The Sun.
London, England, 1856-08-29 00:00:00

DIPLOMACY AND THE ITALIAN

QUESTION.

A. LETTER FROM L. C. FARINI TO MR. W.

GLADSTONE.

(Continued front The Sun of yesterday.)

One of your ministers said that perhaps the Pope would
carry into effect the reforms sanctioned by the motu-proprio
of Portici of 1849, and seemed to entertain a hope that the
people would have been satisfied with them. But what do
these boasted reforms consist of ? Two institutions were
already carried into effect : I mean the Council of State and
the Consulta of Finance. What advantage either the State
or the finances or the people have received from them we
have seen. That motu-proprio also divided the administra-
tion of the State into five great compartments, and placed
1, cardinal at the head of it. This reform has not yet been
effected, but I believe it will take place ; but I know not
whether this, in the opinion of Lord Palmerston, may be
called a stop towards secularisation. There still remains
one promise of that mote-proprio unfulfilled ; that is, that
phantom of election for the municipal and provincial coun-
cils has not yet come to pass. It had been settled that
"municipal representation and administration should be
based on more extensive franchises." These were Pius
IX.'s own words. More than a year elapsed before these
promises came to any clear enactment. Then, on the 20th
of November, 1850, a law was published which was to
carry them into effect, and the enactments of Cardinal
Antonelli were as follows. The attributions of the munici-
pal councils remained precisly as they were according to
the laws of Gregory XVI., with the single exception of
the prerogative granted nominally to the municipal magis-
trates to take cognisance and to judge all infractions of the
regulations of the city and country police (sec. 23). But
it was added that such a prerogative should only be exer-
cised as soon as a special regulation should have been pub-
lished ; and as this publication never took place, so the
prerogative remained a dead letter.
For what concerns the broad basis of election the ar-
rangement was as follows :—The number of the electors
is only six titres that of the elected, that is of the council-
lon (sec. 58), and the electors are chosen amongst those
who are most heavily taxed (sec. 60). Moreover, in order to
be an elector, a certificate of political and religious good
behaviour must be produced (sec. 61). Finally, the proceed
ings of the election (secs. 82, 83, and 85) are the most ab
surd imaginable. Yet even this clause was not carried into
execution. It was provided that, for the first time, the ap-
pointment of municipal councillors should be made by his
Holiness, and that the elections should take place three
years later, when half the councillors would have to be re-
newed. Even this promise was not kept. After the lapse of
three years Cardinal Antonelli, on the 29th of April,lBs4,
sent forth a Circolare Riservata (so headed), in which it
said, "The council itself shall propose, not appoint, the
persons who are to be substituted to the councillors who re-
sign their office." Not a word is said about a convocation of
the electoral college—no hint is conveyed about the provi-
sional or exceptional nature of this measure. " Every
councillor attending shall write a list of candidates twice
the number of the councillors to be elected, and the coma-
cillors whose functions have 'expired may also be re-elec-
ted." Anything like election vanished, and the Govern-
ment 'appointed such persons as suited them oat of the
lists 'proposed by the council. Maybe Lord Palmerston
will still hope that the very liberal Antonelli law may be
fully carried into effect ; and we allow that this may come
to pass, and that a new Circolare Riservata may not put
off, or again hinder, its execution as soon as Europe has
been imposed upon as to the reality of such a measure.
Bat would even this suffice to give satisfaction to the
people, to give stability to the Government, to correct
those grievous abuses I have been exposing? I hold, sir,
that it is a mere childishness to speculate on a more or less
liberal law upon the communes, the provinces, the finan-
ces, the council of state, until means have been found to
guarantee to the people religious and civil toleration,
equality before the law, public security, and the eligibility
of all citisens, whether they be clergymen or laymen, to all
the dignities and offices of the :state. This is what every
ono wishes ; these are the securities without which no civil
Government can be established. Either diplomacy can
attain this end, and peace may be expected, or the end is
unattainable ; and then let diplomacy give it up, and
leave the 'game in Cardinal jAntonelli's hands, who is
deeper in the arts of imposing on other people than any
statesman living. I think a people who enjoy the public
securities I am speaking of may accommodate itself to any
form of Government ; but that without them neither can
modern nations be at rest, nor can the Governments who
are unwilling or unable to put up with them long endure.
The It omagnoli will most assuredly never :rest—and Eu-
rope may firmly believe it—till they are governed in a
somewhat more Christian manner than the Turks.

