The Sun.
London, England, 1860-04-16 00:00:00

wpillichava
tir:ncsefdeerdredbyi3yFitialneeliS ,t,ScssrsetpbSa/AP.E
King of Piedmont, and since it admitted; ii,entAt jisrManA
Austria in Venetia and zA"'
the. domination of , oa, t f
411irCilef its fate by victorious: France." Cen J4.l.lWeiTa,-*/;,"tga;
to resign herself to take back her fo
covered
they had ranged thennese
with the dust of the battlefie nsist7sysißis" h-ese"
colours. This wondrous arrangement foig44sa.nen - s
Ives under t 'salsetsfifiglikkz?
the fetters of Central Italy, and gave a nelr sanc-
tion to the domination of the If ouse of Hapsburg in
the Peninsula. At Villafranca,
Also, was put forth
that strange idea of an Italian Confederation, with
the Pope for honorary president—a scheme which
could only have resulted in .Austrian supremacy-
The peace of Villafranca was, therefone, a contra-
diction of the proclamation of May 3. :.9at Italy
did not accept the proycted restorations. She
nserehed with a firm step towards unity ueder the
banner of Victor Emmanuel, and in the success a
this suovement the honour of France was engaged_
France could not go back without dishonour. He
would submit this dilemma. Either the war of 1859
was justifiable, and then the Austrian domination
ior the Austrian domination was
len
gli
iailnyt;s7
not
and ; .
then the war entered into by.
France was impious
end against the law of na-
tions. France was not at nation which could sit
down contented under the
imputation of having
failed to fulfil her promises. The events which
had been accomplished in Nortlesrn Italy ought
logically to eaten& to the centre, inelaidOg Rome.
His own opinion was that the Emperor haj made
up his mind to see an end of the Pope's tempslral
power. Much had been said of the vacillation (St'
he French Government on this question, but he
tt, ought that there had been no inconsistency except
in point of form. He did not deny that efforts had.
been
.made to replace the Romagnas under the
„ stern..ll yoke" of the Pope, but he thought that
P"
the head m" the State was perfectly resigned from the
first to the les;
lure of these attempts. For him the
pamphlet,
ffLe Pope and the Congress," which.
surprised the worts; at the end of 1859, showed the
real intentions of the .Emperor in this regard. He
attached little importance to ti agitation in farm; ;
of the Pope fomented by a small pally ifs
the country:.
He considered the Papacy as the most, 'Astable of
uaran-
all Governments, because in it there was not;
tee for the governed, and because the prince cre;
tending to be the representative of God. regardean
all opposition to his authority as sacrilegous. After
an animated criticism upon the history of Papal
government frons the earliest times, in the course
of which he referred to the frequent modifications
of the territories of the Holy Sec for the purpose of.:
showing the futility of the pretext that its posses-
sions were more inviolable than those of any other
Power, he protested against the argument that be-
cause a French army was now' at Rome France was
bound to maintain the temporal power against all
corners. If so, logic would require that a French
army should re-conquer the Romagnas, and re-estab-
lish a detested rule with fire and ssvord. He had heard.
with pain a member of the chamber applaud a Fipnch
general for having placed his sword at the disposititol-
- the Holy See. He (M. Jules Favre) was sure that
this approbation would not be echoed by the of&
friends of the general in question, who were as
much surprised as afflicted at the step he had taken.
He had observed with painful astonishment the
affirmative nod of the head by which the President
of the Council of State had signified that this gene-
ral had received the necessary permission for an.
officer to accept foreign service without losing his
quality as a Frenchman. This fact being now official
he asked what was the meaning of it ? Either
General Lamoriciere's mission would be a ridiculous
failure, or, putting himself at the head of German,
Hungarian, and Swiss mercenaries in the Pope's
pay, he would march upon Bologna, ,and attempt
to reconquer the Romagnas, at the risk Of meeting
not only a Piedmont.ese army, but the very French
soldiers whom he had more than once led to vic-
