The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-17 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 17, 1356.

" Russia has unconditionally accepted the Pro-
positions of the Allies !" This is the statement
of the Vienna correspondent of the Times, usually
well informed on all matters relating to diplomatic
intrigues of the Cabinets of the different States of
Germany and St. Petersburg. It is by no means
impossible that such should be the case, but it by
no means follows that the negotiations or con-
ferences that may be opened in consequence thereof
can be brought to a satisfactory conclusion, or
that they will produce an honourable and durable
peace. The acceptance of the " Four Points,"
explained by the Memorandum of the 28th De-
cember, 1854, was equally distinct and unequi-
vocal, or, as the Austrian diplomatists term it,
" pure and simple," and yet the spirit of the
Third, and far the most important stipula-
tion, was totally and entirely repudiated by
Russia at the subsequent conferences. In the
Memorandum of the 28th December, 1854, above
referred to, it was expressly stated that " the re-
vision of the Treaty of July 13, 1841, must
have for its object to connect the exist-
ence of the Ottoman Empire more com-
pletely with the European equilibrium, and
to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in,
the Mack Sea. There were thus two distinct and
separate phases of the stipulation, and both were
evaded or repudiated by Russia when the time
arrived for carrying them into practical execu-
tion.

Under the first head, Prince aORTSCITA-
Ron, took especial pales to show that Russia
would net join in any "active guarantee of the
independence of the Ottoman Empire." He ex-
pressly refused an engagement to render any
violation of its independents() or invasion of its
terrain.), a easus beat, and insisted on the
insertion in the protocol of his explana-
tory observation. This " restrictive inter-
pretation " was received with deep regret,
not only by the representatives of the Western
Powers, but even by the Austrian Ministry,
proving as it did that Russia was not in earnest
in ita professed intention of bringing the ottoman
Empire under the protection of the general
European law. The notion that the blood of
Russian soldiers belonged solely to Russia, and
could not be endangered in any cause where Rus-
sia herself was not primarily interested, was too
ridiculous to impose on any save the wilfully
blind. She has not, on any occasion, proved her-
self chary of the lives of those enlisted under
forced levies, or so strongly opposed to warlike
proceedings, wherever her interests were engaged,
as to lend even a specious or plausible appearance
to the pretext. The conclusion was, therefore,
irresistible, that the refusal was occasioned by
soma latent sinister deigns on the part a Russia;
and it was, at all events, in direct opposition to

the first part of the Third Point or condition
which Russia had pledged itself to accept.
But the contemptuous disregard of the remain-
ing portion of the article was still more flagrant.
So far from agreeing to put an end to Russian
preponderance in the Euxine, it was gravely
argued. that Turkey had even more to fear from
the maritime forces of France and England, and
that a powerful Russian fleet in the Euxine was
indispensable to its security. The principle of
" counterpoise" was attempted to be introduced
as an element in the calculation ; and any limita-
tion of Muscovite power, or of the standing
menaces which she sought to keep hanging over
the head of the Porte, was disdainfully repu-
diated.

