The Sun.
London, England, 1860-01-23 00:00:00

3fri ils,

No. 21,087.

more irrational than to suspend its power and take away its
function at the very moment that you asked it to decide
upon a question which involved the fall or preservation of
the empire? it was natural for Parliament to feel shocked
at the position they were thrown into, and todiscountenance
the measure which they were not enabled, in point of fact,
to weigh. Beyond this, when a Government propounded a
large and comprehensive measure of Reform, no one fancied
for a moment that it expressed the views or had the appro-
bation of its authors. Aud Parliaments were not disposed
to swallow measures which they felt certain were regarded
with distrust, if not with acorn by the very cabinets who
offered them. But further still, an Opposition knew that
by defeating a largo and oomprohcnsive measure they would
overthrow the Government. Their whole art and ingenuity
and power were therefore naturally straine 1 to ascertain its
faults and to exaggerate their consequences. The only
change which we had yet succeeded in engrafting on the
act ef 1832 was an extension of the Irish franchise in 1850,
introduced as a separate reform, debated without faction,
and carried that yotr through both Houses of Parliament.
Experience was therefore clear before our eyes as to how
success might te, obtained and how failure might be courted.
If no other circumstance disqualified the Government to
alter the Reform Act by one large and final blow, their re-
luctance to adopt the ballot would appear to do so. If the
ballot were denied, in any measure which affected to dispose
of the whole question, the body of the electors who desired
it would be in a worse condition then they were at present.
But although he was in favour of occasional reform, it did
not follow upon that account that he was less ready than
the patrons of ambitious schemes to git e effect to the
mature opinion of the people. Universal suffrage might
be carried by occasional reform. Annual parliaments
might be carried by occasional reform. Re-distribution of
the seats might be accomplished by that method. The
difference between the two was, that crude and comprehen-
sive schemes disturbed the public mind-without altering the
law, whereas occasional reform had led to practical results,
and left tho island in tranquillity. And that tranquillity,
however valuable in itself, was yet more to be valued as a
defence against the hostile Powers (if any such there were)
whose opportunity would be in our struggles and divisions ?
And here he would remark that the volunteer movement
ought not to be suspended or discouraged because France
and England wore engaged in a common enterprise, or
bound by new commercial treaties, or firm in the ideas of
mutual respect for one another. It had first been kindled
by the Laureate ; it had been fanned by the exertions of
the Press ; and, last of all, Lord Elcho and other men of
public spirit, by foundling the Volunteer Association, had
endeavoured to perpetuate it. The Secretary at War had
lent his high authority and sanction to it. But neither the
Laureate, the Press, Lord Elcho, nor Mr. Sidney Herbert
had ever roused the country on the ground that an alliance
with France no longer to be cultivated. For his part, he
thought a French alliance was essential to the country and de-
sirable for Europe. If you looked towards the North and
East you saw a Power whose territory was unlimited, whose
Government was central and despotic, whose policy it was
to absorb weaker States into itself, and who swayed towards
that line by the irresistible desire of Northern populations
for those more sunny climes into which aggressive arms
could alone introduce them. Russia was that Power. Could
Great Britain unaided and alone suffice for the exertion of
restraining her? Would Prussia aid her in so doing?
Would Austria? Would Sweden? The melancholy years
of 1851 and 185.5, melancholy from the blood they had ex-
pended, from the crime they had avenged, the weaknesses
they had laid open, the animosities they had left behind,
might answer that inquiry. United, :France and Britain
Were able to contend with Russia. Without Britain, ships
would have been wanting ; without France, armies would
have failed. But even these great Powers were not able to
obtain a result such as their boundless sacrifices, their heart •
rending endurance; and noble feats entitled them to look for.
Let disunion grow up between Franco and England, Constan-
tinople would be Russian, and Europe no longer safe.
If you turn your eyes towards the West you see a young
and vigorous Republic uniting the extremes of servitude
and freedom, and of which, in spite of many virtues,
annexation is the ruling passion and the constant end. The
Continent of America can never fall under one dominion
so long as two naval Powers like France and England aro
united. But it requires the union of two naval Cowen—
and Europe has only two—to form an adequate security
against that consummation. The Emperor of Brazil himself
might tremble on his throne, if ho despaired of any steady
understanding between France and Great Britain. The
alliance of the two was necessary to the world; but how
can ycu preserve it ? Equality of forces and mutual re-
spect was the foundation of so 'doing. In former years, to
balance the immense preponderance of Franco by land,
Great Britain exceeded her in line-of-battle-ships, in
frigates, and in gun-boats. If Franco became our equal
upon the land. How could you effect it Would you in-
crease the army to 300,000 men ? The spirit et the coun-
