The Sun.
London, England, 1860-08-04 00:00:00

this was only the partial symptoms of a general weakness,
and that unless the Turkish Government should redeem its
pledges, there would be no security for the future. Although
sorry to take up their lordships' time, he could not leave
the subject without stating some of his reasons for the mo-
tion of which he had given notice. He must confess that
the impression made on his mind by the papers which had '
been produced was, that they were not very comprehensive
in their contents. In the first place, the papers were nothing
but relations from the different consuls of the dangers which
they had passed. It appeared that a memorial was pre-
sented by the merchants to the consuls on the 20th May,
and that apprehensions of disturbance had for a long time
previous been entertained. That apprehension was subse-
quently fulfilled, and its expression should have been re-
ceived with great attention. He saw in the papers no
proof of such attention having been paid, further than that
the consul-general at Beyrout had, in conjunction with
the other consuls, made a representation to the Pacha. It I
appeared that in doing so the consul-general had only ac-
ceded to the request of the other consuls, and that notwith-
standing the representation made, the Pacha of Beyrout set
off for the mountains with an armed force. He should there •
fore like to know what instructions Mr. Moore had, or whe-
ther he was kept totally ignorant of the views of his Go •
vernment. (Hear.) He thought it requisite that Parliament
should have some information on this subject. He found
that one transaction had taken place no less than a year
ago, when the Syrians of the mountains met in collision not
far from Beyrout, and when there was a considerable loss of
life. It was surely the duty of the consul to have reported
this both at home and at Constantinople, and he must have
received some instructions in consequence which ought to
be produced. There were other points in the papers, also,
which were well worthy of attention, but upon which the
Foreign-office were totally silent. There might be reasons
for this reserve, but unless there were, it was only right
that Parliament should have fuller information. These cir-
cumstances presented to his mind considerations of even
still greater importance than what related to the Turkish
empire. It was impossible to follow the course of events
without perceiving that palliatives had been exhausted,
and that they had only temporarily escaped the conflict of
principle which must sooner or later take place. It appeared
to him they got nearer to it every day, and it would require
all the judgment and vigour of persons in authority in order
to prevent a crisis. In proof of what he said let their lord-
ships look at current events. In France they saw principles
advanced, and upon which the Government rested, which
were totally opposed to the foundations of European institu-
tions. In Austria, again, the Government was exposed to
the action of principles which were shaking the empire to its
foundations. If they carried their views still further he
thought they might find evidence of some change in our
Indian posssessions, and he was sure that in that country
which the combined forces of France and England had so
recently attacked, there was evidence of the operation of new
principles. Indeed he was net sure that we were quite free
from them in this country, and therefore he came back to the
first position, viz., that the period for palliatives had passed
away, and that the strongest measures were necessary to
prevent the tremendous consequences that might be impend-
ing. He must say that he saw in the present state of af-
fairs the means of keeping together what remained of the
Turkish empire, and to put an end to the distractions in
Syria. It was not for him to dictate to Government the
policy they should adopt ; his disposition was to trust to
them, but he must say that it was of great consequence that
under such circumstances the attention of Parliament
I should be directed to the subject, that time should not be
lost in the carrying out of temporary measures, but that
they should keep themselves perfectly awake to the state
ot public affairs. He confessed he had read with great satis-
faction the result of the debate of the previous evening in
the other Howe of Parliament. Notwithstanding the elo-
quence with which illusions had be3n supported, he was
gratified to find that the measure which was then under the
consideration of the house had passed by so large a majo-
rity. After an allusion to the treaty of Paris, the noble lord
concluded by saying that his object was not to impose on
the patience of the house, but he felt it to be his duty to
bring these matters under their lordships' notice before the
close of the session. There was no greater calamity than to
see nations shaken by their own internal weakness, and he
trusted that in the present alarming crisis a proper amount
of energy would be exhibited by all parties concerned. The
noble lord concluded by reading the terms of the motion.
Lord WODEHOUSE wished to state certain reasons why
he could not grant the papers which were asked for by his
noble friend. The papers which had been produced were
merely the despatches of the consuls, showing the actual
progress of events, the object of the Government being to
put Parliament in possession of the facts. In the other
house also papers had been moved for respecting 1857,
1858, and 1859, but his noble friend moved also for corre-
spondence of a very recent date, the despatches of the Sec-
retary of State, the consular correspondence, and copies
and extracts of the instructions. Now these despatches re-
lated to matters of the greatest consequence, and the ut-
most delicacy, and which were at this moment under dis-
cussion by the powers of Europe. If these were published
it would be impossible to conduct the negotiations which
were going on, and he was confident that his noble friend
would see that under such circumstances Government could
not accede to his motion without detriment to the public
service. A most active correspondence had been going on
with the consul at Beyrout, and he could only say that that
gentlemen on this, as on every occasion had displayed the
utmost energy and activity. His noble friend had referred
to those negotiations which took place some years ago, the
result of which was an agreement between the Druses and
Maronites, and under which those two populations were to
be guided by certain officials of their own appointment.
That arrangement had endured more or less to the present
time.

