The Sun.
London, England, 1860-01-26 00:00:00

wiser and safer course than that against
which he had piotesfeul. They might re-
solve upon a proposition calculated to secure the
eventual adoption of the ballot in every town and
county of the kingdom, but so limited and guarded
in the outset that the Government would not be
restrained by any of their previous deliberations
from conceding it. He had already laid before the
world a proposition of that character. If it met
with the approbation of reformers, it was in their
power to extort it ; for it was in their power to say
to Government, " Your measure shall not be carried
without some arrangement on the question of the
ballot, and here is an arrangethent you are all at
liberty to take, and none of you are pledged against
it." As regards the whole topic, it had been long
ago exhausted by the distinguished men he had re-
ferred to. They knew that Lord Macaulay in his
youth had gained a lasting reputation by the
speeches in which he vindicated the Reform Bill.
Soon after 1832 he went to India for five years.
When ho came back the House of Commons listened
with eager curiosity to the fervency and eloquence
of the voice which had before so powerfully touched
them. The ballot was the first cause to which those
accents were devoted. On June 13, 1839, although
the general supporter of a Cabinet opposed to it,
he gave the vast resources of his mind to entice
the House of Commons to adopt it. His speech
had never been refuted, and, what was better still,
had never been retracted. And who had a better
right to point out the first amendment which the
Act of 1832 ought to receive than the person who,
if that act should ever pass away, would yet have
rendered it immortal by the splendour of
his advocacy ? The public grief was fixed
upon his tomb. The public admiration clung
about his memory. Activity and ability were
busy in devising monuments, and busts, and
statues to his honour. But by far the most satis-
factory memorial you can raise to departed merit
is to act upon its counsel, and give effect to its
convictions. It was far better for great men to
live in the institutions than it would be in the
temples of their country. And if in the Abbey you
gave his frame a place ofrost,you could not decently
refuse his mind a habitation in the statute-book.
En conclusion, he had ventured to point out the
case against which reformers ought to protest, and
to explain the course by which a speedy triumph
on the question of the ballot might be open to them.
And if he took no further part upon the theme, by
their kindness ho should feel that he had been
enabled to discharge his duty to the public.
Mr. WYLD was there as one of the 235 members
of the House of Commons who had voted for the
ballot, and he was there to ask them, not merely
to pass resolutions and listen to speeches, which
might perhaps be forgotten, but to make evert
effort in their power to affix the ballot to the pro-
posed Reform Bill. There was an American pro-
verb, " First know you are right, and then go
ahead." if the suffrage were extended without the
ballot to a class who wanted protection more than
any other class, it would be a curse instead of A
blessing. If Government would assent to a permis-
sive ballot, it would be best to adopt it ; for once
the Government were pledged to the ballot is any
form, they would be sure to get it complete at last.
Mr. WASHINGTON WILKS, who spoke as a re-
presentative man, being well acquainted with some
of the most populous districts in England, said be
read in the papers that Lord Brougham, on the
first night of this session, declared that he had
found no response in the north when he spoke of
reform. He was afraid that was because he did
not speak loud enough. The voice of Henri
Brougham never spoke aloud to the men of the
north on the subject of reform and failed to get I,
response. It was only the muffled voice of the
ex-Chancellor that obtained no response frog
the iron voices of those iron men. (Cheers;)
He himself had attended many meetings ii
the north, and had found one universal &nova
to every allusion to reform—" Manhood suf-
frage or the ballot." Lord Brougham ha°
admitted that there was a great deal of indir
nation excited by certain recent cases of corrilr:
tion. Well, no one could help feeling indignation 0'
those disclosures ; but it was not against the We;
who were bribed, bad as they were, nor again";
those who bribed them, worse as they were, 12'
against the system, which allows, or almost eeisl-
pels such things. (Cheers.) Commissions had het:
found useless to check bribery, and indeed
thought them unconstitutional. If a man was
cused of breaking the law let him be tried 110
jury, and not send three gentlemen in hersehaerce,
hold a sort of French tribunal on him. 130 t
indictment was difficult, It was exceedinglia r-aos thti/
e
and the result uncertain. The ballot afforded
only solution. It would step in not between tk
briber and the bribed, but between the briber end
the voting place. He could then no longer folio*.
up his victim to see that he kept his contract. Nos
the bargain made in the dark was fulfilled in the
light ; make it dark all through, and it would not be
made at all. Some working men thought that if theri
had manhood suffrage they could carry their olv,,
candidates, and they should not then want the bit
lot. He did not believe it. The present system~
made the elections so dear that a working man COIL
not get into Parliament. The ballot was so inexPeP
sive that it might almost be said to cost nothing:
Now there were many men, even Conservative"!
in the house who would be glad to see two or thre:
real working men in the house. He believed 0'
whole house would welcome two or three, brat 04
would be very much alarmed if a large nurrAber Wero
to get in. (Cheers and laughter.) After some fur;
ther observations, Mr. Wilks sat down amidst 'olio
and general applause.
The CHAIRMAN then announced that the meeting'
would be adjourned until February, and due netiTa
would be given of the fire' eakers who would attend'
The proceedings tten terminated.
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