The Sun.
London, England, 1860-01-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 14, 1860.

DRAINAGE of the CITY of RIO DE JANEIRO.
Payment to the Company, by the Brazilian Govern-
ment, of a fixed annual drainage ra e for ninety years.
THE RIO DE JANEIRO DRAINAGE COMPANY
(Limited).
Authorised by Decrees of his Imperial Majesty the Em-
peror of Brazil, and by Laws of the Imperial Brazilian Le-
gislature.
To be. incorporated with limited liabi:ity under the Joint-
stock Companies' Act, 1856, and registered as a Societe Ano-
nyme in Brazil.
Capital £650,000, in 32,500 Shares 0f..Z20 each,
Deposit, £3 per share.
Interest al £7 per cent. per annum on the Paid-up Capital
during Construction, and a minimum annual net revenue of
8I per cent., secured to the Shareholders after Completion of
the Works.

DIRECTORS.
The Hon. T. C. Bruce.
John Addis, Esq.
John Cater, Esq.
Thomas Levertun Donaldson, Esq.
Pascoe C. Glyn, Esq.:
Ross D. Mangles, Esq.
BANRF.RS.
Messrs. Glyn, Mills, and CO.
CONaULTING•ENGIREER.
C. Hutton, Gregory, Esq., C.E.
ENGINEER IN.CIIIEF, RESIDENT IN RIO.
Edward Gotta, Esq., C.E.
SOLICITORS.

Messrs. BirehamMalrymple, and Drake, 46, Parliament-st.

BROKERS.

Messrs. Hill, Fawcett, and Hill, 29, Threadneedle-street.

A Concession has been granted by his Imperial Majesty the
Emperor of Brazil, with the concurrence of the Brazilian Le-
gislature, having for its object the introduction.into the
capital of the empire, of a system of town drainage as pre-
vailing in England.
The Concession is for 90 years ; the terms are liberal and
just, and framed with the view of providing the important
City of Rio de Janeiro, the population, of which numbers
about 350,000 with a thorou(rh system of good drainage, and
at the same time of securing a handsome remuneration to
those who embark in the undertaking. ''
The Directors have been in communication with the Bra-
zilian Minister in London, who has received instructions
from the Imperial Government to give the undertaking every
aid and encouragement.
The Works to be executed by the Company are declared by
the Concession to be privileged Works of the State, and as
such entitled to special facilities and protection.
The Concession provides for the drainage of the City in
three separate districts ; and also for extension of the drain-
age beyond the limits of the present plan, when the rate to
be paid to the Company by the Government for the additional
area, shall amount to 9 per cent. per unnum on the further
outlay. Power will be taken to raise additional capital for
this purpose should it be required
The plans for the proposed works were prepared by Mr.
Gotto, C.E., upon a careful examination of the locality, and
have been adopted by the Brazilian Government, after having
been submitted by them, through his Excellency Le Corn-
mandeur de Carveiho Moreira, then and now their Minister
in London, to Sir Wm. Cubitt, the late Mr. Robert Stephen-
son, M.P., and the late Mr. Rendel ; by whom they were ap-
proved and reported upon. A copy of these reports and of
the concession may be seen on application to the Solicitors or
Brokers. _

Provision (ty means of a guaranteed contract with responsi-
ble contraetors) has been made for completion of the whole of
the works (including the drainage of 14,891 houses) for a sum
which, together with the cost of the concession, including the
original surveys, detaile 1 and other drawings, and prelimi-
nary expenses (9.85,000), and with engineering, administra-
tion, and all other charges during construction, both here and
in Rio, as also interest at 7 per cent, per annum on calls
during the progress of the works, will fall within the capital
of £650,000.
The Brazilian Government is bound, by legislative enact-
ment, to pay to the Company 42 milreis per annum, which, at
the par, of exchange, of 27d., amounts to £4 14s. 6d, for every
house now erected or hereafter built within the three districts
during the term of the concession, such payment to be made
half-yearly for all the houses, whether occupied or not.
The number of houses, according to the last returns,
amounted in June, 1859, to 13,739 ; and adding the average
number of houses yearly built in the City, there will be, on
the completion of the works (within the three districts) at
least 14,891 houses (the number provided for in the Contract)
from which the revenue of the Company will arise.
The amount to be received upon 14,891 houses will alone
produce a gross income to the Company of £70,350.
In addition to the above drainage payment on houses, the
Municipality of FA° is bound to pay a yearly sum of 12,000
milreis (£1,350) for cleansing and maintaining in working order
the rain-water sewers. _ . _

