The Sun.
London, England, 1860-03-20 00:00:00

AND SINGERS.

St. Paul's Cathedral.

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THOMAS FRANCIS, Vicar Choral.

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RED SEA AND INDIAN TELEGRAPH.

Lord TEYNHAM, having presented a number of peti-
tions from Doitwich, Maid ston Bath, Chi -.:hyster, Corn-
wall, Newport, Isle of Wight, Norwich, Chatham, the
Northern Reform Union, &c., in favour of vote by ballot,
proceeded to move a resolution to the effect that it was ex-
pedient in the election of members to serve in Parliament
that the votes of the electors should be taken by secret
ballot. The noble lord said, in moving the resolution he
felt that the subject was well worthy of the most attentive
consideration of their lordships, especially as it was year by
year brought before the other House of Parliament, and the
effect of a discussion in their lordships' house would most
likely tend to put many of the opponents of the ballet right,
and tend to convert the minority of that house into a majo-
rity. The question involved many points of great import-
ance, of a moral character, affecting the happiness of large
masses of our fellow-creatures, both in this world and the
world to come ; all the endeavours of Parliament had been
ineffectual to wipe out the stain of corruption and bribery
on our electoral system, which was at the present time as
bad as ever. It behoved Parliament, then, seriously to set
to work and endeavour by some effectual means to blot it
out. The ballot had been made one of the settled institu-
tions of the United States, and in their Colonies in the south-
ern hemisphere the ballot had been adopted as a means of
avoiding the evils of the mother country ; and such a system
was well worth the consideration of thoughtful men. In ano-
ther place the question of the ballot had been periodically de-
bated, and year by year its advocates were gradually increas-
ing, till at length the minority had become very large. Now,
in what condition did the question come before their lord-
ships ? There was surely no man who could avoid deploring
the evils of which the system of open voting was the fruitful
source, and of which bribery was one of the most calamitous
remits, as it sapped the very foundation of all moral feeling.
Under such circumstances it behoved their lordships to take
the question of the ballot into their most serious considera-

tion, for the purpose of ascertaining whether it might
not be made the means of putting a stop to those scenes
of bribery and demoralisation which at present prevailed.
Up to 1820, the practice of balloting prevailed in their
lordships' house, and as a strong feeling prevailed upon
the subject throughout the country, it became a question

whether the system of the ballot should not be seriously
considered by their lordships. It had been his painful
duty to examine into the evils which were associated with
open voting, and the sad consequences which were the
result. The noble lord here read a letter from a solicitor
in 1858, showing the practices which were resorted to by
candidates at elections, especially that of employing an un-
necessary number of solicitors to operate upon the electors.
If a solicitor, acting as an agent, sought to influence a voter
through the knowledge he possessed of the elector's private
circumstances, and by such means induced him to vote
against his conscience, was a system under which such
practices could be practised one which their lordships
would desire to see upheld ? Open voting had the effect of
leading to scenes of great immorality and vice. Now, under
the system of the ballot such results could not occur, nor
could the disgusting practice of bribery be openly and un-
blushingly indulged in. While there had been some pro-
secutions for bribery, still it could be indulged in in such a
way as to make it difficult for the law to step in, and hence
there was an additional argument in favour of the ballot.
Along with bribery, there was, under the' system of open
voting, the detestable practice of intimidation resorted to to
deter the voter from recording an honest vote, and he was
sorry to say that women were extensively employed among
tradesmen to carry out this system of intimidation. He
thought that a very large number of the electors who were
on the register abstained from voting. It was difficult to ac-
count for it, but it was a fact, and therefore the House of
Commons was not in that condition as the representative of
the entire country which the theory of the Constitution de-
signed it should be. Elections were often closely run, and
looking at those who did not vote, and at those who might
be on the register but were not, they might often have
turned the election had they recorded their votes. These
classes were often the most valuable, both in position and
character, of the entire constituencies. In Cumnock, in
Scotland, the electors had requested the removal of the poll-
ing place to Ayr, and they intimated that such were the
indignities and insults to which they had been exposed that
nothing on earth should ever induce them to vote again.
That had not been unfrequently the case in other places.
The bearing of this question on individual liberty was very
important. There were those who thought they were free,
and were not so. As long as the law of open voting ex-
isted how could they prevent these abuses—nothing but
the ballot could cure them. One of the most blessed move-
ments of the day was the throwing open of the theatres and
public places for the preaching of the Gospel, and under
these influences truth and sincerity would increase, but,
upon the other hand, how could they expect religion to
improve mankind if they allowed intimidation and fear to
compel men sometimes to vote against their consciencies,
and at other times deterred them from voting at all. There
might be freedom in religion, but there was no freedom in
political life. They wished to push out intimidation, secret
bribery, and fear of voting. It was said that secret voting
would encourage secret lying, inasmuch as people would
often promise end not perform. But at present promises
were often made, and afterwards, from change of circum-
stances, the electors were sorry that they had made these
promises. The only other objection made against secret
voting was this, that it was a protection afforded to cowards,
and that the independent did not need it ; but he had shown
that numbers of the most valuable classes of the community
did not vote all, and that others of them had not even placed
their names on the register. And what other reason could
there be for this, except that which he had indicatei ?
On what grounds had they a right to expect that if they
got a secret ballet they world secure protection to the
voter ? If they went back to ancient States they would
find that neither Rome, nor Greece, nor Venice would ever
have risen to the greatness it had attained had it not been
for the ballot. And if the ballot effected this in Venice,
who would say that it would not produce the same results
in this country, where there was quite as great a necessity
for economy in the expenditure of public money as there
was in Venice. The noble lord quoted from the narrative

The irst general meeting of this company was
held yesterday at the London Tavern—Mr. S. C.
Marshman in the chair.
The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the
report, said it was with the greatest satisfaction
the directors, at the first meeting of the com-
pany,which hadtlie e toem ap na
nn
yo u
hadnc e
bt
eh
eant
ftehr undertakinged had
bebeen
e form -
pletely accomplished. (Hear.) The line from
Alexandria to Kurrachee had been laid, and on
Friday last a telegram had been received from
India by means of it in six days, and on the next
day her Majesty the Queen had sent the first tele-
graphic message from England to be conveyed by
it from Alexandria to India. On the 12th of last
month the laying of the entire line, about
3,000 miles of submarine cable, was completed.
The company had ordered a steamer to be built for
visiting the various telegraph stations on the route
and she would be ready in May next. A work •
shop for stores and repairs had been established
at Alexandria. The line from Constantinople to
Alexandria had not been completed, therefore mes-
sages from Alexandria had to be conveyed by
steamers to Trieste, Malta and Marseilles. Two
attempts to complete the line of telegraph from
Alexandria to Candia had failed, but it was
hoped that in the course of two or three months
they would be enabled to telegraph from London
to Calcutta. (Hear.) As to the financial posi-
tion of the company, it was most satisfactory.
He believed that in about five years lines of tele-
graph would be completed from England to all the
dependencies of the British Crown, and that every
day they would read in the newspapers telegrams
from India, China, Canada, and all other colonial
places.

Mr. W. DENT, in seconding the motion for the
adoption of the report, said the distance between
Candia and Alexandria was only 350 miles, and
when that was completed they could telegraph the
entire distance to India.

After some observations from Dr. BEATTIE, the
report was adopted.

