The Sun.
London, England, 1856-04-09 00:00:00

EDUCATION IN SCOTLAND.

The LORD-ADVOCATE, in moving for leave to bring
in a bill to regulate and make further provision for paro-
chial schools in Scotland, also a bill to snake provision for
education within burghs in Scotland, referred to the. un-
successful result of the contest which took place on this
sulject last session. The bill ho then introduced was sup-
ported by a majority of both the English and Scotch mem-
bers ; but it was thrown out in another place. That bill
gave a better prospect of restoring the old character of
Scotland as one of the best-educated countries in Europe
than any other measure that had been proposed. Though
his opinion was certainly unchanged, it did not follow that
he and those who thought with him should, year after
year, renew this kind of conflict, even though they were
sure of victory in the end. It was one thing to see what
was beet to be done—another to consider what could be
done ; and while he would not surrender any. of the gene-
ral principles affirmed by the house last session, on
the other hand, he was desirous of seeing whether, by
subdividing the question and trying to do by detail what
he had failed to do in the aggregate, he might not, at all
events, do something to improve the state of education in
Scotland. He should be unworthy the cause if he allowed
former disappointments to relax his exertions. It had
been said by Sir J. Pakington that education was Row
taken out of the category of party questions. He was glad
to hear that, because 25 years ago it was never treated
otherwise. He thought ho was entitled to appeal to the
other side of the house—he did not say to support these
bills, or any part of them with which they did not agree
in spirit—but he was entitled to ask, if the principle of
the measures should be affirmed by the house, that they
should not have the contest protracted, day after day, on
every clause of the bills, but that they should give to the
details a fair and candid consideration. The question di-
vided itself into two branches, as his notice indicated ; but
he should say it divided itself into three. He proposed to
deal in these bills, first, with parish schools: becondly, with
education in boroughs.; and beyond that, he meant to indicate
a measure of larger Went, to fill up what he thought the
manifest deficiency which these two measures would leave.

