The Sun.
London, England, 1856-11-21 00:00:00

man having 501. in the savings' bank, but it must be there
for a certain time, so as to avoid its being paid in to create
a fictitious vote—and I would give a vote also to the clerk
who le a respectable man, with a salary of 501. a year, who
has obtained by his industry a status in society, £l3 well as to
the Mall who derivesa fair sum from the dividends of his own
earnings. I think it but fair and reasonable that a man
who is intelligent, has a status in society, and is interested
in the promotion of order and the security of property,
should be entitled to have a vote, and the right to select
his own representative to Parliament. But the extension
of the franchise would be valueless without the ballot.
(Cheers.) It becomes persecution to a man to give him the
vote unless you protect him in recordin,, it. (Hear, hear.)
Havinol had some little experience in these matters, I know
that inlimidation is resorted to, to far too great an extent;
and it is in my opinion useless to extend the franchise un-
less you give the voter the security of the ballot. (Cheers.)
The fanchise is a sacred trust for the benefit of the people,
and instances occur where men have not paid the rates
in order to disqualify themselves from being placed on the
register, from the fear of incurring loss or displeasure for
the honest and independent exercise of their lights—a
state of things which in a free country is a national dis-
grace. (Cheers.) They say, " Well, but voting by ballot is
un-English." So is intimidation. (Cheers.) Then they say
" Well, will you have a man vote in the dark ?" I answer
"yes, because you take care a man shall suffer if he votes