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of an English gentleman attached to el embassy sent by
this country to Venice in 1696, to skew the beneficial

effects of the ballot. But he need not go to Venice for

proofs, he found them in the reports of the proceedings of
their lordships' house in 1703, when they elected most
important commissioners by ballot to inqu're into the state
of the public accounts of the kingdom. Why should that
not be equally efficacious in the election of members of the

other house of Parliament ? In asking for the adoption
of the ballot, he asked for no novelty, because he fornd
that in one borough in Hampshire the elections were
taken by ballot in the time of William 111. with the best
possible results to Pll parties concerned. If it worked
well in one borough, why should it not in all ? These
were a few of the reasons which had induced I,;m to
bring the subject before their lordships. He believed
that the facts were such as to induce even those who did
not agree with him to unite with him in thinking that the
question was at least one which deserved consideration,
and that it was of the greatest importance that the
bribery, corruption, intimidation, and drunkenness, which
he had shown to exist, should be put down, and he believed
that could only be done by the ballot. If they refused to
adopt the remedy he proposed they were bound to provide
some other, and wits those Vi6IVII he be,sged to moire that

tralia, that it would be safe to try it heie ? He knew no t
whether the noble lord wished the ballot to be optional or
compulsory. If it were made compulsory, the principle
mist be carried out to its legitimate conclusion, and ;t must
be made penal not only for a man to give his vote openly,
but to tell how he had given it afterwards. They must alter
the whole system of elections—abolish canvassing, forbid
election committees, do away with nomination days and the
display of hands, and forbid the employment of solicitors.
(A. laugh.) Such a system of subserviency to secrecy could
never be maintained in this country. If the ballot were
optional, how would it effect the object desired ? A majority
on either side would go and vote openly; and in all great
constituencies it would be more easy than ever to intimi-
date and bribe. An elector would be told, "The great ma-
jority of the voters vote openly; and if you don't do so, we
shall know that you are voting against us." The noble lord
said that no law had yet reached intimidation. :But was it
not much less rife than it was 30 years ago ? And why ?
The noble lord said the law could not touch it; but some,-
thing had touched it; and that was the improved moral
sense of the country. These motives, if allowed to operate,
would be far more effectual than any law they might pass
in favour of the ballot-box or any other scheme. As to
bribery, it was proved to demonstration that secret voting
would give increased facilities for it. The effect would be
that the law attorneys in each town would carry on elec-
tions as they best knew how; candidates would say to elec-
tors, " If you -vote for me I will pay you ; if not, I will not
pay you"—(hear, hear)—and the last evils of bribery would
be worse than the first. He (the Duke of Newcastle) be-
lieved that he should be best consulting the feeling of their
lordships' house by not prolonging his observations on this
subject, particularly as during the many years he had sat in
the House of Commons he had heard the question so often dis-
cussed that he felt he should be trespassing upon their lord-
ships' patience if he were to go through the trite arguments
which must be already so well known to them. He would say,

however, thus much—that he considered personal responsi-

bility to be one of the greatest features of constitutional
government—(hear, hear)—and if they were to grant the
ballot, they would be depriving the electors of the com-
munity of this privilege. The vote of every man, he thought,

must be considered as a trust—if not strictly in the

yet in moral and political sense of the word. A man's vote

was given to him to be exercised for the public good ; and
it was right that he should be made responsible for it, by
being submitted to tke course of public opinion. Their lord-
ships' votes were a trust also : they were responsible for
them to public opinion ; and he must say he thought that
an attempt to take their lordships' votes in that way would
be as distasteful to the public as it undoubtedly would be to
their lordships. If they did away with the sense of re-
sponsibility, and the influence of public opinion, they would
be striking a great blow at freedom itself, and taking one of
the surest steps possible towards demoralising the people.
He thought that the force of public opinion should be
brought to bear still more strongly upon the practices at
elections which had occasioned so much astonishment and
scandal. Their lordships had done a great deal already ; let
them only persevere in the same course, and he believed they
might anticipate—if not in their own lifetime, yet before
any great lapse of years, a state of thins in which a man
might be able to vote without the servile fear of any tyran-
nical interference, without seeking to throw secrecy like a
cloak of darkness over his proceedings, as being his only
safeguard and security. (Hear.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the resolution to
the house, and their lordships divided, when there appeared
in the minority three noble lords, besides the tellers, the

Earl de Grey and Lord. Teynham.
Before the announcement of the numbers,
The Earl of DERBY rose, but immediately afterwards,
on being reminded by the Lord Chancellor of the forms of
the house, took his seat and addressed their lordships sitting,
as did the other noble lords who took part in the subsequent
conversation. The noble earl said that before the numbers
were announced he wished to call their lordships' attention
to the fact, that while the question was being put, he be-
lieved one of the noble lords who acted as teller, and two
who voted, were cut of the house. He believed that in order
to be entitled to vote it was necessary that peers should be
within the house when the question was put.

The Earl of MALMESBtßYconlirnised the observation
of the Earl of Derby.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the rule was as
the noble earl (Derby) had stated it to be.

The Earl DE GREY and RIPON acknowledged that he
was not within the technical limits of the house when the
question was put.
Lord BELPER explained that Lord Llanover and him-
self, the two other noble lords referred to, were standing
outside the partition when the question was begun to be
put ; but before it was concluded they had stepped within
the boundary, and had taken their seats at the back of the
bishops' bench.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that as the Earl de
Grey had admitted that ho was not present his vote must be
struck out ; but he presumed the noble earl would not press
his objection with regard to the two other noble lords who
had stated that they were present whilst the resolution was
read.

The Earl of DERBY said ho had no wish to press the
objection. He only wished to call their lordships attention
to the circumstance. _

The vote of the Earl de Grey was then cancelled, after
which the numbers stood thus—
Contents
Non-contents 39-35
The resolution was consequently lost.
SELLING AND HAWKING GOODS, &c., ON
SUNDAY BILL.

- -
Lord CHELMSFORD moved the second reading of this
bill.

The bill was then read a second time.
ATTORNEYS, SOLICITORS, PROCTORS, AND
CERTIFICATED CONVEYANCERS BILL.
VALUATION OF RATEABLE PROPERTY
(IRELAND) BILL.
These bills were read a third time and passed ; and their
lordships adjourned at 25 minutes past 7.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The following bills were read a third time and passed :
Great Western Railway, Hedon Corporation and Borough
Improvement, Wem and Bronygarth Roads, and York Im-
provement, &c.
The following bills were considered and ordered for third
reading :—Amberrate, Nottingham, and Boston and Eas-
tern Junction Railway and Canal Company ; Cheshire Mid-
land Railway; East Somerset Railway; Glossop and
Marple Bridge Road ; London and North-Western Rail-
way (No. 1) ; London and North-Western Railway (No.
2) • Marple New Mills and Hayfield Junction Railway;
Midland Railway (Burton-upon-Trent Branches and De-
viations) ; Mirfield Gas; North British and Peebles and
Jodburgh Railway Companies; Oxford, Worcester, and
Wolverhampton and Severn Valleys Railway ; Oxford,
Worcester, and Wolverhampton, Newport, Abergavenny,
and llereford, and Worcester and Hereford Railways ;
Stockport and Woodloy Junction Railway ; and Manches-
ter and Buxton Road.
The following bills were read a second time :—Bucks
County Rate, Croydon Gas, and Sheffield Cutlers'
Company.
THE QUEEN'S REPLY TO THE ADDRESS ON
THE COMMERCIAL TREATY.

Lord CASTLEROSSE brought up the reply of her
most gracious Majesty to the Address presented on Satur-
day on the subject of the French commercial treaty, in ac-

Mr. KINGLAKE moved the adjournment of thri
house, in order to enable him to ask the noble lord som e
questions in reference to an important subject which he he .d
formerly brought before the house. He never rose to ail-
dress the house with greater pleasure than he did on the
present occasion, for he had just received from Nice intelli-
gence of a very gratifying character. That intelligence - was
to the effect that the Municipal Council of Nice had ag reed
to an annexation to Sardinia, and repudiated any ann. axe-
tion to France. (Hear.) In the declaration of that wish
they expressed a hope that if Nice could not be annexed to
Sardinia, they might be erected into an independent State.
A deputation had left Nice for Turin to carry to the
King of Sardinia the resolutions embodying these views of
the council. That canton had also passed a vote of thanks
to two members of this house—namely, the member for
Horsham and the hon. Bart. the member for Tanvworth.
(Hear, and laughter.) He wished to know if her Majesty's
Government had received a note from the Government of
Switzerland expressing on behalf of; that State a de sire to
appeal to the great Powers of Europe in reference to this
subject, and whether they would delay their final answer
to M. Thouvenel until that appeal had been received ?

