The Sun.
London, England, 1860-05-16 00:00:00

2.14.5
7.4.0

RIMS,

TILE RZI).E.-IL OF :FHB PAPER I) UTIES.

(From the Times.)
It is a thousand pities that genius and fancy
have no influence over the common rules of aria;
metic. What a comfort it would be if w. could
transport ourselves for good and all into that poetic
world where there is always a rich old uncle in the
fifth act or the third volume, where the high-
spirited, noble-minded, money-despising hero has
not to scrape and hoard and do mean things, but
can exercise without a restraint all the promptings
of his generous heart! How many a noble idea
perishes for lack of that sordid, base, contemptible
lucre ! In the poetic world our men of genius can
happily create wealth more easily than they can
create ideas • but in the real world we almost
always see them balancing some antithesis, with a
bulky intellect at one end and an empty purse at
the other. Those hard logical laws of arithmetic
will hold their own. Goldsmith could make every-
body comfortable at the Wakefield Vicarage, but
it. could not clear off that matter-of-fact milk score.
Alassinger could give a fortune to Wellborn, but he
..ould not pay his own reckoning at the Mermaid.
Poor Otway could change the fortunes of Venice
At his will, but he could not contrive to keep him-
self from starving. Want of means does not check
our genius, limit our aspirations, curb our imagina•
tion, or even bridle our desires, for nothing is so
exuberant as the imagination of a beggar, but, un-
happily, it altogether prevents our reducing those
magnificent dreams into realities. Thus it has
been with poets and orators of all ages, and thus
it just now is, as we observe from a report which
we publish this morning, with Mr. John Bright.
It is a little matter of £1,400,000 which just now
makes the difficulty against which Mr. Bright is
surging in eloquence, and which he is seeking to
crush, and powder, and annihilate by explosions of
wrath. Mr. Bright has an idea, not, perhaps, very
original or very special, for it has long since been
public property, and we all entertain it with a
greater or lesser degree of impatience and enthu
siasm. With Mr. Bright the enthusiasm is very
strong indeed. With him the repeal of the Paper
Duties is connected with the success of his nearest
desires. No one knows what he has not done for
this, or what he does not expect from this, or how
much he has not restrained himself for this, or how
much.his mind has not been softened towards the
present Ministry for this. At last he is entering
upon full fruition; when, lo! Lord Derby comes
upon him, just as Goldsmith's landlady might have
come in at the half-finished last chapter among the
happy Primroses, and presents that terrible score.
Lord Derby insists it cannot be done. He declares
that if Mr. Bright could pay for poetic justice with
poetic money it would be all very well ; but that
when it is to be paid for by hard prosaic cash it is
necessary to see whether the nation can afford it.
Here is the position. Mr. Bright has very nearly
run his fox to a standstill ' • the creature's brush
already hangs dank upon the ground ; one more
fence, one more field, and the vermin is copped up.
Just at this vexatious moment appears Lord Derby
at the hedge, and, pitchfork in hand, and
in the character of the true British farmer,
warns Mr. Bright to move off, and not to ride over
his young taxes. Mr. Bright, as everybody who
knows him will anticipate, instead of drawing rein,
goes right at him, with what result is yet to be
seen.