tory. He (M. J. Fevre) called for categorical ex-
planations of a policy which he characterised as
turnabout and contradictory—(une politique de
de dementis et de volteface inacceptable pour le
pays). [ln all probability the Moniteur, which
habitually burkes opposition speeches, has here
suppressed substantial parts of M. Jules Favre's
observations.]
The PRESIDENT (Count de Morny) hero said that
the Chamber would certainly do hint the justice to
admit that he had allowed M. J. Favre the fullest
latitude to express his opinions; but it was not to
be permitted that he should forget the respect due
to the Sovereign. M. J. Fevre had reproached the
Emperor with that which was his best title to the
admiration of the country, namely, his moderation
iu the hour of victory, and his constant solicitude
for the interests of France. •
M. Juens FavaE,while respecting the President's
opinion, insisted upon his right to criticise the policy
which ruled the destinies of the country, to call to
mind broken promises, and to ask that light should
be thrown upon the situation. He would call
upon the organs of Government for explanations,
if they had any to give. He was well aware that
the President of the Council of State, exalted as
was his position, could only appear before the Corps
Legislatif as the organ of ideas not his own. Under
Constitutional Governments Ministers might some-
times speak their own opinions, but it was not so
with regard to the representatives of power at
present. He trusted that what he had said might
sink deep into the heart of Frenchmen, so that the
nation might be alive to the fact that in giving up
its rights it became the sport of every caprice.
M. GRANTER DE CASSAGNAC (the editor of the
Pays) made a speech approving in all points tins
Emperor's policy, past, present, and. to come.
M. BAROCITE, the President of the Council of
State, after applauding the speech of M. Granier dc-
Cassagnae, said he could not longer remain silent 111 r
presence of the numerous and. severe criticisms with.
which the policy of Government had been visited.
He taunted the Government of 1848, the members
of which were among M. J. Favre's friends, with
having done nothing for Italy, and insisted upon
the superiority of a regime based upon univeral suf-
frage above all others. Explaining the policy of
Villafranca, the President of the Council of State,
said that the Emperor saw in Europe more dangers
and complications than were generally known,
special perils in Italy, and that not wishing to have
the revolution for an auxiliary, he preferred to
mo-
dify his programme "at least ostensibly." (This
latter expression will probably be noted Vienna.)
Apologising for the breaking down of the Emperor's
promise that Italy should be free from the Alps to
the Adriatic, he said that words politically spoken
were not inflexible, and that Governments must
tttcniehilormaettpuEbhomenrelsatpNtilvaee downsndrocreipowersnh.
naaoHotwhofe
oatncythoheernsemtet
responsible
p,nroodei
pungeetsda
eiribnndildnleeeifsatossrtoiotf
nhptconclusion,eergintervening
esreisuccessful
preserve
that
insinirceocutiliotnLinEmthEeßcßlTßanas.
Viscount (interrupting) referred to
the famous pamphlet, "The Pope and the Congress."
M. BAROCHE declined to recognise that pamphlet
as an official document which he was bound to de-
fend. He did not :hesitate, however, to say that
he entirely agreed with all that the pamphlet said
on the subject of the temporal power.
In answer to various interpellations,
M. BAROCHE positively refused to say what
might be the eventual course taken by the French
Government in regard to Rome. The French army ~
would not be withdrawn until the Holy Father felt
sufficiently confident in his own forces to do without
it. He would not say whether, under any circum-
stances, the French Government would guarantee
to the Pope any part of his possessions. Guaran-
tees,he remarked, implied reciprocity, and if the
Roman Government persisted in repudiating the
advice tendered to grant reforms, how could it ask
for a guarantee ? [From this statement some may
perhaps infer that if the Pope will be guided by
the Emperor a guarantee may possibly be given.]
The debate was brought to a conclusion yester-
day, the Government proposition being carried by
238 against 8.