Lord J. RUSSELL stated that the Government had not
received any such notice as that alluded to. With regard
to the other question of the hon. member, he appealed to
the house for their forbearance. A despatch of great im-
portance had been received from M. Thouvenel, and he
trusted that her Majesty's Government would be permitted
to deliberate freely on the answer they would return to
that despatch. (Hear, hear.)
ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE FOR EASTER.
In reply to Mr. SPOONED,

Lord PALMERSTON said that hon. members had been
called together earlier than usual this session, and no doubt
were anxious to adjourn for the holidays as somas possible.
However, that adjournment must depend upon the business
of the house, and there were some bills of a very urgent
character to 'be disposed of. Under these circumstances,
he could not say on what day the house would adjourn for
the holidays.

REFORM BILL.

On the motion for the second reading of this bill,

Mr. DISRAELI--Mr. Speaker, I understand the pro-
moters of this bill claim for it the merit of simplicity. Sim -
plieity in the operations of nature is admirable, because
there we see adequate means adapted to the end proposed
But simplicity in matters of legislation is a quality of an
ambiguous character, because if we find that adequate
means are not adapted to the end proposed it is not true
simplicity we arrive at, bat rather imperfection and ineom-
potency. What is the end proposed by the bill ? The end
is the amendment of the representation of the people in
England and Wales. Are the means adequate to that end ?
My first impression when I take up this bill is, that it might
have been drawn up four or five centuries ago. Except tlis
land we tread and masses of bricks and mortar, I do not see
any othor property referred to as a qualification for exercis-
ing a franchise, and that in a country where for more than
a century the people have been doing nothing but creating
and accumulating various properties to an incalculable
amount. The classes of intelligence, of acquirements and
education, are not noticed. The bill is indeed of a mediawal
character, but without any of the inspiration of the feudal
system or of the genius of the middle ages. It proposes to
itself three principles. It is to extend the suffrage in the
counties and boroughs, and is to effect some re-distribation
of parliamentary seats. These are certainly objects well
worthy the consideration of the house ; but there are objects
almost as important as conferring the franchise, which,
singular to say, are not even alluded to. It has been thought
that it was one of our first duties to consider whether by a
more perfect registration,nnd by greater facilities for polling,
the possession and exercise of the franchise could not be
rendered far more valuable to the community, and far
more advantageous to them. I may remind the house
that in the bill which I had the honour to introduce to
the notice of the late House of Commons, there was a
proposition, to be carried into effect by numerous clauses,
to establish a self-acting register, and there was a scheme
perfectly carried out which by multiplying polling places
greatly checked that corruption of which we all so
much complained, and to such a degree that the ministers
of that day felt really justified in asking the House of Com-
mons to declare that all travelling expenses at elections
should thereafter become illegal. But I do not see in this bill
for the reform of the representation of the people, so limited
in its conception, any allusion to those primary and absolute
necessary topics in a measure of this character. So far as
the general aspect of the bill is concerned I may say its
omissions aro its principal feature. The materials from
which it draws its franchise aro of a limited character, and
some of the most important topics connected with the exer-
cise of the franchise are entirely omitted. Let us now eon-
sider the bill more in detail. It has three principles. It
extends the franchise in the counties and boroughs, and it
effects a re-distribution of Parliamentary seats. I will first
touch upon the arrangements proposed by the promoters of
the bill with reference to the borough franchise, for this
reason, that in the statement with which the noble lord in-
troduced the measure, that was the only part of the bill on
which ho laid down the principle upon which he was act-
ing. On another occasion I laid down on the part of may
colleagues the principle en which we had acted in reeon-
structing the constituencies of this country, and I ventured
to affirm that those persons to whom we thought that high
privilege might be safely entrusted, and who would exercise
it for the general welfare of the country, and therefore I
said that in making my propositions I had not considered
t 3 what numerical degree they might arrive. The fitness
of the recipient was what we had before us, and we there-
fore did not embarrass ourselves by any consideration of the
number of persons who might receive the suffrage. That
was not the principle on which her Majesty's Ministers
had acted in this measere. On the contrary, the noble
lord, in laying down the principle on which he acted,
said that he had to consider what would be the num-
ber added generally to the boroughs by tire different me•
thods proposed. The noble lord said that if he had
taken a rating of £P, for example, he would only have got
so many—load it been £S, it would have been more, but
not enough ; and he had therefore fixed the rating at a par-
ticular figure in the boroughs, which would give 250,000
additional votes, and he thouglit that was enough, and did
not think the house would be of opinion that it A-as too
much. I say that in proposing to confer the franchise on
those who do not possess it, we should look to their fitness,
and should not be considering whether we could obtain a
certain number of men, and ask for the support of Parlia •
meat because the number was one which may not alarm us.
If instead of 257,000 men there had been 557,000
to nrnsand
they were, in the opinion of the house, entitled the fran-
chise, the franchise ought to be granted them. (Hear.) But
-what is this addition which the noble lord is
theab noble lord
about tomak e
to the borough franchise ? Thefigures
of
fboroughs of
are these :—the present constituency of the oroughs of
England in round numbers may be placed at 440,000, in-
cluding the freemen, and he makes a proposition by which
they shall be increased to 6,75,000. Let us consider what is

