The Sun.
London, England, 1860-05-28 00:00:00

LITERATURE,

The Naval History of Ureat Britain, from the
Declaration of War by France, in 1793 to the
Accession of George the Fourth. By William
James. Bentley.
The history of the British navy has been, and
ever will be, a subject of considerable interest to
the English people. But the general public ku w
little or nothing of its early history, and, inde ,
beyond the important victories of Nelson, Ho e,
and Jervis, they are equally ignorant of the eve s
which took place at the end of the last and the -
ginning of the present century. Mr. W. James s
devoted much care and attention to the compilat. n
of these volumes, and, indeed, he presents a -
markable instance of that phenomenon—an imp-
tial historian. The most - wejudiced adversary
could not but admit that the work might hag
emanated from the pen of a Frenchman without
causing him to blush for the honour of his country.
While rendering a tribute to the fairness and
ability of the author, we cannot but regret that he
did not commence his history at an earlier date.
The records of the Commonwealth are still extarst,
and there would have been no more diffieultyn
collecting the incidents connected with Englanst's
first real navy, when under Raleigh, Drake, mod
Blake, England first claimed the proud title of
Mistress' of the Seas. Blake it was who fist
established the fact that wooden walls could c -
tend successfully with stone ones, and that it s
quite possible to lay a ship alongside a fort a d
silence it. A complete naval history of those ti ,
es
is wanting, and Mr. W. James has shown; by t o
able manner in which the present work is got p
t hat he was eminently qualified for the undertaki .
The non-professional reader will derive great s-
sistance from a glossary of sea-terms introdu d
at the commencement of the first volume, wh h

will enable him to understand certain passa
in which nautical language is unavoidably int
duced. Before entering upon the history the aut
has introduced a brief sketch of the progress a
early history of the navy, the dimensions of shi
guns, &c., &c.

At the present day people complain of the co
plication of official reports, and the difficulty exp 1-
enced in understanding them; but how much m t
those in the fifteenth century have comprehen d
of their ordnanceT The gunners of those d s
must have had long heads to remember the na 8
of the various guns.
The demi-cannon, withoht doubt, was the 32 -pounder f
afterdays. The cannon-petro had, in the list of 1677, 1.
ready changed its name to 21-pounder, and a 12-poun r
(probably the ancient basilisk) also appears there. e
whole-culverin and demi-culverin became subsequently e
18, and the 9-pounder. The saker, or eater, both from
calibre and weight, was the 81. feet 22 cwt. 6 pounder; 8
was the light saker, the modern gun of the same nati
measuring six feet, and weighing 17 cwt. The minion s
the 4-pound, r : what name the 3-pounder of 1677 14.4 a p
viously taken does not appear.
The first British frigate on record seems to ha e
been the Constant-Warwick, for which the coat,.
try was not indebted to the Government, but the;.

as now, private enterprise took the lead in the
vancement or science.