There was, last night, an indignation meeting at
St. Martin's-hall, and when Lord Derby reads the
names of the influential men there assembled surely
he will repent in sackcloth and fishes. Sergeant
Parry was in the chair. Air. Bright and Mr. Lea-
tham, and seven other M P.'s, with two paper
makers, were recognisable upon the platform. The
body of the hall was full of her Majesty's lieges,
who were all gathered together from those who pass
about twilight through the thoroughfares of
Covent-garden. Such was the assembly. The ob-
ject was, as the placards outside made know,n, to
terrify the Lords from any interference with the
Paper Duties Bill. There were not many bankers,
not many merchants, nbt many professional men,
not, perhaps, very many tradesmen, possibly not a
great many ratepayers. But, then, there were the
platform eleven—the St. Martin's-hall eleven
against all England. They were not exactly the
class of minds which have bent all England to their
following in other days, but they were very earnest.
When the chairman promised the meeting to use
" his mildest and most temperate language," he could
find nothing in his mind more dovelike than that "the
House of Lords was an obvious anomaly among the
institutions of a free country." Mr. Bright, con-
fessing once more that he did not know where to find
or how to get hold of the British Constitution,
proceeded to lecture his audience upon it, and to
deny. the rie-ht of the House of T.nrcic to negative
this bill, and to assert its moral responsibility for
all the losses that may be sustained by some of Mr.
Bright's friends who had speculated upon their
allowing it to pass. We quit agree with Mr.
Bright,--not that there is anything "impudent
and insolent" in the conduct of the House of Lords
if they should refuse to repeal a tax, but that this
is not a thing to be lightly done. We are afraid,
however, if the Lords can make out to the satisfac-
tion of the public that without this tax we shall
not be able to pay our way, the honest sober-going
folk who make Parliaments will be inclined to say
the Lords are right, and that the tax ought not to
be. repealed, and shake their heads at Mr. Bright's
magnificent periods about " a million is as nothing
compared with the inestimable blessings," &c, All
this is very well, but millions are millions, and
Jove will not annihilate space and time even to
make Mr. Bright happy.
When we read these proceedings we are almost
tempted to ask whether it can be that Mr. Bright
does really wish the repeal of these Paper Duties.
Is it possible that his intellect can be so small, with
a power of expression so great, as not to perceive
that he is pursuing the only course which could
prevent the accomplishment of what he desires ?
With moderate and temperate proceedings there can
be no doubt that these Paper Duties must go. No
class, as we believe, now wishes permanently to re-
tain them. They must come off; the sooner the
better, for the state of transition is, as the Emperor
of the French reminds his people, always a stage of
suffering. We hope the House of Peers will not
interfere with the repeal of the Paper Duties, but
that they have the constitutional right to reject or
pass any bill presented to them we cannot doubt.
Mr. Bright, it seems, proposes to frighten the Lords
by denying their right, and he carries out his pro-
ject by calling together a roomfull of London mob,
and setting up a gentleman to tell them that the
House of Peers is an anomaly in a free country,
and that " if it venture to usurp any of the privi-
leges of the House of Commons or of the people, the
days of hereditary legislation are numbered. Mr.
Bright, in his own address, uses a somewhat more
mitigated form of language, but it is scarcely less
insulting. Now, we tremble when we see -such
allies as these acting for us. If we thought that
either we ourselves or Mr. Bright were so entirely
free from all interest in this matter as to make it
decent to put pressure upon the House of Lords—
which, as we have often said, we do not think— we
should still believe it a most impolitic course to adopt.
There is no strong public opinion behind us to sus-
tain such a pressure. Look at the House of Com-
mons, with its majority of 10, and even that narrow
victory a party vote to keep the Ministers in their
places. There is no fuel in the country for a
paper duties' agitation to the extent of frightening
the peers. Moreover, English gentlemen do not
like to have these experiments tried upon them.
Our chief reliance is that Lord Derby and his
friends may have too much contempt for this
miserable rushlight conflagration to resent it. But
we entreat Mr. Bright to let us have this boon, now
we are so near to it. He has made Parliamentary
Reform next to impossible; another of these St.
Martin's-hall fire-damps, and he will have done the
same good office for the paper duties' repeal.

(From the Horning Herald.)
Last night the9ars of the metropolitan democracy
were tickled by an address from Mr. Bright on the
"usurpation proposed by Lord Derby to the House
of Lords, in the retention of the tax on paper inde-
pendent (sic) of the House of Commons and the
Crown." Mr. Sergeant Parry was in the chair,
and the assembly was of course all that could be
desired for the proper discussion of the constitu-
tional privileges of the Peers. The threatened op-
position of the Lords to the repeal of the paper duty
was denounced as derogatory to the dignity of the
Crown, subversive of the privileges of the House of
Commons and of the rights of the people, and calcu-
lated to impair the authority of the House of Lords.
Judged by its own printed propositions nothing
could be more promising than the objects of the
meeting. Respect for the Crown, for the Commons,
and for the Lords, was apparently the mainspring
of its action. So far from being hostile to an heredi-
tary peerage, it assembled in order to preserve its
authority; so far from cherishing any feeling of op-
position to the Crown, it was resolute in asserting
its prerogative. Its obvious intention, according
to the programme, was to reconcile the rights of
the three estates and to avert collision,—above all,
to protect the Lords from the evil consequences that
might result if they presumed to become an active
portion of the Legislature. However, if the intent
was pacific, Mr. Bright disappointed it. St. Mar-
tin's Hall is not very far from St. Stephen's, but it
is.quite far enough to adßit of a complete change
of character in the member for Birmingham—and
last night this gentleman let loose the pent-up
torrent of his indignation, and fairly surpassed his
ordinary efforts of abuse and slander upon that one
Rtumbling-block in his path—the hereditary House
of Peers.
Mr. Bright is boiling over with indignation be-