the character of the pr esent constituei
Xamegland, and t loiltseh_eneut let ,
cp_lboctues
hseotsthet
made.s
eao t wheat
obhcadTetahis
410; whichpvlaette-eat.thlnadn e
under
)(ore lives in a £lO he nine..( q
.
'hon, especially durin Eathel elves
impressed that pretty ;toteala 4.11„01
Aftinsaj.e_l3;yd'ys odfom44iCniooNr 1196ararhellerieds,afrllom tZBgpi:;cit'rio'we7natntr,oatoihe
;lents who exercise
T._.• - -0 pays, a r,fme:etsgeo:i '4:
idiwamel - •
es
cordance with the vote of both atm s of Parliament,
The Royal reply was as follows : _yr a
,t . lowest denomination of
1 but betty- .een iesvenor-s
" I thank you for your most loyal r eedquare and the Tower
and it is most gratifying to receive yof assurance, after : dutiful
address ' Hamlets, or rather bet, seen the classes they represent, there
having considered the treaty of commerce e vhich I have con- is scarcely a class in En gland which is not included in the pro-
eluded with the Emperor of the French, that you are prepared sent constituent body o f the country—all mercantile, all pro-
to
take steps for assisting ins in giving etre fessional classes, all he various classes of retail dealers
calcioated to promote a beneficial intercou rs e between this
classes o! different po' icalopinions, et different rolls ionsopi:
country and France, and will afford additi of ml security for
nions, different habit s, and of different status. lint you now
the continuance of peace."
BEVERLEY ELECTIOI C. propose to add to these 410,000 persms, whose feelings,
Mr. ETANS, the chairman of the coins iiittoe appointed
position, opinions, s nd habits are all so varying and so con-
to try the merits of the petition against ti return of the trary, no less than a 217,000 persms, who are all drawn
sitting member for the borough of Bererie r, me. Walker, from the same class —(Opposition cheers)—whose opinions brought up the report, which declaied that, t feelings, and habite t are identical—(hear, hear)—and yet;
bribery and treating had been established 1.. t the election,
must necessarily Cro tel what will be the effect upon your
they were of opinion that it Was without his knowledge oreffect
consent, and that he was duly returned. present constituent his iv, with its various elements, of the
etrurkclr RATES. introduction of a els es. so essentially different. It. may he
A large number of petitions from rariolus parts of the said that raising the co ustiltieney from 41q,C03 to 65'1,000 ill
metropolis, and the country generally, we re presented, not a very
great es rue neat. It is. as the noble lord sayi,
praying for the unconditional abolition of clui rch-rates,
only an increase of
ITALY. one -Clued. But if we accept the calm-
Lord J. RUSSELL brought up additions 1 correspon- lation of the noble lord, it appears to me that we shall em-
dence relating to the affairs of Italy, which ws :s maimed to brace a fallacy which in calmly considering the question.
lie on the table, will greatly deceive its. The proposition before us is to see
THE REFORM BILL. what will be the probable effect of the proposed new borough
Col. SYKES gave notice that, when the :deform Bill constituency upon the pi esent constituency,. and as it pro.
duces no effect whatever on the metropolitan constituency,
was a bronght before the house, he would nove for the
or, the constituency of t universities, we must deduct
insertion of a clause to the effect that, on the d: issolution of
successive Parliaments, after the present Pauli uncut, con
stituencies not numbering 1,000 should not b o entitled to their amount from the ex [sting body before we can pretend
send representatives to ?arliament. to estimate what will be ti ke effect of the new body •
old. If we deduct 145,C100 for the electors of themuelTronpoth.:
Mr. STEEL asked the Secretary of State for Forec!Fn
or borough, but whose l
litan districts and the un ivorsities from the present amount,
rates, would be entitled to vote under the new Reform Bill
Affairs if tenants who £6 and uwars
orn i athny it
poor
y
panaid dlordsrent
compoupnded.?lfe
; we shall find the amount of the present constituencies which
and if tenants who paid the like relit of £6 sired upwards by can be affected by this new element is only 288,000, and
quarterly or monthly payments, who held from year to making a deduction of '2O per cent. for the increased num.:year, year, would be elso entitled to vote; and, if not, how could ber which the noble. Lord proposes, they will amount to
these parties become so entitled? 203,000, be
therefore you have to connieer what will
Lord J. RUSSELL said that tenants paying £6 a year
would, under the provisionsof the present bill, be placed in the effect upon the constituencies of a homogeneous dais or
the same position as those who paid £lO a year under the 203,000 coming into competition in public elections with diti
last Reform Bill. With regard to the second question of old body amounting to 2813,000. But even that mode of
the, hon. member, he considered it to be a matter to be de- placing the question will harftenvey a comp idea to
cided by the revising barrister. p
ARTILLERY OFFICERS.
the house of the manner in WW those new constituen-
Captain JERVIS asked the Secretary of State for War, cies must necessarily act upon theboroughs of the country.
Mead:ter, taking into consideration the importance atthihed Considering now what eikg be the effect of the '203,000
at the presentdayto artillerythroughout Europe, there was voters all of one class, boulnd together by the same senti-
any intention to place the officers commanding the British meats and the same habits, upon the 288,000 voters who
artillery in the principal stations abroad and at home, in-
are animated by different opinions, influenced ,by different
eluding Aldershot,'in a position compatible with their du-
ties by giving them the rank of Brigadier• General ? sentiments, and regulated by different habits, we shall
Mr. S. HERBERT said the subject was under consi- find that in six boroughs, and some of the most importiint
deratieit. in the country, the constituency is trebled ; that in 28
boroughs the constituency is doubled ; that in 48 boroughs
the addition is equal to one half at least, or more ; and
-therefore that about one half of the boroughs of England
and Wales will, so far as we can find by calculation, be un-
der the influence of the new class about to be enfranchised.
(Hear.) I give no opinion at present, I only wish to put be-
fore the house what is the clear state of the facts, and what
may be the probable result of those facts. Are the particular
class upon whom whom you are-about to confer this great
political power, incapable or unlikely to act upon it? Are
they a class who have shown no inclination to Combine ?
Are they a class incapable of organisation f I think I may
say, quite the reverse. (Hear.) If you look to the history of
our country during the present century you will find that
the aristocracy, or upper classes, have on several very start-
ling occasions shown a great power of organisation. I think
it cannot be denied that the working classes have shown re-
markable talent for organisation, and a power of discipline
and combination inferior to none. Ido not think you can
say that of the middle classes. With the exception of the
Anti-Corn-law League, I cannot recal at this moment any
great or successful political organisation of the middle
classes ; and we now know, with regard to the Anti-Corn-
law League, that confederation, which ultimately proved so
triumphant, was at one time on the eve of dissolution. (No,
no.) However, that does not affect my argument, which is
founded upon the fact that the working classes have on
many occasions shown powers of organisation and discip-
line quite equal to those of the upper classes of the country;
but that the middle classes, with the exception of the Anti-
; Corn-law League, have not within my memory ever con-
ducted any great political demonstration successfully.
(Hear.) Now, then, the class to which you are asked to give
this predominating power is a class to my mind perfectly
capable of using it. From the days of the Luddites to the
present period, I believe at least, the traditions, often the
very offices, among the working classes, their frequently
secret, but always well disciplined, organisation, have always
been well preserved. It is said of the working classes that
they are extremely intelligent and educated, and that they
are therefore entitled to the suffrage. I don't at all deny
their intelligence, and often their information, but those are
reasons why you should take care in legislating upon this
subject that you should not give them a predeminanoe.
The more intelligent and better educated they are the more
careful ought we to be that they should not have a predo-
minant power. What have we been complaining of so
much? What has been the object, as I understand, of, all
our legislative labours for some years past, but to put an
end :to class legislation? (Hear, hear.) But, if you are
now proceeding to establish class legislation of a kind
which, I think, few people can view without apprehen-
i sion, surely it is highly necessary, in establishing a new
legislative system, that you should not establish by that
means a class legislation with the power of which, and the
consequences of which, no class legislation in this country,
which has hitherto only partially prevailed, can for a mo-
ment be compared. It is an obvious policy, while you are
attempting to introduce the working classes to the fran-
chise, to counteract the tendency to this class domination,
by giving a variety of franchises, by effecting natural coun-
terpoises to such consequences which all must deprecate,
and that was attempted in the bill which was brought for-
ward last year. But how were those propositions met ?
They were called fancy franchises, and that was considered
an answer. (Hear.) Well, sir, the alliteration tickles t 1
ear and is a very popular form of language. It is, I be-
lieve, the characteristic of all rude and barbarous poetry—
(laughter)—but it is not an argument in legislation, and
when we hear the objection to fancy franchises it is a re-
markable circumstance that this bill had not been a fort-
night on the table before I found distinguished liberals
rising from various quarters of the benches opposite, and
proposing the introduction of what were denounced last
year as fancy franchises. (Hear.) Let us see for a mo-
ment what you mean by fancy franchises. We never had
an opportunity of arguing the question last year, because we
were not allowed to go into committee. Now, I take that
fancy franchise which originates in the partial occupation
of a house. It is called the lodger franchise. Hon. gentlemen
speak of this franchise as if a lodger were a casual circum-
stance in our social life, and say that it may be as well as
not to give a lodger the suffrage—that he is very likely to
be a very respectable man, but that, after all, it is not a
matter of great importance. Why, sir, a lodger is not an
accident of life, but a condition of our life ; and the richer
a country grows, the more trading in a country grows, the
more numerous must be the lodger class. (Hear, hear.) In
proportion as your retail trade assumes vast proportions—in
proportion as it increases in shopkeepers, for example
those shopkeepers must have a larger shop as a magazine
for stores, as a mode of exhibiting goods, and the larger the
shops throughout England the more disproportioned are the
houses to the social wants of the shopkeeper; just as you
increase in wealth and in trade there will be a necessity for
filling these ample and commodious storehouses, and that
calls the lodger class into existence. The lodger class as a
class have all those qualities which make a man respectable
in this country. They have ample or sufficient means—they
!lave education—they have a sense of responsibility—and
they perform their public duties with regularity and integ-
rity ; and therefore it is inconsistent to give votes to the oo-
cupiers of houses when they who really uphold them are
frequently more wealthy and more educated. The lodger
class as a condition of social life is every year increasing in
numbers and in influence, and are to be debarred of a trust
of which they are worthy, simply because you call it a fancy
franchise. (Hear, hear.) It is not a fancy franchise, but it
will be a real franchise, and in many cases will be more
worthily filled than by the owner of the house, who by your
limited and barbarous notions is the only one entitled to the
suffrage. (Hear, hear.) The payment of direct taxes may
well be the basis of the suffrage. You have now in
this
country substituted direct taxation in a great degree for in-
direct taxation. That is a subject of the utmost importance.
for
No doubt the skilful and limited substitution of
some years,
indirect taxation, which has been going
is highly advantageous to this country
Prudence and caution,
which, if not pursued with great'trponif this country who
would make the Finance Minister eland.
It is a process
proposed it the Necker of obnu trt
i sso a systemy
gthis country, and at a
not only to confer
fraughtmnment wwihthengyranvnearen
pay direct taxes, I hardly know
the franchise but probabloywtoP consequencesr
°coPnfsegrrna predominating power
h could be more
. properly
that which is based on the pay-
mentaunpyon
gancallasifiseawthieondownthhoieant
recom-
mended to the house
t taxes. (Hear, hear.) But are we to be
of direct
answered, when such momentous consequences may de-
pend upon the class enfranchised upon that basis, that it
is a
mere fancy franchise ? (Hear, hear.) Why, it is un-
necessary- to pursue the subject, because every one must
feel what a silly and unmeaning phrase that was.' I have
placed before the house some critical remarks with respect
to the borough franchise. I think the noble lord made a
mistake in founding his proposition on the mere considera-
tion of numbers. I think the noble lord ought to have
considered in the first place fitness, and not numbers.
(Hear.) According to his principle it appears to me that
the noble lord is to introduce a body, homogeneous in cha-
racter and interests, of upwards of 200,000 in our boroughs,
in addition to what is really not more, as far; their influence
is concerned--and thia,l must press on the attention of the
house--a body of not more than ;88,000.' In half the
boroughs '
of England the mew oonititneiney of one body
would be able in all probability to command the seats, and
thus you are changing the depository of. power to a very
[Continued is our fourth page.]