Tha earl subsequently disposed of his frigate to the :co 1
monwealth, but not, as it would appear until she had
forded decided proofs of her superiority of sailing. At w t •
precise time the transfer took place is uncertain ; but 0
first list, in which the Constant-Warwick appears as a _
tional ship, is one of 1652. There she classes as a fifth-
of
28 guns. In another list of the same year, her guns e
stated at 32 : a difference to be explained, perhaps, by ode
being the lowest, the other the highest, number of guts
assigned to the ship in her new employ.
The English were always fond of over .gunning their i.
sels ; and it generally happened, when an English ship sf
war was taken by the French, that the latter, before thev
sent her forth as a cruiser, reduced, sometimes by a %I
sixth, the number of her guns. One instance may suffi
_
The Pembroke, when captured by the French, at the co _
inencement of the eighteenth century. moun.ted_6l-42...
bat,--when recaptured shortly afterwards, had on bo a
unly 50 guns, and these as the whole of her eetablishmen . -
An addition of six guns to the Constant-Warwick's oii-
ginal number was, perhaps, no improvement ; but what
shall we say to an increase of 20, or, at all events, of 16
guns ? Our suspicion that this had taken place was ex-
cited by seeing the name of the Constant-Warwick, as one
of the six fourth-rate 42-gun ships, enumerated at No. 30
in the abstract of 1677. Them the ship, having her two
bow-ports filled, carries 20, instead of the 18 derni-culverins
on what is now, in truth, the first gun-deck ; and, having
her quarter-deck bulwark continued forward on each side
to her stem, readily finds room for a second whole tier of
guns. The number first mounted on this second deck was
probably 20, the same as on the deck below. Afterwards,
18 were considered enough; especially as the guns were not
rakers, but demi-culverins, the same as on -the first gun-
deck. The poop, by this new operation, and, perhaps, by a
little extension forward, becomes the quarter-deck, and is
armed, at first probably with six, but afterwards with four
minions ; making 46 guns as the temporary, and 42 as the
permanent, establishment of the ship.
When to the increased weight of the guns their carriages
and shot is added the weight of wood and iron, consumed, as
well in the barricade t) the second gun-deck as in strength-
ening the ship in every part, we may well give credit to a
writer of 1665, who, in complaining that ships of the British
navy are "over gunned," instances, among others, "the
Constant-Warwick, from 26 gunns and an incomparable
sayler, to 46 gunns and a slugg." The worst is, that the
t nnstant-Warwick, although thus changed in her form and
qualifications, although, from an "incomparable sayler,"
converted to a "slugg,' was allowed to retain her original
appellation. So that, according to the loose accounts handed
down to us, "the first frigate built in England " was an
over-gunned, top-heavy, two-decker, instead of, as a little
investigation now proves her to have been, a properly
armed, snug one-decker.

Here is an instance that bungling is natural to
the British Board of Admiralty. They cannot now,
and, it would seem, never could, do things right at
first themselves, or, when the work was done for
them, let well alone.

In 1793 the first official abstracts of the strength
of the navy were published; but it would appear
that but little correct information was to be derived
from them, seeing that yachts, transports, and
hoys were all entered as vessels of war, together
with ships on the stocks, or proposed to be laid
clown.

One instance may suffice. In January, 1796, a 120-gnn
ship, to be named the Caledonia (in lieu of a ship of 100
guns, ordered in November, 1794), was directed to bo
built, and appeared in Steel a few months afterwards;
but the ship was not laid down until January, 1805, nor
launched until June, 1808. After all this, as it may well
be called, paper force has been added, the total at the foot
of such periodical list is taken to denote, in an unrestricted
sense, the numerical strength of the British navy.
After narrating at some length the relative strength
of the maritime Powers of Europe at the commence-
ment of the war, the author shows how America, by
her enterprise, unscrupulous, conduct and ex•
pertness at concealing enemies property, proved a
most effective friend to France, and consequently
&sharper thorn in the'side of England than if she had
been at open war with her. We need not go far for
an illustration of this fact in the present day—the
conduct of Prussia during the late Russian war was
too glaring to need comment. While France was
convulsed by internal contentions her navy was not
neglected ; and, as far as ships were concerned, she
was equal in force at least with England.
At no previous period had France possessed so powerful
a navy as was now ready to second her efforts to humble,
if not overthrow, her great maritime rival. It amounted
altogether to about 250 vessels, of which 82 were of the line;
and of these, nearly three-fourths were ready for sea, or in
a serviceable state. Moreover, the French Government,
shortly after the commencement of the war, in order to pro-
vide against those losses which, experience had shown,
wore likely to attend a contest with England, ordered to be
laid on the stocks 71 ships, including 25 of the line ; and
to be cast at the national foundries 3,100 pieces of sea-
service ordnance, including 400 brass 36-pounder car
ronades, the first of the kind, as it would appear, forged in
France. _ _

