The Sun.
London, England, 1869-02-08 00:00:00

ITALY.

The Duke of Sutherland, who 18 c a mate to Egypt to
joir the Prince and the Princess of Vales, has not been an
idle traveller. He has carefully studied the Indian route
question, and has examined Brindisi with a view of fairly
ascertaining its qualifications as a port of call. His grads
concludes that the triumph of Brindisi over Marseilles if
assured, and needs only the co-operation of the English and
Italian Governments. The Duke and his companions
made the voyage from Brindisi to Alexandria in an Italian
steamer, the accommodation of which, as well as the skill
and attention of the captain, they highly praise. The
passage was remarkably rapid, in spite of bad weather.
One of the greatest obstacles in the way of Italian pro-
gress is the amazing indifference to public affairs shewn by
the deputies. Day after day two-thirds or more of the
members of the Chamber are wanting. The names of all
absentees are published in th 9 official paper, but they
care nothing for this species of pillory.

;I
THE ALA13,4_1114 CLAIMS CONVENTIOI.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)
The text of the Alabama Convention is now pub-
lished, and has put an end to conjecture on the
subject. Substantially this Convention has been
given to the public in the American papers, and with
the terms before them the impression gains ground
that the Senate will delay action until after the
inauguration of the new President. It is true that
Mr. SEWARD, who has many friends, earnestly de-
sires to settle all subjects:of dispute before his term
of office ends ; and it is not an unworthy ambition
for an old statesman to entertain ; indeed it is one
with which we can fully sympathize. The general
view taken by the American press is that the
United States can wait. They regard the claims
for the depredations of the Alabama, as a whist
player regards the best trump, disliking to part
with it even at a gain in consideration of the com-
mand it gives. England, it is argued, is afraid to
wait ; she presses for the settlement because she
knows the danger of delay, her commerce being the
most open in the world, an I her privateering ex-
ample the most hazardous ever set to the interests
of a trading community. Though no objections are
entertained to the Naturalization Treaty or to
the San Juan boundary, yet the case of the
Alabama Claims Convention is scrutinized in this
narrow and hostile spirit, and may, to cause
trouble and create delay, be rejected. Two dis-
tinct objections are made—the one against the pro-
vision by which all claims that have arisen since the
ratification of the Convention of Feb. 8,1853, aread-
missable, for this is considered to be a British ruse to
get up cases as a set-off to the Alabama depredations ;
the other, that no mention is made of that question
which is held to be most material—England's pre-
mature recognition of belligerent rights. Under-
lying this isthedislike of the Senate, and we may add
of the country generally, to ANDREW JOHNSON and
his Administration, supplemented by the annoy-
ance so widely felt in the Union at the course
pursued by the American Minister, who, on the
part of the United States, signed the Convention.
It is idle to ignore the fact that nations as well as
individuals are, in no small degree, ruled by sen-
timent. Were it not so, most of the great national
iniquities would never have been perpetrated, and
war would seldom be resorted to. Americans are
perhaps the most sentimental of all people ; hence j
thin ceuyention way, for the present, be rejected

on perpetuating it. Suppose, then, that the Senate
rejected, or even retarded, the settlement of this
Convention, and a war did arise which involved
England, in spite of the United States Government
cruisers might be fitted out to act against English
commerce, and a most injurious precedent be finally
and dangerously established. Indeed two rams,
the Oneota and Catawba were sold in the United
States, and very nearly got to sea, the object
being to bombard Havannah if the inhabitants
did not subscribe a large sum to save their
city. There is another point which ought not to
be overlooked by the genuine American element.
Why increase, intensify, and enlarge the area of
the dislike already felt, which may do harm, but
cannot do good? Let any one read SEMMES'S ac-
. _ _

count of his cruises, and learn the real feeling of
the Southern gentlemen to what they call the
Puritan element. The same feeling is very widely
entertained on the other side of the St. Lawrence,
and may grow up in the Pacific States. A Yankee
who supposes he is a favourite in Ireland ought to
go there and have a talk with any class above the
most poverty-stricken;ignorant Celt, who knows
nothing about him. Are there no seeds enough of
hate already sown and vigorously sprouting with-
out deliberately increasing the crop ? The Puritan
element ought to find its best friend and sup-
porter in England, whence it originated, and as it
is the element which has conquered and rules in the
,United States it will find that power will, as it
always does, raise up against itself jealousies,
feuds, enmities enough to combat, even to endanger
its existence, without intentionally adding to the
ranks of its enemies a great country which ought to
be its ally. Now is the time for settling these vexed
questions, which will remove a bitter bone of con-

tention from between the nations. Nor that only,
for it may be followed by a law making pirates of

cruisers like the Alabama, and guarding commerce
so far as human means can, against such outrages
for the future. No sentiment ought to be per-
_ _

misted to stand in the way of so great a benefit ;
nor can we think when the good sense of the nation

is brought to bear on the subject that America tvil
permit such a feeling to delay long a final settle•

ment on the terms proposed.

