The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-31 00:00:00

TIIE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING,
.MAY 3l, 1869.

regard to the great measure by means of which Sir,
R. PEEL completed the work prepared to his hand by
the Anti-Corn League and by the Irish Famine—
meaning of course the substitution of the system
of Free Trade for the system of Protection.
Protest the Lords may, of course, at these mo-
mentous epochs or crises in the national legisla-
tion—but yield they have always done when the not
yielding would bring them into direct and open
conflict .with Public Opinion. It is incon-
ceivable, therefore, that, in the face of a Public
Opinion so " pronounced " as it has been
within the last twelvemonth in regard to the Dis-
establishment and hi-.endowment of the Irish Church,
the House of Peels would be so rash, so ill-
advised, so insensate as to resolve upon throw-
ing out a Bill passed through the house of
Commons by such overwhelming majorities
and supported so earnestly throughout the
length and breadth of the kind by- the great mass of
the constituencies. The Earl of DERBY may surely
do with dignity what has been done more than once
in his time by the Duke of WELLINGTON. The
Iron Duke he was called by a familiar sobriquet
and yet—to the force of Public Opinion,
as expressed, now through the General Elec-
tion, now through the. House of Commons,
the Iron Duke could yield, has yielded—and that,
too, with no derogation to his personal dignity as a
leader of party and as a great Statesman. And he
could do so, he has done so, thus wisely, for the
simple reason that while he was a Tory
be was also a Patriot—while he was an
earnest Conservative, he was also a loyal Con-
stitutionalist. Above the interests of party, he re-
garded the higher interests of the whole community.
The powers of the realm—at all sacrifice of feeling
and it might even be said iu one sense of consistency
—must, he conceived, under no cirtunstances to
be allowed to come into actual collision. The
necessity for concession in this way is incumbent,
it might. be said, quite equally upon the
Lords and upon the SOVEREIGN. Theoretically, the
Sovereign can, in regard to any measure that
is proposed to be transformed into an enactment, de-
cline to give that Royal assent which is essential in
each instance for the completion of that work of trans-
formation. Theoretically, it stands, thus, in rs.gard to
theßoyal assent as—at every time, in every instance,
upon every occasion—perfectly optional and certainly
voluntary. But—for all that—it would, to our
thinking, be little less than iezi majesty to ima-
gine the Royal assent seriou ly refused to
any measure passed through its various stage;
and through both Houses of Parliament.
According to one of our long-che. isi.ed constitu-
tional axioms, the KING can do no wrong—and cer-
tainly he cannot by any loyal subject be imagined
(yen to di a wrong like that—a wrong that would
strike, so to speak, at the first principles lying as
it were at the very roots of the Constitution. is is
from a vivid sense of all this that some political philo-
sophers have shrunk not from asserting that while in
theory the Governni2nt of the British Empire still
consists of the harmonious co-operation of the three
distinct powers of King, Lords, and Commons—the
ruling authority after all reposes, in point of
fact, clearly and distinctly iu the House of
Commons At any rate it works thus.
And far from us be the day when the wisdom of its
continuing to work thus might be brought harshly
and inexorably to the test, whether by House of
Peers or by Sovereign Prince. Hitherto harmoni-
ous scion has been ensure 1 among the estates of the
realm, by reason, so to speak, of the el Istic bonds
of the Constitution binding them together. It
is earn .stly to be hoped that those bonds may not
run the hazard, now, or at any future time, of snap-
ping by being overstrained, and that wise conces-
sions to the forts of Public Opinion wi lal ways, at
crises like the present, gnat le our herecl. a,y legisla-
tors, by those very concessions, to ensure the continu-
ance of that "accordant =lsis of a well-mixed state,"
audible nowlicre so distinctly in any part of the globe
as here, under the actual system of uur Cons'itu-
tional Government.