Among the French ships ordered to be built, were five to
mount 100 guns, and eight frigates to carry 24-pounders on
the main deck. Instead of the former, one ship to mount
130 guns, and be named Peuple, was laid down; and, for
the remaining four three-deckers, an equal number of 80s
and 74s appear to have been substituted. Several of the
old small-class 745, or such as carried 24-pounders only on
the lower deck, instead of being repaired to serve again in
the line, or taken to pieces as unfit to serve at all, were cut
down and concerted into the most formidable frigates that
had hitherto been seen. It is uncertain what was the exact
armament of these " vaisseaux rases ;" but thay appear to
have mounted 28 long 24-pounders on the main deck, 18
long 12-pounders, and four brass 36-pounder carronades,
upon the quarter-deck and forecastle, making a total of 50
guns, with a complement of 500 men. It is believed that
the first ship so fitted was named Experiment. Seven
others were, Agricole, Brave, Brutus, Filibustier, Hercule,

liogiste, and gcevoli.
Not only were the French well provided with
first class ships, but, owing to the mismanagement
and favouritism of the British Admiralty, the equip-
ment of their ships was far superior to that of the
English—a fact which was forcibly proved when a
squadron, under Lord Howe, gave chase to certain
French ships, which carried in a very fresh wind
and a heavy sea whole topsails and topgallant-sails,
while double-reefed topsails and topgallant-sails

were all that the British ships could stagger under;
and with this reduced sail so ill found were they in
spars and gear that the Russell sprang her foremast
and the Defence lost her fore and main topmasts,
and the enemy Escaped. In proof of the impartiality
of the writer the following tribute to the memory
of a gellant French officer deserves notice. After de-
scribing a well-fought action between the Nympho
and Cleopatre, 1.,e relates :
Amonglhe wounded were includod the ship's three lieu-
tenants, and among her killed was the truly gallant Cap-
tain Mullon. A round shot had torn open his back and
carried away the greater part of his left hip. It is re.
lotted that, having the list of coast-signals adopted by the
French in one of his pockets, Captain Mullon, during his
short agonies, drew forth a paper, which he imagined was
the right one (but which really was not), and died biting
it to pieces. Here was a trait of heroism I And yet no
French writer, as far as we can discover, has recorded the
fact,

In the description of the attack upon Toulon we
find the folloieinv, -nOtice of Napoleon, then arising
young officer, which shows the confidence he had
in himself, and the contempt in which he held
those about him :

. . Napoleon Buonaparte was present-in these attacks. The
following anecdote of him is extracted from a French his-
torical work:--" Un jeune homme di vinp,l-trois ans fut
jugs capable et digne du coinmandement de l'artillerie ; on
la lui confia. Ce jeune homme avait recu une education
tout militaire, et l'on remarquait deja qu'un amour
ardent pour la gloire enfiammait le genie' do Buona-
parte. C'etait lui-merne. L'habilete et la •hardiessa de
see dispositions se font remarquer. A Pattaque du. fort
Ir Pharon, un comraissaire de la convention critique et con-
damne la position dune batterie. Buonaparte lui dit avec
fierte : Melei-vOus de votre metier de representant ; laissek-
moi faire le mien d'artilleur : cette batterie restera la, et je
reponds du succes.” The battery, it appears, did fully
succeed, and, Btionaparte received the _applause -of the
gencrals present; shortly afterwards he was himself made
a brigadier-general.