in the light." (Renewed cheering.) Ifa man is to record
a vote, and the next day somebody is to came up and say
" you voted for a commercial man, or for me I do not care
which, or for Mr. Pegler's candidate when he comes—
(great laughter)—aud I will teke my custom away from
you," it is a disgrace to a free country and the free spirit of
Englishmen. (Cheers.) lam in favour of the extension
of the franchise, because I believe the people are qualified
by their intelligence to be entrusted with the right of se-
lecting their own members for the Legislature —(cheers)—
brit it idle to give them that privilege unless you also
give them the opportunity of exercising it without danger
or injury to themselves. (Cheers.) Tae the question of
Church rates. If I had had the honour of being in Parlia-
ment, I would have voted for Sir William Clay's bill. I
think Church rates should be at once abolished, without
any equivalent and without any compromise. (Cheers )
I am a n ember of the Established Church, but I believe
that the* revenues of that Church, if fairly and properly
managed, are ample enough to sustain what I hope to live
to see—a resident clergyman in every parish. I wish to
see it, not merely in a spiritual point of view, but because
the residence of a clergyman has a good morel and
social effect upon the parishioners. (Cheers.) The revenues
of the Church are ample enough, and you have no right to
tax dissenters for the luxury of Church worship. If you
want the Church worship to be attended by luxurY, pay
for it yourselves. (Cheers) I always have been, and al ways
will be, a most strenuous advocate for the total and
uuconditio aal repeal of church rates, inflicting as they do
an impost unjust and odious on the dissenters. (Loud
cheers.) Civil and religious liberty is not yet thoroughly
accomplished and perfect in this country whilst the Jew
is excluded from Parliament. (Cheers.) No man ought to
be excluded from Parliament on the ground of difference
of religion—(cheers)— and nothing can be more absurd than
the argument in favour of the exclusion of Jews. I had
recently the honour of being present at an entertainment
given to Mr. Alderman Salomons, the late Lord Mayor of
London, and I had the pleasure of hearing presented to
him the highest testimonial ever accorded to a commercial
man. (Hear.) The wealth of the city rendered him their
homage, and testified their esteem and respect for him, and
their deep appreciation of the manner in which he had per-
formed the duties of his high office. (Hear.) He was a
Privy Councillor during his Mayoralty, and yet he could
not be member of Parliament afterwards—an anomaly ab-
surd and ridiculous. (Hear.) The House of Lords have
rejected the Jews because they believed the public feeling
was not yet strong enough ; and our history tells us that
the House of Lords will oppose public opinion while it is
weak, but will give way when it is strong, and I believe
that will be the result in this instance. (Cheers.) I men-
tioned to you the question as to crime, and it is one which
is attracting great attention. I have had the opportunity
of devoting a little attention to this matter, and I have
come to the conviction that the criminal law requires at
the hands of statesmen much revision. Look about you in
the world, and see how our criminals are made. Perhaps,
in walking along the streets of London, you see a poor little
half-clad boy, with a broom in his hand. That poor little
wretch has no education—perhaps has nowhere to sleep -
no home to shelter him ; some important policeman comes
up and moves this unhappy child from door-step to door-
step, until at last, having no home, he has to sleep under
the canopy of heaven, and there he takes his rest ; and as
he sleeps under the glimmering stars be wonders, perhaps,
whether God has inflicted so much misery in other and
brighter worlds. (Cheers.) In the morning he is taken
to the police court, and imprisoned for a month for sleep-
ing in the open air. That boy is the ticket-of-leave man
when twelve years older. (Great sensation.) 1 have seen
it and watched it. He is taken to gaol and made the asso-
ciate of felons, and he comes out the hardened criminal.
Crime—as the statistics of it prove—is eating, like the
canker-worm, into the vitals of society, and the question
of its reformation and its punishment is almost more im-
portant, in a social point of view, than some of the political
questions of the day. (Cheers.) It must be approached
and looked at with a bread and statesman-like view, in
reference to the education of the child and its reformation.
Can a lawyer advocate that? He can. (Cheers.) Has not
a lawyer experience from his criminal practice ? (Hear.)
Can a lawyer attend before a committee and propound
these views? He can, if he is honest and sincere; and why
are you to say he is not, merely because he is a lawyer ?
Upon the question of education I am aware of the difficul-
ties to be encountered, and it is one which must be ap-
proached in a statesman-like and comprehensive spirit ?
Until we shall have a system totally unsectarian, se as to
interfere with the religious feelings of no sect, I will be
an advocate for the voluntary principle. I will not
support a system which instructs the child, bat at the
same time offends the religious prejudices of its parents.
As to continental politics, I believe and hope the alliance
between France and England is sincere. We know that
there are powers at work to detach France from her alle-
giance, and we have lately had differences which the pub-
lic journals tell us are healed. In the present system of
secret diplomacy, there are so many moves on the diplo-
matic chess-board that nobody knows what is going on.
At one time Austria is allied with us, and as we saw the
other day, keeping her troops in a position to take the same
view of the treaty as England did, and supporting England
against what might turn out to be a rupture with France.
You all very well know that Austria supported us ; but is
Austria any friend to the liberties of Europe ? (No.) Look
at Italy ! (Cheers.) Look at Hungary ! Look at Naples !
For wherever you see liberty endeavouring to assert her
rights, there you see Austria hovering with her troops to
suppress the first blush of nascent liberty. (Great cheer-
ing.) It may be politic to have the alliance of Austria on
occasions of difficulty, but is she to be relied upon as sin-
cere to England when liberty is at stake? (Cries of " No,"
" Hear," and " Where was England?") I say England was
where she ought not to have been—reposing on her arms, a
silent spectatress of the partition of Poland. Now, in the
present position of our foreign relations, with the difficul-
ties with which we may be surrounded, and no man being
able to foretell whence or how soon a storm may come, I
venture to think Witt the statesman entitled to the confidence
of the English pe )ple is Lord Palmerston. (Cheers.) It is said
that Lord Palmerston has done nothing for the liberties
of the people ; but I believe he will, and I will tell you
why. Lord Palmerston, I believe, thoroughly understands
public opinion and the genius of this great people. He
has done more to uphold the national dignity and honeur
of England, and to maintain the liberties of Europe against
despotism, than any statesman since the days of Chatham.
(Cheers.) European despotism trembles at the name of
Palmerston; and I have a right to infer, from a man who
has done so much for the cause of liberty in Europe, that,
when he finds the opinions of the people of this country so
much in favour of onward progress, and social and political
advancement, he cannot, will not, and shall not stop—
(loud cheers)—and I can hear no one say that in the present
emergency there is any Minister or any Statesman in whom
the public should place so much confidence as in Lord
Palmerston. (Cheers.) A statesman who will secure and
promote liberty abroad will not retard political improve-
ment at home. (Great cheering.) I am opposed to the grant
to Ma 3 nooth; but, understand me—l will not support Mr.
Spooner's, or any other such motion, which I believe is
dictated by religions bigotry and intolerance. (Hear.) Jf
ever I have the honour of a seat in Parliament, and that
question is proposed, I will move, upon the principle that
I am opposed to all endowments from the State for religi-
ous purposes, that the whole question should be considered
in a large and comprehensive view. I will not support
Mr. Spooner's motion, because it is instigated by bigotry
and intolerance. I will not set Ireland in a flame by an
act of injustice; but will support a motion to consider, in
a statesmanlike view, the whole question of religious
endowments, with which will be involved the question
—an important one, which has been too long delayed—
namely, how far the Established Church in Ireland is
adapted to the spiritual wants of the people. (Immense
cheers.) I have now stated to you my opinions on what I
believe will be the great questions of the day, and I shall
be perfectly ready to answer any questions you may put
to me. I believe that the Government of my Lord Pal-
merston is strong. I believe that he will meet the house
with a very large majority, and what is called a strong
Government. It is when a Government is strong that
measures for the improvement of the people ought to be
proposed, for when you have party spirit running high,
factious differences, and narrow majorities, it is not the
time for considering and deciding upon great social and
political improvements. (Hear, hear.) The time, in my
humble opinion, is at hand for great social and political
improvements. Our march must be onward. The thought
and the feeling of the English people decree it. (Cheers.)
I have expressed to you somewhat hurriedly my views
upon the general topics of the day and my political senti-
ments, and it is because I believe that they are io unison
with those of the majority of the electors of this important
borough that I aspire to the honour ofrepresenting you in
Parliament, in the place of one whose talents have adorned
the Legislature—in whom you, upon six different occa-
sions, renewed your confidence—(cheers)—who, though he
may have offended some of you upon minor points, has
done honour to your representation—(cheers)--and who
will, I am sure, recur with feelings of great pride and gra-
titude to the time when he was intrusted by you in Parlia-
ment with the political, social, and commercial interests of
this great borough. (Loud and long continued cheering.)
An ELECTOR—WiII you vote for the Ballot, to protect
the voter?