cause the House of Lords are determined to chec
Mr. Gladstone in his career of reckless improvi-
dence: All his argrunents in favour of the abolition
of the tax on paper were thrown away, because the
House of Lords generally, we doubt- not, shares the
opinion which Lord Derby has expressed, " that
the impost is objectionable in principle and in-prac-
tice." But there is every probability that two-titil
of the peers would say the same of the war duties
on tea and sugar in a time of peace, and scarcely a
peer could be found who would not speak out still
more strongly against the income tax. -Mr. Bright,
with an unfairness which has become his charac-
teristic, purposely omits to notice the motives
on which the opposition of Lord Derby and
Lord Monteagle is founded ; and with en
effrontery for which journalism can scarcely find
a fitting epithet, persists in imputing it to a sordid
desire on the part of the aristocracy to prevent the
political education of the people. Now, we should
like Mr. Bright to answer this question : which
does more for the instruction of the masses—the
order to which he belongs, or the aristocracy etieh.
he abuses ? As to the term political instruct ion, in
the sense in which it is interpreted by Mr. Bright
and his organ, we confess the masses are quite as
well without it. But ifras we believe, the S issemi-
nation of sound and useful information be the best
groundwork of the instruction which shall fit a man
to take his part in that sphere of political life to
which he is called, then we hesitate not to say that
for one earnest mover of Mr. fright's class we Wi 1
find fifty in the class against which he endeavours
to excite popular passion. Those who live in glass
houses should not throw stones. Mr. Bright's
boasted efforts for the elevation of the masses con-
trasts but sadly with his absence on the Dyers and
Bleachers Bill, with his resistance to the Ten Hours
Bill, and with the present movement of his own
operatives. Let him cast out the mote from his
own eye before he so readily and wilfully misinter-
prets the motives of his-neighbours.' -.'
Mr. Bright was stimulated last night by three or
four considerations. If the paper duty goes Mr: Glad-
stone goes with it, and with Mr. Gladstone vanish
those financial schemes enunciated at Liverpool, and
faintly' shadowed forth in the Budget of 1860. But
there is a possibility that the Cabinet itself will not
survive the blow. Rumour asserts that-more than
one member of the Cabinet is looking forward to
a verdict from the.-Upper House which they are
powerless to give, and • that, with the rejection of
the Paper Duty Bill, the Coalition Cabinet itself
will receive its quietus. We do not so lightly esti-
mate Whig tenacity. But the reflection has evi-
dently forced itself on Mr. Bright's mind, or he
would not have involved himself in so gross a mis-
statement as to represent Lord Derby's guiding
principle a desire for' pace, or have so far trifled
with the convictions of his audience as to declare
that the accession of thiS nobleman to power would
probably involve the country in a war in less than
twelve months. Twelve months ! Why, if Mr.
Bright does not know it, the nation knows, that it
is not safe under the present Ministry, and in front
of the surging tide of complications now advancing
on us, for twelve weeks. But the question. is not
for the decision of Mr. Bright or the meeting at 5.‘.
Martin's Hall. The Lords have to discuss a bill
-ent up to them in. due course by the Commons, and
they will decide without regard to the eventualities •
which Mr. Bright suggests. Nobody can honestly.
accuse Lord Monteagle or Lord Overstone of a 'de-
sire to overthrow the Whig Ministry; and indeed
the defeat of the bill by the Lords cannot be con-
strued as a censure which should render ofilee:un-
tenable its proposers. It may suit Mr. Bright -
an 4 Mt:filAdstone to 'look forward to the Exchequer
in a lawless- state of bankruptcy. But it is plainly
the duty of the Lords to protect the country 1.1.11 in-A
the ruin that is threatened ; and from the pert'forrn• -
ante of that duty the wrath of Mr. Bright will not
frighten them.
We are told that the House of Lords has no right
to meddle with the question, and that in presuming
to interfere it encroaches upon the prerogative of the
Crown as well as the privileges of the Commons.
Now, in the first place, it requires a powerful stretch
of imagination to perceive that the prerogative of
the Crown is at all affected. The assent of the
Crown has yet to be given ; and for the Lords to
refuse their assent to the remission of an impost
can be, in sober reality, no greater encroachment
on the Crown's sights than to reject a Reform Bill
announced from the throne. But the pretended
vioiation of the privileges of the Commons is equally
illusory. This is not a supply bill. It is not a
propoiition of the Lords to raise additional taxation.
The taxis already imposed, and the Lords only
exercise their constitutional right in rejecting the
bill proposing its remission in face of the serious
deficiency which is looming in the future. On ene
mies, however, we must plainly contradict Mr.
Bright. He states that the House of Peers has not
exercised such a right as it now claims for 200
years. Now he has evidently referrc d to Lord Derby's
speech in 1853 on the Succession Duty, and we will
recall his attention to the same speech. It is true
Lord Derby's precedent was not a question of re-
jecting, but of amending, a Money bill ; but this
fact supplies us at once with an a fortiori argument,
for the bill to which the noble lord referred was a
money bill, and it was actually amended, nut
simply rejected, by the Upper House :
" He remembered one instance of which he had
been reminded in the course of that day by a noble
lord who entertained a very strong objection to the. ,
principle of this bill, but who was absent on account -
of a domestic calamity. That noble lord, when' he
filled the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, had
introduced a bill, as a measure in his budget, for
the purpose of varying and altering the stamp du-
ties. - An amendment was made in their lordships'
house, materially affecting the character of that
bill with regard to the budget. The bill so amended
was sent down to the Commons ; the other house,
it was true, did not assent to it, or accept their lord-
ships' alterations; but, though technically they
did not do so, they moved that the bill, as amended,
should be laid aside; they then suspended the
standing' orders, and reintroduced a bill totidem
verbis , the same as the amended bill which had
been sent down to them; and, having passed it
through all its stages, sent it up as a new bill to
their lordships, and being passed in the shape so
sent, became in due course the law of the land."
In the course of the same debate the Earl. of
Aberdeen alluded to another precedent in the year
1826, when the Lords introduced amendments in
Mr. Canning's corn bill, which the Commons ac-
cepted. Precedent., therefore, is against Mr. Bright,
and reason is still more so. It is absurd enough to
suppose that the House of Lords is to sit idle and
make no protest against the extravagance of the
Chancellor:of the Exchequer, merely because Mr.
Bright chooses to term the measure a money bill ;
but it is still more unreasonable to grant the House
of Lords the power of discussion, and to acknow-
ledge its legislative functions, and at the same time
deny its right to reject a bill which has only been
carried by a haphazard majority of nine in the
Lower House.