If Western diplomacy wishes to evince a sincere incli-
nation to pacify the Papal subjects by obtaining civil re-
forms in their behalf, it should at least begin by showing
them as much benevolence as it extends to the people of
the Danubian Principalities. There public opinion is
consulted, meetings are held, free discussion is allowed.
The Moldo-Wallachians are undoubtedly worthy of the
love and patronage Europe has granted to them ; they are
a Latin race, speak a language akin to Latin ; they have
traditions and feelings analogous to our own. But are the
Romans then of loss value than the Roumans ? Or will
it please the Western Powers rather to procure quiet and
sceurity to that distant region, than this, which lies in
the very heart of Italy ?

They have, if the report is true, asked the advice of the
priests, although it would have been more just and rea-
sonable to begin, as they did in the Principalities, by
courting the mind and will of the population at large.
But, however this may be, since they have made them-
selves acquainted with the will of the Roman court, let
them now show the same eagerness to know the real wants
and wishes of the Roman people. They may, if they like,
proceed in the most cautious and prudent way they deem
expedient. They may bold very limited 'meetings, they
may even appeal to those very narrow electoral bodies
which Cardinal Antonelli promised to call together in his
municipal law. Let the convocation only be for a short
time; but let them assure the electors that they sha:l
suffer no hindrance from priests or Austrians on account
of the opinions they may give utterance to, or the resolu-
tions they may adopt. This is the least Europe can do—
this she is in duty bound to do, as she does it for the Heide-
Wallachians. This is the test to which I should wish the
priests to be put: by this trial the people of the Roman
state will see at least the good intentions of the Western
Powers.

I have now to glance at the Duchies of Parma and
Modena, and at the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. So long as
Earope allows Austria to invade those States at her own
free will, it is certainly impossible that their rulers may
keep up even the shadow of independence. Be it remem-
bered that the Duke of Modena and the Grand Duke of
Tuscany are Austrians by blood, and no one will wonder if
they show no eagerness to shake off their allegiance to the
Emperor. Little need be said, therefore, except that all
the evil that may be imputed to them must needs be laid
chiefly at Austria's door.

I wish, above all things, to say very little about that
unhappy lady who reigns at Parma, because, after the
misfortune which befel her own family, she had the other
misfortune to get into a family of madmen, to become the
wife of a maniac ; then the other misfortune of governing
a country driven to despair by a crowd of villains of every
race and nation ; and lastly, the greatest of all misfor-
tunes—that cf being yoked to the chariot of Austrian
policy. Austria, so long as Maria Louisa lived, always
strove to deprive the Parmesan Government of all au-
thority and dignity as a free state, and endeavoured
since, and endeavours now, to plunge it into utter, in-
cessant disorder ; because, as Lord Lyndhurst justly
observed, anything like order would deprive her of any
pretext for occupation or interference. The Duchy of
Parma has become an Austrian fief. In vain did the
Duchess, after her husband's death, call a few worthy
men to the highest state offices. She has to bear the
penalty of Austrian treacheries, of the timid and waste-
ful madness of her father-in-law, of the wasteful and
brutal madness of her husband, and of the despair to which
all these evils have given rise amongst her subjects. The
Duchess and the honest men who are true to her, as they
are unwilling to throw themselves utterly at the fad of
Austria, are rather victims to be pitied than criminals to
be condemned.