PRICE 4 STAMPED, SD•

higher classes. (Hear, hear.) He believed it was
a very mischievous thing to denounce the aristo-
cracy of this country in the manner they had been
denounced, for he felt assured that, if ever here
was an aristocracy that might be taken as ttfteft:l to
their country, it was the aristocracy of Great -Sri-
tain. Every man might elevate himself, and be- I
come a member of that aristocracy, end it should he
remembered that the Howards, Russells, and Stan-
leys had been as forward in defence of their coun-
try's liberties as the Browns, the Joneses, and the
Robinsons. (Hear.) He did not desire to denounce
Brown, Jones, and Robinson, and he was as little
inclined to denounce the aristocracy. He found
members of the aristocracy serving as privates in
that excellent force the volunteer corps, and he
knew that if danger threatened the country they
would be as ready as any other men to rise in her
defence. Therefore he should dissent from the Line
of conduct pursued by his excellent friend—flak'
Mr. Bright was his friend—but, from having that
Benicia temperament, and being a most extraordi-
nary clever and straight hitter he was too fond of
pitching his hat into the Parliamentary prize ring,
and punishing his adversary in pugilistic fashion.
(Great laughter.) Reverting to the extension of
the suffrage, as proposed by Lord John Russell's
bill, Mr. Osborne pronounced the plan proposed
a clumsy one, nor did he think the bill could
properly be called a Reform Bill, for it did not
grapple with the evils of the present system.
On the subject of foreign affairs, he protested he
did not believe this country need always be singing
" Rule Britannia," and making bellicose speeches.
Austria and Russia were more interested in the an-
nexation of Savoy to France than England, yet
they did not interfere. If there was any deceit in
the matter he did not think it was on the part of the
French Emperor, and Count Cavour was only too
glad to get rid of the Savoyards, whose deputies
were always causing disturbances in the Piedmon-
tese Cabinet. Besides, the Savoyards themselves, a
French speaking people, preferred to be annexed to
France, so it was not a matter we need go to logger-
heads about. Mr. Osborne resumed his scat amid
prolonged cheers.
On the motion of Mr. BETINARD AUSTIN, seconded
by Mr. GEACII, a resolution was passed, warmly ap-
proving of Mr. Osborne's parliamentary conduct,
and expressing full confidence in him.

TILE FREKCII CHAMBERS.

There has been a debate in the Corps Legislatif
on foreign affairs which lasted three days. The oc-
casion was the discussion of the bill for reducing

the contingent of recruits of the class 1859 from
the number originally fixed, 140,000, to 100,000.
Viscount LEMERCIER (one of the three deputies,
the others being M. Keller and M. de Cu verville,
who were lately severely refi2cted on' by the
Minister of the Interior for having in a letter in
favour of the Pope stated that the existing uncer-
tainty was calculated to separate all sincere Catho-
lics from the Emperor and his dynasty) opened the
discussion. lle said that the bill being presented
as a consequence of the peace it was the
right of the Chamber to consider what were
the probabilities of peace being maintained. If
peace were so certain as the government would have
it thought 80,000 men would in his opinion and
that of his friends be a sufficient contingent. Tie
and two of his colleagues had been treated in an
official document as if they were guilty of some-
thing like high treason, because they had respect-
fully acquainted the Emperor with the alarm they
felt at the perilous position of the Holy Father.
Going back to the time of the assassination of
Count Rossi he contended that the excesses

of the revolution had alone prevented the Pope
from granting reforms. He and other Catholics
had relied with confidence upon the promises
of the Government contained in the speech of
the President of the Council of State on April 30,
1859, and in the circular of the Minister of Public
Worship of May 2, confirmed as they were by
the Emperor's proclamation of May 4, stating that
he " was not going to Italy to break down the
power of the Holy Father, whom he had replaced
upon his throne." In spite of misgivings enter-
tained by many from the terms of the Milan pro-
clamation, the entry of Prince Napoleon into the
duchies, the presence of French vessels in Ancona,
the intrigues of MM. Pepoli and Cipriani, and the
evacuation of the Romagnas he personally had felt
his confidence revive when he saw the preliminaries
of Villafranca and the peace of Zurich. But the
appearance of the pamphlet, " The Pope and the
Congress," seemed to him to be the starting point
of a serious change in the policy of the French
Government, and he would now ask as a question
strictly appertaining to the matter in debate, namely,
the recruiting contingent of the army, whether that
change was conducive to peace ? He was of
opinion that by speaking firmly to Piedmont it
would have been very easy to bring the Romagnols
to their duty without having recourse to force. The
triumphant progress of the Pope through this part
of his dominions three years ago was for him a
sufficient proof of the real feelings of the people.
Ile argued at great length that the whole question
of the temporal power of the Pope,which was neces-
sary to his spiritual authority, was involved in the
subtraction of the Romagnas from his sceptre, and
contended that when France gave up Lombardy,
which she had conquered, to the King of Sardinia,
the stipulations of Villafranca ought to have been
made synallagmatie. Until the President of the
Council of State should have given satisfactory ex-
planations, he could not feel satisied that peace was
assured, and ho should reserve his vote.