THIS DAYS' SHIPPING.

LONDON, May 16.—Wind this day at noon-South-
West; strong breeze, and cloudy, with rain at times.
PLYMOUTH, May 16.-4Vind W.S.W.—Arrived—
Sequent°, from Havannah. Sailed—Her Majesty's steamer
Himala3 a, for Portsmouth.

NEWPORT, May 15.—Wind S W.—Arrived.—Harvest
Queen, from Havre for Rio Janeiro. Sailed—Almondo,
for Singapore.

BRISTOL, May 'l5.—Wind N.W.—Arriyed—Morning
Star, from Callao; Trinidad, and Casilda, from Trinidad
de Cuba.

WATERFORD, May 14.—Wind S.W.—Arrived—Augus-
tin Brewer, from Now Orleans.
QUEENSTOWN, May 14.—Arrived—Duchess of Lan-
caster, from Iquique ; Triumph, from Mauritius ; Ama-
teur, from Monte Video; Morton Castle, from Rio Radio ;
Star of the East, from Pana. Sailed—Philip Laing, for
Colombo.

OFF THE LIZARD, May 15.—Arrived—Delvie, sohooner,
from New York for Bremen.

(BY ELEOTBIC TELEGRAPH.)
SOUTILAMPTON, Wednesday Morning.

Wind W.
Foyle, steamer, from Dublin; Nancy, from
May 15—Bore, from Odessa; Charlotte, from
NG uoAae
trr nhr i.sveey
d
Sailed, May 15—James Kennedy, for Cardiff; rCa Argyl ;
l,
steamer, for
Jn ; Foyle, steamer, for London
Courier, steamer, for sey ;Le Coq, for Cherbourg.
(BY SUBMARINE AND BRITISH TELEGRAPH.)
LIVERPOOL, Wednesday Morning.

Wind W. S. W.
Arrived, May 15--Anna D rotbea, and Star of the
South, from Bombay ; Nepaul, from Callao ; Morning Star,
from Buenos Ayres ; Caroline, from Pernambuco ; Harry
Clem, from Paraiba ; Ocean Guide, from Galveston ;
Hartley, from Apalachicola ; Segredo, from St. Michael's ;
Iburno 11., from Alex- ndria ; Leo Thomas, from Aveiro ;
Lemanie, from Ostend; Idea, from Seville; Lucy, from
Mauritius.
from
Arrived, May M.—Dragoon, Jno. Parker, and Medallion,
New Orleans ; Hero, from Charleston; Trebizonde,
from Alexandria Camilla, from Rio Hache ; Antartic,
from New York; Osprey, steamer, from Rotterdam."

GRAVESEND, Wednesdaorning.
Wind W.; tide five and a halfhouta! flood ; weather tine.
Arrived, May 15—Gibson Craig, from Bombay.
Arrived, May IC—Mary and Kate, from Antigua.
Sailed, May 15—Andreas, from Uleaborg.
Sailed, May 16—Adelaide, for Alicante; T. O. V., for
Malta; Lavinia, for Bangkok; Zeus, for Archangel.
DEAL, Wednesday Morn? ng.

Wind W.S.W., light.
Passed—Honduras, from Demerara; Sir James Rose,
from Matanzas; Spectator, from Demerara—all 'for Lon-
don.
Passed, in tow—Jessie Boyle, from Melbot mac, for
London; Eliza, from London, for Janeiro; See . Breeze,
from London, for Mauritius ; Vestal, from La adon, for
Marseilles; Fanillia Tronw, from London, for • Nickeree
Witch of the Seas, from London,'
for the Cap ) of Good
Rope; Maria, from Shields, for Adra ; Viceroy, from Lon-
don, for Belize.