try, the necessities and obligations of the country would re-
sist you. Your only course was to depend, in some degree,
on volunteers. Such seemed to him the vindication of the
movement, and the closer France and Britain were united
the more essential to our honour was it to become a nation
of armed men. But it was said that the Emperor of the
French deserved our confidence, and that so long as he re-
mained upon the throne no danger would impend upon us
from that quarter. It was far from his intention to dispa-
rage that extraordinary person, or cast suspicion on his
policy. Many calculations of ambition might strengthen,
many imi ulses of sentiment in prohibiting on his part a
rupture with Groat Britain. He knew that the world could
furnish him with no equivalent ally. It could not be Rue
sia, for Russia was engaged always more or less in a policy.
which France had renounced herself, and could never ac-
quiesce in from another country. It could not be America,
for the maxims of the United States prevented upon their
part the exorcise of influence in Europe. It could not be
Prussia, for Prussia had not any navy by which France
could be supported. It could not be Austria, because the
views of France and Austria in Italy.had always been irre-
concilable. Great Britain was the only Power, engaged in
no line of action, committed to no purpose which involved
disunion with France, and having the resources and advan-
tages for which France would naturally look in an ally. If
si rupture ever happened between Great Britain and the
Emperor, it would most likely be at some moment when
the weakness of this country in its national defences had
raised across the Channel a spirit of aggression which even
this great man was insufficient to subdue. But was his
life secured to us for ever ? Was it not possible that
a long career of agitation, of adversity, of struggle, and of
exile had imparted to his frame the cause of premature de.
dine ? Had not he been threatened ? Among the emis-
saries of the Pope as among the weak disciples of Mazzini,
might you not conceive the fatal hand which had not yet
Occurred to him. And if something happened to the Em-
peror, what situation would arise? Tho friends of that
dynasty which fell in 1830, the friends of that dynasty which
fell in 1848, the friends of the Republic which ceased in
1851, as far as we could judge,
would all spring into a mad
and internecine struggle for ascendancy; and what weapon
would occur to them ? How would they he likely to oatvie
each other in the race for short-lived popularity ? Would
net- hostility to Britain be the wa.chword by which each
would hope to awaken in its favour those dormant passions
which the present Emperor controlled ? Until, therefore,
the Emperor is proved to be not only a firm ally, but an
immortal one, all foresight calls on you to arm while his
life alone secures the order of his country. But granting
war to be in all contingencies improbable, there is another
ground on which a force of volunteers may be defended.
The power of a Foreign Secretary to uphold public law, to
vindicate the rights of British subjects, to negotiate success-
fully, to form satisfactory alliances, to prevent dangerous
combinations, depends not only upon skill, on judgment,
and diplomacy ; but on the fleets and armies which are
ready to give a point to his despatches and lend a substance
to his words. Suppose a country wholly undefended; would
all the concentrated talent of Lord Bolingbroke and ?tr.
Canning enable it to form the treaties which it aimed at ?
Suppose it perfectly invulnerable on its coasts, and undis-
puted mistress of the sea, the most incapable of ministers,
with an electric telegraph to help him, would not be able to
sink it beneath a certain point of insignificance in the dis-
cussions of the world. In 1823, when France invaded
Spain, Mr. Canning protested ineffectually; but a hundred
thousand volunteers were not arrayed behind his language.
It was necessary in 1826 to despatch 10,000 men to Portugal.
Had volunteers existed at that moment the emergency
might never have arisen. So, too, the Russian war might
yet have been a dream had not the Czar been able to look
down with scorn on the defences of the country. Diplomacy
was no doubt the general result of arms. But arms were
also the vital power and indispensable condition of diplo-
may. The past autumn has been full of illustrations upon
this point ; and if they wanted our foreign policy to proceed
with dignity and firmness, on thai ground alone they re-
quired the Channel fleet, a reserve of gunboats, which a dis-
tinguished naval man had recommended, a hundred thou-
sand regulars, which was not much beyond our ordinary
limit, a hundred thousand militiamen, which the Duke of
W' ellington had called for, and a hundred thousand vo-
lunteers, which was not too geeat a strain upon the gene-
, rill enthusiasm. Ho had made these observations because
he was informed that in the town their existed same
backwardness as regards joining the arttllery they
had lately resolved to have. If such backwardness
proceeded from a belief that war was distant for
the present, it did credit to their judgment. But he had
shown the probability of war was not the reason of the
movement. Having urged this point on several local
grounds, Mr. Campbell said that ho hoped to see every man
enrol himself in the artillery who was under the age of 60.
The young might feel a glow of pride and satisfaction in
the consciousness of living, not only to support themselves,
but to defend the public fortunes, to influence the fate of
Europe and the movements of the world. They would lsy