`, `

...._ _...rap.....w5r-h...........••.0.......••••••N1m.....1.NN1M1M111Z...........
ROY AL EN GLISH OPE B. A. lhe mistakes the good-will of his tenantry, for hearty
COVENT-GARDEN.
Valet the management of Miss L. Pyre and Mr.W. Harrison. 1 approval of his own political wisdom. Let him,
THIS EVENING, Henry Leslie's Operetta Romance of ' however but ask—why the uniformity? Do his
DICK TURPIN. Messrs. St. Albyn and G. Honey; Misses
Thirlwall and Cruise. tenants think so alike on all other topics ? Do they
After which, will be repeated the grand Opera, en-
titled LURLINE, by W. Vincent Wallace. Messrs.W. Har- not on other topics show, by their diverse judg-
risen, Santley, Corri, and G Honey • hUsses Louise ryne
Filling, and F. Cruise, G.
" ments and actions, that they are human beings, and
Condactor, Allred Mellon. • • not the mere creatures of instinct ?We tell the
Doers open at hall-past 8--Conxmcnee at Y. s
'Duke what the Ballot would do for his serfs is,
that gradually it would arouse his tenants to the
consciousness that, politically, they were men; and
they would think as men, speak as men, act as men,
and put away the childish things of unquestioning
imitation of even a ducal landlord.
As to the debate itself, Lord TEYNHAM seemed,
we thought, far too anxious to cite " precedents"
which might avail with their Lordships, as if even
the precedents of their own House could be of
the slightest use when urged on behalf of equal
treatment of tenant electors. The strong argu-
ment for the Ballot is ever the moral one—moral
in the widest sense of the word—moral, as being
fair towards electors, as being repressive of cor-
rupt influences of every kind ; and as rendering
useless the more sensual and violent immoralities
common at elections. The Duke's reply exhibited
the grossest ignorance of the question, notwith-
standing he talked of his having heard so much
of it in the House of Commons. For instance,
he pretended that to make a compulsory ballot
efficient a man must be prohibited from telling
how he had voted ! 'Surely no one but a Duke,
after all that has been said on the subject, could
have repeated such wretched stuff. Our Colonial
Secretary was not even aware of the slight though
important difference between the Ballot in Victoria
and in the other Australian colonies, which pro-
perly made Lord TEYNHAM prefer the latter as his
model. He complained, too, that LordTETNHAmhad
not shown the connection between the Ballot and the
repression of bribery and intimidation—as if the
self-evident connection were not the only reason
for their Lordship's aversion to it. Had we been
in Lord TEYNHAM'S place, we should, on this
point at least, have risen to reply—and or
answer would have been in the style of the in-
scription on Sir CHRISTOPHER WREN'S monument
—" If you want proof of the connection you seek,
look around." The votes of 39 non-contents
proved that Noble Lords saw the connection per-
fectly clearly between tenant liberties and. the
Ballot.

THEA TRE-ROYAL, H.AYMARIOET.
Lessee, Mr. J. B. Bnckst one.
THIS EVENING, will be performed. THE HAPPIEST
DAY OF MY LIFE.
And the new and original Comedy, THE OVERLAND
ROUTE. Messrs. C. Mathews, Buckstono, Compton, Chip-
pendale, Mrs. C. Mathews, Miss Weekes, and Mrs. Wilkins.
With HE WOULD BE AI ACTOR.
To conclude with A KISS IN THE DARK.

THEATRE-ROYAL LYCEUM.—'
Sole Lessee and Directressy, Madame Celeste.
Bighth Week of the eminentl succesful Drama, " A Tale of
Two Cities," and Last Week but One of the present season
—Eleventh Night of Mrs. Keeley's Engagement.
THIS EVENING will be performed a new drama, entitled
THE ABBE VAUDREUIL ; or, The Court ot Louis XV.
The Abbe Vaudreuil, Madame Celeste ; Louis XV., 311. 11.
Butler; Lieut. Henri Delcour, Mr. F. Villiers.
• Followed by LUCKY STARS. Barbara Bristles (her origi-
nal character), Mrs. Keeley ; John Bristles, Mr. J. Rouse.
Concluding with the new Drama of A TALE OF
TWO crriEs, by Tom Taylor, Esq., from the story of that
name by Charles Dickens, Esq. Principal characters by Mr.
James Nininr„ Walter Lacy, Villieru, Rouse, Forrester, J.
Johnstone, T. Lyon, Morton, Palmer, White, H. Butler,
Clifford, and Fredericks ; Misses Kate Saville, Stuart, Turner,
Ws. Campbell, and Madame Celeste.
Commence at 'V.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.-''
Lessee, Mr. A. Harris.
For the Benefit of Miss Carlotta Leclercq.
'THIS EVENING, to commence with the favourite comedy
THE HONEYMOON.
After the comedy the Princess's " Rifle Volunteers " in full
Costume.
Followed by A PRINCE FOR AN HOUR.
'To conclude with THE CORSICAN BROTHERS. G.
Melville, A. Harris, and Miss Clifford.