The barque Emma Eugenia, of London, got al ~ shore last
night at Folkestone, has been got off, and is pr ceding in
tow for London,

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY•)
The LORD CHANCELLOR took kis seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

•
ROYAL ASSENT.
The Royal assent was given by commission to the fol
owing bills :
Cxchequer Bills (A 13,230,000).
Municipal Corporation Mortgages.
Inclosure.
Marriages (England and Ireland).
Dwellings for the Labouring Classes (Ireland).
Pawnbrokers' Act Amendment.
Customs.
South Devon Railway.
Caine Railway.
Liverpool Corporation Water.
Liskeard Water
North London Railway.
Liskeard an Cara
vementdon Railway.
York Impro.
Leicester Cemetery.
Chesterfield and Worksop Road.
agnelstown and Wexford Railway.
Shrewsbury and Welchpool Railway.
Marple New Mills and Hayfield Junction Roads.
Stockport and Woodley Junction Railway.
Wellington Suspension Bridge.
Brecon and Merthyr Tydvil Junction Railway.
Croydon Gas.
Grundy Fen Drainage and Improvement.
Railway Clearing House (Ireland).
Spalding Water.
Glossop and Marple Bridge-road.
Edinburgh Railway Station Access.
Brompton, Chatham, and Gillingham, &c. Water.
Lower Kingsferry Road.
Glasgow Corporation Water.
Norwich Corporation Markets.
Cannock Chase Railway.
Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston and Eastern
Junction Railway and Canal Company.
Lincoln Heath and Market-Deeping Road.
Commercial Docks Act Amendment.
Mirfield Gas.
North Staffordshire Railway.
Sheffield Cutlers' Company.
Radon Corporation and• Borough Improvement.
Finn Valley Railway.
Manchester Improvement.
Great Northern and Western of Ireland Railway.
Belfast and Ballymena Railway.
Stockton and Darlington Railway.
Great Southern of India Railway.
Andover and Redbridge Railway.
Midland Railway (Use of Railways in and near
London).
West Somerset Railway.
Carrickfergus and Lame Railway.
Dublin and Wicklow Railway.
East India Coal Company.
The Royal Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the
Earl of St. Germans, and Viscount Sydney.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The Daniel Stewart's Hospital Bill was read a Second
time.

The following bills were read a third time and passed :
the Everton Drainage; North British Insurance Com-
pany; Tewkesbury, and Upton •upon-Savers, and Malvern
Junction Railway ; Sirhowey Tramroad, and Sheffield
Water.

HORSE RACING BILL.
Lord REDESDALE stated that he had received a
communication from the noble lord connected with the
Jockey Club, and should therefore fix the second reading
of his bill, regulating the weight to be carried by race
horses, for the 7th of June.
The Bankrupt Law (Scotland) Amendment Bill, the
Public Improvements Bill, and the Common Lodging-
houses (Ireland) Bill were reported without amendments.

landlord and tenant bill as it purported to be, but one deal-
ing with real property. Now, surely, if it were a good
principle for Ireland, why not apply it to England ? and
why snake Ireland an exceptional case ? He found that
(throughout the whole of the bill all the questions raised
were to be decided by Chairmen of the Quarter Sessions.
He did not wish to say anything to disparage those learned
gentlemen, but he thought questions of such importance
as the relation between the landlord in fee and the limited
landlord, ought to be submitted to a higher tribunal. Be-
sides, the bill allowed no appeal from their decision, and
that made the bill very objectionable. Then, as to that
portion of it which allowed the limited owner to gran)
leases for 21 years, and improvement leases for 41 years, ii
_ _

was dealing with the interests of the inheritor, who was not
able to protect himself. In the cases of minors they all
knew how careless and ruinous guar dans and trustees
were; and if a limited owner chose to commit a fraud ho