Mr. JAMES—I have already answered that question. I
will. (Cheering.) _ _

Mr. IrouNG---7V(That is your view of capital punishments ?
Mr. JAMES—I'II tell you candidly. Ido really think
now that it would be dangerous to abolish capital punish-
ment in cases of murder. I have given very anxious at-
tention, I assure you, to the subject. lam aware of the
whole system of secondary punishments ; but I think we
have seen lately such instances of utter recklessness of
human life, and such outrages upon the person, as to con-
vince us that this. is not the period for considering the
question,of the abolition of capital punishments.
Mr. WILLIAM LANKEsTER asked lir. James's opinion as
to the necessity of a modification or repeal of the income
tax?

Mr. JAMES—I think nothing has been more unfair than
the system on which the income tax has been assessed
upon small incomes derived from industry. I think they
bear no relation whatever to the income derived from as-
certained and realised property: The income derived from
industry is precarious, and subject to the accident of a
man's health, and sickness coming on, and disabling him.
Nothing would give me greater pleasure than to assist in
the modification of that principle. I believe it to be most
unjust.
An ELECTOR—What is your opinion of the Game
Laws?
*
MR. JAMES —I think the GaineLaws, wimnadualnistered
to the
with severity become obnoxious. lam not opposed
fair preservation of game on a gentleman's own estate,
being careful that it does no injury to the farmer—(lcar)—
but I would not vote for a total abrogation of the Game
Laws.
Mr. JAMES TUCKER—WiII you give us your opini
to au obnoxious tax now g
collected in the Para& of
being
Holyrood, calledo.n as.
Ministers' Dues?
Mr. JAMES —I think they should share the same fate al