W 'THEATRE - ROYAL, ADELPIII.
NESole Proprietor and Manager. Mr. Benj. Webster.
THIS EVENING, ICI ON FABLE FRANCAIS, Mr. J.
L. Toole, Chas. Selby, Billington, Mrs. Chatterley, Mrs. Bil-
Ungton, Miss Kate Kelly, and Laidlaw.
After which, PAPER WINGS, Mr Alfred Wigan, J. L.
Toole, D. Fisher, Billington, P. Bedford, Stuart, C. Selby,
Eburne, C. J. Smith, Powell, Romer, Mrs Alfred Wigan,
Miss H. Simms, Miss Kate Kelly, and Mrs Chatterley.
•Followed by DINORAH UNDER DIFFICULTIES.
Messrs. J. L. Toole, P. Bedford, E burne, C. J. Smith, Miss
K. Kelly.
Doors open at half-past six—Commence at seven. Boa-
torpen from 10 to 5. No oharge for securing seats,
t for bills of performance. All fees to servants of this
establishment are strictly prohibited.
Acting Manager—Mr. Win. Smith.

ROYAL ST. JAMES'S THEATRE,
King-street, St. James's. Lessee, Mr. T. B. Chatter-
ton. Directress, Miss Wyndham. The nearest Theatre to
Chelsea, Pimlico, and Westminster, the Park being open to
Carriages and foot passengern all hours of the night.
THIS EVENING the performances will commenee with
MAGIC TOYS. Miss Lydia Thompson, and Miss Clara St.
Casse.
Followed by LIVING TOO FAST.
Followed by FIRST AFFiEcTIONS. Messrs. H. T
*Us& G. Spencer. and Miss Viryndham.
After which the successful burlesque of DIDO. Mesdames
Wyndham, Clara St. Casse, Eliza Arden, and Mr Charles
Young.
Reduced Prices—Gallery, 8d; P.lt, Is. The Box-offloe open
trom 11 to 5 daily. Doors open ail half-past six ; perform -
once commences at 7.

ROYAL ST. JAMES'S THEATRE.-
MISS LYDIA THOMPSON foie the honour to an-
nounce to the nobility, gentry, and the public, that her
BENEFIT, and Last Appearance but Four at the above
Theatre, will take place on ]MONDAY, Mardi 26. Tickets to
be had at the Box-office of the Theatre, and of Miss Thomp-
son, 6, Argyle-street, Euston-road, W.C. •

CANTERBURY HALL
THIS EVENING,
LI3CIIEZIA BORGIA,
(Donizetti).
Donna Luerezia Miss Russell.
Mello Orsini Mrs. Anderson.
Gennaro Mr. Henry Herbert,:
Don Alfonso Signor Tivoli.
Conductor—Mr. Jonghmans.
Comte Vocalists —Messrs. George Hodson (he Irish Come;
Tian and Mimic), W. T. Critchfield, and E. Wt hackney.
Several interesting Pictures are added to the Fine Arts
Gallery. The suite of Halls have been re-decorated and
eautided, and constitute one of the most unique and brilliant
tights of the metropolis.
The gallery is open from 5 till 11 on Sunday Evening.

CONCERTS.-

THE WEATHER.---SIIN OFFICE, MARCH 20, 1860.

THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
54—highest since noon yesterday.
48—lowest this morning and during the night.
55—this day at noon.

BAROMETER-29.95 ; falling.
WIND, South-Westerly ; fresh and strong, with fine
weather.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
TRIO DAT.—Morning, 12h. 57m.—Afternoon, lb. 17m.
To-mounow.-Morning,: lh. 57m.—Afternoon, 2h. 13m.

.1-t , c4114,ka 4,..‘43t
.•
C•
....,
~-.1
. ~,
, .. .
0. 1, 'i
~•:''''.l"--4, ,, , krf -:',.-- ~.-„'
\ ' -, :,..
• •„!, ',14!).,:1E.:5—c Pr- CY,
:el
1 i)c.,•:113-.-trtV' •ito ^ ' , ''l)norr ,
•- es —, ,:. . :1:_;,,,,- , --,,,„

THE SUN.
LONDON, TUESDAY, MARCH 20, 1860.

We are informed that the export duty upon rags
which the Emperor Napoleon proposes to substitute
for the absolute prohibition hitherto in force will
amount to about 100 per cent. on the price of com-
mon rags, and 50 per cent. on the price of the boat
quality.—Times.
tWe find the above in the Times of today. All
we can say is, that if our Cabinet will stand being
played fast and loose with in this way—in regard
to Savoy first, and then in regard to the statement
by which they gained a majority an the paper
duties in the House of Commons—they will not be
Englishmen representing Englishmen, and will be
deservedly the laughing stock of Europe. If they
do not, despite any treaty whatever, now lay 100
per cent. duty on French common paper, and 50
per cent. on fine paper, they will be held to have
disgraced England.—ED. Sun.]

The Ballot in the Lords ! Yes, actually one
noble lord had the honesty to propose, and three
other noble lords the honesty to back him, that the
electors on their lordships' estates should be their
own political masters. For this—let dukes and
other peers twist and pervert the case as they may
—this is the gist of the question. Vie will do
their lordships the justice to hope that they do
like the dirty practice of vulgar bribery—some of
them may have found it indeed very serviceable in
times gone by, but still it is costly ; it admits the
self-created millionaire to competition with their
eldest sons, and it is not exactly the nicest way to
win an election. If bribery could be put down by
itself, if it did not involve putting down political
serfdom in the counties, probably the Lords would
help in the business.

The debate on the Reform Bill last night
elicited, As might be expected, little that is new
—Mr. DISRAELI, indeed, complained most of its
simplicity—it omitted almost everything but
simple extension of the franchise, and really let
our ingenious ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer
little on which to exercise his peculiar faculties.
Its faults were chiefly its omissions—a ilew in
which we for such opposite reasons entirely con-
fur. It was complained that it was a Bill to en-
franchise numbers merely, while the late Govern-
ment proposed to enfranchise by what were con-
-1 temptuously termed 4` fancy franchises," classes
who were fit to hate votes, and that the
homogeneous class would dominate the
larger boroughs, and return quite a new and diffe-
rent class of members. He objected also to the re-
distribution of seats, as going eiiher too far or not far
eneugh. Fifteen was the number affected by the hon.
gentleman's own bill. We suppose that number •
was like Queen ELIZABETH'S stature, in contrast
with that of the Queen of SCOTS, " neiti'Mr too high,
not too low, but just the thing." The hon• gentle-
man avowed his intention, m we anticipated, not
to oppose the second reading of tha bill, but hoped
it would be gracefully withdrawn before the time
for meeting on committee arrived!
Of course the Radicals had their say, and Mr:.
BRIGHT sufficiently showed that the Treaty had
not been lost upon him. Far as it was from what
the member for Birmingham had advocated, it was
as mush as the members of the Government had
offered before the general election. They had,
therefore, fulfilled their pledge, and he could not
but acknowledge a cerresponding claim to support.
He proved at length that the number enfranchised
would be very much smaller than was calculated,
and asked whether—as a million and a half only
would have Totes, after all, under the new Bill—
this was too large a number out of six or seven
millions of male adults. The strange lucubrations
of the Times on' the new electors swamping the old
constituents was very happily exposed and ridi-
culed by more than one speaker, by Mr. BRIGHT
especially. Nothing indeed could be more absurd
than to argue as if the £6 householders to be
enfranchised by the bill were all of one class, of
one opinion, and of the same social habits.
Every member, of any pretension to be called
Liberal, refused to regard the bill as a " settle-
ment." It is a franchise bill, and hardly anything