m'ght very easily do so. For example, there were many
persons in Ireland who would be glad to pay a large sum
of money for a lease of 41 years, and many opportunities
would be given to the limited owner to receive this money
at the expense of the inheritor. He had always a great ob-
jection to long leases in Ireland, and ho admitted that now
the tenure was generally from year to year. In his opinion
the evils of sub:letting, and many others which had been the
curse of Ireland, and were now passing away, arose from the
system of giving long leases in the last century. In Scotland,
where agriculture was brought to the highest perfection,
the leases were, only for 21 years. Then, as to the question
of tenant-right introduced into the bill, he did not believe
it would please hon. members from Ireland. He did not
wish to disparage the labours of the Devon Commission;
but they went about the country taking evidence, and they
only heard one side of the question. The Devon Commis-
sion reminded him of- a bad " photograph," where all the
prominent features were enlarged, and all the best parts
were thrown into shade. (Laughter.) The country was
altogether changed now from what it was in 1810, when the
Devon Commission were' taking evidence, and a different
state of things altogether existed. The agencies between
landlord 'and tenant were now far better regulated and car-
ried on between the landlords and tenants themselves than
they could be by any legislative intervention. (Hear, hear.)
Much of the difficulties that existed in these relations were
attributable to the subletting system that at one time so
much prevailed in Ireland, but that system was now fast
passing away, and the landlords generally in Ireland were
resolved to eschew any relation but those which should sub-
sist directly between themselves and their tenants. (Hear,
hear.) It had been said by an honourable member (Mr.
Pope Hennessy) that Ireland was going back in the scale,
but that was not correct. It had been said by that hon-
.ourable gentleman that the acreage of the cereal crops in
Ifeland, had very much fallen off, and that so negli-
gently was the farming carried on in Ireland, owing to
the want of tenant right, that the " horned" cattle broke
into the corn fields, trod down, trampled, and ate the corn—
"horned" cattle seemed to be the great bugbear of the hon.
member. But whether there was now less acreage of corn
than formerly in Ireland one thing was certain, that agri-
culture in Irelind was greatly improved, and that the con-
dition of the peasantry was visibly and happily improved in
proportion. They were now better fed, better dressed, and
better housed than formerly. He must condemn legislative
interference between landlords and tenants. One thing he
was certainly ready to admit, namely, tha' the right hon.
gentleman's bill was the mildest " tenant-right" bill that
had yet been proposed ; but it was a measure which was
really not called for. The wisest legislation would be that
which would unite England and Ireland more closely, and
assimilate them in their institutions ; but he looked upon
this bill as mischievous, unnecessary, and uncalled for, and
with those opinions he should conclude by moving that the
bill be read a second time that day six months.
Mr. MAGUIRE had often listened with pleasure to
talented speeches delivered by the hon. baronet who had
just sat down ; but he must say that a stranger and more
unaccountable speech than that delivered on the present
occasion 'by the' hon. baronet he had never heard. The hon.
baronet objected to the details of the bill; but, taken as a
whole, he_thought the Government deserved credit for the
measure, and he (Mr. Maguire) should earnestly oppose the
hon hart's motion that the bill be read a second time that day
six months.. The hon. baronet objected to giving power to
the chairmen of quarter sessions; but he (Mr. Maguire) knew
those gentlemen well. They were in numerous instances
landlords themselves, and were so thoroughly landlord in
heart that there was no reason for the hon. baronet to be ap-
prehensive about their exercise of the power proposed to be
conferred upon them by the bill. The hon. baronet found
fault with and severely criticised the Devon Commission
but there was no statesman who had perused the document
that emanated from the labours of that commission, but
was prepared to approve of it ; and to be guided by it.
What the friends of the honest and industrious agricul-
turists of the country demanded were improvement leases,
giving compensation for improvement of the land by the
investment of capital and labour. It was not true that in
the bill under consideration the Government had introduced
a new system—one for England and another for Ireland .
It was the landlords who had done so. In England the
landlord did everything for the benefit of the tenant, but in
Irolartd thp landlord ,141 nothing, for the tenant. He (Mr.
Maguire) could not agree in the hon. baronet's vivid de-
scription of the prosperity of Ireland.. Was there in that
prosperity all cause for rejoicing and no cause for regret
and sorrow ? What could be more fearful than the descrip-
tion given last session respecting one district in Donegal,
where the people lived on sea-weed and bad potatoes
(Hear, hear.) It was quite true they had not grim poverty
and destitution, but there was no contrast between the state
of England and the state of Ireland. The people
,were
afraid to put their labour and capital in the soil, because
they were at the mercy of tyrannical, political, and foolish
landlords. He admitted there Were inany good. landlords
in Ireland, but it was too much the practice on the part of
Irish landlords to raise the rents on those tenants who op-
posed them at elections. The franchise in Ireland was
almost a curse, for tenants were often turned off at a mo-
ment's notice for exercising that franchise according to the
dictates of their conscience. To the third portion of the
bill he had objections. (Hear, hear.) There were short-
comings in the bill which they should, in justice to the
tenantry of Ireland, endeavour to have improved in com-
mittee. The bill said that the tenant should not improve
the land without the consent of the landlord ; but what he
contended for was, that any tenant anxious to improve in a
substantial and valuable manner should have every facility
afforded him for doing so. The bill would lie of no value
in Ireland unless those facilities were granted. What in-
jury to the estate or evil to any human being could follow
the improvement and reclamation of the tenant's holding?
The veto of the landlord should not be put as a bar to the
determination to improve on the part of the tenure. Another
grievous error in the bill was the totally insufficient com-
pensation proposed for improverneuts. He would not, how-
ever, anticipate what might be done in committee to im
prove this part of the measure. The people of Ireland were
discontented, but wise and generous legislation would make
them happi and contented. Discontent and the emigration
of the people was not a sign of contentment. There was
now a deep-lying sense of wrong in the Irish heart, and
every emigrant from the Irish shores carried that sentiment
with him to a foreign country. If something was not done
to stop this emigration, you would lose your right hand in
time of war. The Irish could be made the best soldiers in the
shortest time—they had a natural taste for military opera-
tions—and it would therefore be wise on the part of the Go-
vernment to keep them at home, where they could be had
in a case of emergency. The bill was not a large or revolu-
tionary scheme—it was a mere abortion—but nevertheless
he would support it as a step in the right direction. Let no
gentleman imagine there was so much prosperity in Ireland
as was reported. Why not enable the people to be prepared
for any emergency ? The weather, if it had not lately
changed, would have prostrated the whole country. He
wanted to make the people of Ireland prosperous, con-
tented, and happy.
Mr. GEORGE said he had as much knowledge and ex-
perience of Ireland as the hon. gentleman who spoke last,
and he must say that his statements respecting the land-
lords were grossly exaggerated, not to say unfounded. He
hoped the right hon. gentleman the Secretary for Ireland
would be no party to subvert the rights of property in Ire-
land, but, while he protected property, would do justice
to the tenants. Allusion had been made to that cele-
brated document which emanated from the Devon Com•-
mission, and ho must observe that the witnesses examined
were those who professed to have grievances. But in 1845,
when the Devon Commission sat, there was undoubtedly
much to complain of ; but what were the circumstances of
Ireland now ? In 1849 the number of paupers was 620g47,
while in 1860 the number was only 440,929. In 1849 the
' convictions were 310,202 ; in 1859, 200,735 ; in 1849 the
acquittals were 700,317 ;in 1859, only 300,000. Allusion
had been made to the diminution of the cereal crops, but
the increased emigration Daily accounted for this. The
diminution of labourers diverted the attention of farmers
from tillage, and led them to engage in grazing. At the
time of the Devon commission the number of holdings was
691,100. Since the a there had been a decrease on account
of emigration, and other circumstances, of about 131,000.
The Devon commission therefore furnished no criterion to
decide this question. (Hear, hear.) There were several bills
now before the house with reference to Irish matters, and
with the exception of the one brought in by, the right hon.
gentleman the Attorney-General for Ireland, none of them
was worthy of general acceptance. ,(Cries of "Divide.")
He objected to such immense powers being left in the hands
of county judges as to allowing tenants for life to borrow
such large sums of money, and landlords to make such
agreements with tenants as were provided for under the 3d
section. He objected also to the enormous powe a given
to the tenants for life. He objected that out of an estate of
41,000 a-year, borrowing powers were given to the extent
of £4OO a-year, which could thus be alienated from the ob-
jects for which they were devised. He should, however,
support the second reading of the bill, without pledging
himself as to details, which could be considered in com-
mittee, • ' ,