There can be but little doubt that the pro-
tracted resistance offered by Sebastopol, and the
deplorable condition of the besieging army, led to
this shameless repudiation of the tetras which bad
previously been accepted without modification or
qualification of any kind. What assurance, then,
can we feel that Russia is disposed to exhibit
better faith on the present occasion ? The terms
and stipulations forwarded by Austria, through
Count VALENTINE ESTE/MAZY, are far more vague,
and offer greater loopholes for slipping out
than those contained in the articles of the
2d of December, 1854, or the explana-
tory Memorandum of the 28th of the
same month ; and from the mode in which
the former were treated we may form a fair esti-
mate of the manner in which the latter will be
dealt with when it suits the purposes of Russia to
cast aside the mask. We have repeatedly de-
clared that the great danger to be apprehended
under existing circumstances was the renewal of
negotiations that could not possibly terminate satis-
factorily. Russia is well aware of the advantages
which she can derive from delay and procrastina-
tion, whereby the action and energies of the
Allies nay be paralysed, while she herself proceeds
with the utmost activity in all her preparations
for a desperate struggle—" a war to the knife,"
in which she will stake her all upon the cast.
What is she now doing in Asia ? Notwith-
standing the inclemency of the weather she has
pushed on her troops, which have so recently
obtained possession of poor neglected Kars,
through the midst of the snow to the vici-
nity of Erzeroum, of which they are now
within a few hours' march. Could she get
rid of the tardy vigilance exhibited—could she
hope to paralyse the activity too late displayed,
by rendering Ambassadorial jealousies subservient
to her own designs, she might have greater terri-
torial acquisitions to offer in exchange for the
strong places and territories occupied ~ by the
Allies. Erzeroum would unquestionably be re-
garded by Russia as a very important make-
weight, something that might render " the equi-
valent" offered for Sebastopol—Eupatoria, Kertch,
and Kinbourn—in some degree more reasonable
than it can now be considered, while its capture
would go far to restore the prestige, already seri-
ously damaged, with the Asiatic Powers. She
would, in fact, derive immense advantages from
the partial suspension of warlike operations, and
the indisposition of the Western Powers to
incur heavy expenses in making the neces-
sary preparations for the vigorous maiatenance
of a war which they believed likely to be speedily
brought to a conclusion, while she can break off
the negotiations whenever it suits her to do so.
Without referring, then, to the inadequacy of
terms which make no provision for the expenses
of the War and afford no adequate security for
the future good conduct of Russia, we must not ,
again suffer ourselves to be bamboozled or be-
trayed. Wo have suffered too much already from
the consequences of a similar mistake. Russia
has proved herself to be most formidable when
she is assuming the appearance of modera-
tion ; more obstinately bent on war whe❑
she professes an anxious desire for peace.
The bitter but salutary lessons of past experience
should not be disregarded. We should more than
ever exert ourselves to neutralise the advantages
which she hopes to obtain by duplicity and insin-
cerity.

There is another point that should not be for-
gotten. If there be the slightest foundation for
the grave charges already preferred against Lord
STRATFORD, alluded to in our impression of yes-
terday, the Noble Lord should at once be re-
called, preparatory to the stringent inquiry that
must be instituted. The British Ambassador at
Constantinople, during a crisis like the present,
should be far above the possibility of doubt or
suspicion, and the rumours to which we referred
have assumed a verisimilitude that will not per-
mit their being slighted or disregarded. Enor-
mous injuries nay be occasioned to British in-
terests before the pending investigation can be
brought to a conclusion.

While even Russia leans to the extension of
personal liberty, the United States are vigorously
extending slavery. The CZARS have several times
wished, and more than wished, to emancipate the
serfs ; and the present CZAR is actually abolishing
the Robot service in Poland. American Presi-
dents of late, on the contrary, have not only been
slave-breeders—not only put the fetters literally
on their own offspring, and probably fingered the
gold they sold for, but have been the thick-and-
thin advocates of the "social institution" of
slavery. It is impossible for a fre• Englishman
—the word " free" is, however, but an expletive,
for what Englishman is not personally free—to
read the latter portion of President PIERCE'S Mes-
sage without pain. We are indeed annoyed with
the sort of youthful and ill-bred swagger of some
earlier parts. When we read the affectedly dig-
nified phrases about Central America and the
Oregon boundary, the stuff about demanding
" reparation" from Great Britain for letting emi-
grants to America know that soldiers were wanted
to fight for a higher object than extending slave
territory, and all the big talk about having
the best of it in every little dispute with
Greece or France, Denmark or Spain, we
smile at the taste of the ephemeral monarch of
the Great Republic, and excuse the want of re-
finement in the nation of a dollar aristocracy,
and in a ruler who never has time to serve a fair
apprenticeship to the proprieties of his station.
As we have already remarked we have sometimes
complained of the dry formality and vagueness of
our own Royal Speeches, bnt we have never had
to blush for anything in them offensive to those
higher perceptions which distinguish the gentle-
man from the upstart.

I But it is the lung latter part of this long M 03-
sage which is something more than annoying.
More than two of our long columns of small print
were occupied yesterday with its elaborate defence
of the most infernal moral nuisance that pesters
the earth. In one san°® we are glad to sea
this. The earnest defence of wickedness, or of
political iniquity by its official beneficiaries,
is generally ominous of its fall. It was
' se with West India alavery.here, with Catholic
emancipation, with the Corn Laws and Free
Trade ; indeed with everything good we have got
for the last forty years. Established abominations
ntalio no stir till danger menaces. We May be
sure, then, that President Pinaor, does not play