appr•raching the question of parish schools he laid it
down as a principle that it was impossible longer to main-
tain the exclusive character of these schools. (Hear.) That
the house hid declared over and over again ; they had
divided upon that over and over again, and always with
the same result. He was certain the house would agree
that it was impossible to deal, under any circumstances,
with parish schools, and leave the exclusive test as it was.
(Hear.) That was the principle which had raised the chief
obstacle ; they must clear the question as to exclusive tests
from their path, and the sooner it was brought to an issue
the better. It was not a matter on which it was possible
to ask the house to change its opinion. The test was a
thing indefensible is itself ; and, excepting a few enthu-
siastic people, who thought more of their own parish dis-
putes than of the state of the country or the good of the
people, it was not maintained or defended, as far as he was
aware, by any persons of any opinion or profession. AC-
cordingly, his bill would abolish—he trusted for ever—that
exclusive to-t. When they knew that there were parish
schools
deserted on this ground, it was impossible longer to
ne,intain it. Anxious as hew. ato clear away these obstruc-
tions, he del not wish to make a greater inroad on the ex-
isting parish schools than the exigency of the occasion re-
quired. Last year lie proposed to bring all these schools
under one management. He now proposed to let the man-
agement remain in the minister and presbytery ; but he
would abolish the right of the presbytery to try offences.
he would retain the right of the pres-
bls to moralyterytot offences,ryanuish them. The jurisdiction over school-
maeters whichthe presbytery had hitherto exercised was not
oee that added to their dignity or their usefulness. From
the decision of the presbytery on moral offences he would
give an appeal to the sheriff's depute ; but for serious
offences the presbytery would have the right to remove the
master at once. As to the examination of schoolmasters, he
would abolish the examination by the presbytery where a
master was chosen who did not belong to the established
Church ; in other cases the examination by the presbytery,
would take place. Provision was also made for an inspec-
tion of the schools by a Government inspector. By clear-
ing away the exclusive tests in parish schools, they
would tend to liberalise the education generally. By the
second bill he proposed to give the town councils in burghs
the unrestricted power of assessing themselves, for the
establishment of schools. When a town council resolved
to take this step, it would not be carried out until after
the election of a new council—two months' notice being
thus given of the proceeding. In parochial schools, the
salaries of the schoolmasters would not be paid by Govern-
ment grants, but by rates on the heritors ; and it was pro-
posed to increase those salaries. Had the existing system
been swept away, and a national one proposed, it would
hare been proper for the Government to grant some aid;
but there was no such provision in the bill he proposed.
He would not stop short at parish and burgh schools.
A. representation from Glasgow, signed by men of all
sects and parties, had recently been addressed to the
noble lord at the head of the Government, stating that the
means of education were inadequate, and praying that
steps might be taken for their improvement. • If these bills
were favourably received by the house, he shoield be pre-
pared to submit a scheme for the further extension of
schools. lie did not propose any further interference with
the management, but he would place the schools to be so
established under Government inspection. Assuming that
there would soon be a minister of education,. these schools
would be under his control. Either they must leave the
schools without control, or they must have control in
Edinburgh or London- He should not propose to have a
board in Scotland, but to. _eppeint inspectera who should
report to the responsible minister of education as ;miller
state of existing schools, and the necessity for no ones.
Six months after the report that the schools were
needed in any district, a rate should be ordered for
their establishment, general orders should be drawn up
for their regulation, and grants would be made by the
Privy Council. At present -he confined his motion
to the parochial and burgh schools, thinking it better to
defer the larger measure till after the discussion of Lord
John Russell's resolutions. The learned lord again referred
to the impossibility of maintaining the exclusive character
of the parish schools. Were that obstacle once got rid of,
those who now differed on the subject of education would
be able unitedly to address themselves to this great work.
Mr. BAXTER bad felt a good deal disappointed by the
statement of the learned lord. It showed that the spirit of
mutual concession had not yet made much progress. He
was convinced that the existing differences were far more
in words than in reality. (Hear, hear.) If the supporters
of the Establishment and Dissenters would lose sight of
polemical questions, the difficulties, which existed only in
the minds of learned doctors, would speedily vanish. He
should like to see gentlemen on both aides uniting to
give Scotland a good and useful hip. .Although the bill
did not come up to his views, ass Dissenter, he was willing
to accept of
it as a compromiee. He thought that the whole
parochial system in Scotland must be changed, but he
would not wish to see it changed for a denominational
one. The present bill proposed to get rid of the religious
test—a principle which had been already recognised as to
the universities. The bill allowed the parishes to tax
themselves; but he confessed—high an opinion as he had
of the Scotch people—he doubted whether they were suffi-
ciently advanced to set the proper value on good schools.
He thought the bill would prove the miserable inefficiency
of many who set up
schools. He hoped the bill would be
received in a kind and fair spirit on both sides of the house.
Mr. BLACK, having-been for a long time in connection
with persons who took the deepest interest in this question,
thought that he was competent to state what they con-
sidered were the principles upon which a national system
of education should be established. Such a system ought
not to be exclusive, but free—not sectarian, but open. The
parent was the person responsible for the education of his
child, and especially for the religious laetrile ion which it
received ; and although the parish school system of Scot-
land, as well as the schools themselves, had been greatly
eulogised, it must not be forgotten that those who praised
them drew their impressions from a distant period; while
that system was in its vigour and purity. Those hon.
gentlemen forgot that as years had flown by a great change
had come over the constitution of those schools, and they
were not now in the condition which they were when they
elicited the praises of the country. At one time they were
in fact almost national, the great body of the people were
members of that church the doctrines of which they taught,
but the growth of sectarianism -in Bestland bad boon BO

!ICING,. APRIL 9. 1858.

great that now not ab,ve one-third of the Scottish
schools were of this denomination, and consoqueto iy
no less than two-thirds of the teachers in the whole of

Scotland were qualified for the management of a parish
school. The opinion of the country on the question of edu-
cation bad set of late years in favour of obtaining the best
teacher for a school, no matter what might be his religious
opinions ; the only test they wished to retain was the
test of aility, audit was plain to all that the time
had come when the religious test must be abolished. It
must also be recollectet, that although a number of new
schools had certainly been established , it did not necessarily
follow that the amount of education was greater, because
it unfortunately happened that, from sectarian asperity,
the schools became rival, instea 1 of additional schools, and
that, in point of fact, in many c•ises the establishment of a
new school in a particular locality had greatly injured the
old one, without doing itself any perceptible good ; so that
if a general system could be established, and the existing
schools could be fairly apportioned over the whole country,
not only would the expense of management be lessened,
but the amount of education given would, in all probability,
be greatly increased. There was no occasion, in his opinion,
for teaching sectarianism at schools, for such was the di-

