The Sun.
London, England, 1860-03-20 00:00:00

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Araharacter of the present constituency of
England, and then let us see what is the
addition which is to be made. There is
complete than to suppose that because a
and votes under the £lO household qualiflea,
ford lives in a tlO house. (Hear.) Reflection .
tion, especially during the last twelvemonths, have,
impressed that pretty clearly on the conviction of society. In
this body of 440,000 householders all classes almost in her
Majesty's dominions are included, from the patrician, who
perhaps pays a rent of £l,OOO for his dwelling, down to the
weaver and wharfinger of the Tower Hamlets who exercise
the franchise at present under the lowest denomination or
qualification. But between Grosvenor-square and the TOWN
Hamlets, or rather between the classes they represent, there
is scarcelY a class in England which is not included in the pre-
sent constituent body of the country—all mercantile, all pro-
fessional classes, all the various classes of retail dealer.,
classes of different political opinions,of.different religious opi-
nions, different habits; and of different status. But yonnow
Propose to add to these 410,000 persons, whose feelings,
position, opinions, and habits are all so varying and so con-
trary, no less than 217,000 peesons, who age all drawn
from the same class-e-Mppositin cheer.:)—whoso opinions,
feedings, and habits are identical.-(hear, hear)—and Tort
must necessarily consider what will be the effect upon your
present eatscitizent bady, with its veri,a-is elements, of the
introduction iet a class 30 essentially different. It may be
said that raieiria- threbonFtitueney from 440,000 to 653,000 is
not a very great exp6rirm nt. lt is, as the noble lord says.
only an increase of "one-thied. But if we accept the calcu-
lation of the noble lord, it appears to me that we shall em-
brace a fallacy which in calmly considering the question
will greatly deceive us. The proposition before us is to sea
what-will be the probable effect of the proposed now borough
constituency upon the present constituency, and as it pro-
duces no effect whatever on the metropolitan constituency,
or the constituency of the universities, we must deduct
their amount from the existing body before we can pretend
to estimate what will be the effect of the new body Upon the
old. If we deduct 145,000 for the electors of the metropo-
litan districts and the universities, frora the, present amount,
we shall find the amount of the present constituencies which ,
can be affected by this new element is only 288,000, and
making a deduction of 20 pei. cent. for the increased Aunt- ,
ber which the noble lord proposes, they will amount to -
203,000, and therefore you have to consider what will be
the effect upon the constituencies of a homogeneous' class of
203,000 coming into competition in. public elections with the
old body amounting to 238,000. But even that mode of
placing the question will hardly convey a complete idea to
the house of the manner in which those new constituen-
cies must necessarily act upon the boroughs of the country.
Considering now what will be the effect of the 203,000
voters all of one class, bound together by the same senti-
ments and the same habits, upon the 288,000 voters who
are animated by different opinions, influenced by different
sentiments, and regulated by different habits, we shall
find that in six boroughs, and some of the most important
in the country, the constituency is trebled ; that in 28

PRICE 4D. STAMPED, SD.

cordance with the vote of both Houses of ParliamenL
The Royal reply was as follows :
" I thank you for your most loyal and dutiful address ;
and it is most gratifying to receive your assurance, after
having considered the treaty of commerce which I have con-
cluded with the Emperor Of the French, that you are prepared
to take steps for assisting me in giving, effect to a met:sure
calculated to promote,a beneficial intercourse between this
country and Prance, and will afford additional security for
the continuance of peace."
BEV.I_MLEY ELECTION.
Mr. ETANS, the chairman of the committee appointed
to try the merits Of the. petition against tho return of the
sitting member for the borough of Beverley, Mr. Walker,
brought up the' report, which declined that, thong!:
bribery and treating had been established at the election,
they wire of opiniOn that it was Without his knowledge or
Consent, and the he lens duly returned. _