; up a treasure fer old age ; in all the hours they had given
to the service they would find a vent for the exuberance and
power which belonged to their time of life, and which,
unless it had a useful channel, would only tend to the con-
fusion of their fortunes and pursuits. As regards men
who had outlived their youth, what was more essential
to them than some new form ortoil and excitement to
arrest the gloom and the satiety which often hung on their
existence, to keep up the activity they were much too
prone to lose, to disripate the cares which not unfre-
quently assailed him, and to animate theM by the feel-
ing that the remnant of their lives would not be useless
to society ? He had no desire to appeal to-night to
party feelings ; but he could not hear without concern
that the recruits had not come as yet to any great extent
from his political supporters. It was true, indeed, that
legislation was in some degree exhausted, the circle of
abuses was restricted, the battles 'of Reform were won.
From time to time, howerei, they might still remember
they belonged to that set of men by whom Parliament
had been released from the coercion of the Throne,
and the middle class from the dictation of the oligarchy,
by whom Town Councils had been made an organ of
the people, by whom corn had been taken from the
fetters which confined it to its native soil, by whom the
ships of every land had been encouraged to pursue an un-
impeded path over the ocean. In a short time—it might
be months, it might be weeks—they must be ready to see
their opponents face to face upon the hustings. In the
House of Commons parties were now balanced, Europe,
Asia, and America combined to furnish opposition with
the weapons of plausible, although not of just attack. On
the question of Reform no Government was safe unless the
prudent counsel he had quoted from Mr. Cobden influ-
enced their plans. The occasion might therefore be near,
which, looking to the past, did not seem to them a distant.
one. When that day arrives, let it not be said by your op
ponents that while you were zealous to improve the laws
and institutions of the country, you gave them a monopoly
in the sense, the hardihood, and virtue of being forward to
defend it.

The hon. gentleman, who vn.s frequently and loudly
cheered throughout, then sat down amidst great applause.
♦ resolution, expressive of confidence in the hon. gentle-
man, and approval of his course in Parliament, was pro-
posed, seconded, and carried unanimously.

THE HON. TV. F. CAMPBELL, 3LP.,
AND BIS CONSTITU-EXTS.

(Front the lforning Advertiser.)
A public meeting was held at the Three Cups Hotel, on
Saturday, to hear the llon. W. F. Campbell on political
affairs.

In the course of his speech, Mr. CAMPBELL referred to
his motion upon Portugal in August last. Although it had
not come forward at such a time or in such a manner as to
rivet their attention, ho would not shrink now from ex-
plaining to them briefly in what views it had originated.
Responsible as he was to them for the prudence of every
step he took in the House of Commons, they knew as well
as him that, at the fall of the late Government, the rela-
tions of Great Britain and Portugal had been seriously
compromised. As a maritime constituency they knew,
also, that for many years this country had employed a
squadron on the coast of Africa, at tho cost of half a million
pounds a year, for the repression of the slave trade. In IMO,
on an attempt to induce the House of Commons to withdraw
the squadron, they refused, with zeal if not with unanimity,
to do so. In 1858, when an attempt was made to induce
them to control it by instructions, with still greater zeal
and a much larger majority, they declined to control its
operations or to limit its activity. The leading statesmen
were irrevocably pledged to its continuance, and the nation
could not now recede from that line of policy to which the
squadron was essential. The Portuguese dominion on the
eastern and western coasts of Africa occupied the terri-
tory from which slaves were unfortunately furnished. Un-
less, therefore, Portugal abetted the exertions of our
squadron by instructing the Governor-General of Angola
on the ono side and the Governor •General of Mozambique
upon the other, to do their utmost to support it (and many
means were open to thorn), it was nothing but a useless
drain upon the finances of the empire—it was nothing but
a mischievous and inexcusable withdrawal to distant and
deadly clime! of ships, of seamen, and officers, who, in
other regions of the globe, might be defending our safety
or adding to our influence. To keep up a squadron to
watch the coast of Africa, with Portugal upholding it,
might be good sense, and wisdom, and humanity ; to
keep up a squadron in those waters, with Portugal im-
peding you, was a wanton sacrifice of life, and un-
repaid expenditure of money, and a departure from
all the views which prudence dictated to empires. To
bring the authority of Portugal to bear on the Governor-
General of Angola and the Governor-General of Mozam-
bique, British influence and British exhortation were per-
petually required. And if any state of things occurred to
silence British exhortation and lock up British influence, do
what the squadron might, the slave trade would continue.
The transaction so painfully associated with the vessel
Charles et Georges rendered it impossible for Britain to hold
towards Portugal her wonted language on this subject until
Parliament had interfered with such a motion as ho offered.
Britain would have only courted the reply from any go-
vernment at Lisbon, " we did discountenance the slave trade,
we did instruct the viceroys as you asked, we did oppose our-
selves to France, who wanted our negroes ; we dii execute
our laws. You did not give us even countenance in peril
which you forced us to incur, and we will not again, without
new encouragement and new security, incur it." The mo-
tien was designed to oiler that encouragement and furnish
that security on the part of the House of Commons, which
had a right to speak for the community. It appeared tq be
so calculated to the Minister of Portugal; to Mr. Lyons
M‘Lood, our well-known consul from Mozambique; to Mr.
Charles Buxton, who came down to the House of Commons
to support it ; to that distinguished individual whose talents
were now devoted to restore our Indian finance. The Op-
position were prepared to acquiesce in it. The Government
through more than one channel, had engaged to give it their
support ; and although the state of the house (there being
scarcely 40 members present) induced him not to speak,
the practical result would have been gained—and this was
all he aimed at—had not a member of the Cabinet taken a
part which, if he ever became acquainted with this subject,
he would no doubt regret to the latest day of hie existence.
Mr. Lyons M'Leod had made a calculation that if our squad-
ron lost the active sympathy of Portugal, to render it
effectual 13 more ships would be required, at a now cost of
two hundred and fifty thousand pounds per annum. Such
was the burden which he (Mr. Campbell) had desired to
avert ; but which Sir George Grey decided to impose upon
the public. In the same spirit, and on the same night, he
insisted, with headlong haste, trampling en all the forms
and usages of Parliament, on sending down commissions of
inquiry to Wakefield and Gloucester, which could have no
result except that of adding to the general taxation of the
country. Reflecting over that night, he (Mr. Campbell)
had come to the conclusion that Sir George Grey, wearied
by a long course of Parliamentary attendance, and weighed
down by the burden of a too responsible department, had
come to the House of Commons with a general idea that two
motions were before him, but one ought to be carried
and the other thrown out, and that in the hurry of the
moment he supported what he meant to have opposed, and
opposed what he meant to have supported. On no other
ground could he (Mr. Campbell) continuo to regard him
with that esteem and admiration which he had felt for him
before, and which ho knew was generally shared among tho
party he belonged to. As regarded organic change, on
which at present so much apathy existed, ho would only
state his general opinion as to the lino we ought to follow ;
and ho did so with the greater ease, because in August last
Mr. Cobden had anticipated what occurred to him about it.

