The Sun.
London, England, 1860-04-20 00:00:00

PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The Scottish Drainage and Improvement Corporation
Bill and the Manchester and Buxton Road Bill were read
a second time.

On the motion that the Galashiels, Innerleithen, and
Peebles Railway Bill be read a third time,
The Earl of EGLINTON moved that the bill be read a
third time this day six months.
The Earl of ST. GERMANS suggested to the noble
earl that he should alter his motion, so as to enable the
bill to be referred back to the committee for farther consi-
deration, rather than that it should be rejected altogether.
This suggestion was assented to.
NAVAL RESERVES.

Lord LYNDHURST gave notice to the First Lord of
;he Admiralty, that on an early day he should call attention
,o the naval reserves.
CHURCH RATES.

The Marquis of SALISBURY presented a petition from
place in Hertfordshire against the abolition of church

rates.

THE LITURGY.

The Earl of DERBY presented a.petition against any
alteration of the Liturgy.

MARRIAGES (EXTRA PAROCHIAL PLACES)

BILL.
This bill passed through committee.

NICE AND SAVOY.

Lord NORMANBY said he had promised to make some
explanation with respect to the subject of Nice and Savoy,
but in consequence of the motion of the noble earl (Grey)
he should postpone doing so until to-morrow.

REFORM BILL.
The Earl of EGLINTON said before the noble earl
brought forward his motion he suggested that Scotland and
Ireland should be included in the measure.

Earl GREY then rose to move that a select committee
be appointed to inquire what would be the probable increase
of the number of electors in the counties and boroughs of
England and Wales from a reduction of the franchise,
and whether any or what change is likely to be made
in the character of the constituencies by such increase :
and also to inquire what difference there was-between large
and small constituencies in respect of the proportion of the
registered electors who usually vote in contested elections,
and into the causes of any such difference which might be
found to exist; likewise into the means by which elections
in very large constituencies are practically determined,
and into the expense incurred in conducting them.

The noble earl said as a bill had been introduced into the
other house for amending the representation of the people,
though the progress of the bill had not been very rapid, yet
he thought it would be advisable to appoint a committee,
whose investigations might enable their lordships to form
some opinion on the subject of tho proposed measure.
Returns had been already given to show the extent of
the alterations in the constituencies by lowering- the
franchise from £lO to £6 ; but many gentlemen capable
of forming an opinion considered those returns alto-
gether fallacious. Ashton was set down in one of these re•
turns as one of the boroughs whose constituency would
be increased in consequence of the alteration to
the extent of between 800 and 900 voters, but
a gentleman of great experience in the neighbourhood was
of opinion that the addition would be at least 2,000. With
respect to the increase of the number of voters in counties,
Government had given no information. The mere increase
of members was not the only subject which ought to occupy
their deliberations. There was no doubt the increase of
voters would be very numerous, but it was the duty of the
Legislature to see that that increase was fairly distributed.
(Hear.) It was necessary thei efore to consider whether it was
advisable that more very large constituencies should be
formed, because we had seen that the consequence of very
large constituencies was that a great number of voters never
exercised their right of voting. The expense of contesting
in certain boroughs was very large ; as much as £5,000 had
been spent by a single caodidate, but that was not the
whole extent of the evil. The great difficulty of inducing
a larger constituency to vote was because the more
intelligent part of the constituency felt that their
influence was overpowered by numbers, and this
led to their ahstaining altogether from voting,
and the result of such a circumstance was that the election •
was practically decided by the lower class of voters. He
felt it would not be an easy task to determine how this state
of things was to be altered, but if the committee for which
he moved was granted, some information might be elicited.
Let their lordships look at what took place in the United
States. It ought to be a warning to them. The great men by
whom the revolutionary war was brought to a close in that
country believed that they had framed a constitution which
would provide checks against the power of an unlimited de-
mocracy ; but every check which was then provided against
abuses had been, one after the other, swept away, until
there prevailed both in the federal and In the states govern-
ments a system of unchecked dominion of power. He be-
lieved that if the contemporaries of Washington could be
asked whether they would prefer the form of government
which ho had adopted, or that which now existed, the
answer would be, that they would not sanction the present
form at all. (Hear, hear.) It was clear that the first of
these changes had led to tho result which they now saw in
America. And how had those changes worked for the bene-
fit and happiness of the inhabitants of the United States ?
This was a subject which must be brought under their lord-
ships' notice, and it would be mere false delicacy to abstain
from stating those evils which now afflicted America, and
which her most enlightened citizens deplored. (Hear, hear.)
In the first place, it was admitted that the ablest and most
enlightened men in the United States were absolutely ex-
cluded
from all share in the government of the country,
that they had not any public functions or power, and that
they had no influence at all over the acts of the Govern-
ment. The whole power of the legislature and of the exe-
cutive had fallen into the hands of those men who did not
scruple to flatter the populace. (Hear.) That was clearly seen
by the acts of the executive and of the legislature. (Hear,
hear.) Of the l g-ilature of the United States what could be
said f Let theirlordships look at the manner in which the pro-
ceedings were carried on—the coarse vulgarity and the scenes
of actual and open violence which took place. (Hear, hear.)
In this country the legislature had swept away the system
of protection, and placed our revenue upon a system which
it was admitted was wise, sound, and beneficial; but while
public opinion had been strong enough to do this in Eng-
land, the people of-AmeriA. had, contrary to the wishes of
Congress, maintained the very narrowest system of ex-
ploded protection ; and at this moment the revenue laws of
the United States were of such a character that no man
could doubt they imposed a great and needless burden upon
the community for the benefit of a few persons—(hear)—
and, worse than that, the system had led to corruption be-
ing practised upon the most gigantic scale. That was ad-
mitted and deplored, but the system was not confined to one
set of men or party, but was shared in by all, and one of the
authorities who confirmed it he would venture to quote, the
President himself, who, in a letter of the 23d of February
last, pointed out the disastrous influence which the lavish
, expenditure of the public money would have upon the in-