M. MONIER DE LA SIZERANNE, while resigned
to the narrow nature of the mandate which he had
accepted as a representative of the people, could not
help expressing a regret that the Corps Legislatif
had not more power in the state, and only hoped
itself
the the Government, which had taken upon
the sole responsibility for the foreign and domestic
policy of France, would always be prudent and
moderate.
M. Guyon Delalain, the Count de la Tour, and
M. Morin spoke with few reserves in favour of
the bill.
M. JULES FAVRE, in proposing to speak his whole
mind upon a question involving the honour and
perhaps the fortunes of France, was aware that he
might be thought to transgress the very narrow
limits which the existing constitution assigned to
members of the chamber. A glorious campaign
had been suddenly iuterrupted on the banks of the
Mincio by an unexpected peace. He had said just
a year ago that the only rational and justifiable
object for undertaking the war was the 'emancipa-
tion of Italy. The Emperor's proclamation of May 3
had adopted his views in this respect. But it
must be confessed that his Majesty's grand pro-
gramme was not at first particularly well received.
The partisans of Italy in France were then few.
The vulgar opinion that Italy was a fickle, frivolous,
and unmanageable nation was but too prevalent.
It was feared that France was only undertaking
a Quixotic and sterile work. But the Italians by
their abnegation and patriotism had nobly re-
futed their detractors. Ever since the fall of the
Roman empire, Italy had been the battlefield on
which France and Germany were continually fight-
ing, as if it had been the purpose of God to reserve
this chastisement to Italy for having held the world
in servitude during many centuries. To prolong
this servitude was the supposed interest of France
in the middle ages. But at this :day the grandeur
and independence of France would be best pro-
moted by the emancipation of Italy. That object
had been in part accomplished. He, for one, so
far from dreading to see Italy a great and power-
ful nation, would rejoiceifit were possible that the
whole triangle of which the Mediterranean was the
centre should be united in a free and intelligent
confederation extending from the Atlantic to the
Adriatic. Such a power need not alarm Europe,
and would inaugurate an era of prosperity the
limits of which it was impossible to foresee. After
expressing an opinion that Austria, when defeated
in every battle and crouching behind her walls,
might easily have been driven out of Italy alto-
gether according to the Emperor's programme, M.
J. Fevre, in continuation, said that nothing of the
sort had happened. As the will of a single
indivi-
dual sufficed to declare war, so the will of that indi-
vidual sufficed to load victory with chains, and to
leave unfinished a work in which he had asso-
ciated the dignity and interests of the country.
Ile felt it a duty to impress upon France the fact
that she had put herself into the hands ofa Thaster,
The peace of Villafrania had left every important
question undecided. It had added to the difficulties
sf Piedmont while somewhat enlarging her ter-
ritory, and, on the other hand, while humiliating
Austria,
.it had consolidated her power, since
it recognised the rightful soyereignty of Austria

THE NETTi. STAMP ACT.

_
The Board of Inland Revenue have given the
following explanations in answer to some inquiries
referring to the operation of the new Stamp Act :
" A bill drawn abroad remitted to this country
is not liable to any stamp duty until it is negotiated
within the kingdom or presented for payment.
" If a bill has been negotiated it has become liable
to the duty which was payable at the time when it
was first negotiated, and being at that time duly
stamped it can become chargeable with no other
which en
arrivedt;" in the kingdom
duty either upon any further negotiation, or upon
being
whereeasnend tt a
eheif lolr ford.be
i payment:
before the recent act is retained without being ne-
gotiated, without being subject to any
Bllt
r
immediate charge of duty until after the passing of
the Act 23 Viet. cha o, it must, upon the first,
negotiation of it or if •
being presented for
rr 1 it be not negotiated. upon
payment, be stamped with the
duty imposed by that act."

TIIE CUT I)IRECT.—A Mr. Mewins was courting
a young lady of some attractions, and something of a fortune
into the bargain. After a liberal arrangement had been
made for the young lady by her father, Mr. Mcwins de-
manded a little brown mare, to which he had taken a par-
ticular fancy, and this being positively refused, the match
was broken off. After a couple of years the parties acci-
dentally met at a country ball ; Mr. Mcwins was quite wil-
ling to renew the engagement; the lady appeared not to
have the slightest recollection of him. " Surely you have
not forgotten me ?" said he. " What name, sir ?" she in-
quired. " Mewins," he replied ; " I had the hoTiour of
paying my addresses to you about two years ago." " I re-
member a person of that name," she rejoined, "who paid
his addresses to any father's brown mare I"—.4l.iiiciiCan
l'apre