In August last, at Rochdale, Mr. Cobden had lent his great
authority and eloquence to the position that, the best mode
of operating on the Reform Act of 1832 was to renounce am- •
bitious schemes, and to touch separately, one by one, the
parts of that great system which required correction and
improvement. In support of his idea Mr. Cobden quoted the
expression of the late Mr. O'Connell to the effect that when
you had a doorway which would scarcely admit a gig and
horse, it was not a prudent thing to lay down as a principle,
that you would never enter it without a dozen waggons all
abreast of one another. So, too, ho might have added, it
would not be a practical proceeding to refuse to enter a har •
bour which would only float a brig, unless you were allowed
to do so with a fleet of line-of-battle ships. But setting
metaphor apart, experience was ready to convince all im-
partial minds that the attempt at large and comprehensive
legislation on Reform had been fairly tried and met with
uniform disaster. The well-known Mr. O'Connor tried it
in 1848, but his scheme had no support from any order of
society. Mr. Hume attempted it in 1849, in 1850, and in
1851, but he found nothing to respond to him except aver-
sion in the House of Commons, and indifference in the
people. Lord John Russell attempted it in 1832. In ten
days afterwards the ship, of. which he had been the able
pilot, foundered. In 1854, the Earl of Aberdeen, blind to
all these lessons, rushed upon a similar experiment, and
met a similar repulse, although not at once subversive of
his Government. In 1859, the Earl of Derby, untaught by
these impressive antecedents, advanced a comprehensive
scheme, and sacrificed his Government amidst the loudest
marks of reprehension. Impenetrable that man must be to
all the past could teach him who, in cold blood, defied the
voice of Mr. Cobden, after its sagacity and truth had been
so curiously verified. Not that Mr. Cobden was the only per-
son of distinction who had anticipated the point for which
he was contending. The Prime Minister himself in 1857,
just before the general election, gave utterance to the same
idea, and declared himself in favour of occasional reform as
preferable to large bills which were not framed to reach the
statute book. For the real truth was, that large ambitious
projects of reform ware neverlikely to be carried. Ho would
point out a few of the impediments which met them. To
begin with such schemes involved, or were thought to in-
volve, an instant dissolution. When a dissolution was im-
pending the power of the Houseof Commons, as a delibera-
tive body, was suspended, because its members wore all en-
gaged in other scenes. And what could be more unjust or

• Extract from the Royal Warrant :—" Any person who
as a non-commissitned officer or soldier shall have com-
pleted the term of service for which he was originally en-
listed, not being less than 10 years in the Infantry, or 12 in
the Cavalry, Artillery, or Royal Engineers, or who, after
five years' service, has been discharge for any other cause
than misconduct, without a permanent pension, may, pro-
vided he is approved and engages for such ear vice by a de-
claration in the form hereto annexed, be enrolled to serve
in the reserve force."

