The Sun.
London, England, 1869-07-22 00:00:00

NATIONAL ARTILLERY ASSOCIATION.

The following is the official prize list and the order of
firing for the Volunteer Artillery Prize Meeting, which
commences on Aug. 2, at Shoeburyness :—Monday, Aug.
2.—Opening of the camp.—Tuesday, Aug. 3.—Right Hon.
the Secretary of State for War's prize, £25 ; Captain
Beveridge's prize £2O ; the Right Hon. the Earl of Limerick's
prize, £lo.—Wednesday, Aug, 4.—Scotland's Cup (Chal-
lenge); National Rifle Association prize (ten silver cups), £5O;
Countess Spencer's prize, £2O ; Duke of Cambridge's prize,
£lO ; 2nd Middlesex Artillery prize, £lo.—Thursday,
August s.—Tier Majesty's prize (ten silver cups), £lOO, to
be competed for with 40-pounder Armstrong guns by all
detachments passed in Armstrong gun drill by the com-
mandant ; Lords and Commons' prize (ten silver cups), £lO ;
Prince of Wales's prize, £2l.—Friday, August G.—Sir Shafto
Adair's prize (Challenge) ; Lord Granville's prize (highest
average score), £lO ; let Kent Artillery prize (for highest
aggregate score, not being winners of any other prize),
£10; Badge of the National Artillery Association, to be
competed for at a running target by winning detachments.
—Saturday, August 7.—Consolation Prize, open to all
unsuccessful competitors.—Messrs. Elkington's silver cup
to No. 1, and nine plated cups to the other members of
the winning detachments, value twenty-one guineas;
Messrs. Steward's prize ; the Earl of Longford's prize.
After which the presentation of prizes by Countess
Granville.

RCIIDEACON DENISON ON CHUIZCHAND

SI A7I.E.

On Tuesday afternoon Archdeacon Denison delivered an
address in Liverpool on the Open Church movement. Mr.
Duckworth, who presided over the meeting, remarked on
the great success which had attended the Free and Open
Church movement in that diocese. In nearly every
church the monthly offertory was:universal, in two hundred
churches the offertory was weekly, and more than one
hundred churches were entirely free and unappropriated.
Within the last six months fifteen free churches had been
added to the list.

The ARCHDEACON, in opening his address, said that it
was nearly thirty-seven years since he had last set foot in
that great town, and during that interval there had been
great changes in the position and prospects of the Church of
England. For a long series of years he had been fighting
the battle of Church and State, and he had lived to see
that position slowly but steadily waning. He bad tried
with others to put on the brake, but it was impossible to
check an engine when it was going down au incline
plane of civil and religious liberty, and was near the
terminus. When a country believed that men of all
religions, or of no religion, had an equal right to be
members of the Legislature,' it was simply a question of
time as to what would become of the National Church in
connection with the State. They could not shut their
eyes to these things, but there was a great difference
between helping to pull down a national Church
and acquiescing when that pulling down came as a
visitation. He was not discouraged. It would, at the worst,
simply throw them back from a temporary rest or ful-
crum upon that which was an eternal fulcrum—the divine
strength of the Church herself. During the last seven
and thirty years he had seen the inner or spiritual life of
the Church grow and increase. He had seen the whole
movement, from the time when the "Tracts for the
Times" came out of the Oxford College, of which he was
a fellow, to that which might now be said to be its culmi-
nation ; and the increase of the inner life of the Church
had gone on side by side with the decline of her outer life.
Disestablishment might not occur in his lifetime, for the
Church was so deeply imbedded in this country that it
would be difficult to pull it up by the roots ; but
those who thought disestablishment was going on only in
Ireland made a great mistake. It would be madness in
any number of men to propose the disestablishment of the
Church of England now ; but year by year they were
cutting off the branches. There had been no
enthusiasm among the people for the Church.
There were many reasons for this, but ono was
directly connected with the object that brought them
there—the affirming of the right of property in Churches
Nothing had done more to discredit the Church with the
people. He threw himself heart and hand into the cause
of freedom of public worship ; at whatever cost, they
must vindicate the perfect freedom of God's House in this
land. Until they achieved that they could have little
real interest; until they had reality they could
not have enthusiasm, and without enthusiasm
they would have no consistent, steady support of the
Church. He had no idea of keeping up the distinctions
of social life in the Church, where all alike went to worship
and pray. The Archdeacon then referred to the great
change in the maintenance of churches and church.
yards in England, which ho hail resisted, as
he resisted most changes, though he was al-
ways beaten. As there was no compulsory power of
levying the assessment it was nonsense to call it a rate, if
he might apply that term to the work of the House of
Commons. A yeorian in his own parish said lie wished a
new Cromwell w,,uld deal with this Parliament as Crom•
well did with his, but for his own part he would
begin with the House of Lords and the bishops.
The sooner the bishops were out of the House
of Lords the better. In conclusion, the Archdeacon
declared lie had no fear of the issue, as the eternal sup-
port of the Church itself would never fail them. In
answer to the Rev. Mr. Lefroy, who asked who would
undertake certain responsibilities on an uncertain method
of meeting them, the Archdeacon said if he had to begin
life again, rather than not throw himself on the free-will
offerings of his people, he would prefer not to be a minister
at all.

OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

- - _- - - .4,;>

The Times says that, after various vicissitudes, the bill
to amend the law with respect to the property of married
women was on Wednesday passed by the House of Com
mons. It is very questionable whether the hardships
inflicted by unprincipled husbands upon their wives, or
the
_ruin brought by ill-conditioned wives upon their
husbands, occasions the greatest trouble among the poor.
We are much inclined to think that the husband's

responsibility acts at present as a very effectual check
upon him, and that more homes are made unhappy
by careless wives than by inconsiderate husbands.
After all, a woman has a great chance before her when
she marries ; and in most cases her own future and that of
her family is in her hands. We need only appeal to the
testimony of those who have done most for the poor. If
there is one point which philanthropic women have most
strenuously urged upon the poor among whom they have
laboured, it is to keep " a clean hearth and a clear fire"
for their husbands. Where a man's home is confined
within so small a space everything depends upon
the discharge of these domestic offices, and we
are sorry to see any tendency to depreciate the responsi-
bility of women in this respect. We repeat that the
natural as well as legal responsibilities of life urge men by
a great compulsion to perform their part in this contract,
and if the women fully performed their part, they would
enjoy more power and independence than either this or
any other bill could give them. Where it is shewn, as it
undoubtedly was in this case, that the existing law occa-
sions material hardship, it only remains to be
considered whether it is possible to provide a remedy
without introducing still greater evils. It is seldom
that this is not practicable, and the present case was, by
general admission, one which fully admitted of a
remedy. But if women claim equal rights they
must accept equal duties, and the great question for
them to consider in the present agitation is whether
they are prepared for this mutuality. They can-
not have at the same moment all the advantages of inde-
pendence and all the privileges of protection. There is
probably a just mean between the two. As a step towards
attaining it we gladly accept this bill, but for the same
reason we should be sorry to see it go too far, and we are
disposed to think there is still matter for mature conside-
ration in some of its clauses.
The Standard fears that it must be assumed that
the Government have resolved to bring matters to
an issue, and to quarrel with the House of Lords upon
the first amendment to which their lordships have chosen
to adhere. Lord Russell is a keen partisan, and does not
willingly sever himself from his party. He was a staunch
advocate of reli7ious equality when Mr. Gladstone was
pleading for the exclusive privileges of the State Church.
He has understood and preached for half a century the
doctrine to which his successor is a late and bungling con-
vert. Yet Lord Russell condemned the words in the pre-
amble on which the House of Commons, at the bidding of
Mr. Gladstone, insisted. This one fact might suffice to
show how clearly and completely the Government had put
itself in thewrong. Religious equality and civil liberty can
hardly be concerned in a declaration which Lord
Russell disapproves. And the conclusion is irresistible
that the obstinacy of the Ministry was due not to prig'
ciple but to temper ; that they risked the loss of a session,
an autumn of angry agitation, and the failure of their bill,
not for anything necessary to the efficacy of their policy.
but for the sake of carrying by force what they might
have won by conciliation ; of trampling on the indepen-
dence of a co-ordinate branch of the Legislature ; of
gratifying the malice of Mr. Bright and the arrogance of
Mr. Gladstone, by a triumph over the resistance of the
House of Lords—a triumph which is yet distant, and
which we earnestly trust may never come to pass.
The Post refers to Lord Salisbury's attack on Mr. G13(1"
stone, and says that he who was the very foremost
debater in the earlier stages of the bill, and was listened
to with a silence that was quite breathless in its respects
fulness, so far forgot the high and philosophical line which
he had previously followed as to fly off into bitter and
passionate personal allusions to the First Minister, and
made mere invective, that might have suited well
enough an inferior man, do duty for the careful reasoning
and lofty sentiments which the House was entitled to hear
from one who is rapidly rising to a leading position. 11re
can hardly believe that he needs to be told how damaging
to himself and to the cause be advocates are such mani-
fest signs of weakness and concomitant rashness. The
power of invective is a dangerous one at any time, but
when it is used recklessly, with a strong dash of personal
pique, it is positively offensive.

