The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-26 00:00:00

•

'

thefrglo-French victors, then advancing with
thoso formidable ARMSTRONG field-pieces (as we

ha 34-
Nv said) to within range of the outposts of the
capital—it was at this moment and under these
circumstances that the three soldiers and the three
important civilians before enumerated, were unex-
pectedly pounced upon by the watchful Chinese
and carried off as prisoners of war to Pekin. They
appear to have been engaged at the moment of
their seizure in choosing camping ground, when
the net, being suddenly drawn round the little in-
sulated group, the Chinese must have been rather
elated to find that they had actually taken at one
" haul"—with Captain. BRABAZON and two of
FANE'S Horse, the Times correspondent ! the Secre-
tary of the English Ambassador !! and the Consul
of the British SOVEREIGN !!! So far as the Chinese
themselves were concerned in this little incident,
it was certainly a magnificent coup ! So far as
her MAJESTY'S Ambassador was concerned on the
contrary—the sudden withdrawal from him (into
Pekin) of his Private Secretary, and still more of
that able and intelligent Consul,whom he must have
found almost essential tohina, for the facile conduct of
his negotiations—their being thus abruptly snapped
up and carried away as prisoners of war within
the walls of the Chinese capital, must assuredly to
him (Lord ELGIN) have been in the highest degree
(to say the very least of it) embarrassing and in-
convenient. His lordship's instant reply, however,
to the Chinese flag of truce bringing to him
the provisions for a new treaty of peace, was
on in every way calculated, we may be quite sure
of that, to put an end to this temporary difficulty,
and to lead to the return safe and sound to the
allied head-quarters of our six captured fellow-
' countrymen, Our ambassador, in point of fact,
simply demanded the release of those six per-
sons as a sine qua non before the opening
up again of any negotiations! This, recol-
lect, with our forces there—before Pekin !
This with 30,000 Tartar aavalry routed by our
troops on the 18th, and 30,000 more artary cavalry
routed on the 21st of September ! The French
carrying with them as they advanced their terrible
little rifled brass cannon ! The English those ter-
rifle Armstrongs that have already become (and no
wonder) the terror of the Chinese!! The Government
at Pekin meanwhile being so far brought already to
a consciousness of the imminent peril of its position
that the Commissioner now appointed by it to open
up, if possible, fresh, and, it is hoped, final negotia-
tions, appears to be no other than the own brother
of the Emperor, Hein-fung. Under these circum-
stances, it must be sufficiently obvious, at a glance,
what the probabilities are as to the release, in per-
fect safety, of the six gentlemen now heard of as in
durance among the Chinese. However satisfied
any of us may be, however, upon this point, we
shall all of us indubitably be right glad when the
mere probability shall hare become a positive cer-
tainty. As a foretaste of the indemnity—as a sort
of whet to the national appetite for compen-
sation, comes that little intimation towards
the close of the telegram,—" Tea to the value of
£250,000 sterling taken at Chang-kia-wan."
The latest morsel of intelligence dates down to
the 4th of October, at Shanghai, bringing news
that the rebels were seriously threatening Hang-
chow, The incoming mail (that may be now looked
for very speedily) would bring the tidings down to
the ensuing day (the fifth of October) at Shanghai,
and nine days later still (i.e. to the 14th of Octo-
ber) at Hong Kong.

The friends of the French EMPEROR have always
assured us that if he could with safety confer con-
stitutional liberty on France he would do it to-
morrow. Now they seem to think that fugitive
day has really arrived. Constitutional liberty has
so far dawned on France that we are to be sure
the sun must soon be above the horizon. The
dawn, such as it is, has certainly followed very
quickly on the first breaking of the day, for it is
hardly eight•and-forty hours since wo had the in-
timation that liberal changes were at hand; if the
daylight follow the dawn, with anything like the
same quickness, France will not be, what it now
is, about the most despotically governed country in

Europe.
We desire to view in a friendly spirit any
approaches to Liberal Government. Let us see
what these are fairly worth—what can be done
through them to make intelligent public opinion
powerful in France ; what to insure that the
country should have a voice in its own Govern-
ment legislation ; what to attain the desirable
result that the Monarch should reign but not rule
The exordium is rather imposing. The elect of the
Grace of GOD and Universal Suffrage wishes to
mark his confidence in the " great bodies of the
State," which he created, and therefore proposes to
give them " a more direct participation in the
general policy of the Government ?" The way in
which he proposes to do this is—he first authorises
the Senate and the Legislative Corps to vote an
Address in reply to the Speech from the Throne.
Next a discussion of the Government projects de Zoi
is to be permitted, and lastly, he proposes to allow
the publication of debates in a fuller form. Trim
concessions seem fair on the surface; but, overlook-
ing the ugly fact, that they are not made because,
as in England the " Great bodies of the State" felt
their rights and demanded them from the Monarch,
but because the Monarch finds the great bodies so
worthy of his confidence that he can trust them—
passing by this—we find every precaution taken
that the great bodies shall exercise their new pri-
vileges under proper surveillance. Government
commissioners are to attend the discussions, for the
purpose, it is said, of making the necessary expla-
nations ; but may they not also have an eye on
refractory members. Then, again, the Government
still reserves to itself the initiation of all the bills,
as we term them, which will be discussed by the
Legislature; while in regard to the reporting, if
we understand the scheme rightly, the Government
will provide the reporters, the President of the
Assembly will supervise their work, it will appear
then in the 211oniteur, and finally bo furnished in
extenso to the other journals.
Of all this we may say, everything depends
on its working. One of our contemporaries,
professing to • have the advantage of spe-
cial knowledge of the EMPEROR'S intentions,
understands all in the most hopeful sense. We are
told that it is the announcement of au assimilation
of French to English liberties. All is to be " under-
derstood" in the most constitutional sense. It is
" understood" that hostile amendments to the ad-
dress
are to be considered as a bar to the further
employment of the Ministers whose policy is cen-
sureth e e; b as; eas it
s is also understoodll statement"
ttehma
et
ntth”e roerptohr
them.
f.
Miserably short as even then the. French system
would be of any approach to constitutional Go
vernment, were the above view correct, which we
have no means of denying, we shculd acknowledge
that the proposed concessions might be the com-
mencement of something like political liberty in
France. If the Ministry can be made responsible
to public opinion,.arid if the speeches of a small but
honest and able Opposition can be fairly published,
we in England well know the potency of even these
simple means, and should certainly be disposed to
hope the best from them. The hold the EMPEROR