The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-10 00:00:00

METROPOL_

7P—Saturday.

the Sultan of Turkey. The Duchess of Argyll means
to vie with Lady Northcote by giving a similar
magnificent reception to the Nawab of Bengal
and his sons. The invitations exceed 1,000
in number, and will comprise the creme de la
creme of " Society." We suppose that the India
Government will pay the bill as before. That arrange..
meat will not be quite so outrageous as it was on the
former occasion—for the Nawab is an Indian prince,
whose reception is a matter of Indian policy pure and
simple. The reception of the Sultan was an imperial
event, and should have been paid for by the British
taxpayer.

More and more unsatisfactory grows the news froth
Ireland. The sympathy sliewn for the Marl Mayor is
really a serious matter. It is not surprising that the
lower classes in Cork (which is perhaps the most dis-
affected city in Ireland) should feel this sympathy, for
does not Mr. O'Sullivan give a general permission
to everyone to get drunk by setting free all
the drunkards ? But that the Town Council should
take his part is truly lamentable. Still more
serious is the fact that Mr. Maguire should have given
notice that he will move the rejection of the bill for
removing Mr. O'Sullivan from the mayoralty. Mr.
Maguire's position with regard to the Government is
somewhat peculiar. He it was who in March of last
year, by calling the attention of the House to the
state of Ireland, compelled Lord Mayo to declare
the Irish policy of the Government, and gave Mr.
Gladstone the opportunity for making his memorable
declaration respecting the Irish Church. Indirectly,
therefore, the senior member for Cork was the cause of
Mr. Gladstone's return to power. It was, therefore, to be
expected that he would receive a post in the present Ad-
ministration, and there is no doubt that his appointment
would have given great satisfaction to the Irish in the
South-West, the more so as he is a Roman Catholic.
Nevertheless, no offer was made to him, and he was left
out in the cold. I do not mean to say that this is the
cause of his present motion. Nevertheless, it is impos-
sible but that he should feel rather sore at his exclusion
from a Government which in some measure owes its very
existence to him.

The debate in the House of Lords last night was inte-
resting and not untimely. Lord Granville had an awkward
case, and he made the best of it by referring to Mr.
Bright's inexperience as a Cabinet Minister. But the
matter has caused no little unpleasantness, and the gossips
say that Mr. Gladstone has resented his colleague's indis-
cretion with considerable warmth. The truth is, Mr.
Bright lost his eelf-control under the fierce and reckless
accusations of Lord Claude Hamilton, and in endeavour.
ing to put himself right, only put himself in the wrong.
In the Lower House there was a great shout of applause
as the Irish Church Bill passed through committee.
Mr. Disraeli has had enough of this measure for the present,
and was not in his place. At the evening sitting there
were scarcely a dozen members present. M.P.'s thought
that they had earned their holiday, and so " Long Tom,"
as Mr. Collins, the member for Boston, is called, moved
a count, and the House was counted out accordingly. The
report of the committee on the Irish Church Bill is to be

brought up on Thursday. The third reading will not take
place until after the Whitsun holidays. There are several
amendments down, occupying more than two pages.
Some of them are by the Government. One of them is
by Lord Henry Thynne, who will move that the Irish
bishops and clergy shall be entitled to sit in the House of
Commons as M.P.'s. Should that be carried, the removal
o! the disability under which the English clergy labour
will not be far off.