BISHOP TROWER belongs to the amphibious order
of bishops. Consecrated a bishop of an un-established
Church, promoted to a bishopric in a Church which
is partly connected with, partly distinct from, the State,
he is now exercising episcopal functions in a
Church which is intimately and entirely united to
the State. His experience is therefore manifold, and
his opinion on the great question of the day—free or
established churches—is entitled to every considera-
tion. That opinion is that the separation between the
Church and the State is greatly to be deprecated. Un-
fortunately Bishop TROWER has forgotten the golden
legal m axim , "Never state the reasons of your j udgment,
for while your judgment may very probably be right,
your reasons are almost certain to be wrong." With
judicial impartiality, the ex-Bishop of GLASGOW
ex-Bishop of GIBRALTAR and present Bishop Commis-
sary of EXETER sums up in the charge which
he is now delivering the arguments for and
against a State Church. His two great argu-
ments for are—let. That a clergy dependent upon
the voluntary contributions of their people will be
tempted to shape its teaching so as to avoid the
hazard of offending them ; and 2nd. That the State
is bound to recognise the Deity in its legislation.
For these reasons Bishop T °WEIL would rather seethe
Presbyterian Church established in Scotland than
no established church at all. His arguments against
a State church are, that the confirmation of
bishops is " a solemn mockery," and the election of
bishops is " a ground of deep humilitation ;" that the
Court of Final Appeal is a most unfit tribunal to try
ecclesiastical causes; that Convocation is most unsatis-
factory. These are evils that might, Bishop TROWER
thinks, be remedied by legislation. There are others
which are, more or less, inseparable from a State
Church. The tendency of an Establishment is, first,
to check the united action of the clergy, and even
their meeting together in recognised assemblies ; is,
next, to damp the zeal and the general
spirituality of the clergy ; is, further, to reduce
the clergy to a state of isolation from each other
and from the laity "in a degree which can scarcely
be conceived," thereby leading to neglected churches
and schools, and to ante-nuptial intercourse between
thesexes. Fnally, it is to make both the clergy and
the laity satisfied with a low standard of holiness.
Let us grant the fullest possible weight to the argu-
ments in behalf of Establishments—though London
High Church clergy, who depend upon the weekly
offertory, would repel with indignation the suppo-
sition that this dependence made them unfaithful,
and though it is clearly possible to recognise the
Deity in our legislation without an Established
Church, for other nations have done this—
yet even admitting that the arguments pro
were incontrovertible, what shall we say of
the arguments contra? Which side will the
balance incline when the two are weighed together ?
" Solemn mockery," improper courts, inadequate
isolation
a o
lf
otwh e
standayr
df r ooifn thhoe
li laityness,
oio
nay, even of morals—how can we meet all
these objections ?
the Blissh thatp
many during
confirmationhis saicl in
cours3of hid chargeur o
yvtl
found
e younger
clergy expressing opinions by no means unfavourable
to disestablishment. He may be certain that before
his visitation tour is over, he will find many, not
only of the younger, but of the older clergy of the
same mind. If he regrets the result, it will not the
less be due to him. If an Established Church is
desirable or the reverse, is a question not to be deter-
mined off hand,. nor for the present, at all.
Statesmen and Churchmen must wait and see the
result of disestablishment in Ireland before they
apply it to England. In the meanwhile it is
unlikely that we shall get many more such
damaging apologies as that which Bishop TROWEn
has just delivered. It is the story of BALAAN
reversed. Ile set out to bless, but he has uninten-
tionally, and perhaps unconsciously, altogether
performed the contrary operation.

CORRESPONDBECE FROII PARIS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
PARIS, SUNDAY, May 30.

The Peuple publishes an article which may be re-
tarded in some measure as a sort of manifesto of the
imperial policy to be expected in consequence of
the victory of the Reds. The Peuple is a journal inti-
mately connected with the Government, and the article in
luestion is signed by the chief editor, who has just obtained
a seat in the Corps Legislatif as an official deputy.
There is nothing in the shape of ambiguity to complain of
m this article. It is a plain and decisive declaration
against constitutional reform. "What is most necessary at
this moment is not an increase of liberty, but the adoption
A a firm, clear, and decisive policy both at home and
abroad. The hand of the Emperor must be felt. Far from
listening to those who counsel him totake refuge in a chime-
,ical irresponsibility, he himself must govern more than ever.
That he will govern in a liberal sense is his Majesty's
inspiration and the will of the country. But, above all,
it is necessary that his rule be personal, firm, and decisive."
The " chimerical irresponsibility " spoken of means, it is
scarcely necessary to observe, the responsibility of Ministers,
which has been so earnestly pressed upon the Emperor
by the moderate Liberals. The Temps exhorts the country
to witness how the organs of the Empire deride the recent
manifestation of the national spirit. The information of
the inthipenclance Berge is similarly adverse to the prospect
A concession.

