparently with some effect, but the leak soon got ahead
again, and by 9 a.m. of Sunday, the 7th, it had risen to the
furnaces in the port side of the fore stokehole, and put out
some of the•fires from the extraordinary list of the ship.
From this time, owing to the difficulty of feeding the star-
board foremost boilers, the steam rapidly went down though
every effort was made to keep it up in the after boilers by
strongly urging the fires in the after stokehole. About a
quarter before 10 a.m. the ship was found to be on fire. It
was first discovered by one of the firemen, who gave the
alarm to the chief engineer, who told him to be quiet; and
went and informed the captain, and gave directions about
getting the pumps ready, which took about five minutes,
when he went down into the engine-room, and noticed the
fire on the top of the boilers at the back of the superheater
on the starboard side, his impression being that it was the
covering of the boilers that was on fire. The progress of
the fire may be briefly detailed by an extract from the
ship's log as follows :
" ' About 9.45 a.m. (on the 7th of October) discovered
smoke issuing from the after stokehole grating and starboard
boiler. Got the hose on to the after steam-donkey, and got
the small portable engine on deck, with hose, and played
water on to the boilers behind the superheaters and into
the starboard coal-bunker.

"' About 10.5 a.m. found the smoke issuing through the
deck in the ladies' saloon. Got a large quantity of blankets
wet, and spread them on the decks and played water on them
to keep the fire under. Passengers and stewards passing
water down below. About 10 a.m. sent the third officer to
throw the powder overboard. About 10.10 tried to get more
way on the ship to bring her round on the other tack, but
could not get sufficient steam. At 10.15 set the head sails
and tried to wear her round, but the ship would not wear.
She becoming quite unmanageable, took in the head sails
and set the maintrysail, as the engines had stopped alto-
gether, and the smoke had driven everybody on deck aft.
The purser and two hands vainly tried to get the specie on
deck, but could not. Still keeping the pumps and buckets
constantly going to keep the fire under. About 11.30 a.m.
commenced with a few hands to clear away the boats,
having hoisted the signals of distress, hoisted fore and aft.'
"It may seem strange that the fire in so short a time
should have gained such a head, as the nearest wood work
of the ship was the floor of the ladies' cabin, a distance of
7 feet 6 inches from the spot where the fire was first ob-
served. But part of this space was occupied by the star-
board wing bunker, the nearest point of which was a' out
18 inches from the:top of the boiler. In that bunker there
were 20 tons of coal in a very dry state from the heat of the
stokehole underneath and the radiation from the super-
heater. It is probable that these coals would soon ignite
and communicate:the fire to the deck above.
" In this perilous condition the Connaught was observed
by Captain Wilson, or the Minnie Schiffer, an American
brigantine of about 200 tons burden, bound to Boston, to
whose great zeal and intrepidity the passengers and crew of
the steamer were in all probability indebted for the preser-
vation of their lives. Coming almost alongside and taking a
hawser from the deck of the flaming ship, Captain Wilson
was enabled safely to convey every one on board his
own little craft. Except two mail-bags, nothing was saved
from en board the ship. £lO,OOO in specie, and the whole
of the cargo and baggage of passengers and crew were aban••
domed with the ship at 10 p m., the raster, Capt. Leitch,
being the last person to quit her. She was last seen about
2.30 a.m., of the Bth, burning terrifically, apparently fore

and aft.
" On a review of the facts from the time of the ship's
leaving St. John's, so far as they can be collected from the
imperfect and often contradictory statements of the wit-
nesses, there is nothing to prove that the ship was lost
through the wrongful act or default of any person holding
a Board of Trade certificate, though it may be thought that
a little more intelligence might have been displayed in the
endeavour to detect the probable cause of the leak and to
apply the most effectual remedy
" here, therefore, the investigation as directed by the
Merchant Shipping Act might have terminated. But it
appeared desirable for the sake of the private interests con-
cerned, as well as on publit grounds, that the loss of a ship
of so great value and apparently so complete should, if pos •
sible, be accounted for.
" A minute inquiry, therefore, has been made as to the
construction of the ship and her machinery, and the details
are very fully set forth in the evidence of Mr. Palmer. It
will be necessary at present to refer only to those portions
of the description of the ship which are connected with the
supposed origin of the leak and of the fire. It may, how-
ever, be observed, that according to the evidence of Mr.
Palmer, the Connaught appears to have been built with
great care and without regard to expense, and to have been
altogether seaworthy and fit for the purpose for which she
was designed. It is due to the contractors and to the com-
pany to express this opinion, as unfavourable reports of the
ship have been circulated, and one witness, the chief officer
of the Connaught on her first voyage, has stated in his evi-
dence that he considered her unsafe, and would not again
go to sea in her, but the only proof given by him in sup-
port of this opinion was the trifling defect he mentioned,
which only resulted in personal inconvenience in his cabin.
The character of this witness's evidence, and the feeling
under which it seems to have been given, coupled with
his improper conduct in taking away the ship's log when
he left the service, render it impossible to attach any value
to his statements.
" With regard to the supposed leak, Mr. Palmer's sug-
gestion is that by reason of the labouring of the ship, or
from some other cause, the lead waste-pipe leading from
the officers' water:closets through the ship's side, uudes.

