The Sun.
London, England, 1869-10-23 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SVI URDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 23, 1569

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Tins EVENING, at 7, BELL'ES.OF THE KITCHEN. At 8,
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4".4,
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terminated his career in good society some time
ago by a sentence of imprisonment for bigamy.
But soon prison life was found to dis-
agree with a man accustomed to different
fare; Sir CULLING'S health declined in gaol, and at
length his state became so indifferent that the nomE
SECRETARY decided to grant him a pardon. The
baronet was set at liberty. lie now reappears
before the public on the charge of obtaining money
by false pretences—in fact, by a false cheque. It ap-
pears that his original sentence would have expired ere
now, had it been fully exacted; but it is evident that
the public would have gained by his retention under
restraint for the proper term. The discharge of men
who were once in a good position of life because their
health has suffered from confinement has occurrred
several times of late. It is undoubtedly not likely
to diminish the prevalent notion that between the
rich and the poor the English law makes a practical
distinction, though in theory they are equally treated.
Neither rich men nor poor are sent to prison to be
killed ; it is desirable that there should be no unneces-
sary hardship, and it may be conceded that men who
have been accustomed to luxurious living are likely
to suffer more from the confinement and poor
fare of a gaol than those who have ex-
perienced rougher training. But, on the
other hand, it may be claimed that the superior
education of men in good positions, and the smaller
real temptation to which they are exposed, make
their offence really more heinous and gives them even
less claim to consideration than poorer evildoers. At
any rate there are many degrees of leniency between
rigorously exacting the sentence of the law and turning
the offender at large. For most prisoners the only refuge
in time of illness is the infirmary or sickward of the
prison. Why should not our aristocratic gaolbirds
be similarly treated ? Or, even if absolutely neces-
sary, imprisoned magnates might be allowed
a moderate degree of freedom under restraint, in
order that the authority of the law be upheld,
whilst at the same time no serious consequences
accrued to those valuable members of society.
It has been said that the disgrace of crime
is in itself sufficient punishment, and that
when once this great penalty has been incurred the
exact letter of the sentence is of minor importance.
But it is impossible, without the gravest injury to
public morals, to carry out such a doctrine in a country
where the perfect equality of all men before the
law is one of the most sacred of principles.
The aristocratic malefactors have always one
simple remedy at command they can keep
out of gaol. It has already been made too
painfully apparent of late that it is easier for a camel
to go through the eye of a needle than for a rich
offender to be brought to justice. Whilst the steal-
ing of a bundle of sticks is visited with summary punish-
ment, hundreds of innocent persons may be ruined
with impunity by the most palpable frauds in the
name of commerce. But this is a fault of the law,
which must be amended before there can be redress;
the letting loose of imprisoned baronets is a gratui-
tous blunder. The law is already sufficiently dis-
credited by its inadequacy to punish certain grave
offences; let not the administration bring justice into
further contempt by ill-judged indemnities to those
who have met a well-merited fate.

THE strange medley of parties—the utter confusion
of political creeds—at the present time in France is
without precedent in the history of the Second
Empire. Previously, only two great political factions
were thought worthy of public attention. There
was the vast majority which supported the Imperial
Government ; and there was the very small mino-
rity, made up of Republicans, supporters of the
ORLEANS family, and supporters of the direct line
from Louis XVIII., who were opposed to the
Napoleonic dynasty. The Government of the Empire
pursued the even tenour of its way ; the Opposition
in Parliament invariably had the best of the oratorical
battle ; but the Imperialists more than repaired
their deficiency by out-voting their anta-
gonists in the proportion of five or six to one. The
general election has served to completely disorganise
this beautifully simple and methodical arrangement.
Both the Ministerialists and the Opposition have utterly
changed their character. The Orleanists and the
Legitimists have almost entirely disappeared. The
Republicans have gained strength. Yet even the
last are divided into two parties, ono advocating the
most extreme expedients, the other in favour
of a milder policy. M. THIERS, the
Orleanist and opponent of Free Trade, stands almost
alone. So does M. RASPAIL, a Red Republican and
Socialist of the most ultra type, who proposes next
Tuesday to demand in person admittance to the
Corps L4gislatif, the opening of which the Government
has deferred beyond the constitutional time. Lastly,
certain prominent supporters of the old Opposition
have coalesced with a large number of the old
Imperialists, and have formed a new political sect—
the famous 116, or Third Party, which succeeded in
bringing about the constitutional reforms. The
supporters of the Government, on their side, are not
less disorganised. The defection of those who joined
the 116 reduced the Imperialists to little more than
half its former strength. This half is not united, for
some favour more liberal concessions, others think that
retrogression is the only hope of safety for the EMPEROR.
To complete the confusion one of the Sovereign's.mostl
devoted, though not one of his most respectable,
adherents, has just turned round and assailed the
EMPEROR'S cousin, Prince NAPOLEON, declaring that
he is not fit to be the head of the State in case any-
thing
suffrage be befalls thetd e c
plia•ersee ruler,present
the reigning family and that " universal
t
is worthy or unworthy." The Pays, the journal in
which this assault appeared, is one of the most
abusive papers in Europe ; but it has hitherto been
an ardent supporter of the Imperial regime, and if
such as it fall away, in what adherents can
confidence be placed ? To complete this
extraordinary medley of politics the Govern-
ment itself is in a state of transition ; the old
Ministry has been dissolved, but the 116 whose policy
has been adopted, have not been called to power.
The Cabinet has not at present the support of any
party whatever. Seldom, indeed, has there been
such a complete abolition of the political discipline by
which Government is ordinarily conducted. The nation
is passing through a momentous crisis, the form
of rule is undergoing a complete change. But
recent French history teaches us to regard the pre-
sent state of affairs with apprehension, for it was pre-
cisely this condition of things which gave rise to
previous disasters. The stability of the second Em-
pire may be greater than that of preceding Govern-
ments, but assuredly never was that stability more
severely tried than at present.