boroughs the constituency is doubled ; that in 48 boroughs
the addition is equal to one half at least, or more ; and
therefore that about one half of the boroughs of England
and Wales will, so far as we can find by calculation, be un-
der the influence of the new class about to be enfranchised.
(Hear.) I give no opinion at present, I only wish to put be-
fore the house what is the clear state of the facts, and what
may be the probable result of those facts. Are the particular
class upon whom whom you arc about to confer this great,.,
political power, incapable or unlikely to act upon it ? Are
they a class who have shown no inclination to combine ?'I(
Are they a class incapable of organisation ? I think I may
say, quite the reverse. (Hear.) If you look to the history of
our country during the present century you will find that
the aristocracy, or upper classes, have on several very start-
, ling occasions shown a great power of organisation. I think
it cannot be denied, that the working classes have shown re-
markable talent for organisation, and a power of discipline
and combination inferior to none. Ido not think you can
eay that of the middle classes. With the exception of the
Anti-Corn-law League, I cannot meal at this moment any
great or successful political organisation of the middle
classes ; and we now know, with regard to the Anti-Corn-
law League, that confederation, which ultimately proved so
triumphant, was at one time on the eve of dissolution. (No,
no.) However, that does not affect my argument, which is
founded upon the fact that the working classes have on
many occasions shown powers of organisation and discip-
line quite equal to those of the upper classes of the country;
but that the middle classes, with the exception of the Anti-
-1 Corn-law League, have not within my memory ever eon-
! ducted any great political demonstration successfully.
(Hear.) Now, then, the class to which you are asked to give
this. predominating power is a class to my mind perfectly
capable of using it. From the days of the Luddites to the
present period, I believe at least, the traditions, often the
very offices, among the working classes, their frequently
secret, but always well disciplined, organisation, have always
been well preserved. It is said of the working classes that
they are extremely intelligent and educated, and that they
are therefore entitled to the suffrage. I don't at all deny
their intelligence, and often their information, but those are
reasons why you should take care in legislating upon this
subject that you should not give them a predominance.
The more intelligent and better educated they are the more
careful ought we to be that they should not have a predo-
minant power. What have we been complaining of so
much ? What has been the object, as I understand, of, all
our legislative labours for some years past, but to put an
end :to class legislation ? (Hear, hear.) But, if you are
now proceeding to establish class legislation of a kind
which, I think, few people can view without apprehen-
sion, surely it is highly necessary, in establishing a new
legislative system, that you should not establish by that
means a class legislation with the power of which, and the
consequences of which, no class legislation in this country,
which has hitherto only partially prevailed, can for a mo-
ment be compared. It is an obvious policy, while you are
attempting to introduce the working classes to the Iran-
i chise, to counteract the tendency to this class domination,
by giving a variety of franchises, by effecting natural coun-
terpoises to such consequences which all must deprecate,
and that was attempted in the bill which was brought for-
ward last year. But how were those propositions met ?
They were called fancy franchises, and that was considered
an answer. (Hear.) Well, sir, the alliteration tickles the
ear and is a very popular form of language. It is, I be-
lieve, the characteristic of all rude and barbarous poetry—
(laughter)—but it is not an argument in legislation, and
when we hear the objection to fancy franchises it is a re-
markable circumstance that this bill had not been a fort-
night on the table before I found distinguished liberals
rising from various quarters of the benches opposite, and
proposing the introduction of what were denounced last
year as fancy franchises. (Hear.) Let us see for a mo-
ment what you mean by fancy franchises. We never had
an opportunity of arguing the question last year, because we
were not allowed to go into committee. Now, I take that
fancy franchise which originates in the partial occupation
of a house. It is called the lodger franchise. Hon. gentlemen
speak of this franchise as if a lodger were a casual circum-
stance in our social life, and say that it may be as well as
not to give a lodger the suffrage—that he is very likely to
be a very respectable man, but that, after all, it is not a
matter of great importance. Why, sir, a lodger is not an
accident of life, but a condition of our life ; and the richer
a country grows, the more trading in a country grows, the
more numerous must be the lodger class. (Hear, hear.) In
proportion as your retail trade assumes vast proportions—in
proportion as it increases in shopkeepers, for example—
those shopkeepers must have a larger shop as a magazine
for stores, as a mode of exhibiting goods, and the larger the
shops throughout England the more disproportioned arethe
houses to the social wants of the shopkeeper; just as you
increase in wealth and in trade there will be a necessity for
filling these ample and commodious storehouses, and that
calls the lodger class into existence. The lodger class as a
class have all those qualities which make a man respectable
in this country. They have ample or sufficient means—they
have education—they have a sense of responsibility—and
the, perform their public duties with regularity and integ-
rity ; and therefore it is inconsistent to give votes to the oc-
cupiers • of houses when they who really uphold them are
frequently more wealthy and more educated. The lodger
class as a condition of social life is every year increasing in
numbers and in influence, and are to be debarred of
a fancy
arust
of which they are worthy, simply becauseo
franchise. (Hear, hear.) It is not a franchise,fanc;itcal
me
but it
will be a real franchise, and in many cases will call
be
worthily filled than by the owner of the house, who by your
limited and barbarous notions is the only one entitled to the
suffrage. (Hear, hear.) The payment of direct taxes may
well be the basis of the suffrage. You have now in this
country substituted direct taxation in a great degree for in-
direct taxation. That is a subject of the utmost
of direct im importance.
No No doubt the skilful and limited substitution
indirect taxation, which has been going on for some years,
is highly advantageous to this country; but it is a system
which, if not pursued with great prudence and caution,
would make the Finance Minister of this country who
proposed it the Necker of England. It is a process
fraught with grave consequences to this country, and at a
moment when you are now proposing not only to confer
the franchise but probably to confer a predominating power
upon a class who do not pay direct taxes, I hardly know
any qualification which could be more properly recom-
mended to the house than that which is based on the pay-
ment of direct taxes. (Hear, hear.) But aro we to be
answered, when such momentous consequences may de-
pend upon the class enfranchised upon that basis, that it
is a mere fancy franchise? (Hear, hear.) Why, it is un-
necessary to pursue the subject, because every one must
feel what a silly and unmeaning phrase that was. I have
placed before the house some critical remarks with respect
to the borough franchise. I think the noble lord made a
mistake in founding his proposition on the mere considera-
tion of numbers. I think the noble lord ought to have
considered in the first place fitness, and not numbers.
(Hear.) According to his principle it appears to me that
the noble lord is to introduce a body, homogeneous in cha-
racter and interests, of upwards of 200,000 in our boroughs,
in addition to what is really not more, as far their influence
is concerned—and this I must press on the attention of the
house—a body of not more than 258,000. In half the
boroughs of England the new constituency of one body
would be able in all probability to command the seats, and
thus you aro changing the depository of power to a 'very
[Continued iu 911 r 191Ittb page.]