We shall probably know more about the intentions of
the Government when the Emperor goes to Beauvais.
There he will doubtless make a demonstration of some
kind. His positfon is undoubtedly one of extreme diffi-
3ulty. To make concessions to a party which will be
satisfied with nothing short of dethronement appears useless;
but to continue personal Governmentin the faceof the re-
zuited minority will be extremely difficult, if not impos-
sible. It is true that the Emperor can use his majority,
but for a despotic Government something more is needed
than a bare majority. Almost all the debating power of
the 'Corps L6gislatif will be on the side of the Left.
Thiers, Favre, and 011ivier were amongst the greatest
speakers of the last Parliament, but in the next these—
Thiers and Favre being pretty sure to get in somewhere—
will be reinforced by Gambetta, Raspail, and Bancel, all very
fine speakers. The speeches of these are ultra-violent ; but
they are effective displays of oratory. The French Left
will now be probably the strongest debating party in
Europe. For a Government to oppose year after year a
simple majority of votes to the fiery assaults of these
Radicals, backed by a minority which on some questions
will reach a hundred, would be an extremely dangerous, not
to say impracticable, policy. This dilemma is forcibly
sheWn` in a powerful article by M. Pr6vost-
Paradol—one of the best efforts of that able journalist.
The result of the contest has utterly astonished M. Para-
-101. The vote of almost every great town in the Empire
is an open, undisguised declaration of war. All inefficient,
wavering, compromising, or even polite opponents
of the Government have been sent to the right-about.
The deputies returned by the towns are more violent, and M.
Paradol thinks the explanation of this is to be found
readily enough. The former deputies of Paris
have been dismissed because they have not
brought about auy decisive event during their six
years of office ; they are relieved from duty like old soldiers
who are no longer equal to the contest. This determina-
tion to have efficient, if violent, men, is even less remark-
able than the numerical progress of the Opposition.
They have gained in seats, but still more in votes.
In 1863 about 5,300,000 electors voted for official
candidates, and 1,800,000 against them. This year about
1,000,000 electors have voted for official or unopposed
candidates, and 3,200,000 against them—that is to say,
only a majority of about 800,000 voices is left in France to
the Government. Of this 800,000 a vast proportion must
consist of those whose daily bread depends upon the Empire,
and who must vote for it. The officials and peasants are
afraid to vote for an Opposition candidate, they are afraid
even to stay away from the poll ; and yet even this form
of universal suffrage is beginning to give way to the
roused excitement of the country. M. Paradol thinks
the state of affairs is very critical. If the Government is
not anxious all good citizens ought to be.
It is rumoured in some quarters that Prince Napoleon
will be asked to take office. This would certainly not
mean a continuance of personal government. If the
Prince take M. Rouher's place, we may look for liberal
reforms, but the danger is that he may advance too
rapidly, and at length throw the game into thehands of the
enemy.

The seizure of the Independance Belge still continues. I
have lost count of the number of days on which it has been
stopped, but it has not been allowed to cross the frontier
for above a week. The most respectable of the Liberal
journals are scandalized at this proceeding. It is certain
that the Belgian paper could contain nothing for the last
few days likely to give offence to the Government, except
the denial of the cock-and-bull story got up by the Patrie
about the 13;4;;Ian plot. That canard has been made,
the exposure has been put forth, and the affair is at an
end. Why, then, seize the Indepcndancc still, except in
pursuance of a very discreditable policy of revenge? The
Liberal papers argue that the offence of speaking the truth
has been committed and punished, and that, therefore, the
seizure ought to cease until some new crimes transpire.
It appears decided that the new Chambers will have a
short session towards the end of June. Nothing will be
done beyond the verification of the elections and other
formal business ; but the Government, it is thought, will be
able to form some idea of the general attitude of the new
House during these preliminaries.
The Patrie gives what it assures us is a " correct card"
of the programme to be followed at the opening of the
Suez Canal in October ; I should rather say the details
of two programmes, for, according to the official paper, the
Viceroy is yet hesitating between two projects, in
the hope of carrying out the most ambitious. One plan
is to gather all the sovereigns of the States bordering on
the Mediterranean at the opening solemnity. There
would be the Empress of the French, representing the
Emperor, the Emperor of Austria, the Kings of Italy and
Greece, and the Sultan of Turkey. The scheme of less
magnitude is that the Viceroy should preside at the
opening ceremony, assisted by representatives of these
Powers—the Grand Vizier for the Sultan, Count Beust
for Austria, Menabrea for Italy, and so on for the rest.
The Patrie says nothing of Spain, which is a Mediterranean
Power of at least as much consequence as Greece. But
this piece of cold shoulder is probably to be attributed to
the rise of Queen Isabella in Imperial favour, and the
consequent fall of the Provisional Government. Why
only Mediterranean Powers should be interested in the
Suez Canal is a question which the Patrie only can
answer. France has male the canal, it is true ; but it is to
British traffic that the shareholders must look for remune-
ration. The 16th of October is the precise date on which
this great ceremonial is to take place.