There are several matters of interest coming on before
the holidays. The Budget will, if possible, be discussed
on Tuesday. On the same night Mr. Knatchbull-
Hugessen, on the part of the Government, brings in a bill
to establish county financial boards. Wednesday will see
a lively discussion on the Permissive Bill, whose rejection
will be moved by its old antagonist, Colonel Jervis, while
Dr. Dalrymple, the new M.P. for Bath, will move tD
refer it to a select committee. Tile discussion on the
law courts does not take place till Tuesday week, when
Mr. Gregory will move that the courts be erected on the
Embankment, and Sir Roundell Palmer that they be
built on the Carey-street site without delay. Mr. Lowe's
proposal to build them in Howard-street meets with no
favour anywhere. When the Municipal Franchise Bill
comes on the women's rights question will be raised again
by Mr. Jacob Bright and by Mr. Dilke, the young and
able member for Chelsea.
The capacity for work shewn by some of our litterateurs
is truly wonderful. M. Victor Hugo, for instance, has at
least a dozen novels completed and ready for publication.
To publish so many at once, however, would pall the
public taste, and cause the publishers to drop their price ;
so the eminent novelist is holding them over, giving
them forth :at intervals, hoping to increase the
public appetite by what it feeds on. The length
of days of some of our writers is also remarkable.
Fr•aser's Magazine for April contains an article from
William Jerdan, who has just completed his 87th year.
Nor is he restricting himself at that age to magazine
articles. He is now engaged upon the manuscripts of
Samuel Lover, and preparing some unpublished works of
his olcl friend for the press.

M. Alphonse Esquiros, the author of many admirable
works on English manners and social life, has, after living
in banishment for the last seventeen years, during which
time he has taught French in English schools,' accepted
the amnesty proclaimed many years ago for political
offenders,'and has accepted a requisition to stand as a
candidate for the department of the Bouches du Rhone.
lie will be a loss to English literary society.
A new comic paper, the Camera, is about to appear.
Surely we have sufficient of these journals now that there
are more than enough to give us one for every day of the
week.

MISCELLAA EO US 1V E WS.

TEE STATE OF IRELAND.

3.1 r. O'Sullivan, dressed in the brief authority of
the Mayoralty of Cork, is still playing such tricks as
make all those who are anxious for the peace
and security of Ireland very sorrowful in-
deed. He has again taken it upon him
to set free the captives apprehended by the
police for drunkenness and petty crimes. Some
there be who ascribe his actions in this particular to
a wish to give liberty to all, others think they are
caused by a desire to annoy his brother magistrates,
and a few uncharitable people suggest that, being
" cut "by the higher portion of society in Cork, and
being, moreover, in disgrace with the Government
and Parliament, he is making friends with the
"mammon of unrighteousness." However this may be,
he is undoubtedly becoming something more than a
nuisance. It is worthy of notice that he is becoming
more and more the pet of the lo wer orders in Cork. The
Town Council, which may be supposed to represent
the opinion of the whole city, has passed
resolutions protesting against the Government Bill
as unconstitutional, and offers to pay towards the
defence of their chairman at the bar of the House of
Commons. And Mr. Maguire, who represents the
constituency in the House of Commons, is to oppose
the bill. Altogether, the quicker the matter is
settled the better.
The unsettlement in Tipperary continues. Land-
lords are uneasy, and are only waiting for the
slightest unsatisfactory symptom to leave the
country. The tenantry are still restless, and feverishly
discontented. Though the latter have formed no
bond, and there is no exterminating society, yet still
there is undoubtedly a community of interest, which
makes them sympathetic with one another,
the suffering with the avenger, the man
who may be ejected to-morrow with the assassin.
It seems an impossibility to prove to a tenant that
his master has the right of ejection. He refuses to
see in the writ anything more than an instrument
whereby the landlord gains by the loss inflicted on
the occupier. That, he argues, is selfish tyranny.
In other parts of the country, too, there are bad
symptoms. At Sligo, for instance, a man taken up
for drunkenness was searched, and in a partly-hidden
pocket,. near the collar of. his vest, was discovered
a Fenian oath, running, "In the presence of the
Almighty God, I solemnly swear the oath of allegi-
ance, to be true and loyal to the Irish Republic,
and on one moment's notice to be ready to take ,
up arms and to yield to the simplicity of superior '
officers and kings." Following this was a catechism
setting forth the love of liberty and Ireland, the ,
hatred of tyranny and England. The robbery of
arms in Belfast, when taken in conjunction with
similar robberies elsewhere, is also significant.