As regards the annual working expenses, a guaranteed con-
tract has been entered into with the same contractors who
are to execute the works for keeping them in perfect repair,
and for working the system for a period of 21 years, for a sum
of £ll,OOO per annum, leaving only the administration charges
to be added, and thus securing a clear net income exceeding
8 per cent, per annum on the capital of £650,000
To the above must be added the important profits to accrue
to the Company from the exclusive right, which the concession
accords, of executing on account of the house proprietors and
municipality, and at their expense, all extra drainage works
connected with the houses and City. The growing commercial
and social importance of Rio, and the rapid increase of its
population, renders it obvious that the profit arising from
this source must be considerable.
As the number of houses increase in the three districts,
additional capital for draining them will be raised (the option
of taking that capital being reserved to the Shareholders),
and thereby a further additional percentage will attach to the
whole of the capital invested in the undertaking, inasmuch
as the main outlet sewers are included in the contract already
entered into.

Applications for Shares are to be made in the annexed form,
addressed to the Brokers, but no application will be consi-
dered unless accompanied by the receipt of Messrs. Glyn,
Mills, and Co., for £1 per Share on the bnmber of Shares
applied for. This Deposit will be returned in the event of
the application not being acceded to ; and if an allotment is
made, it will be applied towards the Deposit of £3 per Share
then payable.
Temporary Offices, 21, Old Broad-street, E.C.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

BETTING AT MANCIIESTE R.-FRIDAY.

Owing to the paucity of the daily attendance at the
Rooms, it is with the utmost difficulty that we are enabled
to make out a list of quotations upon the Derby or the Two
Thousand Guineas Stakes. Commissions are frequently
sent into the market without being executed, unless a price
is accepted without there being anything like the usual
competition, and we have no hopes that this state of things
will undergo any groat improvement until the expiration of
the present month, when the weights and acceptances for
the Spring Handicaps will have become familiar to the
racing public. To-day, and we may say on the quiet, 1,200
to 100 was taken twice about The Wizard for the Derby,
upon which event the following investments were also
made :--2,000 to 30 Trovatore, 1,000 to 20 Cramond, 300
to 25 Mainstone, 1,000 to 10 Grenadier, 1,000 to 25 Pale-
face, and 260 to 20 Nutbourne.
For the Two Thousand Guineai Stakes 800 to 100, or any
part thereof, would have boon taken about Lupullus. The
Wizard would have been supported at any advance upon
4 to 1, and 45 to 1 was offered to money asst Buccaneer, but
not a wager upon this event came to our knowledge.

CLOSING PRICES.
TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS STAKES.
4to 1 agat The Wizard (taken 9to 2)
sto 1 agst Buccaneer (offered)
7to 1 agst Lupullus (take Bto 1)
THU DERBY.
Bto 1 agat Umpire (offered)
11 to 1 agst The Wizard (12 to 1 taken and offered;
11 to 1 agat Mainstone (taken 12 to 1)
13 to 1 agst Nutbourne (taken)
40 to 1 agst Paleface (taken)
50 to 1 agat Cratnond (taken)
2000 to 30 agst Trovatore (taken)
1000 to 10 aget Grenadier (taken)

FOREIGN MAIL PACKET LIST.

fn the following table E eiguil
by evening mails from Load

flee that letters are despatch°
don, and X by morning mails.

Despatch
of Mails.