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PRICE 4D. STAMPED,

INSTITUTION OF NAVAL ARCHITECTS,

The Institution of Naval Architects which has
just been established is likely to be an important
engine of Naval Reform. The sums which have
been spent upon men-of-war by successive Boards of
Admiralty are indeed portentous ; but, large as that
expenditure has been, it would not have been
grudged had the country reaped a proportionate
benefit. Last session Lord Clarence Paget in vain
attempted to trace the money from the public purse
to its destination in the shape of some a-med vessel
afloat or in frame. Even if he had succeeded,
however, he would only have elicited the fact that
the money spent by the Admiralty was wasted, be-
cause it was spent. by men who did not understand
their business. There is nothing more expensive
than shipbuilding ; there is nothing in which
cience can do so much to produce economy.
It is singular that ours is the only country in
which men of war are planned by those who have
not studied the principles of naval architecture. Sir
Baldwin Walker, though an admirable naval officer
on board ship, has no scientific training in the sub-
ject-matter over which he presides; and yet he is
the Surveyor of the British Navy. No doubt he is
assisted by some men who have made naval archi-
tecture their study, but these men may be over-
ruled by the chief. But there is no more reason to
believe a man capable of building a ship because he
sails it, than there would be for assuming that
the mechanic, because he makes a surgeon's
instruments, must be able to use them. The truth
of this principle is obvious, but for years it has been
ignored by the Admiralty, and the sums of money
squandered upon experiments and failures attest
their folly. Instead of the Naval Minister laying
down distinctly the character of vessel required,
and confiding the execution of the order to a board
of naval architects, he has been in the habit of call-
ing into their service sometimes an old admiral,
sometimes a yachtsman, sometimes a naval archi-
tect. -No attempt has been made to reduce the pro-
blem to a principle ; success or failure has been a
happy accident.
Consistently with this no-principle system the ap-
pointments and promotions in the Royal dockyards
were disposed of as if there were no such thing
as a science of shipbuilding. Years ago Lord
St. Vincent established a school of naval archi-
tects, in which the young men were regularly
instructed in the principles of their business. His
intention was obvious, but the spirit of corruption
was too strong. The young men were branded
with the nickname of " Academics," and until
within a few years most of them have been com-
pelled to waste their energies an I talents in subor-
dinate positions. Scientifie shipwrights are not of
necessity good political agents, and until of late
the keen politician was much more useful as the
master shipwright of a dockyard than a good naval
architect. His nominal business was to build men-
of-war ; his real business was to see that the work-
men in the yard voted for the right candidate,
Of late years, however, this has somewhat changed.
and at present it will be found that several of
the master shipwrights in the Royal dockyards
were educated at the school of Lord St. 'Vincent,
though they have only lately, after many years'
neglect, been promoted. The change still to be made
is that henceforth the Surveyor of the Navy shall
be, not a naval officer, but a naval architect: Every
one who knows anything of the Admiralty knows
that the surveyorship which has lately been filled by
a naval officer will not readily be surrendered to the
naval architects. There is great jealousy between the
two branches of the service. But it is obvious that
until the naval architects can fill the post which is the
natural summit of their profession, the proper
weight will never be attached to their advice. If
the Institution of Naval Architects does nothing
else than confer fresh importance on its members,
it will not be without most important effects in
elevating their position.
Again, the naval architects in her Majesty's dock-
yards arc selected from the apprentices. These ap-
prentices are selected partly from boys nominated,
and partly from boys who enter the yard by mans
of a competition. After the boys are in the j and
they are obliged to pursue their studies—to ac-
quire a knowledge of the principles of shipbuild-
ing—and, in short, to bes.ome highly educated
naval architects. This is a manifest improvement
over the old system, by which boys were admitted
into the yard because their relations were already
there, or because their friends voted the right way,
and obtained their promotion because they were
obsequious partisans. But a system founded on
merit must be administered justly, or it will infal-
libly fail. It seems that until within the last few
days the examination of the z.pprentiecs was con-
ducted by local examiners, and that the result of
such examination was complained of. Henceforth
the examinations for admission at least are to be
conducted by the Civil Service Commissioners,
who will be absolutely free from all local prejudices,
and will be acknowledged to be so. The only
change still wanting is that the whole, instead of a
portion, of the appointments should be open to com-
petition. But even as things stand at present,
the dockyards may be supplied with a body of
naval architects as able and highly cultivated as
any in the kingdom.
Another important matter is, that the naval
architects themselves should have the means of ex-
tending their information and modifying the prin-
ciples of shipbuilding to the changes which the
growth of science has produced. By the establish•
ment of the Institution of Naval Architecture this
means will now be supplied. Its efforts are to be
directed not only to the improvement of ships, but
of all that pertains to them. The naval architect,
as the person whose duty it is to consider the ship
as a whole, is of course the principal. But be must be
associated, and closely associated too, with the prac-
tical shipbuilder, the man of science, the seaman, the
engineer, the mast-maker, the rigger, the sailmaker,
the smith, and others, without whom no ship could
ever be built or fitted out. "Without ass iciaiion and
correspondence among all this variety of experts, it
is impossible. that any man can draw the best plan
of a ship, and it has been judiciously concluded
that an institution which should concentrate all
this diversity of applied skill would be of the ut-
most utility. Considering that many of the most
eminent shipbuilders and engineers and naval
officers have already joined the Institution, %that
Sir John Pakington and Lord Clarence Paget, and
other politicians patronise it, there can be little
doubt that its meetings and the papers read there
will materially promote the science of naval archi-
tecture. Above all, the opinions freely expressed at
the Institution as to the merits of the various naval
works will not only prevent the Admiralty from
being overruled by incompetent men, but will en-
sure that consideration as to the science of naval
architecture which has been hitherto withheld.—
Daily News.