But the difficulty of the case is, that there
is but °le known method of repressing the bri-
bery, the drunkenness, and demoralisation of
borough elections, and that is the very one which
would extinguish their Lordships' command over
their tenantry. The Ballot is, indeed, dreaded for
boroughs, for there are great numbers of these
where adjacent landlordism reigns supreme ; but
it is infinitely more dreaded for counties, for they
are political preserves, as jealously guarded as those
of their game, in readiness for the grand battue of a
general election. It was most amusing to hear the
Duke of NEWCASTLE—tho " Lord of Clamber"—
the son of the Peer whose argument against the
abolition of rotten boroughs was, " that every man
had a right to do what he would with his own "—to
hear him spouting, like a university lad, on the
improving "moral tone" in regard to elections,
and that we ought to rely on this to remedy the
evils we desired to prevent by the Ballot ! One
would suppose that the Duke was yet an under-
graduate, knew nothing of life, and certainly
that he had not come to the management of
his own estates. Let the Duke open his
eyes, let him look around as Lord of Clumber, let
him ask how many of his tenants would think of
voting for a candidate whom he opposed—let him
ask whether he sedulously keeps his preference for
a candidate from the knowledge of those who
are dependent on his goodwill for their favours—
and then let him further ask—why the extraor-
dinary unanimity among his tenantry.
The truth is, it is the unanimity of politi-
*al slavery. The unanimity of a gang on a
cotton plantation in working for their master.
The .tenants know, and have long known, that
they have no alternative. Habit has become
second nature. The question never arises to
their minds, for whom shall we vote—nor indeed

more ; even on that point it will not long be
accepted as final. But the omission of
protection for voters, while creating a
yet more dependent class of them, and the
retention of such a host of insignificant boroughs,
were felt to be two points which would be pressed
on the house again and again till something like
justice was done. However, we shall take all
that is offered us, meagre as it is, and, having
got that, set to work immediately to get more.
Perhaps, after all, it is better that we should do
our work in parts. It koeps alive political dis-
cussion, and without that we might got politically
stagnant. It is clear enough, however, whether it
please the Conservatives and the Whigs or not,
that the RUSSELL Reform Bill is but the intro-
duction to an agitation for the Ballot, and for dis-
franchisement of rotten boroughs.

We are glad to find that Sir JOHN SHELLEY
who has often afforded material assistance to ques-
tions which involN ed the assertion of Liberal prin-
ciples, has obtained leave to bring in a bill for a
settlement of the gas controversy. The matter has
recently been frequently discussed, both in these
columns and elsewhere ; and the dispute arises, as
is well known, from the monopoly exercised by the
gas companies, and the unequal and exorbitant
terms they proposed to the committee of delegates.
It is rumoured that the associated companies have
recently abated their pretensions, and that a fair
and equitable arrangement may now be looked for.
We hope this will prove to be the fact, but in any case
it will be as well to obtain the opinion of Parlia-

the question what is politically right Or wrong
at all. They and their predecessors have all
been cipl era to multiply tenfold and a hun-
dredfold the landlord's political power ; " True
tenants I will, have no will of their own,"—
the Duke is their will. We have no doubt that
the particular Duke of last evening is as amicable
as any 4)f that highly intellectual class. We do not
think he would starve a tenant for one offence ;
though m 'hat his steward would do for persisting in
independe soe we cannot tell ; and we think it likely

ment, both as a means of a,xpressing more forcibly
the public opinion and of, securing a guarantee for
the better direction of affairs in future. As matters
_ .

at present stand the metropolis is divided into gas
districts, which are marked in some maps ; these
districts are settled by the associated companies,

LATEST

N >; •

The following telegrams have been received at
Mr. Reuter's office :

ROME, MAncu 19.

and a householder may, under the existing system,
find himself transferred from one company to
another without being consulted. The great hold
which this plan gave the gas companies over the
consumers was the agreement which they entered
into, binding themselves, under heavy penalties, not
to interfere with others' districts. Thus the con-
sumer was absolutely at their mercy. If he re-
fused to submit to the extortion. or dictation of the
company whose place it was to supply him, he must
go without gas. This was a state of things per-
fectly intolerable in a free metropolis, and accord-
ingly great exertions have been made by the dele-
gates, and there is a fair prospect of a satisfactory
settlement. The companies, relying on their power-
ful influence, refused to come to terms. They
professed, indeed, to be anxious for a compromise,
but it soon became evident that they had no inten-
tion of abandoning one of their alleged rights.
The active interference of the honourable member
for Westminster has, however, completely altered
the aspect of affairs. The solicitors, Parliamen-
tary agents, and other forces of the companies,
put every obstacle in the way, but Sir JOIIN
SHELLEY refused to wait longer for their professed
modifications. When they fouad that all hope of
a compromise was over, and that the affair was to
be speedily brought before Parliament, supported
by the press and the public, they unexpectedly
gave way, and have, it is said, agreed to accept
almost all the propositions of the gas consumers.
They consent, to a certain extent, to be under the
control of the Board of Trade, to submit to
inspection, and to bind themselves under penalties
to supply gas of a guaranteed illuminating power
and a certain degree of purity. The clause of the
bill which proposes to fix the minimutn price of
the gas they still oppose. This will be settled in
committee, when the arguments brought forward
by the companies will probably be satisfactorily
disposed of. Their objections are clearly answered,
in the following passage, taken from an able sum-
mary of the snbject :—" If the companies can
manage to satisfy the Committee on Gas Bills that,
it would be unjust to tie them down to a fixed
price, because the value of the raw material fluc-
tuates, well and good, and the consumer will have
no right to complain. But that they will be able
to do so is very doubtful, for the simple reason that
the ground upon which they rely—viz , that
the price of coal has frequently varied, and
that there have been times when, if they
had been compelled to supply gas at the
present average price of 4s. 6d. per 1,000
cubic feet, they would have suffered severe
loss—does not now apply. Since the formation of
railways, the coal fields are now brought in direct
communication with • the metropolis, and London
is therefore no longer dependent upon shipping for
its supplies. Even in the severest winter railways
can bring any amount of the best coal that is re-
quired, so that there is not the slightest chance of
coal in London reaching the very high price it did
some ten years ago, during a remarkably severe
frost. Again, there is nothing to be apprehended
from the value of coal being largely enhanced
through strikes, because the coal fields are so ex-
tensive and various, that it is hardly possible to
conceive a strike could become so general as mate-
rially to affect the metropolitan supply. But those
who have so ably conducted this gas controvert' on
the part of the consumers are well aware of the
arguments that aro to be used, and the consumers
may safely leave their case in their hands." If
the companies are faithful to their pledges the bill
will be read a second time wltheut opposition, and
will then be referred to the consideration of the
committee. Sir JOHN SHELLEY deserves great
praise for the firm and temperate manner in which
he has conducted the affair, which we may hope
will receive a satisfactory settlement long before
the termination of this session.

The news published by some Paris journals that
the Pope had requested France to recall her troops
from Rome and Ciyitta Vecchia, in order to re-
place them by Neapolitan troops, is without fowl-

dation.
No demand of such a nature has been remitted
to the French Cabinet, either
_directly or directly.

MADRID, MARCH 19.

The Correspondencia Autografa contains the
following :—" As the Moors will only consent to
pecuniary sacrifices as the conditions of peace, war
must be continued.
" This evening there will be a full Council of
Ministers."

VIENNA, MARCH 19.
Austria, considering the annexation of Central
Italy to Piedmont as a flagrant violation of the
treaty of Zurich, which formally reserved the rights
of the deposed Princes, has resolved to adjourn the
renewal of official relations with the court of Turin.
In consequence of this resolve Baron de Brenner,
who was to fulfil the function of representative of
Austria at Turin, has returned to his former post
at Athens.

PARIS, MARCH 20.

The Moniteur contains a list of persons to whom
decorations of the Legion d'Honneur are given for
services rendered to our army in Italy.

NAPLES, MARCH 17.

Letters from the frontier announce in creased

agitation.
A popular manifestation has taken place at Atri,
banners were displayed bearing the words " Victor
Emmanuel for ever." The police checked the re-
volt. Eighty individuals who were compromised
fled over the frontier.

TURIN, MARGIT 18.
A royal decree convokes the electoral assemblies
of the Emilian provinces for the 25th March.
Another decree appoints 15 new senators.

MARCH 19.