Jan. 11, MI
Jan. n , Ei

lan. 20,
>ti
Jan. 18 , E

Feb. 6, E

Jan. 20, ?1
Jan. 26. M
Jau. 12, M
—. lot

Jan. 20, MI
Jan. 20, E

Port of
Despatch

I South amp.

Jan. 27, 3113 i
Jan. 18 ,

Feb. 9, II
Jan. 17, li

Jan. 20, M
.Tau. 18 . E
Jan. —. M
Jan.. 14, E

Jan. 14, It
Jan. Is , E

IJan. 23 E

IJan. 17, MI

LL vY ee
rr
FP ro 11
.• •.

Devon port

South amp.

'-outliamp.
Southamp.

SoutikainP.

Southamp.

outhamp.
,3411thanip.

ISouthamp.

Southamp.
Liverpool..
Liverpool..
Southamp.

(Liverpool.

ISouthamp.

Next
Mats
due.

Feb. 9
[Feb. 3

13 an. 18

IFeb.

Jan. 18
Jan. 24i
Jan. 18

Jan. 13
Jan. "z 6

Jan. 25
Jan. 19

Feb. 5
overdue

Jan. 18
Jan. 19

IJan. 19

IFeb. 10

!Jan. 16

KOS,UI 11 ON THE S7AT.4 OF 11U.NGARY

(From the Glasgow _Daily Bulletin, Jan. 13.)

Governor Kossuth has addressed to a number of
gentlemen at Glasgow, who had asked him whether,.
in the present juncture of affairs, expressions of
favourable public opinion would be serviceable to
the Hungarian cause, a letter, of which the follow-
ing is the principal portion : . _ _

I answer most unhesitatingly in the affirMative. And it
does besides appear to me that an expression of the opinions
of the British people on the subject is an urgent exigency
of the exalted position of this mighty and constitutional,
nation. Allow me to explain. You are aware both of the
character and intensity of the Hungarian movement. Well,
in November, 1858, when not a breeze was yet in motion
indicative of the storm which has swept over the tottering
house of Austria, I expressed, in one of my lectures at
Glasgow, the opinion that the time bad come for refreshing
public interest in the cause of my native country.' Events
fully justified my anticipations. , All that time the name of
Hungary was scarcely mentioned in the' organs of Eitropean
publicity. To-day she is a-etanding topic of report and
argument throughout the whole periodical press, on the con-
tinent and in Great Britain alike. And both the justice and
importance of my country'acause is receiving a telling testi-
mony from the fact that; with the exception, of the few
ultramontano journals (such as the French L' Univers), of
the doting Augsburg Gazette; 'notoriously in the pay of the
Austrian court, and some of the Viennese papers, the whole
European press, even some journals-of Vienna included, is
unanimous in condemning An-not less foolish than iniqui-
tous course of Francis Josoph of Austria, and in acknow-
ledging the justice of the cause of Hungary.
In fact, the results of the war in Italy, the subsequent
movement in Hungary, Translylvania, And Croatia, con-
jointly with the general satisfaction throughout the whale
of the Austrian Empire, even Tyrol included, and the utter
helplessness of its government, have within the last four
months not only raised the Hungarian question to urgent
European import, but in reality endowed it with the cha-
racter of a burning question of the day.,
Now, it does strike me that the position which the Bri-
tish Empire holds in the European community cannot allow
the British people to remain silent on any such question.
The giving expression to their opinions on the subject is a
necessity resulting from the political standing of England
as one of the leading Powers of Europe ; it is a duty at-
tached to the weight and influence which the public opinion
of the British people has both with their own Government
and abroad.

