The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-19 00:00:00

THE RECTIFICATION OF FRONTIER

A writer'in a pro-Russian paper, dated Vienna,
Jan. 13, says
; " Permit me to direct your attention to a matter
which just at present is deserving of close conside-
ration from its intimate connection with a point
raised by the Austrian propositions, i. e., the in-
tended rectification of the Turco-Russian frontier
in Bessarabia. Conjecture loses itself in its at-
tempts to discover a single reasonable pretext which
can justify so absurd a requirement. No one hero
has any difficulty, however, in determining the
Power to which it owes its origin.
Austrians who love their country see, with pain
and inquietude their Government hastening into
injurious political combinations, and justly re-
proach it with having cast a new obstacle, as irri-
tating as unexpected, in the way of pacific negotia-
tions. The demand of a cession of territory is a
direct demonstration of Austria against Russia.
Bessarabia (says the Austrian Gazette of this morn-
ing) is the glacis of Transylvania, and if Russia
would not give umbrage to Austria she must never
pass over the Dniester. One thus sees' that our
Government is already regarding Moldavia and
Bessarabia as natural dependencies of Transyl-
vania.

" Article Ist of the Austrian propositions de-
mands ' the rectification of the frontier, which,
starting from the neighbourhood of Chotym, shall
follow the line of mountains which extend in a
south-easterly direction, and shall terminate at
Lake Tsasyk. '
" Who can call this a rectification of the frontier ?
To rectify a frontier is evidently to substitute for
the purely artificial limits fixed by treaty the natu-
ral boundaries indicated by the configuration of
the ground, or the course of the rivers, or the
mountains ; but all that portion of Bessarabia com-
prised between the parallel streams of the Pruth
and the Dniester presents nothing but a plain, with
but few water-courses. The ramifications of the
Carpathians do not reach to Chotym, and the line
which from that city divides the tributaries of the
Pruth, with those of the Dniester, does not afford
any sensible foot, far less a mountain chain. In
this sloping chain, which bears in a great measure
the character of the steppe, the Pruth traces a fur-
row of division sufficiently embanked, and forms
thus ft natural, regular, and continuous boundary line
through the whole length of the Moldavian frontier._
To rectify' this frontier by substituting a boun

dary line, artificial and arbitrary, is absurd. A
territory whose limits, as marked out by nature,
show that it was designed to form a whole, would
by such a senseless plan be, as it were, torn to
rags, useless both to Turkey and to Russia. Would
such a line offer any defence to Moldavia ? Would
it not be a standing source of constantly-recurring
strife?

" The direction of this line is so very vaguely
indicated in the article in question that it may as
easily be understood to comprehend a narrow bor-
der the length of the Pruth, or two-thirds of Bes-
sarabia. If the proposed line is to commence
from the environs of Chotym,' is that fortress to
form part of the ceded territory, or will it remain
with Russia ? Chotym is a very important fortress.
In 1834, when the attitude of Austria was menacing,
it had a garrison of 16,000 meu. The fortress of
Ismail, which formerly had a population of 30,000
men, has lost a good deal of its importance. But
almost at its gates a new and flourishing town has
arisen, with a large population. This town, whose
very existence appears to be ignored by the
French maps, is called Toutchkoff. Its creation is
entirely Russian, yet being within the line of the
Tsasyk lake, would it not be equally comprised in
the cession demanded ?

In one word, the stipulation under notice, drawn
up after the contest, under the inspiration of a
power which wishes to turn the struggle to its ad-
vantage, has so much of vagueness and confusion
that one is tempted to set it down as a diplomatic
blunder. Those who drew it up have doubtless

consulted Lapie's map of Turkey published in 1822,
or that of the War Department of Vienna—the
latter being only a copy of the French map. In
these maps chains of mountains are set down any-
where, at the fancy of the designer. The Russian
maps do not represent the ground in relief. A
simple perusal of the works of Kohl, or of Prince
Demidoff, upon Southern Russia, will suffice to
show the errors of the maps which have probably
been consulted by those who drow up the article
for the proposed rectification of frontier.

COUNT ESTERHAZY'S INSTRUCTIONS.