As a book of reference this work may claim a
place in every library. Every engagement which
took place during the war, whether between
fleets, squadrons, Or Dingle frigates, is nar-
rated with a oinet truthfulness which is deserving
of the hip jest commendation, and it is satisfactory
ocher comparing Various incidents here related
7vith the accounts given of the same transactions
by those who were personally engaged, to find that
the discrepancies are so trivial as not to be worthy
of notice. As an instance of this, we would refer
our readers to the account here given of the attack
on the French fleet in the Basque Roads, and that
given by Lord Dundonald in his interesting
" Autobiography of a Seaman." We will conclude
cur notice with the following narrative of the cap-
turn of a privateer by a packet-ship, which shovvs
what daring and determination can 'effect :
Oa the Ist of December his Britannic Majesty's packet
the Antelope, Captain Curtis, being of Cumberland har-
bour, in Cana, on her way to England, from Port-Royal,
Jamaica, which port she had quitted three days previous,
fell in with two French schooner-privateers, of formidable
appearance. The packet immediately bore up for Jamaica,
and was followed, under all sail, by the privateers. The
Atalante, one of the two, outsailinc, her consort, continued
the chase alone. During that and the follow ng day, un-
til 4 p.m., the packet rather gained upon her pursuer; but
the wind suddenly failing, the latter took to her sweeps,
and soon swept up alongside the Antelope. After the ex-
change of a few shots, the schooner sheered off. On the
2d, at 5 a.m., it stillrbeing calm, the Atalante again swept
up, anti, on reaching her opponent, grappled her on the
starboard side. The privateer then poured in a broadside,
and attempted, under cover of the smoke, to carry the An-
telope by boarding; but the crew of the latter drove back
the assailants with great slaughter.
Among the sufferers by the privateers broadside, was the
packet's commander, Mr.,Curtia. who fell to rise no more ;
as did also the steward, and wrench gentleman, a passen-
ger. The first-mate. 400, was shot through the body, but
survived. The SPcond•mate having died, of the fever soon
after the packe,i, had sailed from Port-Royal, the command
now devol7ed upon Mr. Pasco," the boatswain, who, with
the fe7e brave men left, assisted by the passengers
rePP:ised repeated attempts to board, made at intervals dur-
ir4 the long period that the vessels remained 'lashed
together. At last, the privateersmen, finding they had
caught a tartar, cat the grapplings, and attempted to sheer
off. The boatswain, observing this, ran aloft, and lashed
the schooner's square-sail yard to the Antelope's fore
shrouds. Immediately a well-directed volley of small arms
was poured into the privateer, and the crew called for quar-
ter. This, notwithstanding the Atalante had fought with
the red or bloody flag at her mast-head, to indicate that no
quarter would be shown by her, was granted, and possession
was forthwith taken of the prize.
The Antelope mounted six 3-pounders, and had sailed
with 27 hands ' • but she had lost four by the fever, and
two were ill in their hammocks, consequently the packet
commenced the action with 21 men, exclusive of the pas-
sengers. Her total loss in the action was three killed and
four wounded. The Atalante mounted eight 3-pounders;
and her complement was 65 men, composed of French,
Americans, and Irish. Of these the first and second cap-
tains and 30 men were killed, and 17 officers and men
wounded. The Atalante had been fitted out at Charleston,

in the United States. The Antelope now carried her prize
in triumph to Annotta Bay, Jamaica, where the two vessels
arrived on the morning succeeding the action.

The unparalleled bravery of one of the Antelope's passen-
gers, a M. Nodin, formerly a midshipman in the French
navy, deserves to be•recorded. It is related-of this young
man, that he stood by the helm and worked the ship, armed
with a musket and a pike, which he alternately made use
of : that, when he perceived the Atalante'.s men climbing
the quarters of the Antelope, he quitted the helm, and with
the pike despatched such as came within his reach, return-
ing at proper intervals to right tke vessel ; that, with the
pike and musket, he killed or disabled several men, and
continued his astonishing exertions for upwards of an hour