There is, besides, another consideration. The short cam-
paign in Italy has so utterly destroyed the false prestige of
power which Austria enjoyed, not only during the late
Crimean, but even on the eve of the Italian war—and the
reports (however imperfect) of what is passing throughout
the Austrian provinces, and in Hungary in particular, have
to such an extent laid bare the utter rottenness of that ab-
normal, artificial, and iniquitous fabric, called the Austrian
Empire, that—to use the words of the Times, Dec. 27—" it
is now generally acknowledged that there is no hope for the
Austrian Empire, and that the Austrian rulers are carried
spell-bound to destruction."
Spell-bound or not, they are hurrying to destruction.
Francis Joseph of Austria is now both the nuisance and the
"sick man" of Europe. The opinion that there is no hope
for that " sick man" is perfectly well founded.
It would carry me too far were I to enter here on an ex-
planation in detail of the pervorsity, the stupidity, and con-
sequent rottenness of the system of government, the folly
of which is hurrying the house of Austria to that destruc-
tion to which they aro doomed by their crimes.
Suffice it to say, that the Austrian system of government,
se far from answering any single one of the many require-
ments of society, is in flagrant contradiction to each and all
of them. It is not conservative, but subversive of society.
It substituted inextricable confusion for order, subverted
security of person and property; it is in constant conflict
With all those interests which are dear to man as a moral
being, to man as an intellectual being, to man as a religious
being, to man as a social being, to man as a citizen—it
wounds the feelings of everybody, it dissatisfies everybody
—it saps tho very foundation of material welfare—it blights►
the gratuitous blessings of nature, arrests progress, checks
commerce and industry—drains the very marrow of the
people—lowers step by step the scale of subsistence, drives
every class, from the highest to the lowest, towards abso-
lute ruin'; and while it outrages human nature by its des-
potic arbitrariness, and creates contempt by ilia complicated
stupidity, while it tramples with wanton obstinacy on raa •
tionality, liberty, law, historical rights, it can point to no-
thing which even the grossest egotist might regard as a
slight compensation for the loss of everything which is of
any value in the estimation of man.
" You ask us how we are getting on with our govern-

mont P 'We have no government I they are banditti, and
not a government." Such are the words which you may
hear from men of standing both in the clergy and laity, from
men once staunch adherents of the house of Austria, who
formerly belonged to what was styled the old conservative
party. _ _

These words toll velumesT-and the; are not of my inven-

tion; they are words which uncontrollable exasperation
wrung from the lips of my former political antagonists.

However, it is notorious that, notwithstanding the lesson
which ho got administered to him in Italy, it is on the
sword, and the sword alone, that 'Francis Joseph relies for
his safety.

Count Bussingen, the governor of Venetia, being at his
wits' end (an bout de son latin), run up one of these days to
Vienna for advice and to advise. He told the Kaiser that
he cannot catch one single Italian to accept office ; that
on his causing any decree to be published people answer
that they don't understand German (exactly as in Hungary);
that whenever a government functionary, a gendarme, or
police officer makes his appearance in a community, the
whole community is found "riot at'home ;" thu4 adminis-
tration being brought to a dead stand, the count suggested
that it would be wise to grant "concessions," and not wait
to be forced to them either by Congress or otherwise. Upon
this the Emperor flew into a passion, and striking violently
his sword, exclaimed—" I give no concessions, rather may
the whole trash go to the devil." (Lieber soil der Teufel
den ganzen plunder hohlen )
Again, with regard to Hungary, he is credibly reported to
have used such polite expressions as " the fellows (die

Kerin) with their clamours, as long as I have one single
soldier left I shall not yield, they shall get nothing, pre-
cisely." And this man pretends to be the delegate of the
Eternal Lord. Ina well regulated society such creatures are
put in the strait- jacket ; and shall he bo let free to dispose,
according to his mad fancies, of the soul, mind, body, and
fortunes of thirty-six millions of human being's ? However,
though this may be madness, perhaps there is method in
it, because, whatsoever a recourse to timely concessions,
based on a return to historical rirhts, might or might
not have effected formerly, so much is certain, that his mad
system has perfectly succeeded in rendering concessions too
late. Be this as it may, on the sword alone he relies for
maintaining himself. Forsooth, a curious reliance in a
man who could so little set himself up by his sword, that
he wanted 200,000 Russian bayonets to get set up. How-
ever, upon tho sword ho relies. Now, such a reliance wants
two things—money and a devoted, reliable army. As to
money, on the financial system of Austria public opinion
has already passed judgment. It is in a state of bankruptcy,
and that bankruptcy is coupled with " cscroquerie" (swin-
dling). (Remember the famous history of the surreptitious
emission of bonds to the amount of one hundred and ten
millions of florins). I desire ti advert to the Austrian sys-
tem of taxation as it is practised in Hungary. Landed pro-