A note from the Government of Tuscany ad-
dressed to Europe explains the reasons why the
vote by universal suffrage rendered annexation to
Piedmont a necessity.

TILE LATE M. JULLIRN.

MUNICH, MARCH 19.

The report of the Stuttyarder Beobachter that the
French Ambassador at Munich had already spoken
of a cession of the Palatinate to France has been
officially contradicted.

MADRID, MARCH 18.

It is asserted that Generals Prim, Rios, and
Zabala have been raised to the dignity of Grandees
of Spain of the first class.

For some weeks past the exertion and anxiety
consequent on the getting up of a new series of
concerts, upon which M. Jullien calculated estab-
lishing in the French capital the high reputation
which he had gained in the course of 20 years in
England, proved too much for a temperament at all
times keenly sensitive and excitable, and loss of rea-
son was the result. On Sunday, the 12th, M. Jullien's
first concert was to have been given, and great curi-
osity and interest prevailed in Paris, but that con-
eert was n ever destined to take place. Twodays previ-
ocely M. Jallien was conveyed to a private lunatic
asy„lurn, having exhibited the worst phases of mad-
ness, and his medical attendants entertained no
hope w.thitever of a speedy cure. In consequence of
some se vt re course of antiphlogistic treatment,
the patient"; caught a severe cold, which fastened on
his lungs, and terminated in inflammation. I‘l.
Jullien's reasini returned some hours previously to
his decease, anul after receiving the last sacraments,
he passed away iii perfect consciousness of what
was going on arcnlad him. His last words re-
lated to a hymn whiel; he had not long since coin-
posed, and called a Noolionienne, from its being
in honour of the Emperor of the French. " Let
it be sent," he said, "to his Majesty. It will
perhaps procure bread for my poor wife." M.
Jullien has left a widow and two adopted children,
one of whom, a fine young mart of two-and-twenty,
engaged himself some months back in a French
lancer regiment, in order not to be a burden on M.
Jullien in his misfortunes. The other, a girl, lives
with Mme. Jullien, and is, like the widow, totally
unprovided for. We indulge in the hope of seeing
the subscription which has been commenced in Eng-
land extended to Paris, particularly as some gentl-
men, who appreciate the labours of M. Jullien in
popularising good music among the masses, have
expressed their intention of forwarding the benevo-
lent object as much as lies in their power.—
Galiq na 71i.

LISBON, MARCH 18.

The Minister of Marine is dead. The Cortex
have authorised the free exportation of wheat and
barley until the 30th of June.

INDIA.
BOMBAY, FEB, 25.

The loans are all closed. An income tax of 2
and 4 per cent. and a State paper currency are an-

nounced.

Important alterations are to be made in the tariff.
The duty on twist and yarn is to be raised to 10

per cent.

Saltpetre is to be subject to a duty of 2r. per
maund of 821 b.

The income tax will be 2 per cent. on incomes o
£2O to £5O, and above that 4 per cent.
No class will be exempt.

The Licence Bill has been modified, and the scale
reduced to one rupee, four rupees, and ten rupees.
Hemp, jute, hides, wool, flag, tea, and coffee are
to be free of duty.

Twenty per cent. duties are to be lowered to 10

per cent.

An invasion of Kokees has taken place in Tip-
perah. One thousand persons were murdered.
A report Ras current of treason at Indoor, the
capital of Holkar.

HANO VER, MONDAY

Hanover proposed an indemnity as a basis for
negotiations in universal conferences concerning
the redemption of the Stade Dues.
England refused to agree to the amount pro-
posed.

TUE MINISTERIAL REFORM BILL.—The house
was chiefly occupied last night in the discussion of
the New Reform Bill of the Palmerston Cabinet.
The debate arise on the motion of Lord John Rus-
sell for the second reading of the bill. Mr. Disraeli
assailed the measure in a speech of considerable
length, and Mr. W. F. Campbell, in au address of
great ability, pointed out in clear and conclusive
terms the incongruities and shortcomings of the
bill. The measure is really so great a delusion that
no one feels the slightest interest in it. It will not
cost the country a moment's concern whether the
bill be carried or rejected. It is a miserable mea-
sure, and nothing more nor less than a mockery of
the people's wishes and rights. The debate was
adjourned.-31ornitly Advertiser.
The Earl and Countess Delawarr and Lady
Arabella Sackville West will shortly leave town fur Buck-
hurst Park, Sussex.

Negotiations are being continued.

FRANCE.

The Earl and Lady Constance Grosvenor have
taken possession of their new mansion at Prince's Gate,
Knightsbridge.
g,he Duke and Duchess of Roxburgh and Timly
Charlotte Innes•Ker have left Grillion's Clarendon Hotel
for Broxmouth Park, Dunbar, N.P.
CUSTOMS RUES —A depuua ion from Liverpool
waited up:n the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday to
propose un additional per cent. on existing import
duties, thus doing away with all export dues, expenses in
bond, &e. It is stated that they received a very favourable
reception. It was also proposed, in. lieu of the present
Customs entry, to have a la. tamped bill of lading.
It has been proposed at Edinburgh that a public
entertainment should be given to the 78th Highlanders in
recognition of their eminent services in India. A prelimi-
nary meeting will be held to-morrow on flee subject, at
which Sir John 31.'Neill, Sir IV. Gibson Craig, and
Sir J.
Gs Baird, are expected to be present.

PARIS, TUESDAY.

The action for libel against the Bishop of Orleans
was continued on Saturday before a more thronged
court than on the previous days. After the plead-
ings had terminated, Mgr. Dupanloup rose and
spoke for three quarters of an hour. The court
then, after due deliberation, declared the complaint
of the Siecle to be unfounded, and acquitted the
defendant on the charge against him. As regarded
the complaint of the heirs of Mgr. Rousseau, the
defendant was also acquitted, the French law not
admitting any charge for defamation against a per-
son deceased. The parties civiles, in both cases,
were condemned to pay the costs.
BOURSE, March 19.—The market has been com-
pletely inactive, but with a certain steadiness.
Threes varied from 67f 75c to 67f 80c ; Mobilier,
738 f 75c to 741 f 25c; Orleans, 1,390 f to 1,392 f
50e. ; Southern, 496 f 25c to 497 f 50c ; Austrian,
497 f 50c to 498 f 75c ; Lombard, 532 f 50c to 533 f
75c. The following are the last quotations :-
4k per Cents..... 96 Credit Foncier 747 50
Do. end month I Belgian 4} —
3 per Cents
Do. end month 67 80 ! Roman Bl 25
Bank Shares 2BOO Austrian
Credit Mobilier .. 741 25 Spanish Threes
Do. Account — !Home Debt 43 50

RAIL-WAYS.
Cash.
Orleans
Northern . 925
New ditto. B3O ..
Lyons and Mediterranean 892 50 .. 890
Genova 470 .. 470
Southern ~ 497 50 .. 49.5
Western 5BO .. 582 50
Eaxtern
S
Ardnan
Austria
n
Lombard ..
Exchange on Loudon, at sight, paper, 25f. 10e.; money,
25f. 71e. ; three months, paper, 24f. 871 e. ; money, 24f 85e.

Account.
.. 1391 25
.. 923 75

THE SuN, LONDON, TUESDAY :EVENING, MARCH 20, 1860

least, if it be necessary, to give satisfakltion to
France, to act in such a way a.A to cause the said
city and county to be neutralised, ,ender the fa' ove-
reignty of the House of Savoy, and ii: conformity
with the conditions which may be settled by the
Great Powers to which belong the right, and on
which the duty falls of watching over the mainte-
nance of the peace and balance of power in Europe.
Count H. Renaud de Falicon, Chevalier H. Verani
Masin de Chateauneuf, Dr. Camous, all municipal
councillors, and Chevalier Andre d'Andreis have
been appointed a deputat29P to present this address
to his Majesty."