the water .line, must have been broken or injured, so as to
admit a constant stream of water through a bore of four
inches diameter, and that a body of water would thus accu-
mul,ite in the ship's bilge under the fore stokehole through
the upper port of which the pipe passed, and the valve con
netting the stokehole with the fore coal reserve being
open, the water would increase there to a higher level than
in the other parts of the ship. Mr. Palmer states that the
pipe is liable to injury, and being placed behind the boilers
is not likely to be noticed. This seems a probable conjec-
ture, and the only observation to be made with regard to it is
that a pipe so liable to injury should not have been placed
in a situation where its derangement could not readily be
discovered and remedied.

" Mr. Palmer's suggestion with regard to the origin of
the fire is that great heat must have been produced in the
after superheater and funnel, and that by urging the fires
under the starboard boilers aft, the ship having a heavy list
to port, the heat and flame would strike with extraordinary
force on the starboard side of the superheater and funnel,
and might have raised the temperature of that surface to
such a degree as to ignite the lagging of the boiler, and the
fire so commenced would be communicated probably to the
drp coal in the bunker with the floor of the ladies' cabin,
and thence rapidly to the other parts of the ship. This
appears to be a very probable conjecture. He is, however,
of opinion that the superheater had not the effect of intensi-
fying the heat in the funnel. Possibly this may be so ; but

it is deserving of consideration whether other arrangements
besides those adopted in the Connaught are not necessary
to protect the combustible parts of the ship in the neigh-
bourhood of the funnel from taking fire.
" The lagging, which is said to have first caught fire, was
about 12 inches from the superheater, and six inches from
the air casing. It is generally supposed that heat commu-
nicated by steam does not cause ignition, but the occurrence
of the fire in this case would seem to qualify that opinion in
some measure. If the heat generated in the furnaces and
carried up the funnel is greater than can be absorbed and
carried off by the steam passing through the superheater, it
will naturally act upon the metal with which it comes in
contact and tend to raise its temperature to a red heat, as
in fact is supposed to have happened in this case. This,
though not the normal state of things, becomes the cause
of danger if by the ship's list to either side the heat is
directed constantly against one side. Under such circum-
stances it may be questionable whether an air passage such
as that in the Connaught affords sufficient protection.
" The fire appears to have been communicated to the

lagging at a distance of 12 inches from the superheater,
from which it may be inferred that a greater distance or
some other medium than an air passage must be interposed
to guard effectually against all risk.
" Though this investigation has not led to any certain
conclusion as to the matters in question, it may be of im-
portance by offering subjects for consideration and sug-
gestions for the improvement and greater security of steam-
ships. One of these suggestions relates to the important
duties of engineers, and to their competency and responsi-
bility. It has been considered hitherto that the competency
and responsibility of masters and mates affords a sufficient
guarantee for the safety of ships and passengers. Now,
however, that steam has taken the place of wind, and pad-
dles and screws the place of sails, skill of another kind is
required. By the Passenger Act the law has anxiously
provided for the accommodation and proper sustenance of
passengers by sea, but something seems wanted to provide
for their safe conveyance by requiring some public test of
the competency of engineers, and imposing upon them the
same responsibility as masters and mates are subjected to
by the Merchant Shipping Act.
" It would be well, also, if masters and mates of steam-
ships were required to have some practical knowledge in
the engineers' department, so as not to be wholly dependent
upon the judgment and discretion of others. A knowledge
of steam, though I believe not absolutely necessary, is con-
sidered a most important qualification for the command of
a steamship in the Royal Navy. It is stated in Mr. Pal-
mer's evidence that, by directions of the Board of Trade,
the Connaught was under a non-official inspection during
the progress of building. This would be advisable in all
cases of ships to be employed in passenger traffic, especially
under Government contract. Many defects may be pre.
vented or remedied during progress, which might escape
detection or be suffered to pass after the ship is completed.
This is the more necessary now that steamships have grown
to such an extraordinary length relatively to their breadth.
The Connaught's length was nine times her breadth.
" A ship of so great a length, with her engines placed
abaft the centre of gravity, must be liable to great strain in
a high head sea, and would require special attention to the
soundness of her materials and the strength of her frame
at those parts where the heavy strain would be most felt.
A weak girder, faulty plates, or loose riveting there would
be productive of tenfold mischief.
" In making these remarks I am speaking generally, and
not with reference to the Connaught, for there is no evidence
whatever of her having showed any symptoms of weakness.
" As I have already observed, there is every reason to
believe that she was in all respects a strong and well-built
ship.—l have the honour to be, my lords, your lordships'
most obedient servant,

" JAMES TRAILL,

"I concur in the above report.
" HENRY HARRIS, Nautical Assessor.
" The Lords of the Committee of Privy Council
for Trade, &c."