ADVENTURES OF AN ENGLISH OFFICEI?
IN PARIS.

The Correctional Tribunal at Paris, on Thursday, dealt
with a remarkable case, in which an English officer, Mr.
H. T. Larkins, described as a handsome man, 28 years of
age, wall', charged with obtaining goods under false
pretences. The prisoner belongs to one of the
richest and most honourable families of England,
and, according to his counsel, M. Lachaud, is
a descendant of the Kings of Scotland. Mr.
Larkins formerly served in the Bengal army
as lieutenant. Not being able to agree with his colonel,
he threw up his commission. Mr. Larkins appears to
have great expectations from a rich old aunt, on whose
generosity he had been leading a fast life—so fast, indeed,
that his venerable relative told him that she would stand
it no longer, and that he must look out for something to
do. Having an uncle in Japan, that country was chosen
as the spot for the future of the prodigal nephew.
His aunt very good-naturedly filled his pockets with bank
notes, and despatched him off, earnestly warning him not
to stop at Paris, " that wicked, naughty capital." A
visit to one or two of the theatres brought him into con-
nection with some of the leading " lady stars," two
of whom Mdlles. Schneider (of "La Grande Duchesse"
celebrity) and Markovich, appear to have hit his
fancy. Mr. Larkins's exchequer soon became exhausted,
and, in order to procure horses and diamonds for his fair
proCgc'es, he was compelled to have recourse to very
unpleasant schemes. He already owed considerable sums
to horse-sellers and jewellers. To one of the ladies in
question be had given a pure-blooded charger, worth
£I,COO, and to the other a diamond bracelet to
the value of 11,500. His principal debt was with
a jeweller, named Kramer, whom lie owed about
£2,000. In order to obtain more goods from him
he sheaved the jeweller a letter, which he said he had
received from hii brother-in-law, promising to scud him
the necessary- money. A parure of diamonds which he
thus got froiri M. Kramer for £1,200 was pawned the
next day at Versailles for £4OO. M. Kramer not getting
the money promised, had Mr. Larkins arrested on the
charge of swindling. His friends, however, came forward
in the meantime, and satisfied the demands of his creditors.
The jury, throwing aside the charge of swindling, and
looking on the case as that of a foolish prodigal, acquitted
the prisoner.

Mr. George Ikabody embarked at Liverpool on
board the Royal mail steamer Scotia, Captain Judkins,
for Now York. Fully five hundred ladies and gentlemen
had assembled on the Prince's lauding-stage and pier Lead
to witness his departure, and they loudly cheered the vener-
able philanthropist, who lenued much pleased with the
salutation. - •

REFORM OF COATOCATIO.Y.

A conference of the clergy and laity of Huddersfield
interested in the reform of Convocation took place at the
parish church a day or two since. The objects proposed
by the members are-1. The union or united action of the
Convocations of Canterbury and York ; 2. A more
adequate representation of the parochial clergy ; 3. The
representation of the laity. Lords Lyttelton and Wham-
cliffe are members of the council of the association.
Archdeacon Prest, Rector of Gateshead, the Rev. A.
Watkins, Vicar of Dewsbury, and others, spoke at
length.

SUDDEN ILLNESS OF THE PRINCESS

CHRISTIAN.

Their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess Chris-
tian left on Friday night for Balmoral, but have been com-
pelled to return to Frogmore, owing to the sudden indis-
position of the Princess while en route for the North.
Upon the arrival of the train from 'Windsor at Euston,
it was perceived that the fatigue of Unveiling had produced
an effect upon the Princess, who began to exhibit symp-
toms of faintness, and a retain of the indisposition from
hich her Royal Highness has suffered of late, and
which before prevented her from going to Scotland with
tho Queen. Under these circumstances Sir W. Jenner
it is understood, advised the immediate return of her
Royal Highness to Frogmore, and the abandonment
of the journey to Scotland for the present. Accordingly he
royal train left Euston and arrived at Windsor about en
o'clock. The Princess was accommodated in the Queen's
private waiting-room at the Windsor terminus till a carriage
was obtained, in which the Prince and Princess drove to
their residence.