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 10; 1869.,

cities. Their crime consisted in continuing so to
act under a President whose policy they ought to
have condemned. Therefore, General GRANT must
hold it to be the duty of subordinates keenly to
scrutinize the conduct of their chief, and to
refuse to obey him, or to serve under him, if
his policy does not square with their opinions.'
We would like to know what limit the PRE-
SIDENT applies to this principle. Is it universal,
embracing all grades and manner of service, or con-
fined to particular classes. Must a Postmaster, a
Revenue Collector, a United States Marshal, and a
Consul throw their appointments in the face of the
PRESIDENT, whose political principles they disap-
prove ? Does this extend to a clerk in any of the
departments? If so, why not to the Army and Navy ?
Here, then, opens another aspect. A President of the
United States is the equal in power and dignity of an
Emperor. It is only the heads of departments and
great officials with whom he comes in contact. The
clerks and other tens of thousands of office-holders
know nothing of the PRESIDENT except what the
newspapers tell them while they are acquainted
with the head of their own bureau ; is the principle
to be carried to its legitimate conclusion and the
subordinates to strike work because they consider
that head " unsound on the main question ?" 'When
GRANT commanded at Vicksburg, or at any other
great crisis of the war, how would he have received
the intelligence that his men considered bis Demo-
cratic tendencies to preclude them from serving
under him ? Any man who offered such a reason
for encouraging desertion might very properly be
tried by court-martial and shot. But if such a prin-
ciple as that laid down by GRANT obtained, how
could any court-martial in common justices decree
what might be a necessary sentence ? Such a theory
of Government is radically bad, and is grounded
on a pernicious error. Government, the Republic
says, springs from the people; the people elect the
President, and he, with the consent of the Senate,
select the Executive. A private citizen, maintains
his right to criticize the conduct of the elected of
the people, and to form, to the best of his power,
an opposition to control the PRESIDENT'S conduct ;
but this does not belong to public servants as such.
In accepting their posts they place in abeyance their
right as citizens, undertaking to perform certain duties
and to obey men holding certain offices to the best
of their ability. Of course there is a limit to this as
to all things ; but the broad principle remains.
Whether the nation was wise in its election is not
for the servant of that nation to judge ; enough for
him that the PRESIDENT is the elect of the people,
and though the policy of that PRESIDENT may not
tally with his convictions, he must remain content
with the fact that he was the man chosen by the
voice of millions. When GRANT'S name was first
associated with the'Presidency there were many who
earnestly hoped they would get a PRESIDENT above
the narrow trammels of party. He was believed to
be as lightly bound by party ties and feelings as
any one in the Union, and when he proposed to run
as a national candidate there were thousands who
rejoiced to see his platform. We fear ANDREW
JOHNSON did more mischief than the world attri-
buted to him in driving GRANT from that position,
forcing him into the ranks of a party, and generat-
ing towards himself a bitter personal enmity, which
now seems to extend to all whom he terms JOHN-
soN-men. There is not an American who does not
know scores of the truest Republicans, able and
honest men, who were public servants of the Union
under the last Administration. It is really mon-
strous to think that because they remained at their
posts and did their duty according to their con-
science while the Legislaturetand Executive went
through their unbecoming quarrels, that they are
to be styled JOHNSON-men and marked out for Exe-
cutive displeasure. In so far we thoroughly agree
with Senator Ross as a mere question of equity, while
as a matter of principle we consider it one as objec-
tionable as was ever introduced into the Government
of a nation. Nor that only—for it is dangerous.
ANDREW JOHNSON more than once said that, backed
by the immense power his patronage gave, he could
have elevated himself into a Dictator. His practical
experience led him to this conclusion, and although
he may, and we hope and believe he did, greatly
exaggerate, still there is a danger it would be un-
wise to ignore. Now what is it that must give
point to the danger and strength to the PRESIDENT ?
Why the fact generally felt by the employds that
they are all in the same boat to swim or sink to-
gether. Permanency to the PRESIDENT is per-
manency to every official who supports him ; and if
they ate all to be styled with his name as JOHNSON-
men or GRANT-tnen, to be associated with his ideas
and linked with his fortunes, they become a band of
brothers, compelled to share each other's chances.
The position of the men Gen. GRANT would thus knit
into a Presidential clique is this. They are the stokers,
and drivers, and conductors of the train ; the people
are the passengers seated in the cars, who go back-
wards or forwards, along a branch line, or on the
trunk road, fast or slow as the driver chooses, just as
if they were a flock of sheep. They may bleat pite-
ously or profanely swear, but there they go; and
even when they stop, if the doors are locked and
the key in the conductor's pocket, they are but little
better off. We object, then, to this principle, be-
cause it tends to make a clique of the men in pos-
session of the Government machinery, bound by the
strongest cords to the fortunes of the PRESIDENT.
At the same time we are convinced that GRANT did
not detect the weight of his words. It is the mis-
fortune of untrained men not to know nor to see
quickly the import of what they say innocently: It
may be, too, that he regarded Senator Ross himself
as pre-eminently a JOHNSON-man ; that he had in
his mind's eye that solemn moment when the voice
of Chief Justice CHASE from the President's chair
sounded through the Senate Chamber, " How say
you, Senator Ross, is ANDREW JoHNSoN, President
of the United States, guilty or not guilty ?" And
with head down, and with fingers nervously tearing
the paper he held into fragments, came the low re-
sponse—Not Guilty! which settled the PRESIDENT'S
fate, for then all hung on the doubtful vote of the
Senator from Kansas, and the ANDREW JOHNSON he
then saved, is evidently General GRANT'S bitter per-
sonal enemy.