„RI , fitl• ,
t
lank
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HER MAJESTY.

BALMORAL CASTLE, Oct. 20.
Her Majesty, accompanied by Princess Beatrice,
went out in the morning.

he Queen, accompanied by Prince Leopold, and
attended by the Marchioness of Ely, drove out in
the afternoon.

The Right Hon. Edward Cardwell had the
honour of dining with the Queen and the royal
family.

TILE QUESTION OF NATIONAL

EDUCATION.

At a breakfast meeting held on Friday at Wolverhamp-
ton, which terminated the autumnal session of the Con-
gregational Union, and over which Mr. S. Morley, M.P.,
presided, the above question was specially discussed, Mr.
Dixon, M.P., and Mr. Wright being present as the repre-
sentatives of the National Education League. A the outset,
The CHAIRMAN said that was not an official assembly of
the Congregational Union, and as there had been some
objection raised to Messrs. Dixon and Wright having been
invited, it had been determined that there should be no
resoution put to the meeting, but that every one should
be invited to express his opinion freely.
Mr. DIXON, M.P., and Mr. WmGILT then laid the scheme
of the league before the meeting, as it was recently laid
before the conference at Birmingham, and which has
already been reported.

The Rev. It. W. DAL; Tresident of the union for thi,
✓ear, expressed his adherence to the scheme of the league..
except that part which had reference to free education.
If the country had to be divided into two forces, the one
under the banner of the Manchester Union, and the other
under that of the Birmingham League, then heart and
soul, whatever strength he had, should be at the service of
the league.

The Rev. T. BINNEY also spoke in favour of the league
generally.
The CIIAIIIILiN said he had most implicit faith in Mr.
Forster, and believed that he would accomplish all that
was possible. It would not do for them in their discussion
to ignore the Manchester scheme, and he regretted very
much that there was no one to lay it before them. There
were 25,000 existing schools, and he sympathised with that
part of the Manchester scheme which respected them. It
would never do ignore these. The Manchester scheme,
as he understood it, was that existing schools should not
be interfered with as to the way in which they
were being carried on, but said there must be freedom
for all. His Nonconformist principles taught him that
it would be just as great an outrage if, by Parliamentary
enactment, they excluded religion, as if by the same autho-
rity they should direct any particular form of religious
teaching in the schools. He maintained that, as at present
carried on, the teaching of religion was comparatively un-
sectarian. Let them go into one hundred British schools,
for instance, and ho maintained that they would not be
able to decide from the character of the religious
instruction given as to what denomination the teachers
belonged. To drive out the earnest religion which
existed in these schools would be the grossest possible
injustice. They might depend upon it that the
members of the Church of England who had identified
themselves with the Manchester scheme—and the names
connected with that scheme seemed to show that that
establishment had largely united itself with it—had made
enormous concessions in the proposals which that scheme
involved. They proposed the largest extension of the Fac-
tory Acts; they would not confine tho Act to places
where only fifty children were employed, but
would extend it to whore only a single child
was engaged at work, and would prevent a child
under a certain age from earning money at all. For
himself he would carry compulsion eventually to a fine,
and even imprisonment, where there was a determination
on the part of the parent not to educate the child ; but he
should desire to see much more leniency adopted in the
first place. The working classes of the country could not
be made all at once to embrace the German principles;
they would stoutly resist a police compulsion. The
question as to the existence of the present
schools was a very delicate ono. The Church of
England had a magnificent set of schools. Hundreds of
the best schools to be found in England had been started
and maintained by the Establishment. Ho was, not, there-
fore, ono of the people who would say that if you do not
absolutely and entirely give up your system, you shall
never have any help.
Dr. trxwlN, principal of Homerton College. nest spoke,
and gave the details of his system of education, which had
been reported upon so highly by Mr. Arnold. He said the
Government had approved their plan, and Lord do Grey
had told them that if their measures were not taken up by
the Government within twelve months, then they would
have a just cause of complaint. Tho points approved by
the Government wero :—That aid should be rendered to
all primary schools when placed under inspection ; that the
aid should depend upon results ascertained by inspection;
and that a conscience clause should be enforced in all schools
where aid is given from Government funds.
Mr. DIXON, in replying to what had been said, remarked
that the league did not propose to interfere with existing
schools further than by placing others by the side of them,
30 that after a fair trial the country might determine
which they would ultimately adopt. The local committee of
management was indispensable to the effectual working of
the national scheme. Therefore they proposed that one-
third of the expenses should be borne by a local rate. The.
League reverenced the Bible, and did not interdict its use ;
I,ut the committee of management alone would decide 10
.chat extent it would be used.

Many other speaker 3 took part in the discussion, which
was animated and long.