perty is rated at 32 per cent. (about six shillings and five
pence in the pound) of not income, which is, besides,
valued in the most iniquitous manner. To this tax, al-
ready too heavy in itself, are superadded 60 per cent, pro-
vincial, and 25 cent. communal supplement, together 85
per cent, of the original amount of the tax (or another 6s.
sd. in the pound). Thus, this ono tax alone amounts to
12s. in every pound of revenue from landed property.
£lOO income tax has to pay £603 land tax. And who
could, besides, enumerate the different other items of direct
and:ind irecttaxat ion; one more ruinous than anotherond for
the most part,'insupportably vexatious? To give you an
idea of the value I shall mention one fact. Hungary is a
wine-growing country to the average amount of 340 mil-
lions of gallons a year. The vineyards are subject to the land
tax. Again the produce is raised up to one florin on each
barrel of ton gallons, which is often sold not higher than at
two or three fioiins. But the matter does not yet end with
thus much. Tho producer must pay " consumption tax"
for drinking his own wino. His barrels are put under seal,
in his own cellars, aria when the hospitable Magyar wishes
to tap a fresh barrel, to entertain a chance traveller, he can-
not do so without the finantz, or the Jew who happens to
have rented the consumption tax on the community, coming
to take off the imperial seal on due payment ? Sometimes
he is not disposed to go, and must be conciliated of course.
To get rid of those vexations, doubly insupportable to the
Hungarian, who is not yet broken to such "paternal go-
vernment," people Used to come to an agreement with the
" finantz," paying an average by tho year for4he liberty to
tap their own wine. The average is calculated upon an
arbitrary valua ion of the daily consumption. Well, I
know of a case whore a right rev. canon of a cathedral
church—a man equally distinguished f9r his patriotism and
moral and intellectual accomplishments—had his throat
valuated at 200 gallons a month, or six and two-thirds gal-
lons a day, and had left no choice but to submit either to
the robbery or to the insupportable vexation. And you
can have no idea what ingenuity there is employed in de-
vising new titles for taxation. When, a couple of years
ago, Francis Joseph made a trip to Hungary, his clever
"financiers," having exhausted every imaginable title of
taxation, fell on the idea of a "joy tax" (freudenstcur).
From what I have said you may understand how it could

have come to pass that large landed proprigtOrs offered to

resign the entire use of their estates to Government on the
sole condition that they should not be held responsible for
the taxes. In fact, having 12 shillings in the pound to pay

on a most equitable valuation, if one or another of them has
some debts, he is actually a beggar ; if he has none he must
make some, money is not to be had except at the exorbitant
rate of 20 to'3o per cent. interest; because on account of
the exorbitance and precariouness of taxation, no landed
property is considered to afford security, and at that rate the•
wealthiest magnate must go to the dogs in a few years.
That is the fate inatAding under Austrian rule on the
liberal minded patriotic Hungarian aristocracy, who in
1848 spontaneously resigned all their pi ivileges and immu-
nities, sacrificed the socage and other income derived from
two millions of tenants, and transformed them into free-
holders. In fact, many of the richest landowners have
already acceded to the exactions of the Government. The
middle class landowners, or the other hand, formerly the
bone and marrow of our agricultural country, owning their
200 to 300 acres of land, who formerly could drive their
own coach and four, and keep an hosipitablo house, country
life was so inexpensive and the soil so remunerative, cannot
now afford to send their children to school I Land has so
much fallen in value that as one instance out of thousands,
I know of a landowner who, in 1817, purchased a nice little
estate at £6,000. One-fourth of the sum (£1,500) was left
on mortgage on the estate ; the tams came, and with them
the inability of clearing the mortgage, and the estate was
finally sold by auction at £1,2001 Fall in value 80 per cent.
All this is heartrending to relate.
AJTungarian noldemaN in a pamphlet just published in
Gerniany, characterises the Austrian sYsteinof taxation in
these words—" It is the most shameful, the most iniquitous
system of plunder and rubbery ever known—a system
which would befit the worse times of the Neros."