versity of tie human mind that different opinions soon
sprung up after leaving school, whereas by having a gene-
ral system friendships would be formed, and a spirit of
conciiiation nurtured which would alleviate the bitter-

ness of religious animosity and enable the educated man to
enjoy his own convictions, while he extended a due mea-
sure of respect to the differing opinions of his neighbour.
He fully admitted that up to the present moment the re-
ligious, or rather sectarian, elenaent had been the chief
obstacle to the formation of a general system, but he be-
lieved that, if it could be once established, it would greatly,
conduce to the results which he had indicated. Being ra-
fished that no school would exist in Scotland at which

liigion would not be taught, he was sorry that his right
hon. friend was unable to carry out an educational system
upon a more comprehensive scale, but he accepted the
measure as a step in the right direction, for he thought if
they could get the test abolished it would be worth the
struggle they had made to effect the object.
Mr. ➢IACKIE said he approved of the bill introduced
by his right hon. friend. He entirely disapproved of the
present religious test, yet he thought that a schoolmaster
should be made to show that he believed in the general
truths of Christianity. (Hear.)
Sir A. AGNEW approved of the bill, which was looked
forward to with great anxiety iu Scotland. He only re-
vretted it did not go farther, but perhaps 39 it stool, it
would contribute more to peace than if it went farther. It
was not a question whether the present parish schools did
good or whether they were sectairan. He believed they did
good and were not sectarian. The question was, had they
the confidence of those fur whose benefit they were origi-
nally intended ? He had no hesitation in saying that they
had not. Scotland was now differently circumstanced from
what it was when the parish schools were first established,
and this bill he thought would place them in the position
they once held. He did not believe the bill would prove
in the least dangerous to the Established Church, whilst
it would have the happiest results by contributing• to
peace and harmony. (Hear, hear.) Some gentlemen ob-
jected to this bill because it was said that the next step
would be to attack the Established Church of England.

He did not see how it could have any such effect,
because the bill exclusively applied to Scotland, and
there was nothing in the English system analogous to the
Scotch one. He hoped the house would assist the Lord
Advocate in giving effect to the bill. (Hear.)
Mr. BLACKBURN said he would not discuss the bill, ,
as it was not yet before the house. He thought the rela-
tion between the parish schools and the Church should be
left as it was, and that some religious test should be re-
quired of the schoolmaster.
Mr. STIRLING thought the right bon, gentleman de-
served credit for the moderation which he had shown in
introducing the present modified bill, and he hoped his
moderation would be followed by gentlemen on his side of
the house. (Hear.) Were it not for the question of the
religious test, he believed there would be no difficulty in
the education question as regarded Scotland. The Church
of Scotland in the rural districts held its own, and there-
fore he thought the parochial schools should be left under
their care in those districts • but as the Church did not
hold its own in the towns, he did not think any preference
should bo shown to the Established Church. He thought
there was a greater want of reformatory schools for those
whom he might call the barbarous tribes of the population,
than of schools for extending education to the artisan
class. The inspectors of schools, with the exception of Dr.
Woodford, admitted that the school machinery in Scotland
was not deficient. One-fourth of the persons who entered
the schools for the purpose of being trained as teachers fol-
lowed other occupatns, which showed that there was not
so great a want of school machinery as was supposed.
(Rear.) If the house looked to the reports of the inspec-
tors, they would find that the existing system was in a
most satisfactory state.
Leave was then given to bring in the two bills.
LOCAL CHARGES UPON SHIPPING.
Mr. LOWE moved to appoint, as the select committee
on the Local Charges upon Shipping Bill—Mr. we, Mr.
Hardy, Mr. M. Gibson, Mr. Horefall, Mr. Fen wick, Sir S.
Norticote, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Watson, Mr. Bouverie, Mr.
Headlain, Mr. Cardwell, Sir J. Duckworth, Mr. Duncan,
Lord Hotham, and Mr. Moffatt.
Mr. V. SCULLY rose to call the attention of the house
to the habitual exclusion of Irish members from important
committees, thus depriving them of the opportunity of
protecting the fecal interests of the country, and com-
menced, amidst much laughter, by moving the emission of
the name of Mr. Lowe. The right hon. gentleman treated
the Irish members as a sort of Australian kangaroo, de-
serving of no attention whatever The right hon. gentle-
man had visited Ireland, and therefore he knew that Ire-
land did not occupy an inland position, but that it had an
abundance of ports and harbours which would be affected
by this bill. Why, he represented a constituency which
bad far more harbours and ports than the borough of Kid-
derminster. This system of neglect towards Ireland was
not confined ta the present case. A Cabinet Minister had
only that night moved a committee on transportation on
which it was only proposed to placione Irish member. Of
that, indeed, he did not so much complain, for although
Ireland had at one time furnished a large proportion of
the persons transported that was not s now; and perhaps
the proportion of Irish to English members only fairly re-
presented that which existed between the persons subject
to punishment. (Laughter.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said her
Majesty's Government did not for one moment dispute the
fact that there were ports and harbours in Ireland, and
that they deserved the utmost consideration of Parliament.
He could assure the hen gentleman that there was no de.
sire to exclude Irish members from the committee. Appli-
cation had been madeto the Irish members to serve on the
committee ; but they had declined. He proposed that
the committee should consist of 17 members, instead of 15,
and that the two additional membersshould be Irish mem-
bers.