stitutions of the country. But the system of corruption was
openly avowed, and it was said that to the victors for power
belonged the spoil, the meaning of which was that the now
president had to make a wholesale dismissal of the public
servants, without any consideration as to the fitness for em-
phimn in office. They heard of
acts
beeinntgoefotinhomsietltvedho placed
whichallet condemn. It appeared
that it was the practice to grant public lands in the Western
States for the purpose of encouraging the formation of rail.
ways. Those grants were obtained from Congress, and so
obtained, they wore used by the independent States in the
manner they, thought best, and it appeared that a railway
company in Wisconsin had really purchased the whole go-
vernment of that State. There were thirteen senators who
had received £35,000 amongst them, in sums from £2,000 to
£6,000. There were sixty members of. the Lower House
who had received from £l,OOO to £2,000 each, aid there were
only four members who voted for tho bill who had not been
bribed. (Laughter, and hear, hear.) The governor himself
had received £lO,OOO for his influence in passing the mea-
sure, and his secretary received £l,OOO. Even the clerks of
the house had received from £l,OOO to £2,000 each. Others
had received large sums of money, and the sum of £50,000
was placed for the acceptance of those who were called out-
siders. (Laughter.) This statement did not rest upon mere
rumour, but it was the result of an official inquiry by the legis •
lature, and the wholo transaction had been reported by a com-
mittee of the House of Representatives. Such was a state of
things which had arisen in the United States. (Hear, hoar.)
Bcfere lea'ving this subject there was another point to
which he wished to call attention. Ho hadltated that thu
President of the United States had, with the most praise-
worthy spirit, written a letter in which he had alluded ;to
the demoralising effects of the system described. He Wlas
sorry to say that the President himself was unable to resist
the effects of the system. There had been an inquiry jilt()
the state of the naval department of the United States, the
result of which had been the publication of certain docu-
mentst.
which no man could read without astonishme t.
Contracts had been habitually and avowedly made .for e
r romotion not of the public but of private interests. A
physician had been appointed to superintend the purchases
of coal, who knew nothing about coal, and never had any-
thing to do with purchasing it before, but who received the
. appointment in order that lle might_ share the profits with