Far more, however, are the wretched people to be pitied
tuft as they are of freedom, of security, of •o
of siege, military tribunals, the prisons of jblantne.a, State
trian justice. No Dachy of Parma is any more in-celintiga.
Austria has only one more province. The treaty of 1811 i;
violated by the compact of 1817, and Piacenza has become
a stronghold of Austrian despotism. Down with those ducal 1
arms ! Down with that last t hantom of sovereignty ! Let
be world no longer witness the sight of a royal princess
subjected to caprices of an Austrian officer.
In Modena hitherto the abuses have been either less
grievous or less flagrant. The Duke is an Austrian, and
as the last drops of the blood of Este become extinct at his
death, the Court of Vienna reckons upon his heritage.
Modena is another Austrian province. No Austrian troops
are in the duchy at the present moments they quitted
it two years ago ; but they can always go back on a sum-
mons from the Duke or at their own good pleasure. The
treaty of 1847 secures their free return ; and return they
will. The city itself (Modena) seems quiet, but we hear
of disturbances and bloodshed in the provinces ; and we
know to whom Italian princes have recourse on the occur-
rence of any sedition.
I shall not say a
great deal about Tuscany, as a few
words are •
eumelent. There is no country in Italy in which
the rulers have more
hT shamelessly broken their engage.
ments without cause. e Grand Duke granted a consti-
tution in 1818, which was
puto aside after a few months,
owing first to paltry deeds f violence, then to a still more
paltry flight. On the 12th of April, 1849, Florence re-
/doted it; her example was followed by
This
towns;
only Leghorn persevered in her rebellion.
rebellion
was an excellent pretext for Austrian intervention,
was described by the Grand-Ducal govenaraentl°: which
spon-
taneous movement of the Austrians, till Da,As
declared very openly that fit had taken place at Ire
*rand Duke's own request. The Austrians were to
ocouPy only Leghorn, but they indeed on going to

Florence also, and remained. But in the meantime
the Grand Duke, both from Gaeta, and in Florence,
repeatedly confirmed the constitution, and his minis-
ters referred to it in a hundred decrees. This fiction lasted,
if I remember right, more than two years, until it was
solemnly abolished, with the help of the very men who
had compiled it, and were sworn to it again and again—
and it became a state crime for a Tuscan to call himself a
Constitutionalist. Yet the state traitors are those minis-
ters themselves ; and so they will be held so long as men
abide by the elementary notions of right and wrong, of
justice and iniquity. They may be absolved by the power-
ful—by their confessors ; the multitude may forget or hold
its peace ; but all is written down by history. They may
say it is all Austria's fault, and I hope it is truly so ; and
if they will only speak out, they who are now the accom-
plices of Austria may make amends for past misdeeds.
And already I almost fancy I hear them whispering that
they were guilty from fear; for there are people so base
that they think all guilt may be excused by pleading
the worst of all guilt—cowardice. Such is the education
men receive in Italy that such a plea is generally ad-
mitted ; and the dread of the Austrians, which is unfortu-
nately too great in the hearts of many, must indeed have
been huge in the paltry ministerial hearts of the Tuscan
cabinet. But it is well that the world should know the
guilt and the cause of it. The Austrian Emperor,
when he had no more occasion to make and unmake
constitutions, abolished that of the empire ; then he ad-
vised his kinsmen to do the same. Such a counsel is a
command. The kinsmen obeyed ; and Tuscany saw her
government Austrianised even to the coats of her soldiers.
And as in all other matters, so also in the relations between
church and state. The pupils of Joseph IL became monks
at Vienna; those of Peter Leopold put on the cowl at
Florence. A petty concordat they have got already : now
they are getting up a big concordat, after the Austrian
pattern. They deny it, but who will believe them ? What
Vienna bids is done at Florence, and Baldasseroni will go
the Via Cruci.s. Meanwhile we hear of arrests and trials
in Tuscany for conscience' sake, and the Leopoldine codes
are torn to pieces one by one ; and I am told no man is
allowed a passport without presenting a certificate of hav-
ing complied with the duties of confession, communion,
&c. Only let Austria have time, and under Leopold 11.
all the work of Leopold I. shall be undone ; and let the
latter find what rest he can in his grave. Certainly we
hear of no atrocious deeds in Tuscany. There is no suf-
ferer for deeds of that nature ; there are no men on which
to perpetrate them. The Tuscans are the mildest and
gentlest people on the earth. Landucci, who is a very
cannibal in that government; is a mere amateur. He
began his career as a monster too late ; a few years ago he
was a great liberal. There is not much of the tiger in his
composition—more of the monkey : he apes Vienna and
Naples.
- -