Mr. POLLARD 'URQUHART, amid. loud and long
continued cries for a division, said they ought not to go on
with a bill unless it was of such a nature' 'as to render it
likely that it would pass both houses of Parliament. No-
thing was more objectionable to both landlord and tenant
than a law of this kind banging veer them year after year,
as it prevented improvements being-made -for fear of what

a bill of this kind might do. ~ lie had found this to Willa
effectof this long expected measure amongst his owSien-
antrk. As to the fear of the borroyatig powers given ),y
this bill, he thought judging from the experience of Scot-
land, that there was no reason to expect that it would be
seriously objected to. Something ought to bo done to pre-
vent a continuance of the exodus now going on; arid, be-
lieving that this bill would_have a good effect, he ahould

support it.
Mr. DAWSON felt surprised, on reading the intr oduc•
tory speech of the Chief Secretary for Ireland, to find that
the name of Mr. Sharman Crawfurd was omitted. (H:ear.)
No man had shown a deeper interest in the question than
that hon. gentleman, though many of his ideas were itn-
practicable, and though the delay in legislation might in
some degree be attributed to the extent of the demon ds
which that hon. gentleman mado. But the ream ns
which made him object to the measures of that ht m.
gentleman induced him to support the present mea su re,
as affording an opportunity for legislating effect iVek ly
on this very important subject. The peculiar cir
Incances of Ireland rendered it impossible for the I anti-
lord class to make all those improvements which 'were
necessary for the proper cultivation of the soil ; and Id ten,
therefore, the tenant made improvements ho ought to be
compensated at the period at which his tenancy expired, or
was otherwise terminated. The Ulster system was &Iva ,1-
tageous for the tenant, and it worked so satisfactorily th at
the agitation in that part of Ireland was consequently we al '-
bag out. The effect of the system was to raise materially the
value of the rights of the tenants. He therefore appro wed
of that part of the bill which recognised existing ten ant
rights in any part of Ireland. To the real solution of t this
difficulty a more extended system of leasing was necess try.
Written agreements should be made between landlord al id
tenant in the most comprehensive manner, and witness( A
satisfactorily. In the northern parts of Ireland this bi
excited no enthusiasm ; but he hoped to see the measure' I
divested as it was of all impracticable and illusory expects-.
tions, speedily enrolled amongst the statutes of the realm...
(Divide I divide !)
The O'DONOGHUB moved the adjournment of the de—
bate.

Mr. V. SCULLY appealed to the hon. baronet to with-
draw his motion. The only good part of the bill was that
which related to the tenant's improvements, all the rest was
bosh. (Laughter.)
Mr. WIIITESIDE said that any bill affecting the pro•
perty of Ireland ought to be well considered. He did not
believe that this bill would ever_ become law, as it would
never be passed by the Lords. It should not therefore be ,
supported by those who wished, as he did, to see a settle-
ment of the question. Bills to assimilate the criminal laws
of the two countries had just been brought down from the
Lords, and why, then, should they now bring in a bill to,
make the laws different on this subject ?
Mr. CARDWELL hoped they would be able to satisfy
the house that this was a bill which should be acceded to,
and he could not doubt that in that case the bill would re-
ceive the sanction of the other house of Parliament.
After a few words from Mr. MoisrsEL, the debate was ad-
journed till Thursday.
LANDLORD AND TENANT (IRELAND) BILL.
Mr. Sergeant DEASY moved the second reading of this
bill, which had originally been brought in, he said, by the
late Lord Chancellor of Ireland (Mr. Napier). The bill
would go to repeal a large number of acts of Parliament,
and would greatly improve the relations that existed be-
tween landlord and tenant. The right hon. gentleman,
having briefly explained the provisions of the bill, which
was intended, he said, to make an improvement in law
reform, said he should be glad to avail himself of the sug-
gestions of hon. and learned members from Ireland to
make it still more effectual for the objects the bill had in
view.