Domestic Memoirs of the Royal Family and of the
Court :of England, chiefly at iShene and Rich-
mond. By Folkestone Williams, F.G.S., 3 vols.
Hurst and Blackett.
Richmond and its environs have always been
favourite localities for the ruminations of the anti-
quarian and archasologist. Its earlier traditions
have the dignity of history, while the throng of
literary notabilities of the eighteenth century who
flitted about its neighbourhood, have invested it
with especial interest in the eyes of readers of a
later date. Mr. Folkestone Williams has rather
selected the regal and courtly view of his subject
than the literary aspect, and has evidently be-
stowed great pains and considerable industry in the
prosecution of his researches. He has treated it very
fully, and has enlivened his pages with numerous
quotations. He carries back his observations to a
date of respectable antiquity, commencing his first
chapter with an account of the passage of the
Thames by Caesar and the Roman Army, Some
writers have asserted that the invaders forded the
river noar Walton, because iron-headed stakes have
there been found in the bed of the river. Mr. Wil-
liams, however, prefers the statement which fixes
the passage in the direction of Kingston, and tells
us that in the Saxon period there was a ford there,
which, by way of distinction, was called Morford—
the great ford, and he thinks it likely that to this
the Ronaans would have advanced. Great
changes have taken place in the face of
the country since that time, but with the
exception of the transformation of the gloomy
forests into pleasant woods, the Surrey hills
bear few traces of the intervening centuries.
Of the origin of the name of Kingston, he gives
the following account :—" When Roman dominion
ceased in Britain, the massive fortresses and beau-
tiful villas were severally razed to the ground, or
left to gradual interment under the rubbish heaped
upon the site. Thamesa fared worse than many
stations, because the very invaders were so tho-
roughly sensible of the beauty of the neighbour-
hood, that they established a settlement on the
ruins, which grew into a town of such importance,
that several of the Saxon kings were crowned there,
and made it their ordinary residence. It was
thence called Kyngeston, which name it has pre-
served." From the Roman epoch, Mr. Williams
passes almost immediately to the reign of Edward
and gives a minute account of the architec
tural arrangements of the king's manor house,
at Shene, which he illustrates by numerous citations
from the romancists and ballads of the day. The
Court manners, costumes and armour, the ward-
robes, jewels and furniture, even the fashionable
romances and court literature, are included in his
description. After the death of Edward 111.,
which took place at Shone, we pass into the
reign of his unfortunate successor. Richard 11., and
his" Good Queen Anne," were fond of the locality,
and during their lives a Royal palace was com-
pleted there. " Good Queen Anne," like her hus-
band's illustrious grandfather, also died at Shene,
but these deaths did not deter subsequent sow)•
reigns from making it a favourite place of ire-
sort. Henry V. restored the manor house,
and founded three religious houses in the
vicinity of Shone. In the second volume we come
to the busy days of Bluff King Hal and Car-
dinal Wolsey—names inseparably connected with
Hampton Court and its splendours. The Princess
Mary and Edward VI. often resided at Richmond,
and numerous anecdotes, incidents, and details are
interwoven respecting this time. Queen Elizabeth
is evidently a great favourite of the author's ;
but, despite her queenly qualities and un-
doubted capacity for government, we fear-,he will
not be able to convince his readers of her claims to
affection and respect as a woman as well as a ruler.
Prince Henry, the eldest son of James 1., was
long a resident at Richmond, and had formed
a gallery of paintings there. During the Pro-
tectorate a Parliamentary survey was made of
Richmond Court, and from this curious docu-
ment our author extracts the most remarkable
portions. In speaking of these Parliamentary pro-
ceedings he says :—" Most of the Crown lands
changed hands ; some were preserved for the
Comrionwealth, and Richmond New Park was
settled upon the City of London, as an act of favour
from the house. The regalias were ordered to
be melted down, the jewels disposed of, the statues
and inscriptions to be demolished, and the pictures
and furniture to be sold. This order was felt as a
cruel blow in the neighbourhood of all the Royal
palaces—particularly so at Richmond, where the
loyalty of the inhabitants was to be punished by
the dispersion of the treasures their Princes had
there accumulated, and by the demolition of a
favourite resort of the Court. That magnificent