But, in the meanwhile, what is the result of so much hy-
pocrisy, falsehood, and cowardice? Certainly not that of
converting the Tuscans into Austrians or Jesuits. If the
Government turn to Vienna or Naples, the people look
elsewhere. I will not play the prophet, but I swear that
Tuscany will yet be Italian.

All these matters of the smaller states, however, are not
so hard to settle in some manner as those of Naples and
Rome. Here Western diplomacy, if it be in earnest, can
change the whole aspect. of things. It is enough that an
intimation should be conveyed to these governments that
they must not hope to have Austrian troops at their beck,
and that will probably be sufficient to bring them to rea-
son; and if the people be allowed to have in some manner
a hand in the management of the state, Europe may mst
assured that Austrian interference and influence will be at
an end.

Now, to bring this long discourse to an end, sir, I musi
bring the question to its first issue, and I will do so with
out departing from that field to which diplomacy musi
needs be limited.

The negotiators of 18'5 did not recognise one Italy.
They recognised independent States in the Italian Penin-
sula. This conception, certainly not unfavourable to the
union and strength of our nation, led to an arrangement
which proved equally unfavourable to that artifizial ba-
lance of power they were toiling to produce.
Whoever will mentally divide the Peninsula into great
compartments, whoever considers the positions of both,
their history and their international bearings, will per-
ceive at a glance how much more important the Northern
compartment may be to the European balance of powers
than the Southern division. The dictators of 1815 split
the Peninsula into many States, and did not know
how to place at the North, whence the greatest
dangers arise, a bulwark of a strong national
kingdom; they rather placed the largest kingdom
in the South, dividing Northern Italy into two,
or rather into five or six states, for Parma, Modena, and
Bologna alio belong to Northern Italy. These errors wore
fatal to that Italian balance which was of so great an im-
portance to the European balance. Yet if of the two king-
doms of Northern Italy, almost equal in population, they
Iliad made to o states perfectly independent and free from
foreign domination, with a mitional prince and a national
army—l will not say that the nation would have had all
her wishes gratified, but I contend that such an arrange-
ment would have been more consonant to national right,
and more advantageous to the universal balance. Instead
of this, by the side of the kingdom of Sardinia, they placed,
in Northern Italy, under the name of Lombardo-Venetian
Kingdom, one of the vastest and mightiest empires; and
in Milan, with the name of Viceroy, a brother of the Em-
peror, who never had even the shade of vice-regal autho-
rity. They promised to that kingdom, or vice-kingdom, a
separate administration, but the oligarchs at Vienna kept
neither that nor any. other promise given to the
people before the face of all Europe. In course of time
matters have comp to this, that all feelidg of shame has
been banished, and the very shade of that vice-kingdom
kas ceased to exist. A soldier executes in the Italian pro-
vinces the order of the Viennese Government; presently
they will say that Lombardy and Venetia are German
lands !