Lord STRATFORD de REDCLIFFE was understood
to say the arrangement was proposed by the European
powers, and accepted by the Porte.
Lord WODEHOUSE, after thanking his noble friend
for the correction, said that unfortunately that arrange-
ment had been interrupted, and the disagreement had led
to such atrocities that the more one read of them the more
horror pervaded the mind. (Hear, hear.) The Government
had received further papers this day respecting what had
taken place at Damascus. They were written while the
atrocities were going on, and the writer gave a full account
of the calamities which had occurred. It appeared from the
events which had happened, and from the papers, that the
recent disturbances were not confined to the quarrel between
the Druses and Maronites, but that the origin of the out-
break were insults to the Christian population by some part
of the Mohammedan population. Those insults led to a
ptnishment which consisted in their being compelled to
sweep the streets. That might have been a mistaken order
on the part of the Turkish authorities, but at any rate it
was carried out. It was perfectly clear that although the
recent events did not commence by a war between the
Druses and Maronites, yet they had been continued in con
sequence of the strong feeling of hatred which existed be-
tween the Christians and Mohammedans, and they were
fraught with the greater` dangers to the Turkish empire,
with far greater and far more important consequences than
in any former time. His noble friend saidetheir lordships
ought to take these questions into their sober and serious
consideration, and he admitted that it was impossible for
the great powers of Europe to stand by and witness what
had been committed without making some attempt to re-
dress the evils which were inflicted. (Hear.) That sober
and serious consideration was peculiarly necessary, because
those who took notice of these events could not but be in-
fluenced by a strong feeling of sympathy in favour of those
who had so seriously suffered, and by a great desire to
render them assistance in obtaining redress. His noble
friend had justly said that the position of the Turkish em-
pire required in dealing with it the utmost caution and
delicacy, and he could assure his noble friend that the great
powers had felt the truth of that observation on the present
occasion, and especially in the recent consultation which
had taken place at Paris. The result of those consultations
had been the production of a protocol, and it had actually
been signed. It set forth the conditions under which the
European powers were to act, and what should take place.
The Government had not received the instrument in its
final state, but he believed he could giYe their lordships the
leading features of it. The instrument had taken the form
of a protocol and not a convention, fur the reason that if a
convention had been agreed upon it would have been neces-
sary that full powers should have been previously sent to
all the ambassadors, and that proceeding would have
caused great delay. (Hear, hear.) There were precedents
for a protocol in what took place in 1840, and in the Bel-
gium question, and those were quite sufficient to authorise
the form of this instrument on this occasion. Their lord-
ships might be told, however, that a convention was pro-
vided for. The protocol had been signed by the five re-
presentatives of the great powers, and by the represen-
tative of the Porte, and it stated that the great powers
had offered the Sultan their assistance in order to put an
end to those disturbances which had arisen in Syria, and
that the Sultan had accepted the offer of such assistance.
The agreement was to the effect that forces belonging to
the European powers should be sent to Syria, but that they
should not exceed 12,000 troops, and of that number the
Emperor of the French was to send 6,000, and they wore to
proceed to the scene of the disturbances without any delay.
The other 6,000 men were to be furnished by such one of the
great powers as upon further consultation should appear to
be expedient. The period of the continuance of the troops
in Syria was to be limited to six months. Besides making
provision as to details there was an additional protocol
whereby the different powers had expressed their anxious
desire that the assurances given by the Porte in 1856 in re-
ference to improving the condition of all the subjects of the
Porte should be carried out, and the different Powers on
this occasion, as they did in 1840, expressed their entire dis-
interestedness in regard to these disturbances in Syria—
merely taking part in quelling them for the exclusive ad-
vantage of the Porte, and without any view to the influence
or territorial addition to themselves, or making any stipu-
lations as to commercial matters on the part of any of them.
(Hear, hear.) That instrument had been actually signed.
The measures which the Porte had taken were in sending
troops and special commissioners to Syria with full powers
to act as might be required, and the Sultan himself and his
Government had given assurances of their de ermination to
inflict condign punishment upon all persons who had taken
part in those outrages. If these assurances were carried
ont the result would be salutary. The different Powers
would also send commissioners to Syria, and Lord Dufferin

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