•
DEATH OF A CRIMINAL LUNATIC.—On Friday
morning Mr. Payne, the coroner, held an inquest at
Bethlehem Hospital, on the body of Maria Isabella Beckett,
aged 69 years. Dr. Chas. hood deposed that the deceased
was tried at the Lent Assizes, at Aylesbury, Buckingham-
shire, for the wilful murder of her granddaughter, on the
9th farch, 1857, and acquitted on the ground of insanity,
but ordered to be confined during her Majesty's pleasure.
She was removed from Buckingham gaol, by a warrant
from her Majesty, on the 24th of July, 185 S. About a
month ago she was taken ill with dropsy and bronchitis,
and died on the 16th inst. The jury returned a verdict of
" Natural death." .

[ADvF.icrisntENT.l—EPps's (Hoinceopathis Chemist)
COCOA.—This esteemed preparation is sold by the prin-
cipal grocers at Is. 6d. per lb., in 11b., jlb., and
packets. Each packet is labelled " James Epps, Homoeo-
pathic chemist, London."
[AnvEnTisnmENr.]—liolloway's Pills and Ointment.—
Disordered Stomach .—When ever the stomach fails fai thf ul'y
to perform its functions, indigestion is produced, the issue
of which is uncertain. The food, after passing undigested
through the sluggish stomach, irritates the bowels, and
sets up diarrhora, which probably relieves the sufferer for a
time. To rectify the disordered digestion, and check the
first morbid symptoms, nothing previously prescribed
equals Holloway's Digestive Pills, which, in severe cases,
should be assisted by his Ointment, rubbed over the stomach
and right side perseveringly for ten minutes twice a day.
The united action of these remedies over stomach, liver,
and bowels, is immediate, beneficial, and lasting; iey re-
store order and ease, and simultaneously remove the cause
and consequences of the disease.
[ADVERTISEMENT.]—It is ever a pleasing duty for a
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which which has the strongest claims upon our sympathies.
with tl feeling that we call the attention of invalids
to the following extracts from Du Barry'sinteresting
and
nervous,. bilious,
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debility by Du Barry's Rewalenta Arabica Food :
Cure No. 52,429—Bridgehouse, Frimley, 3d April,
I have suffered these 33 years continually from diseased
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cough, which have been removed by your Revalenta Arabica.
and my recovery is a marvel to all my
My lungs, liver, stomach, head, and ears are all right, my
James Roberts, timber merchant.
11b., 3s. ; 21b., ss. 9d. ; 51b., 125.; 121 b.,
acquaintances.hl
neari tins, ngatis. perfect,
6d ;
26a. The 10Ib. and 121 b. tins carriage free, on receipt of post-
office order. Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, London'
Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182, Piccadilly; Alsbis, 60,
Gracechurch-street ; 4, Chcapside ; 63, and 150, Oxford-
street; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 and 60, Bishopsgate-
street ; 85, Tottenham-court-road. Also at Dublin.
Bewley and Draper ; at Edinburgh, Raimcs and Co.;
at Liverpool, Nixon and Thew ; at Manchester, Sharp snd
Scott ;-at York. Raimes, !Blanchard, and Co. ; at sauslt-
arapter, Butdall and Scts

'.PER

NEWS P
.40s,
SARDIN . .("cffay- •
• .N
'a (J-3. .4*
, •
t s

414
p:
r'