Be this as it may, I wished to call your attention to the
fact, sir, that in northern Italy the arbitrators of Europe
placed a national kingdom, which could bring ieto the
field 40,000 or 60,003 men, by the side of an empire who
had 300 or 400 combatants under arms, and gave the former
an open frontier, precisely on that side upon which all the
huge force of its neighbours gravitated. And as if this were
not sufficient, they put two, or, at first, indeed, three im-
perial princes in three contiguous little states, allowing
Austria to dismantle Alessandria in the kingdom of Sar-
dinia, and to garrison Piacenza in the Duchy of Parma,
Ferrara and Comacchio in the Papal States, and to prefer
claims of reversibility, as they call them, over the States
of Parma, Modena, and Tuscany. If this was not the
best contrivance to destroy all balance in Europe, I should
like to know what other contrivance might be conceived ?
Austria, preponderant in Upper and Central Italy by all
the military strength of her empire, by her strategic posi-
tion, by her alliances, if not by family ascendancy, by the
fortresses she occupied in her own and in her neighbour's
territory, was not only paramount, but absolute in the
councils of all the Italian Princes. Who could emancipate
himself from her sway ? Who had strength in himself, or
could seek it in foreign alliances ? That league of the great
powers which was called the Holy Alliance, strengthened
by their advice and by their aid the omnipotence of Austria.
The King of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel 1., champed upon
the bit, and his ministers, hononrable and virtuous met),
endeavoured to reveal how dark were the intentions of the
Cabinet of Vienna, how many their treacheries, how great
the enslavement of Italy, how imminent the danger
of Europe. If the ministers of France and England
exert themselves to look out for the documents of the
complaints and warnings of the ministers and ambassadors
of Victor Emmanuel 1., they will then fully appreciate the
warnings and protests of the councillors and ambassadors
of victor Emanuel 11. There are people here who cry out
against the rashness evinced by these latter, because at
this present day publicity brings into light negotiations
that were then secret, ; but if those people wore less igno-
rant or more sincere, they would have to confess that the
policy pursued at the present day by Sardinia with respect
to Austria and Italy, is the same that was followed from
the very first year after the restoration of the dynasty of
Savoy. But at that time the powers who were leagued
against France, having taken upon themselves the arbitra-
tion over the destinies of Europe, thought less of support-
ing the rights of the weak than of mutually vindicating
the deeds of iniquity of which they were guilty. France
had been conquered, but the Bourbons who had risen on
the ruins of their country had joined the confederacy of
the conquerors ; so that the alliance was strengthened
by the consent and influence of that very nation against
which it had fought. At Aix-la-Chapelle the confederates
established the principle that their forces would be ready
to aid those legitimate princes who might need them, or
who asked for them for the purpose of keeping their sub-
jects in check. England, to say the truth, did not openly
vote in favour of that resolution, but neither did she openly
oppose it. The Bourbons, who had gained by it, gave
their assent in the name of France. That gave rise to the
principle of intervention. It, had its ground, not in the
terms of public treaties, not in the code of public law, but
depended on a
mere conversation of princes and ambassa-
dors, in a resolution not approved by England, and ap-
proved by the Bourbons against the national right of France,
not known, not openly acquiesced in by the rulers of the
smaller states. It is upon that principle, however, that Aus-
tria seems to rest her right to meddle in the affairs of all the
Italian states, whenever her interference is called for by the
legitimate princes. Wherefore many ask whether England
governed by Lord Palmerston is more prone t) admit, the
maxims laid down at Aix la-Chapelle than was England
governed by Lord Castlereagh ; but no one expects Napo-
leon 111. to confirm in behalf of legitimat© princes the
maxims that met with the approbation of Louis XVIII.
The events of the years 1820-21 in Italy gave Austria the
first opportunity of acting upon the system of armed inter-
vention. England suffered it, and so did Russia, who was
anxious to pursue her career in the East, although this
latter had no great faith in the Cabinet of Vienna. But
she hoped, perhaps, that by allowing that Cabinet leisure
to gratify her covetousness and ambition in the West it
would have found no fault with her own designs on the
East. Now, after longer and greater proofs of forbear.
ance, indeed after great benefits conferred upon Austria, it

