The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-13 00:00:00

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Austrian
Lombard

FRENCH POLICY IN ITALY.
The following is a full translation of the article
in the Constitutionnel, of which a summary ap-
peared in The of yesterday :
" The invasion of the Neapolitan territory by the Pied-
montese army is now an accomplished fact. Let us examine
with the most scrupulous impartiality the character and
bearing of this event.
" The sovereignty of States is the fundamental guaran
tee of the independence of peoples. That sovereignty exer-
cises itself in various ways. It may reside in a dynasty
which transmits it, or in a nation which dele-
gates it. As long as it acts within itself—within
the circle in which it is circumscribed by inter-
national law, it belongs to itself ; it acts in per-
fect self-liberty, and under its own entire responsibility
before the opinion of the world from which one day the
conscience of history will be cleared.
" The principle cf the independence of regularly consti-
tuted autonomies admits very well the political transfor-
mations of a people, the changes of a dynasty which are
accomplished by its will, and the internal revolutions to
which it is urged by its passions or interests. They are se
many manifestations of its sovereignty, which other States
could not contest without compromising their own. The
policy of non-intervention, which our epoch has held up as
the result of the progress of international right, is only the
consecration of those reciprocal guarantees.

" The application of those principles and those rules to
the facts which we wish to consider is a natural deduction.
If it suits the Neapolitans and Sicilians to make revolutions
at home, that concerns themselves alone; but no foreign
State, no more Piedmont than Austria, has the right to
meddle in their internal affairs, or to impose any conditions
whatever of a political existence by an armed intervention.
" There is a difference between the invasion of Gal ibaldi
and that of the Piedmontese army which might strike every
one. Garibaldi was only a partisan. Before embarking
for Sicily he had resigned his sword of command ; he
obeyed what he considered his personal mission, and his
acts were only binding upon himself. If, it is true, that
among the volunteers enrolled in his enterprise there were
strangers, he came, nevertheless, in the name of Italy, as
an Italian, to create and direct internal revolution in the
States of the King of Naples. It was not with his bands
that he could conquer a people of 10 millions of men—he
could only communicate his own passion to it, and drag it
along with him by the prestige attached to his name in a
supreme struggle againat a Government struck by unpopu-
larity.
"The Piedmontese invasion bears quite another charac-
ter. It constitutes the direct interference of a regular State
in an independent State. It is, consequently, an attempt
struck against the sovereignty of the Kingdom of the Two
Sicilies by the King of Sardinia ; and, as if everything
should be strange and abnormal in this situation, the Pied-
montese invasion took place without a declaration of war,
while the representative of the King of Naples was still at
Turin. But the conduct of Piedmont is not only in opposit
tion to international law, it is, moreover, in contradiction
to all the principles which it has itself invoked, and which
it now disowns. In fact, when the Roman Government ap-
peared inclined to appeal to Neapolitan intervention to pro-
tect it against the menaces of a revolution, the Cabinet of
Turin did not hesitate to declare that it should consider the
entrance of the army of the King of Naples into the States
of the Church as a violation of its neutrality.

"Only recently it challenged the right of the Pope to
form a public force from foreign elements, and it is because
the Sovereign Pontiff refused to submit to a summons call.
ing him to dissolve that force that his States have been
invaded. By what strange inconsistency does Piedmont,
which maintained in so threatening a manner the principle
of neutrality against Governments that sought to protect
themselves, violate it now with this audacity against those
same Governments to upset them ?
" There is more still; when Count Cavour sought to
justify in his memorandum the invasion of the States of
the Church he distinctly declared that Piedmont wished to
prevent a revolutionary outbreak there, and that serious
step on her part was a sort of military coup-d'etat directed
principally against the influence of Garibaldi.
" Is Piedmont, then, now, by intervening in the Neapoli-
tan States, going to combat Garibaldi ? Evidently not ;
she is going to aid him. It is not at Naples, but at Gaeta,
the efforts of the Piedmontese army will be tried.
"Thus, in whatever point of view we take it, it is impos-
sible not to deplore the cot duct of Piedmont. The invasion
of the States of the Church and that of the Neapolitan
States throw a responsibility upon her which it is in vain
to attenuate—it characterises itself. It is not for us to
exaggerate it or to lessen it. We have simply to state it.
"Piedmont is responsible to Europe for the initiative
she has just taken. Europe constitutes a jurisdiction
which finds itself naturally concerned by such great per-
turbations as those of which Italy is now the theatre. We
think that it appertains to her, and to her alone, to redress
the disregarded right, and to remind Governments who dis-
regard the law of the respect which is due to it, and which
is obligatory on every State, as it is founded on justice,
civilization, and the interests of peoples,"