Le Nord publishes the text of Count Buol's
despatch to Count Valentine Esterhazy, serving as
his instructions when conveying the Austrian
propositions to St. Petersburg. The following is
the note :

" Vienna, Dec. 16, 1855.
" The words whieh your Excellency has had the
honour of hearing from the Emperor's own lips
must have again confirmed to you the intentions
that have invariably guided the policy of his Ma-
justy during the different phases of the contest
now weighing so heavy on Europe. Unswervingly
constant to these same principles the Emperor
would have deemed himself unmindful of what is
due to his own people and the nations of Europe
had he allowed the present moment to escape when
a superior power imposes a virtual truce upon the
combatants, without making one last effort to open
new paths towards that peace which is evidently a
most urgent necessity for Europe. •
" Convinced, on the one hand, of the sincerity of
the declarations so repeatedly made by the Empe-
ror Alexander, that he was willing to assist in ar-
riving at any peace not repugnant to his own dig-
nity and the honour of his country, his Imperial
Majesty has felt himself called upon to employ his
best efforts in order to ascertain what degree of re-
ciprocity might await those inclinations at the
Courts of France and Great Britain. His Majesty
deigned in consequence to entrust to me the duty
of sounding the cabinets of Paris and London on

this subject. But while we found them most firmly
resolved not to initiate any pacific overtures, we
nevertheless have, to our great satisfaction, found
in these Cabinets a disposition such as to inspire
us with the hope that they will not refuse to exa-
mine and accept conditions of a nature to present
all the guarantees requisite for a serious and last-
ing peace, and to adjust satisfactorily the question
that gave rise to the war.
"Not merely this: we believe we are authorised in
expressing the hope that these powers, while main-
taining in its full force the right of presenting such
conditions of peace as may seem fitting to them,
would be no less disposed at this present time not
to deviate from the principle they laid down at the
commencement of the contest, which was not to
prosecute any private advantages, and to limit their
demands to the sacrifices necessary for reassuring
Europe against the return of a state of things so
deplorable and involved as the present.
" Encouraged by these signs, the Imperial Cabi-
net has not shrunk from the task of conscientiously
taking the present state of affairs into serious ac-
count, and of stating the bases on which, in its opi-
nion, the structure of a solid peace might be reared.
The four principles already accepted byßussia have
always appeared to us to be the best initial point.
Only,and for the sake of warranting the work of peace,
and especially of avoiding the rocks on which the
last conferences were wrecked, we have deemed it
indispensable to develope the four principles in such
a manner as to render them consonant with the
general interests of Europe and facilitate the final
agreement by a more precise definition.
" The fruib of this labour is contained in the
document subjoined, which, from the fact of its
acceptance by the belligerent powers, will acquire
a value tantamount to the preliminaries of peace.
The signature to these preliminaries would be im-
mediately followed by a general armistice and
definitive negotiations.
'" This labour baying been honoured with the
approbation of his Majesty the Emperor, your Ex-
cellency is charged with its presentation for accep-
tance_ by the court of Russia, adding, while doing
ee
chope,pie
o nwe
propositions our
so, the most pressing entreaties that weigh well
its contents and communicate, to us its determina-
tion, which we consider o f the greatest
abalse Wr
importance
t
to knowassomoneeats
withpossible.
a
fa t
shall lose no time in warmly recommending their
of
Paristhe and London, ex-
pressing n acceptance at
the
e thesame c courts rtti sme
that they will not use the right of eventually pre-
senting special conditions at the negotiations, save
in the interest of Europe, and to an extent such as
will not raise serious obstacles against the -re-esta-
blishment of peace.
" We entreat the court of Russia calmly to ex-
amine
the propositions we submit to it. We
shall . not enlarge on the grave consequences
that would be produced by a refusal to enter
the path we open for it a second time, in order
that an honourable reconciliation may be effected
—a refusal that would entail upon it the weight of
an immense responsibility. We prefer relying on
its wisdom to weigh well the opportunity now
offered.

" We believe we are now interpreting the wishes
and true requirements of Europe. It remains for
us to appeal to the exalted sentiments of the Em-
peror Alexander, whose supreme determination
will decide the fate of so many millions of beings.
" His Imperial Majesty will, we are firmly per-
suaded, choose the part which appears to us to be
the only one consistent with the real interests of
his own people, and with the wants of humanity.
" Receive, ic., ig Coun BuoL."