Now it is evident that, with this system of plunder car•
ried to such exorbitance, the bankrupt Amitrian Govern-
ment cannot have recourse t 3 raising-the taxes still higher.
Taxation no longer falls on revenue ; it already affects ca-
pital; therefore any augmentation, instead of yielding
more would yield less—perhaps nothing. This is a trite
axiom of political economy. It is the old story of the goose
which laid the golden eggs. Still vain is the reliance en the
sword, if,the purse be empty. Then how and where go
money ? Loans ?—impossible ! Who in Europe would lend
them a penny, after the recent shameful " escroquerie ?"

,emains the only resourco---economy. But there at; condi-

tions when even economy comes too late. Besides, that re-
medy would require both earnestness of purpose and time
—long time. Earnestness of purpose they have none ; they
cannot brook the idea of popular control ; all their affects-
tions of intended ec.)nomy are mere moonshine. And as
to time. Why, gentlemen, to use the words of Francis
Joseph, " the w:lele trash will soon have gone to the
devil," before they will have so much as fixed on a pro
gramme of their " economy ;" and, after all, to rely upon
the sword is as much as to exclude the idea of economy.

But never mind that, we are glad of it; it will simplify the
process. Therefore, as far as money fs concerned, there
is no hope for the Empire. Now as to the reliance on the
army, I will just mention a few facts. In the late Italian
war the Croats would not fight. Force and even slaughter
(decimation they call it) had to be resorted to
against some Croation regiments to compel them to march,
and those who had marched showed so little devotion in
fighting for the " young hope of Austria," the wise inventor
of the Germanisation of Croatia, that I could name an Aus-
trian general who, during the battle of Solferino, knew no-
thing better to do than amuse himself with shooting at the
"refractory Croats."
As to the Hungarian regiments, you are aware of the fact
that scarcely had the rumour of my and my companion's
presence in Italy reached the Austrian camp, and before
even we had addressed any --formal proclamation to our
brave countrymen, when we had already five battalions
(upwards of 4,000 mon) in our camp at Acqui, Asti, and
Alessandria ; and I do not fear to be contradicted when I
say that in six weeks more we should have had 2.5,000 of
them, and that, had the war reached Hungarian territory,
the world would have seen the Austrian army in a state of
utter dissolution. How far Francis Joseph of Austria may
rely on the sword you may alsc.rjudge from the fact that not a
few officers of the Austrian array fell by the hands, not of the
enemy, but of their own men on the very battle. field. Again,
as to the officers, it is notorious that on more than one occa-
sion the Austrian army was so ill led, and on the battle-
field such blunders (not to 'say more) were committed, that
after the battle of Solferino, that army was actually trem-
bling on the brink of military mutiny. Now most of the
generals against whom complaint was loudest and most
general have again boon appointed to high command, and
hence so universal has become the indignation of the officers
that general orders had to be published (I say published, an
event unprecedented in the Austrian army on such a sub-
ject), forbidding, under severe penalty, any remarks on the
act of the Emperor.

With those few facts (which I could considerably multi-
ply), I will leave you to judge whether I was justified in
telling the people of Glasgo4, in my lecture above alluded
to, that "lhe power of the Austrian dynasty is like a house
built without foundation on the loose sand, because it rests
neither on the love of any nation, nor even on the attach-
ment of the army, but merely on the brute force of military
discipline—a force which may go a good distance in smooth
and easy times, but will break like brittle glass by the very
hands it means to bind, wheat the rallying ci y ofresurging
freedom shall have removed the torpor from those silent,
but not thoughtless, bayonets."
No, the sword-trusting Emperor has no money, and his
army will not save him.

