The Sun.
London, England, 1869-11-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 4, HO.,

office o Chief Commissioner. The unfairness of nals has done a good work. It has shown the
such a comparison, to begin with, must be obvious at French people that, though the EsrpEnon's Govern-
a glance, if only in consideration of the fact that no one ment may be burdensome in some respects, it is infinitely
can possibly tell, as yet, whether the nomination to the to be preferred to the anarchy which the success of
post of Mr. AYRTON is good, bad, or indifferent. Lord the Retell and .Reforme doctrines would produce.
It has brought the Government and its moderate
ELCHO at once jumps to the conclusion that the selec-
opponents into better and more clearly defined rela-
tion is bad—bad almost to the extent of absurdity—
tions; and it is in all respects likely that the fear of a
bad irremediably andirredeemably. Why it necessarily
common foe may induce the EMPEROR to make
is so, or must be so, we are simply left to conjecture- those further just concessions which will secure him
Lord ELCHO has said it. That is enough. His the undivided support of his order-loving subjects.
opinion is that no one less suitable for the office than The events of the last few months add one more
Mr. AYRTON could by possibility have been discovered. to the long list of proofs that liberty of the press
Our hope is, of course, that this sinister comment can be injurious only to a Government which rules
upon his selection may be utterly falsified by the by unjust repression.
member for the Tower Hamlets. And we are en-
couraged in that hope by the remembrance that Lord
Ilictio's extravagant depreciation of Mr. AYRTON is
accompanied by an eulogium on Mr. LAYARD quite as
extravagant, and which certainly says little for the
clearness, the soundness, or the equilibrium of Lord
ELciso's judgment. Oue who takes such a particu-
larly hazy view of the realities of the past, can
scarcely be expected to see very clearly with the mind's
eye by anticipation the mere possibilities of the future.
An) one who can fail to recognise, as Lord ELCHO
evidently fails to recognise, what is, nevertheless, a
wholly indisputable and notorious fact, that Mr.
LATARD'S eleven months' governance of the Public
Works' Department, iu his capacity as Chief Com-
missioner, s% as one serried and matted mass of blun-
ders and fiascos, must, one would say, according to a
familiar idiom, be certainly off his head—must have
the balance of his judgment out of gear—must view
matters more as a partizan than in any way dispas-
sionately. Before Lord ELCRO rushed forward thus
impetuously to panegyrise the sElileship of Mr.
LAYARD, we had, out of our vivid remembrance of
the extraordinary blunders crowded into his few
months' tenure of that office, commented in the
strongest terms in our vocabulary upon the satisfac-
tory incident of Mr. LAYARD'S withdrawal from the
Chief Commissionership. Now that Lord ELcsso,
with his accustomed rashness, has vaunted the glories
of Mr. LATARD'S blundering reign, has gratuitously
assailed the appointment of Ur. AYRTON as his suc-
cessor, and has referred to Mr. CECIL RAIKES'S
" unfounded and ungenerous party attack" on the late
Chief Commissioner, we are gratified to see that the
member for Chester has, with dignified but caustic
force, retaliated upon his assailant. The charge
preferred by Mr. RAIKES against Mr. LAYARD in his
capacity as Chief Commissioner, was not denied, was
not disproved —was simply condoned by the House
of Commons, out of generous consideration for a
distinguished public man who, out of his excessive
love for art, had certainly acted very indiscreetly.
Mr. LAYARD'S devotion to art was accepted by the
House of Commons as the excuse for this irregularity.
But," while this was so, as Mr. RAIKES observes,
"these facts remain :—(1) That the contract in ques-
tion was made in a most irregular way, without the
sanction of Parliament, without the authority of the
Treasury, and in absolute departure from the recom-
mendations of the Commission in accordance with
which the decoration cf the Palace of 'Westminster
has hitherto been carried out, and (2) that
the contract so irregularly made was with a
company of which the Minister responsible for
it had been an active promoter, and was un-
til very recently a shareholder." Those facts
are undeniable, they are indisputable. They are
in themselves Nlr. RAIKES' full and complete exone-
ration. They justify him in bringing the matter,
exactly as it stands, under the consideration of the
House of COMNIONS. Turning from 111 r. LAYARD,
however, to Lord ELCHO, the member for Chester
cannot help indulging in the luxury of a few rather
poignant recriminations. "As for the party," writes
Mr. RAIKES, " of which the noble lord [that is Lord
ELctio] complains, it is, of course, difficult for any
man to determine what would have been Lis precise
course had he been placed in a wholly different posi-
tion. I can only hope—as I certainly believe—that
I should have acted as I did if I had sat on the same
side of the House as Mr. LAYARD." Adding, "It un-
questionably would have been my duty to do so, and I
had consulted more than one Liberal friend on the
subject without being in any way dissuaded from pro-
ceeding in the matter." Then comes the " unkindest
cut of all"—the member for Chester observing quietly
in conclusion—" It is, indeed, almost impossible,
unless one has been drummed out of the ranks of both
parties successively, to acquire that judicial impar-
tiality to which Lord ELCHO can advance such a
peculiar claim; but it would, I think, be scarcely a
good exchange, so far as public expenditure is con-
cerned, to abandon that free criticism which is the
best excuse for party Government for the mutual
admiration of gentlemen who have a taste for art like
Lord ELCHO and Mr. LATARD." Reading which one
can only add quantum sufficit.

