The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-17 00:00:00

dangers.

The Standard thinks that a most important example
has been fuznished by the Preston strike. It illustrates a
double truth. The first is, that in the greatest manufac-
turing county of England a feeling has set in—which the
Preston committee calls " apathy "—hostile to strikes;
the second is that the operatives, although conducting
themselves with infinite forbearance and submission, have
utterly failed to carry their point, and instead of increas-
ing have lowered the rate of wages. It is true that a rem-
nant of them still announce their resolve to prolong the
conflict, and that some hope exists of emigration plans
relieving the distressed population. But how much has been
paid for this battle ; how much by the weavers themselves;
and how much by the ratepayers ? It is a healthy sign
of the times that a sentiment is growing up in the eastern
and southern divisions of Lancashire against this practice,
so irrational as towards the employer and so cruel as
towards the employed. Preston has been famous for its
strikes. Not one of them has ever triumphed. Not one
of them has ever added a permanent penny to the wages
of the working man. All have left behind them desola-
tion and regret. Will the lesson at last be understood?
We look at that great industrial town, and there are
thousands in it who could tell us, now that the battle has
been fought out to its bitter end, that they gained nothing
by it ; that, on the contrary, they have incurred unhappy
losses ; and that, above all, the teeming counties round
them refuse to take a share in the strafe, and are advting
new theories of industrial economy.

The Post declares that, viewed from a proper standpoint,
the bill for creating County Financial Boards is certainly
not open to the charge of being, either directly or indirectly,
mischievous. The bill introduced by Mr. Knatchbull-
Hugessen simply provides for the engrafting of a small
modicum of the representative system up ,n the existing
magisterial mode of government in counties. The
proposed arrangement may be productive of good.
In some counties there is much better management
of local affairs than in other ; and the admission to
the boards of men practically acquainted with the
requirements and working arrangements of their several
districts might often tend to a more satisfactory despatch
of business than would otherwise be found practicable.
In 1850 Mr. Milner Gibson introduced a bill, pro.
posing the formation of Financial Boards, composed,
as in the case of the present bill, partly of guar-
dians and partly of magistrates. A select committee, how-
ever, negatived the preamble of the bill, on the ground
that the management of the county magistrates was
already " economical and efficient." Another bill, the
same year, was rejected also. In 1851 a somewhat similar
bill was introduced, but it was negatived on the second
reading. Public opinion was evidently not ripe for the
proposed change, and the question *as scarcely again
agitated at all until last year, when two bills on the sub-
ject were brought into the House of Commons. These
were referred to the select committee presided over by
Colonel Wilson-Patten,. which recommended that the
wishes of the ratepayers should be gratified ; and from
the reception the Government bill received there can be
little doubt that what is right in principle, is desired by the
taxpayers, and is incapable of mischief, will at last be
carried out.

The Herald, in referring to Mr. Galt's speech, says that
at a time when the temper of the Americans has become
so threatening that even Mr. Goldwin Smith is no longer
safe in the country of his preference it is of peculiar im-
portance to us to be accurately informed of the feeling of
the Canadians in respect to the claims which have been
advanced against us by Mr. Sumner. To both sides in
the controversy the real, if not the only, object to be
regarded is Canada. It is Canada which the Americans
covet ; it is Canada which alone is the source of England's
anxiety. The big words of Mr. Sumner have no terrors
for us, save in so far as they threaten the security
of our North American provinces. Any war
between England and the United States is only. so far
a matter of anxiety to the former as that it commits her
to the defence of the Canadian frontier. In no other part
is England vulnerable, and if any hostilities, which may
God forbid, break out between Great Britain and America,
they must quickly be resolved into a war for the posses-
f4on of Canada. That England is bound to defend Canada,
and that she will be pr.2pared to do so in the event of the
quarrel being carried to the point of war, we suppose few
Englishmen will deny. If, indeed, by her own choice,
she should prefer to cast her lot with the United States,
then let her go with a blessing. Such a conclusion
to the difficulty would be a good deal disconcerting
to those who expect to seize her by way of revenge,
and in satisfaction of a pecuniary claim ; but to England
it would be perfectly acceptable. A parting from Canada,
if effected in an amicable spirit, would be no loss, perhaps,
to either side—certainly not to England. In these cir-
cumstances we have but one duty and one policy. To
defend Canada against the United States, with the Cana-
dians opposed or indifferent to the British connection,
would be impossible. To defend Canada at our own cost
and by our own means would be very difficult, and would
not be just to the people of this country. But if the
Canadians are willing and ready to take their share of
the work of defence—if they arc loyal, as they profess to
be, to the empire—we not only believe that we.onglit to
undertake their defence, but that we shall be able to do
so with every reasonable prospect of succesS.