Then, what is there within the range of imagination that
might yet possibly save him for a little while longer ? If
foreign intervention does not, nothing will. That is the
practical point of the question, gentlemen I Now it is cer-
tainly very gratifying to see the progress which has of late
been made in the acknowledgment of the principle that in-
terference by foreign force is inadmissible with the right of
nations to regulate their own domestic affairs, including form
and manner of government.

You, gentlemen, had a conspicuous share in eliciting of
late an emphatic corroboration of that principle. The ac-
knowledgment of it has become so universal, that as the
Times (Dec. 30) accurately remarked, "Government and
the people—all sides, high and low, with an unanimity never
before known, aro committed to the duty of upholding that
fundamental principle of national independence." Com-
pared with 1348, this is a most auspicious progress. The
principle thus universally acknowledged is so intimately
connected with the best interests of England, that I trust
it will long continue to constitute one of the leading max-
ims of British foreign policy; and I trust, occasion recur-
ring, it will receive a practical application in the case of
Hungary, not less than in the case of Central Italy now.
I would, however, beg leave to state that expressions of
public opinion, to the effect that the people of Great Britain
do not mean to allow of any acquiescence in an intervention
of foreign force against Hungary—l say such manifesta-
tions of public opinion would go far towards reassuring the
Hungarian nation, would nerve their energies, and would
leave no doubt in their minds as to the ultimate issue. Bo
this as it may, there is, I dare say, much in the cause of
Hungary to recommend it to the approbation and sym-
pathy of all classes and parties.
Those with whom religious sentiments aro paramount

should not remain indifferent to the tyrannical encroach-
ments on the rights of the protestant church in Hungary
—rights sanctioned by, law and by solemn European trea-
ties. It would be strange, indeed, if those who noblyraised
their voice and entered their protest in the case of the boy
Mortara had no word of sympathy for the Hungarian pro-
tostants suffering persecution and prison for the sake of re-
ligion, and this, too, in a country than which none has better
deserved of Christendom.

Men of conservative principles should remember that the
cause of Hungary is.the most legitimate on earth, oven in
the diplomatic acceptance of the word; historical rights,
sworn compacts, diplomatic stipulations, and the sanctity
of treaties, unite in condemning the usurpation of Francis
Joseph of Austria, who has no title to appeal to in support
of his rule—neither inheritance, nor election, nor even con-
rest. He is no sovereign of Hungary, but a mere:lawless
intruder, set up by foreign armed intervention, the very
principle of which is now generally condemned both by the
people and the Government of Great Britain. Conservative
men ought to remember find; not the Hungarian nation, but
Francis Joseph of Austria, is the wild, reckless, anarchist
who trampled down the time-hallowed institutions and his-
torical rights of Hungary, for the sake of shallow innova-
tions and foolhardy experiments which morality, justice,
common sense, and experieneo, alike condemn.
The friends of freedom should remember that the cause of
Hungary is the cause of civil and religious liberty, of justice,
and of civilisation.
Statesmen of comprehensive mind should remember that,
whatsoever the power of the House of Austria may or may
not have been in former times, at present it is the great
nuisance of Europe, the source of ever-recurring troubles,
disturbances, and wars ; a nuisance without the removal of
which no great pending European question can receive its
definitive solution, and a settled peace and tranquility in
Europe is utterly impossible. They should, besides, reflect
on the perspective that again to frustrate Hungary in her
aspirations to independence by any ill-advised combination
of antiquated policy would be likely to drive her into the
arms of Russia.
And, lastly, there is one feature in the Hungarian move-
ment which strongly appeals to the sympathies of every
sensible man. It is the mature ripeness for freedom as
manifested in the unanimity of the movement, while is
truly glorious. The Austrian Government exhausted every
means to fan the flame of diseerd, and to keep alive mutual
jealousy, between the various races, yet we see them bury-
ing their animosities in the grave of the past, we see them
—all of then—united in heart and mind, united in will and
act for common right, for common liberty. Formerly there