Mr. WHITESIDE thought the bill was defective in
some of its provisions, and that it would require to be eon-.
sidered as a whole measure, instead of placing a number of ,
amendments on the paper.
Mr. V. SCULLY trusted that the second reading .of this
bill would not be persevered in at so late an hour ,of the
night (near one o'clock).
Lord FERMOY supported the motion for ths. „second
reading.
Mr. HASSABD also supported the second reading.
The motion was then agreed to.
METROPOLIS LOCAL MANAGEMENT ACCT
AMENDMENT BILL.

Mr. TITE moved the second reading of this bill. it was,
he said, the opinion of the Government that this bill hould
be sent to a select committee, and when the second reading
was agreed to, he proposed moving that it, should :be re-
ferred to a select committee accordingly.
Lord.FEItMOY objected to proceeding with the motion ;
at that late hour, and therefore moved that the debate be
now adjourned.
Mr. Alderman CUBITT and Mr. Joint' LOCKE *baying '
said a few words, •
The debate was then adjourned.
The other orders were disposed of, and the hot 130 ad-
journed at ten miautes past one o'clock.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

LIVE ur 0 L-M AT 15.

The weather has been most favourable for the country;
We. had a fair attendance at this day's market, and the )
consumptive demand for wheat moderate, at about Fri.
day's .currencies. Flour in limited request, but held firm• ::
Oats were about late rates. Oatmeal a slow sale, at barely
late prices. l3eans, peas, and barley each the turn lower• -
Indian corn neglected.

LEEDS—MAY 15.
With a small show of wheat, prices are unaltered from ,
Tuesday. Barley as before. Beans held for same money.
Oats and other articles quite as dear.

SHEFFIELD—M.4,Y 15.
Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels...loB 64 to 21s Pi • -
White lf )) —2lB Od to 22s 0(1
New red 9 f )? ...178 Od to 18s Od
New white t f ), ...18s Od to 19s 6d
Beans 9 f I) ...188 Od to 20s 6d
Peas, per qr 42s Od to 508 Od
Grinding barley, per qr. 33s Od to 358 01 '
Malting ditto, ~ 3Bs Od to 43s Od
Oats // 268 Od to 348 0d

Millers' prices fOi flour-1s 11d, 2s Od, said 2s 2d per
141 b.

BRISTOL—MAT 15.
At our market we had a fair attendance. English wheat
was firm at last week's prices. Grinding barley was lo
cheaper. Other things about the same.

NORWICH CATTLE—MAT 12.
This morning our market exhibited a' very considerable
show of good store cattle, comprising Scots, DOVOilBt short- r
horns, and a few Irish. A slow trade was effected, on veil -
poor terms, and there was also a tolerable attendance.
Fat beasts a large show, and sales firm.
Scots, 4s Od to 4s 6d ; shorthorns 3s 6d to 4s ; Irish, 3s, i
Od to 3s 6d ; Devons, Os Od to Os (estimated weight when •
fat).
Sheep—There were good supplies of sheep in the pang'
Fat sheep, 7s 6d to 8s per stone ; prime, 9s 6d to 10s.
Pigs—A fair supply. • Store pigs 26s to 30s; fat pork,
7s 6Sto 8s Od per stone,

THE MAILS'.

MAILS DUE.

Australia, Ceylon, and Mauritius (via South-
ampton) .. May 19.
Do. (via Marseilles) Juno 4.
Bahamas and llavana (via New York) .. June 7.
Canada, &c. (via Cork) .. May 16.
Cape of Good Hope, Bcc. .. June 1.
China, Penang, and Singapore (via S'ampton) May 19.
. (via Marseilles) May 27.
Gibraltar (via Southampton) .. May 19.
India (Calcutta), Ceylon, &c. (via Southampton) May 19.
Do. (via Marseilles) May 27.
India (Bombay), (via Southampton) .. May 25.
Do. (via Marseilles) .. May 19.
Lisbon, Brazils, Buenos Ayres, Sto. . June 5.
Lisbon, Vigo' and Oporto .. May 21.
Malta, Egypt, and Aden (via Southampton) .. May 19.
Do. (via Marseilles) .. May 19.
United States, California, &c. is Cork) May 16.
Western Coast of Africa, Madeira, Teneriffe .. May 10 -
West Indies and Pacific, Carthgena, Cuba, &c. May 29.

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