Mr. .DISRAELI regretted that the discussion as to
Irish wombats taking part in the proceedings of that
house should have been revived. Re hid hoped that
these discussions, were dormant, if not nearly dead.
He should not oppose the proposition of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, but, he thought seventeen were too many
for a committee. A. fewer number would be more efficient.
He denied the imputation that Irish members were ex-
cluded systematically from taking part in the proceedings
of that house. He denied, too, that Irishmen were ex-
clu led from office. Many Prime Ministers of this country
had been Irishmen, and when he (Hr. Disraeli) came into
Parliament an Irishman occupied that very post of which
the hon. and learned gentleman complained, namely, the
office of Vice-President of the Board of Trade, which at
the time to which he eluded it was filled by Mr. Sheii.
Mr. WATSON objected to the committee, as being
already tce numerous, and now it was proposed to increase
the number. He called upon the Government to recon-
struct the committee.
Mr. F. SCOTT complained that his name had been placed
upon the committee after he had intimated that it was not
his intention to serve upon it.
Mr. JOHN M`GREGOR regretted that the bill which
had been introduced had been suddenly thrown up. If
he had been at the Board of Trade, as he once was he
would --- (laughter, which prevented the honourable
gentleman finishing the sentence.) When ho was at the
Board of Trade, no bill was ever prepared by that board
that did not pass. (Cries of "oh, oh, oh," and laughter.)
He did not say that because he was the author of the
bills. (Continued laughter.) He had been much pained at
hearing the right honourable gentleman the member for
Buckinghamshire refer to the appointment of the late Mr.
Sheil. He had always had the greatest respect for that
lamented gentleman ; he was a most pleasant and sociable
person—(laughter)—but he was quite unfit for the office of
Vice-President of the Board, and so he had expressed him-
self to him (Mr. M`Gregor). The committee as at present
constituted ought to be abandoned, and a fresh one ap-
pointedein which all the great seaports should be repre-
sented. The object which the committee had to inquire
into was simply one of confiscation.
Mr. HADFIELD wished to know how making Sheffield
pay 6,00 W. could be called confiscation. He complained
that the great manufacturing districts were not repre-
sented on te committee.
Sir F. BARING objected to the construction of the
cotnreittee, as there was a majority upon it of members
whose opinions were known and pledged upon the subject,
which they had to consider. The decision of such a com-
mittee, therefore, would not carry any weight hereafter.
It would be much better to withdraw the committee and
reconstruct it.
Lord PALMERSTON said this was not to be a judicial
committee, nor was it to decide whether the bill should or
should- not be adopted. When the bill was before the
house it was said that certain localities h:,d not been colt
sidered, and therefore a committee was to be appointed to
inquire into the circumstances that were alleged. He
thought the committee as proposed was calculated for the
object in view. He agreed with the right hon. gentleman
the member for Buckinghamshire, that 17 were too many
for a committee, but let the house look at the demand
which that night had been made for representatives on the
committee. As te the commit tee being a partizan committee,
he thought that was an advantage. The object of the
committee was to inquire into facts,-and therefore it would
nut be wise to select persons ignorant of the circumstances
into which they had to inquire. The gentlemen who had
been named were well acquainted with the subject, and
therefore he strongly recommended the house to agree to
their appointment-
Mr: HORSFALL had hoped the suggestion that had-
been made would have been accepted by the Government.
He was unwilling to move an amendment, and before do-
ing so again appealed to the noble lord to delay the ap-
pointment of this committee for a week, to reconstitute
the committee, and he moved the adjournment of the de-
hate for a week for that purpose.
Lord PALMERSTON said he thought nothing would be
gained by any.adjearnment. This committee was n,t to
decide the question, but merely to report for the gui ;mice
of the house.
The house divided on the amendment for the adjourn-
ment of the debate. The numbers wero—
For the adjournment
Against it
Majority
The retention of Mr. Lowe's name was agreed to.
Mr. SCULLY objected to the name of Mr. Hardy on the
committee, on the ground of his being a gentleman of no
experience, and only been e!ected to a seat in that house
within a month. He thought an Trieb member should be
named in his stead, or some Irish member added to it.
Mr. R. PHILLIMORE defended the nomination of Mr.
Hardy, who was as well qualified to pet form his duty as
any lash member.
The name was then agreed to.
The remaining names were also agreed to.
' AUDIT OF PUBLIC ACCOUNTS.