would seem that even Russia has perceived that gratitude
is not the highest political virtue of the Hapsburg.
Napoleon 111. ought to know it too, and if it be true
that Austrian ingratitude broke Nicholas's heart, he ought
not to be without uneasiness for himself.
The allies induced, then, France to the expedition of
Spain, to satisfy at the same time the dynastic pride and
the warlike spirit of that country, but still more in order
to bring her to give by her own example the amplest con-
firmation to the principle of intervention. England at-
tempted in the case of Spain a greater resistance than she
had exhibited towards Italy, but she displayed no vigour,
and failed utterly. And the principle first laid down at
Aix-la-Chapelle had received further extension at Trop-
pan, Laybach, and Verona, or at least it had practically
become wider, because arms were employed, not merely to
restore to their throne legitimate princes, but also to re-
establish their absolute sovereignty. So that by the means
of interventions, not only the legitimacy or divine right of
princes was confirmed, but also the legitimacy, the inviola-
bility, and, so to say, the divinity of despotism was hal-
lowed. I know not whether the English Government
paid attention to the matter at the time, but it ought to
mind it now, if it is true that it cares for representative
government and constitutional monarchy.
After the above-mentioned interventions, Austria was
actually mistress of Italy, and so she appeared in the eyes
both of the princes and of the people of Italy and of all
Europe. Her influence preponderated even at Turin, al-
though the ministers of Charles Felix were not altogether
obsequious to her, but stood in dread of popular commo-
tions, and were weighed down by the whole might of the
empire.

(To be concluded in our next.)

Naval and Military Intelligence.

Orders were issued in Woolwich garrison on Wednes-
day for the immediate formation of a field battery de-
tachment, which is to consist of one Aijutant (Captain
Bruce), one Quartermaster and commissary of Stores
(Mr. Henley, 12th Battalion), one Sergeant-Maj,T, one
Quartermaster Sergeant, and the artificers of the regi-
ment.

The transport-ship New Pelton arrived yesterday at
Woolwich from the East with 500 tons of victualling
stores and 2,000 10 inch shot. The sailing transports
Chance and Intrepid have also arrived with Ordnance
and light stores, and are ordered to be paid off.
Notice has been given in the carriage department of
Woolwich Arsenal for the dismissal of 130 artificers on
the Ist of September.
The Admiral Moorsom sailing transport, and the Jar-
row arrived at P,rtsmouth on Wednesday from the
Crimea with stores.

The Vulcan steam troop-ship, Commander Furneanr,
arrived at Spithead yesterday from the Crimea with
stores.

The Hecate steam-sloop, Commander Gordon, sailed
from Portsmouth yesterday for the Coast of Africa.
The Lords of the Admiralty inspected the ships under
repair at Plymouth, viz. :—le the tidal basin, the screw
steam-ship Ajax, 60, which is taking in new boilers and
getting the shaft tube lined with lignum vitae bearings ;
the screw steam-ship James Watt, 91, the repairs of
whose engines will occupy two months, in consequence
of which her crew will probably be paid off ; the paddle-
wheel steam-sloop Styx, 6, requiring repairs to her hull
and rnschinery ; the gunboats Staunch and Haughty,
fitting for service in the East Indies, and supplied with
ventilators designed at Devonport, which met the
approval of Admirals Berkeley and Eden, and Captain
Sir Baldwin Walker, who personally inspected the plan,
which will probably be adopted at the other arsenals ;
the Advice, tender to the Admiral at Cork ; and the
Hind, Redwing, and Magpie gunboats, the two latter
requiring to have condensers fitted.
In dock No. 1 is the steam-transport Himalaya,
which is 375 feet long over all, and 344 feet load line;
in consequence of the shortness of the dock 14 feet of the
granite-work and rock had to be cut away by Mr.
Turner, the mast r builder. The work was performed
with so much accuracy that when inside with her rudder
hard a starboard, the rudder was nearly touching the
caisson, and the stem only one-eighth of an inch clear of
the head of the dock. The skilfulnas.s of the arrange-
ment received the commendation of their Lordships.
The crew of the Himalaya are to be paid off on Monday.
She will proba* be nndocked in September and
placed among the first class reserve ships.
In No. 2 dock is the paddlewheel steam sloop, Inflex-
ible,' 6, and trgoing extensive repairs, after which she
will receive new builers.