An extraordinary scene occurred in a Chicago
Police-court on the 15th of last December, which is likely
to lead to further consequences. Mr. Justice Milliken was
presiding, and ex-Judge Aaron Tyler defending a client
charged with keeping a disorderl3 house. A young woman
he was examining for the prosecution answered evasively,
and the question was repeated, when the Justice said she
need not again answer the question. Tyler's remarks
thereon the judge deemed offensive and ordered him to sit
down, but there being no seats near, the counsel said he
would if a chair was brought. Ilk order was repeated,
the judge pointing to the benches away from his client,
at the same time inflicting a fine of $5. Still Tyler
refused, when the judge ordered the police to take him
from the room, and they seized the counsel and
executed the order with such violence, bruising his face,
so that the stairs were covered with blood, that the judge
when released from the cell into which he was cast had to
place himself in the hands of a physician, who attended
him till his death, which ho certified to have been caused
by the injuries he then received. The Chicago bar having
taken the matter up have appointed a committee to indict
and prosecute Milliken and the policeman for man-
slaughter, and Mr. Tyler's children are advised to insti-
tute a suit for damages, the bar conducting it gratuitously.
George W. Whistler, writing from St. Peters-
burg, in answer to tho Springfield Republican's remark,
"Nobody 8301115 to care anything about Cassius M. Clay,
the present Minister at St. Petersburg. He has no friends,
and is supposed to have no feelings," and implies that if they
do not, at least they ought to care about a man who waged
a most determined war against slavery, and for the right
of free press and free speech during many years preceding
the war, and at a timik when ha nnillrl Tint
be rewarded by place or preferment. Nor does he believe
that his past valuable and disinterested services in
the cause of freedom have been or will be forgotten
by the people. Mr. Whistler contends that not only
has the Ambassador deserved well of the people at
home, but that he is held in the highest esteem by Ame-
ricans in St. Petersburgh, and by all familiar with his
diplomatic career there, and we feel strongly inclined to
throw in our testimony with that of Mr. Whistler, and to
protest against the ungrateful way in which some persons
seem inclined to treat an absent diplomatic servant whose
value was long since proved. Indeed, the remark of the
Republican was intended to show his Excellency had cause
to complain of the attempt to pitchfork another into his
place. But while acknowledging his brave and honest
service, it considers fighting, not diplomacy, to be his
element.

Among recent important appointments are Na-
thaniel P. Langford, of Montana, to be Governor of that
territory, and William W. Dixon to be associate justice;
John A. Gadsden to be secretary of legation in Mexico ;
William H. Wisner to be collector of customs at New
Orleans, in place of Perry Fuller, whose name is with-
drawn ; Joha L. Deer to be naval officer at New York ;
and Robert C. Buchanan and A. C. Gillem to bo Briga-
dier-Generals in the place of General Rousseau, deceased,
and General Hooker, retired. The Court of the District
of Columbia declines to replace Lawyer Bradley upon its
list of practising attorneys, and is waiting to see whether
Chief Justice Chase will issue an order compelling the
court to do so..

Commissioner Rollins has prepared an amend-
ment to the tax law, exempt ing newspapers from the tax
now imposed upon them as manufacturers.
Honolulu had a torch-light procession over the
election of Grant and Colfax with fireworks and speeches.
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without any substantial objection being made to it.
There can be no reason why the claims of ten years
back should not be settled as well as those of five r
years back ; and by the terms of the Convention, 1
all evidence is adcuissable, therefore Great Britain's
premature recognition of belligerent rights to the
Confederacy may be impugned and argued before the
umpire. Indeed the second paragraph of Art. 11
may have been introduced with especial reference to
the discussion of this subject ; therefore one of the
objections raised in the United States disappears,
and the other could never stand in equity. Our
object is not, however, to discuss this Convention,
but to show the error so generally entertained in
America that the best policy of the United States is
to wait. Men are right to forecast the future as
well as they can, but they are wrong to act on their
predictions as if they were facts. In doing this they
intrude into the place of PROVIDENCE, while the mar-
vellous way in which the most clever are deceived
oaght to be a oaution to the rest. It is taken for
granted in America that England must soon be in-
volved in a foreign or a domestic war. It is also taken
for granted that the States are comparatively secure
from the liability, and from this comes the conclu-
sion that the Republic can make her own terms
when England's time arrives, or repay Britain in
her own coin with compound interest. Mean-
while the claims can be used iu retaliation to hamper
and degrade this country. They are not wise
people, according to our view, who give the
nation this advice. The rejection of. the Con-
vention might be taken by Europe to mean that the
Union reserved the power of employing privateers
to burn vessels on the high seas, or to equip and
sell such vessels to belligerents which could be com-
missioned from other than the ports of the nation
at war whose flag the cruisers flew. Would the
establishment of such an international law be in
harmony with the future the same men predict for
the United States? whose shipping trade is about
to take a rapid turd upwards. Its danger must be
in proportion to that trade, for it evidently strikes
a fatal blow at a genuine maritime power, placing an
inland country like Austria or Russia on a better foot-
ing at sea than nations like France, Britain, or the
United States. Suppose, for instance, that the
Republic became involved in a war with Austria.
While the Empire was safe from attack, the EM-
PEROR could send men with Commissions in their
pockets to France and England tofitontA labanzas and
cruise against the commerce of the States. What oc-
curred during the rebellion would again take place,
and tha knowledge that this would surely occur in case
of such a war would strengthen materially the in-
land power at the expense of the maritime power.
If England became involved in such a contest she
would have to drink to the dregs the bitter cup of
which the Americans so justly complain. The two
nations most vulnerable on this point are the
United Kingdom and the United States, and it
would be little less than suicide for the one to
establish the precedent and for the other to insis