BRITISH EMIGRATIOS TO AMERICA.

The folly of such bellicose speeches as that of
Senator CHANDLER is best exemplified by consider-
ing the effect a war would have on emigration to
North America. It is no exaggeration to say that
it would be but employing immigrants to cut the
throats of emigrants, sending those who have come
in, with powder and shot to deal with those who are
coming. To show this, take the 60,000 Michigan
citizens with whom Senator CHANDLER proposes to
contract to do the Canadian job, and ascertain
how many of them were born in Michigan or in the
United States at all. He would employ the immi-
grants who had selected Michigan as their home
to rout with fire and sword the immigrants located
in Canada, stirring up both countries to waste the
national means in destroying the men who are, or
make the settlers. But every one knows what a
wise man Mr. CHANDLER is, and how strong was
the opposition to his dreaded re-election last sum-
mer, offered by the British, aided with their gold.
That detestable people having stigmatised him as a
drunkard, and endeavoured to show he was the
reverse of sensible, now very properly feel his
lash, and it shall be no fault of ours if the thin-
skinned JOHN BULL does not wince under the
smart. Our present object, however, is to remark on
the flow of emigration now swelling in increasing
tide to the shores of America, which such a speech,
if it came from a Senator of political weight, could
not fail to injure. The Zeidlersche Correspondenz
says, " that the unusually large emigration this
year from various parts of North-Germany to Ame-
rica is the result, as has been proved by inquiry, of
the encouraging news sent home by relations who
have already crossed the Atlantic, and who gene-
rallyaccompany their letters with a remittance. The confidence confidence felt in the wisdom and moderation
of the present Government of the United States ha
given a great stimulus to emigration this year."
But great as is the direct emigration from the
northern ports of Germany numbers find their way
toforLiverpoolyok. I
Newand joinr thet densei s
a noticeable
throngs
therefaet
that
ship-
ping
.each country which supplies a perennial stream has
.9.1 Y organized ito own transport from portoof its own.