. The Daily Ycic3 says that while Roman Catholics and
Anlicans, like rival litigants, arc asserting their claims to
be considered the lawful successors of St. Patrick, historic
Criticism, as the final court of appeal, slims sonic inclina-
tion to get rid of the dispute, after thy li:iv:o'er of
an estate swallowed up in costs, by resolymz t;:e saint
into a myth. 11Thate7er ;nay I ecome of St. Patrick, the
real patron saint of Ireland is Daniel O'Connell.
The homage which w.ts paid to hiS memory by
the ceremonial of Frii:ay was natural and becoming.
Ten th nisaml of his fellow countrymen followed the collie
of O'Connell to its last ruAing-place. Among them were
the first Roman CathOlie Lord Chancellor of Ireland and
Cardinal Cullen. Their prcsen tn.! was a fitting homage to
the man to whom chiefly Catholic emancipation was due.
The time of the celebration had also a certain appro.
Tulateness. The great measure which is to remove the
last vestige of. ecclesiaitical ascendency in Ireland.
and to do away with that great historic wrong
with which during the earlier and better part of
his career O'Connell waged partially successful war,
has received the assent of the people of England and of
their representatives. It is well that those who are about
to reap the harvest should remember the labourer who
toiled in the midday heat. Curiously, but naturally, the
very measure which completes one part of O'Connell's
work contributes to snake therest•void. The act of justice
which will remove the ilaat symbol Of Roman Catholic
inferiority in Ireland buries pore deeply in the limbo of
abortive projects all scheuleslfor the repeal of the Union.

_AIISCL u5.,4-v

THE CASTING or THE DIE.

The John Bull, which is usually well-informed.,
"understands that, on the motion for the second !
reading of the Irish Church Bill in the House of
Lords, the Earl of Derby will move that it be read a
second time that day six months." No doubt the
ex-Premier has been encouraged to take that step by
the attitude which certain Whig Lords, notably Earl
Russell and Lord Westbury, have recently assumed
towards the Government. It is a most serious
decision, the most serious since the Lords threw out
Earl Grey's Reform Bill.
Archdeacon Denison writes to the above journal
earnestly recommending the Conservative peers not
to adopt the course which a week ago it was believed
that they would adopt—that of suffering the Irish
Church Bill to be read a second time. The Arch-
deacon (who some time ago prophesied that it would
be necessary to fight with carnal weapons in behalf
of that Church) says that the course referred to
would be the one course which would make him
finally despair of Church and State. Let the Peers
throw the bill out boldly, and " give the people dine
to come to their senses." If they will not do that,
their own order and the Church in England are
doomed. It must be confessed that Archdeacon
Denison does prophesy when he is about it.

LANDLORD TYRANNY IN.
WALES.
If the landlords of "Wales are not more cautious,
next session may witness a land-law for the Princi-
pality as well as for Ireland. The state of Ireland
just now ought to act as a sufficient warning to those
who have power over tenants. But the impolicy
of tyranny has not yet been • taaght to land-
owners. In Ireland the abuse of power
has made the life of an owner of property
insecure, has called forth from the tenants a very
powerful demand that the land shall be handed ever
to them. The tenants of Wales are more cool, more
logical maybe, but the landlords there may also go
too far—have indeed done so already., From state-
ments made at a meeting of Liberal members
of ParliaMent, it appears that the Conservative
landlords in many parts of Wales are serving notices
to quit on the tenants who voted for the Liberals or
remained neutral at the last election. One member
stated that as many as two hundred tenants had
received such notices. This is just the way to
strengthen the hands of those who are energetically
arguing that there can be no property in superlicies.