. 67
108
..-41

Mr. BOWYER then called the attention of the house to
the constitution of the Board of Audit, and the defects of
the law regarding- the awlit of public accounts. For the
last two years' the estimates had exceeded any amount
since those of 1841. When the last estimates were
brought forward, 32 persons were withdrawn from the
Audit and transferred to the War department. Although
the transfer of the Commissariat department had dimi-
nished the duties of the Audit department, the number of
persons employed in that department was insufficient for

the proper performance of its duties. Various improve-
ments had beet; suggested for the put pose of ren.iertog the
board able to dischargt, its duties, but the real defect was
a want of power over the business confided to the board.
It had no power to compel the production of accounts.
The difficulty bad a, isen, not from any defect in the origi-
nal constitution of the board, but from circumstances of
an historical nature. The hon. and learned gentleman
was proceeding with his statement when
An BON. MEMBER moved that the house be counted.

During the delay which intervened before the process
could be gone through, several membrs rushed into the
house, and it was then found that 4U members were present.
Mr. BO WYER resumed his remarks, and expressed a
hope that the Government would see the necessity of in-
stituting an inquiry into the matter, with a view of re-
medying the defects which now existed.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER Raidthere
were two questions to be considere,i—one the state of legis-
lation affecting the audit board ; the other the administra-
tion of the system under the existing law. It was a matter
for the consideration of the house whether there should be
an entire change in the character of the au,iit or not?
With respect to the administration of the audit board, so
far as his information extended, he was not aware that
any arrears of business had arisen, or that there was any
reason to suppose that the present board was not efficient
for the transaction of the business which devolved upon it.
All the naval and military accounts were sent to the audit
office for vouchers for every disbursement, and there every
account was placed under its proper head. The whole
nriss of the naval and military expenditure was subject to
that final ordeal. _

Sir F. BARING could not understand the mode of audit
of the army accounts He had given notice of a motion which
included the subject. He thought all commissariat accounts
were originally audited at the Treasury. It was thought at
that time that all accounts should be audited at the Audit-
office. One of the last things he had done while iu office was
to appoint a commission to inquire to what extent the army
accounts could be audited by the audit board. He thought
that that hoard should have the same check on the army ex-
penditure that it had on that of the navy.