"The world's large tongue
Proclaims you for a man replete with mocks ;
Full of comparisons and wounding flouts ;
Which you on all estates will execute,
That lie within the mercy of your wit."
Let Lord Salisbury leave Mr. Gladstone's will out of the
calculation, and apply his powerful mind to the discovery
of some tertian?, quid to which both parties can agree, s°
as to get the bill out of hand, and he will win more laurels
than by the smartest personal sarcasms, or the fiercest
imputations of arrogancy.
The Herald thinks that a simple, but efficacious, NOY
of checking the systematic murders of the Irish landlords
is within the power of the Government, but they doggedly
and pertinaciously refuse to have recourse to it. They
have only to state their views and intentions touching the
alterations which they contemplate in the laws regulating
the tenure of land, and there would be at once a cessation
of the crimes arising from that source. In common with
almost all their political opponents, we believe them t°
be sound" on this much-debated question. We do not
imagine for a moment that they intend to make those
radical and revolutionary changes attributed to them,
although such may be entertained, and, indeed, have been
openly propounded, by one of their body. But, if
so, why do they not speak out? They must feel the
awful responsibility they incur by not at once enlighten-
ing the Irish peasantry as to their real intentions ;
for they must be aware that by doing so theY
would put an end to the delusions under which they:
are labouring, and convince them that the just rights of
property cannot be overthrown by murdering its owners;
and that while disposed to give full protection to the
tenant, and either secure him in the enjoyment of lus
improvements, or obtain him ample remuneration
for them, they will resist all attempts at sPolii".
tion, no matter under what form it may be disguised.
Had they done so when pressed upon the point 104
session there can be no doubt that many, if not
the landlords who have since been murdered would
have been spared to their families and friends. If theY
desire to stop the course of crime in Ireland they Ilse
have recourse to the only means by which it call
effected. Public indignation will sooner or later compel
them to take the step which, from party motives, they
hesitate to adopt, and they may rest assured that the
sooner they break silence on this important topic the better.
it will be for the peace of Ireland as well as for their oVirk
reputations.
The Daily ArC2V3 makes some remarks on Mr. Fai •
r .D!
new steam-carriage, and says that it seems destined to.
play an important part in the future. The first
which would strike anybody who went to see it was tins
that here was a railway carriage capable of earrYll3
sixty-six passengers (the average freight of railway trsi
en
being thirty-five), and careering at the rate of eightel
miles an hour round a small garden little more than
an acre in extent. There might have been another c-;:i
riage to carry as many more passengers added to the tr 31,1;
and the whole train would have been carried round the shaiiti
curves of the small garden with perfect ease- IC°Wart
these days, when we begin to work railways in the hAise
of our great towns, it is important to be able so to exii
the wheels of a train as to turn it on a curve which hafi-ts
radius of only 50 feet ; nor is it less important to attin
the
this object in country places where the hilly nature of
are,
ground renders sharp turns necessary—turns whilviasi
now avoided by expensive cuttings, tunnellinge, an''
ducts. Nearly all visitors to Paris ha v e been invited to enL__
a fish dinner at Sceaux, and must have observed therer
clever but complicated arrangement by which the qr.) T.,
arriving at the station, turns round in an exceedi go`i
narrow space. It is one of the curiositiesxby
railways. But according to the Fairlie system e the.
bited last week in a small garden attached to
very.
Hatcham Ironworks, the turn is contrived bY
alter
simple means, may be made in a much oril LI
space than that which the station at Sceaux fills, ancicii..
easily adapted to any ordinary railway system. 11l tbe,
tion to this, by the adjustments of the weights orlf
an
different wheels, Mr. Fairlie manages to get ° so'
enormous amount of that dead weight which beloleen,'
all existing trains, which wears the rails out very rail-.
and which adds prodigiously to the expenses of everYiera,
way. He professes, indeed, to have solved the Pr° esl,
of cheap railways—enabling us to have a permanent
side;of much lighter construction than is usual, and to Prost,
for carriages along it at a very great saving °.` r not
Nothing but actual experience will prove whether °pole
his anticipations are well founded ; but at least heof
to be on the fair way to success, and by the exhibitv
heA
the prowess of his engine and his carriage lest Noes'
established a strong presumption in his favour.
Cvil;
The Star, in discussing the condition of our
ertrs
Service, remarks that it is interest, whether of y Au
family, or friendship, which must be struck at, sullies
and thoroughly in any endeavour to improve it.
etition,
jest, wo practicable alterations are cpen freentso,
(sq of course, to character), and single anymri..., int°!
subject to a test examination and also to insllP',,;,ber;
character. The suggestions of fewer clerks and
_Sirtbei
pay, and of separation between the intellectual IP'
:exte°l
mechanical functions, are very valuable. The got_ eivest
to which improved economy and efficiency may " by,
by these processes may be best learned from a P,al3-stiecit
Horace Mann, in a late number of the beceir job;
Society's Journal, to which the reviewer does not ref__ mr,
which, we hope, is known to Mr. Gladstone aSTedeast
Lowe. But other measures and influences are nseof the
Political patronage must give up these higher offic_e
to
Civil Service, which are now usually filled fro
life. Departmental patronage must resign it
rcationoe
of departments, and ermitting_ transfers and 13___ be prg;
general Civil Service, free frone impassable deraracinotieno..
from one office to another. Examinations roi;f:
tviiodne;lcfaotri
nfiorts
be
e entrancesiTniari
I,insthoaacknloedffl;cettorifgsiedrvrtuslei)ee.7olr.t.,Pirliotr?
is impractiable and unsehievous ; pure procoo'rcupti
heads of departments alone can save us f
promotions. And hero it Is, as hr all caw of,
that the oval influeuon thlparty ulopyaotronAgo