In No'. 3, or the Que_n's Dock, is the screw steam.
ship Exmouth, 90, whose shaft tube, like that of the
Ajax, is to be fitted with lignuin vita bearings. She
was appointed to be taken out of dock on Wedesrday,
to give place to the Advice. This dock is 310 feet long
over all, and ;t is probable that their Lordships will have
it lengthened some 70 or 80 feet.
Within the last 12 mouths there have been under re-
pair in the Keyham.yard 11 line-otbattle ships and 29
others, some of which required extensive alterations.
On one occasion seven line-of battle ships and 13 others
were repairing at the same time, and it is stated that
the Lords of the Admiralty, seeing the great utility of
the establishment, contemplate doubling its present
area, by a lding two fields near Weston-mill Lake, where
two docks upwards of 800 feet long can be built, with
caissons to cut them into four docks. The increased
space will afford a sufficient site for barracks, an accom-
modation much required for the adjacent Government
establishments, which are at a considerable distance
from the garrisons of Plymouth and Devonport. The
First Lord and Admiral Berkeley, attend. l by C ilonel
Greene, made a very minute survey of the new ground.
On Tiu.sday, after landing at the Royal William
Victualling yard and mustering the men, the Lords of
the Admiralty inspected the Royal Marine Barracks,
and went on board the fl igship Impregnable, 104, Cap
tain Wise, in Hansom, which received them with
manned yards and a salute of 17 guns. Three or four
hours were spent on boatel her and the Royal William,
120, Captain Frederick Hutton. In the afternoon a
bow 41 meeting was held in the saloon of the Osborne,
when, among other subjects determined on, one agitated
by C tptain Sur erintendent the abolition of a
timber pond in Stonehouse lake, was set at rest by Sir
Charles Wood, who stated that no unnecessary obAruc
tions would be given by the Admiralty to the trade and
commerce of the port of Plymouth.
The Queen through Captain the Hon. Joseph Denman,
of the Royal yacht Victoria and Albert, has been pleased
to send to Mr. Thompson, harbour-master at Plymouth,
a handsome gold watch, in approbation of his conduct
services when her Majesty visited Endsleigli and Sal-
tram during the recent cruise down Channel.
The Drake and Janus, steam gun-boats, Lieutenants
Peile and Robson, arrived at Spitheal yesterday from
the westward.

The Algiers, 91, Captain Codrington, C. 8., went into
Portsmouth Harbour yesterday, and tie Simoom, 18,
Captain Sulivan, went into harbour to be paid off.
Second-Lieutenant W. Stirling and Second-Lieutenant
W. N. G. Johnson have been ordered to proceed from
Chatham to Portsmouth, to embark on board the Algiers.
The Cyc'ops, 6, Master Commander John F. Rees,
arrived at Sheerness on the 27th from the Mediterranean,
last from Portsmouth.

The Royal George, 102, Captain Robert S. Robinson,
was taken into the basin at Sheerness yesterday to be
disrnasted.

The fallowing appointments were made yesterday al
the Admiralty

Commander Joseph Rundle, to the Brunswick ; C. P.
Boyer, mate, to the Fury; E. H. Seymour, midshipman,
to the Calcutta ; W. M. Moger, midshipman, to the
Brunswick.

Ninety-one n )n-cmnrnissioned officers and men left St.
Mary's invalid depot, Chatham, yesterday, having been
discharged from the service owing to wounds received in
the Crimea. Each man before leaving received his
arrear of pay ; and the expense of his journey home will
be defrayed by the War-office. A number of the Medical
Staff Corps took charge of those blind and helpless men
who required assistance.