Mr. DISRAELI was glad the subject had been introduced,
and the notice of the house would be again called to the ques-
tion. He had risen to show the respect which was duo to
the hon. gentleman who had brought the motion forward.
The Audit-office, like everything else in the country, had
been the creature of time and circumstances. From auditing
a few accounts it had arrived at the considerable power of
checking 600 of the public accounts. He thought the posi-
tion of the audit administration was not of that sati factory
kind which the country had a right to expect. It should be
applied to the whole of the accounts of the country, and in
his opinion should be directly responsible to that house. He
was sure that the result of that night's discussion would be
to lead to a better system in that particular,
Lord PALMERSTON said it was a great mistake to sup-
pose that the auditing of the military accounts as not com-
plete and effectual for the purpose. It was not conducted by
the Audit-office, nor could it be. Hu was speaking then of
the great mass of public expenditure for the army service.
The audit required was of a peculiar nature. The whole of the
money voted for the pay and all ,wauces of the troops was
issued through regimental paymasters, who received it perio-
dically ou au estimate which they sent for the expenditure
of the next month or two months. It was issued to
them in conformity with regulations, minute and detailed,
in order to provide for every variety of circumstances of ser-
vice iu which officers and men might be placed. But those
regulations were issued and made by the War-office. The ob-
ject of the audit of the paymaster's accounts was, first to as-
certain that no sum had bee* issued for which the paymaster
had not a voucher to show that it has been actually expended,
and next--; and almost equally important, to ascertain that it
had been issued in conformity with the regulatons. The au-
ditors were not competent judges of those matters, they did
not know the regulations. The War-office was the best judge
whether the sums issued and vouched for had been actually
expended according to the regulations. The business of the
great body of able men who composed the War-office was to
check those accounts, and to report to the Secretary for War
those issues which had been made, either not vouched, or, if
vouched, not in conformity with the regulations of the ser-
vice.. If the issues had been made not vouched, the paymas-
ters were, of course, liable for the amount. It constantly hap-
pened that issues were made properly vouched ashaving been
made, but issued in a manner not in conformity with the
strict regulations of the service. Such cases-were returned to
the Scretary at War, who determined whether under all the
circumstances, the irregularity might be justified by the occa-
sion. That was a point which auditors could not determine, it
could only be determined by the authority which issued the re-
gulations. He was well assured that any arrangement to audit
the army accounts by the Audit-office would involve great
delay and multiplied correspondence. Ho spoke with some
knowledge of the matter, having held for many years the
office of Secretary at War. There could be no audit more
strict and more effectual than that which related to the .pay
and allowance of troops.
Mr. HENLEY said that although the noble lord had given
them full information with respect to the issue of pay,• he had
passed lightly over that vast branch of expenditure, the Com-
missariat and the Ordnance. It appeared to him that that
was a branch of,the expenditure which the house had a right
to know whether the money had been applied, if not alto-
gether, in what proportion to the services for which it was
voted.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER explained that
the Audit-office saw that all expenditure for the commissariat
and ordnance was properly vouched for, and that every item
was brought under its proper head, in order to correspond to
the appropriation act.
Mr. HENLEY hoped it was so. He could not see why the
regulations mentioned by the noble lord conk'. not be imparted
to the Audit-office so as to enable time army expenditure to
be audited as the ;mouse seemed to desire.
Mr. WILLIAMS agreed in what had fallen from the hon.
member for Oxfordshire as to the possibility of having the
army accounts laid before the auditors. He was glad to
find that the hon. member for Portsmouth (Sir F. Baring) in-
tended to bring the subject before the house.
Mr. BOWYER begged to ask whether a statement would
be laid upon the table (in continuation of papers of last session)
of the audit of accounts, showing what accounts had been fully
audited, and the reason why the delay had taken place.
. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—Perhaps the
hon. member will give notice.
The house then passed to the orders of the day.
SUPPLY REPORT.

Mr. WILSON brought up the report of the committee 01
supply, when the different votes were agreed to without dis-
cussion.

PUBLIC WORKS BILL.
This bill was ordered to be read a third time on Monday
next.

PUBLIC WORKS (IRELAND) BILL.
This bill was also ordered to be read a third time ex Mon
day 'ext.

TRIAL OF OFFENCBS BILL.

This bill was, after the introduction of a few amendments
by the Attorney-General, agreed to and ordered to be read a
third time. _

This being all the business on the notico-paper, the house
adjourned at five minutes past 12 o'clock.

THE RUMOURED, DOWRY FOR THE
PRINCBSS hOYAL.

The following letter on this subject has emanated
from the Liverpool Reform Association. It is ad-
dressed pro forma, to J. C. Ewart, E-q„ M.P.,
and W. Brown, Esq., M P., but may be taken as
the remonstrance, generally, of the Financial Re-
formers against even the supposition of such a sum
being voted in these times, as a dowry—to any of
the Royal Family :

- _
Financial Reform Association, 6, York-buildings,
Dale-street, Liverpool, Apri 7, 1856.