A letter from Turin, dated .Ti
The telegraph will, long before _ mac,
informed you of the change of-Miliatrv, and in
Cavour taking office ; what re twallis therefore, to
me is to relate the circumstances wqiTeh aceoitipanied
this change. 441.
As is usually the case in human affairs, in this,
too, the great aid little are considerably mixed up ;
but I suppose it must be so Oil our paltry little
planet., and so we will not reason about. it, but pro-
' coed to relate the facts.
Lord John Russell addreseed himself to the Pied-
montese Government to have Cavour sent to Eng-
land, as he wished to have an interview with him,
whether Congress should meet or not. In accord-
ance with this desire Cavour was called up to Turin,
and asked to Undertake a mission explaining the
views of the Piedmontese Government to those of
France and England. A Council of Ministers was
held, at which Cavour was present. lie expressed
his willingness to go, making the only conditions
t hat Parliament. should be immediately convoked.
To this was objected the impossibility, or rather
illegality, of this step.
According to the law, the electoral lists must, be
prepared by the Sindie, or mayor, in connection
with the Communal Councils. It, is only nt Milan
that the communal elections are over; in Twin it
only takes place to-day, and in other towns later.
It is the Government which has reserved the right
to itself.to name the Seindies from among the com-
munal councillors, and a month's space is given
for this process, which is not much considering that
about 9,000 mayors have to be named ; until the
mayors were named, therefore, there could be no
electoral list prepared and no Parliament convoked.
In order to get out of this difficulty it was sug-
gested that the Communal Councils should make up
the lists without waiting for the elections of the
Sindics. The Ministry did not think itself em-
powered to give such a coup de canifto its own law,
published not more than two months ago. Still,
negotiations were carried on, and, in order to settle
the point, one of the most prominent lawyers,
Canis, was asked his opinion. The reply was, that
although, strictly speaking, such a step would be
jet, "considering the circumstances, it was
politically quite justifiable.
The Ministry was not of this opinion and gave
in its resignation, which was accepted.
Nothing could read better, you will agree, than
this serious self-sacrificing conduct of both parties.
One of them, intimately convinced of the necessity
of re-opening Parliament as soon as possible, makes
this, which has become a general cry all over the
country, his only condition to accept a difficult and,
perhaps, thankless task. The other party objects to
this, an impossibility, except by an infringement
of one of the fundamental laws of the State, and
prefers to go out of office rather than consent to such
an illegality.
The only misfortune in the whole is, that the
French saying of " Il n'y a pea de heros pout. son
valet de chambre," is true here, too, and if one was
to look close one might ferret out many little weak-
nesses on both sides, which are hidden by the arts
of the toilette.

Whether it is in this way or any other that the
change has taken place, it is of great importance for
more than one reason. It is themselves that the
late Ministry have to thank for the position of their
adversary. With every blunder they made tbe her-
mit of Leri grew taller and taller, until he over-
shadowed altogether his opponents. Almost all
over the country there was a general cry for him ;
the more insupportable the Ministry became the
more Cavour's popularity increased ; his nomination
as plenipotentiary to the Congress was a first
triumph, and must have shown the Ministry that its
days were numbered.

The critical position with regard to Centrl Italy
made it even more important to have a united and
energetic Ministry. The fruit has been pronounced
ripe and must be plucked now or never. In the
late Ministry this met with considerable difficulties.
With the exception of the Minister of the Interior
the rest were as decided as ever to keep to their
timid uncertain policy. The King, who had made
up his mind to give up this policy, at first contem-
plated to intrust Ratazzi with the formation of a
Ministry. lie is the confidential adviser, and we
almost say friend of the King, and seemect to he
reads to undertake the task to send away his un-
willing colleagues, and act in the sense the King
wished it. Ile would have been likewise ready t•i
wave the legal objections to the meeting of Par-
liament. Not so his colleagues, who probably
thought this a good opportunity to get out of an
awkward position, and tendered their resignation.
Whether the Minister of the Interior has romantic
ideas about political friendship, or whether he
thought it likewise wiser to retire before the com-
ing storm, the fact is that he elected not to aban-
don his colleagues in this circumstance, and to
stand or fall with them.

Whether Cavour will be able to satisfy all the
expectations which are connected with his name
remains to be seen. 'fin opposition against his pre-
decessors has been one of the chief agents in pro-
ducing his great popularity ; it excited, perhaps,
exaggerated hopes, but one must take this evil with
its advantages. flaying been for years the chit f
agent in carrying out Victor Emmanuel's Italian
policy, he is certainly the fittest man to continue it
under the difficult circumstances.