My Dear Sir—On behalf of the council of the Finan-
cial Reform Association I beg leave to call your atten-
tion, and through you, that of the public generally, to the
common report that her Majesty's Ministers intend to
propose to Parliament that an annuity of 70,0001. per
annum shall be settled on the Princess Royal on her
marriage with the Prince of Prussia.
On the policy of that marriage I offer no opinicn.
Perhaps the alliance with the heir to a powerful king-
dom may be an improvement on the system which has
hitherto confined the selection of husbands and wives for
the royal progeny of England to the petty princes and
princesses of Germany with territories less extensive
and less productive than the estate of many an English
squire. But the proposed dowry is so preposterously
extravagant, that the first mention of it conveys the im-
pression that, in this as in many other instances common
report must be a common deceiver. 70,0cr01. per an-
num ! It is the interest of a million and a-half of money;
it is 20,000/. more than was thought sufficient by an
unreformed Parliament, in the days of King Geo. 111.,
when all the expenses of living were much higher than
they are now, for the husband of Princess Charlotte,
the heiress to the throne of England.

Just .consider the circumstances under which this job
is said to be in contemplation. We have spent upwards
of a hundred millions on the war now terminated, for
the present ; we have borrowed, or shall have to borrow,
some tuirty or fifty millions more ; our doubled income-
tax and imposts on commodities wring from us nearly
seventy trillions annually ; there are the strongest mo-
tives for reducing expenditure to _the lowest limits con-
sistent with the efficiency of the public Service ; how,
then, is it possible that our rulers can meditate such a
piece of wasteful extravagance as the alienation of
70,000/. per annum of the public money, for the life of
a princess who, in the natural course of events, will be-
some queen of a foreign kinedom ! Why should the
people of England be bound to provide 70,0001. a year
for the future Queen of Prussia ?
Such- questions must occur to every one ; but the ob-
jections implied in them will have no force whatever
either with Ministers who propose the arrangement, or
with Parliament which will be called upon to carry it into
effect, unless the country speaks out, through public
meetings and its representatives, aul protests energeti
tally against so needless and improvident a waste of the
public money. As to her Majesty's Ministers, instead of
endeavourieg by every practicable means to reduce the
iirdinary burdens of the na'ions, whilst imposing extra-
ordinary ones upon it, they have taken advantage of the
popular excitement produr ed by the war, tie make large
and unnecessary additions in almost every branch of ex-
penditure; civil as well as military ; and as to the House
of Commons, instead of acting as a check on Ministers,
it has encouraged them in their profusion ; it has ailed
and abetted them in their extravagance so rashly and
blindly, that it has incurred rebuke even in the House
of Lords for its reckless disregard of all economy.
The personal income of the parents of this young lady,
from all sources, cannot fall very nitre!, short of 200,0001.
per annum. Whatever"the amount really is, it may be re-
garded as their pocket money only, for they are furnished
in addition with palaces, parks, and gardens for residence
and recreation, with horses, carriages, and yachts, for
locomotion, with most numerous establiehrneet4 for
their service and with provisions of every kied for their
maintenance, and the actual cost of all which gees far
beyond the 385.0001., forming the imaginary boundary
of Civil List expenses. Why, then, should they not,
like all other parents, provide downs for their children ?
If they are not to be subjected to the same rules as ordi-
nary mortals—if this, also, must be done for them at the
public expense—let it be done with some little regard to ,
decency and moderation at all events, some little consi-
deration for the struggling taxpayers, from whom the
funds will be extracted, and many of whom are hardly
enough 'pressed to provide for their own necessities.
Joint Bull is, proverbially, the most eeduring, thouch
he may likewise be the most grumbling, of all creatures.
But there must be bound, ever. to his patience and for-
bearance. To ascertain how far these extend would - eau
to be the preseet object butts of Ministers and of Parlia•
went. The experiment is injudicious, and may be dan-

g,-. Once thoroughly roused, the people of thil
try .v wake short work with all oligarchical abuse.:
If any such proposal as that which forms the sulject
of this letter should really be submitted to Parliameei
it ought to be met with the most strenuous oppositioa
by every true representative of the people. If it be,
nevertheless, adopted, the day of reckoning will coal*
and thos” who sanction it, by speech or vote, will hail
t., render a strict account to their Constituents.---I 014
my dear sir, yours faithfully,
ROBERTSON GLADSTONE, PreSidellt.
Ad,lressed to Mr. J. C. E Ann, M.P., and Mr. Will'
8r0w..,