NAPLE S.
------+-

A letter from Ni:ples, dated January 14, says :
I have reported on several occasions lately the am st
of Signor Pandola, son of a lady who sacrificed her
precious birthright as an Englishwoman by marry-
ing a subject of this barbarous and imbecile Go-
vernment; he now pays the penalty of a weakness
which could renounce the most glorious heritage of
which any human being can boast. His father, us
you have been informed, was persecuted unto the
death before him, and he, with many others, now
awaits, not the judgment, but the caprice of the
authorities in that prison which I pass almost
daily in my walks. You have called special atten-
tion to his case, but it' is as nothing in comparison
with the innumerable and far more brutal cases
which I have brought before your attention during
the last five years. It would require a volume to
detail the suffering of those who at this moment
even are lingering, like young Pandola, in prison,
er in relegation, cr exile. My heart sickens with
the reports which are brought to me, from day to
day, and I sometimes fear to weary the public by
giving them to the world ; yet I should fail in my
duty to justice and ti nth, and should incur the con-
demnation of my own conscience, did I not make
every effort to expose what is passing around me
The position of the Neapolitans is the more hope-
less as the Government, by a lon,e. continuance of
its infamous system, seems to me- to hare lost all
moral sensibility, to have fallen into a kind of
moral torpidity, and to be incapable of distinguish-
ing between right and wrong. Thus one hears
continually of violating law until illegality has be-
come the normal action of the Government, and the
eye is familiarized with spectacles which would set
England on fire. 'fake the following, which might
have been witnessed in the early part of the week,
There are four well-dressed persons, apparently
gentlemen, at the head of a procession ; five or six
inspectors follow after them, perhaps 10 policemen
after their, and as many gendarmes close the
column. I hear, too, of the arrest of 37 of the most
considerable persons in the Valk), and of the expul-
sion of Giovanni Battista Ascheda from the king-
dom, notwithstanding the remonstrance of his
consul, Signor Fasciotti, and of Count de Gropello-
Ascheda has represented the house of bocce in
Gioja for ten years, and has favourable reports from
the civil, military, and ecclesiastical authorities of the
country, yet he was brought up under arrest to
Naples, and after five days' imprisonment was sent
out of Naples. When will this state of things cease
to exist, and how long will a God of justice permit
this tampering with the liberties and happiness of
rder the dese-
' crated names millions
of of
order Human
an d
religion
mattresses, which the Nea-
politan one third more than Nea-
politans, soldiers receive on
not, andall
soldiers have the exceptional
hitherto treatment which has marked the foreign
politans, and will have

ofof form
in
troops.
ateimono,uanntide
gpetro-
nhciarreit cut-throats,—the scum of Europe, with-
formed, h the e ohio• rds3e,
4h ?tp2s3
m 0 i sympathy
feelings
0 fwhiut l the
humanity,
aiit
yl,tal
consentingiais l ,
du
ot
the
ee edirtyom-
Here there
s much
nucleus a
for day. a
work of the so-called Government of the Two Sicilies
at o
body
and .
unless willhich
Divine
f or m a
good
largelt is
a
force,
justice is suspended we shall see that use made of
it. The formation of such a force in a country
which can fear no intervention, and could not resist
it if made, amounts to a declaration that the govern-
ment places greater confidence in the outcasts of
society than in its own troops, and means to per-
severe in its system of oppression and repression.
Another reflection occurs to me. How far is it
consistent with international courtesy that the Go-
vernment of the Two Sicilies should seek to enrol
Swiss, and plant its agents on the borders of their
country at the very moment. when the Republic
is endeavouring to wipe off the stain which it has
received from propping up the despotism ' of the
south of Italy ? Again, Feldkirch and Bregenz,
the points from which these mercenaries are to
start, are both in the Austrian dominions, and the
fact demonstrates that to the utmost of her power,
and in every way short of actual intervention, Aus-
tria is engaged in supporting principles which; if
triumphant, will for ever crush the liberties of
Italy; ._ , ‘_,

RO YA L PRINCESS'S THEATRE.-
Lessee, Mr. A. Harris.
Re-engagement of the Wonderful Dancr, Mons. Espinosa.
First appearance of Mdlle. Marietta Rosetta, Principal Dan-
seuse of La Scala, Milan ; and first time of the Delapierre
Family. These hieilly-talented Children will appear every
night. The Royal Princess's Rifles on parade every evening.
THIS EVENING, THE CRICKET ON TILE HEARTH..
After which, a new r,hristmas burlesque pantomime, by H.
J. Byron, called JACK THE GIANT KILLER ; or, Harle-
quin King Arr,:ur and the Knights of the Round Table.
Jack, Mine Louise Keeley—Harlequin. Mr. Cormack Panta-
.oon, Mr. Paulo—Columbine, Miss Caroline Adams—Clown,
Mr. A. F. Forrest.