THE Legislature of the colony of Victoria has re-
solved to discontinue the annual vote in aid of reli-
gions worship. This announcement need not alarm
those supporters of Church Establishments who are
apprehensive that the spread of opinion against
alliances between the State and religion will soon
seriously affect the position of the Church in Eng-
land. The decision of the Victorian Parliament is
not to be regarded as an example of the growth of
Liberationist influence. It is altogether an excep-
tional case. For some fifteen years past the Aus-
tralian colony has carried into practice on a
small scale the principle of " levelling upwards."
£50,000 a year is voted towards the construction
of edifices for public worship, and for the support
of ministers of religion. This sum is equit-
ably divided amongst all denominations—according
to their numerical strength. There is no State
ovory creed meets with equal favour.
But difficulties have arisen which forcibly
illustrate the disadvantages of settling the Church
and State controversy on the system of levelling-up.
Whilst only the Christians shared the grant
the discontent of those persons who objected
to the " endowment of error" was weak and
ineffective. But soon the Jews claimed and
obtained their proportion of the money ; the rapid in-
crease of the Chinese population brought forward the
question whether the immigrants from the Celestial
land were not entitled to an endowment equally with
the descendants of ABRAHAM ; and sooner or later, no
doubt, the introduction of labourers from the
Pacific Islands would have led to demands for
the support of forms of worship even more
obnoxious than the Chinese idols. The principle of
equal endowment ended, in fact, in a clear reductio
ad absurdum. The money granted by the State was,
indeed, a safe and sure contribution in aid of religion,
whereas other sources of support might fluctuate.
But, on the other hand, the taxpayer could not but
reflect that the money- he paid to the religious g,rant was
employed as much to combat his own doctrines
as to advance them. To make each sect pay for the
religion of the others was found obnoxious under any
circumstances. When Jews and Pagans claimed
equal rights the system became intolerable. The
Parliament has, therefore, passed a law abolish-
ing the grant; but in order that the
various denominations may not feel the loss too
seriously, the sum is to be reduced by £lO,OOO a
year until it disappears. And so vanishes from Vic-
toria the slight union of Church and State which
has existed since 1854. The story is a valuable illus-
tration.

THE declaration of Lord CARNARVON points not
obscurely to a forthcoming party battle on the policy
of the Government towards New Zealand. The
ex-Colonial Secretary expresses his regret that
as Parliament is not sitting he cannot protest in
form against the course adopted by the Ministry ;
and he, therefore, selects the columns of the
Times for a moderate but unflinching attack upon
the policy indicated in Earl GRANVILLE'S last
despatch. It is important to note the issue upon
which conflicting opinions are now joined. The
general principle of insisting that the colonies should
bear their own burdens and provide for their own
wants is not now in question. The point is simply
whether the Government is justified in applying that
principle so A 9 to rofizcc aid to tlio colonists
of New Zealand at this time of great
danger. The Colonial Legislature lately asked
for the use of a British regiment, now in New
Zealand, offering to pay for its maintenance on terms
previously suggested by the Home Government.
Earl GR A N VIL LE declined to grant this
request, urging that the colonists ought to
make concessions to the natives, who had
been unjustly treated, and that there would then be
no difficulty in defending the white population from
the attacks of the )laories. The Earl of CARNARVON
does not dispute that this refusal is quite in accordance
with the decision that the colonists should administer
their own affairs—a decision which cannot now be
recalled. He allows that there is much force in the
arguments that it would be impossible to allow the
local governments the control of British troops, and.
equally impracticable to carry on a campaign under
the divided direction of the Home Government
and the New Zealand. Ministry. But the danger to
the colony is so imminent, the need of aid so pressing,
that all theoretical considerations ought to have
been overlooked in the effort to ward off a
catastrophe. The troops,
Lord CARNARVON
holds, might advantageously have been left under
the circumstances. M it is now too late, he suggests
that a loan should. be guaranteed, and the colony
thus enabled. to provide ample means for its own
defence. Such is the position. The project of a loan
has previously been put forward, and the present
Ministry has rejected it. Should they persevere
in their refusal, a stout parliamentary con-
flict may ensue. The Ministry is right
on general principles, and should no calamity
happen in New Zealand all will be well. But if the
massacre of which the colonists are in dread really
takes place, the GLAnsToNE Government will have
much to do to hold its own.

LIE French Government has been trying for the
last few months the experiment of a free press. Until
very recently, it is scarcely needful to say, the course
of true journalism in France by no means ran smooth.
The most burdensome restraints were placed on the
action of the press, and very severe penalties awaited
the editor or publisher who overstepped the bounds.
Those journalists who chose to praise the Govern-
ment were at liberty to write pretty much what they
pleased. But those rancorous writers who did
not regard a despotic regime as an unmixed good
were compelled to express their hostility in the
mildest of language, and to confine their strictures
within the most harmless limits. Unfortunately

it happened that only Opposition papers could
be made to pay, and it was not less true
that those journals which were most extreme brought
the largest revenue to their proprietors. Between
the frying pan of "popular disfavour and the fire of
Imperial vengeance, the unhappy members of the
Fourth Estate had a hard time of it. During
the last winter and the spring a continuous
series of press prosecutions was kept up ; sometimes
a dozen journals at once proved obnoxious to the
Government, and sometimes one journal was prose-
cuted for half a dozen different offences. Fines,
imprisonment, and the suppression of their journals
were the penalties which awaited erring writers and
publishers. But for some time past these prosecu-
tions have been abandoned, and though no
Imperial decree has gone forth, the press
has been practically free. The result has been unfor-
tunate in one sense. The wildest ribaldry, the
foulest abuse has been, and still is, poured forth by
various Republican papers—notably the .Rappel, the
Revell, and the Reforme. Open treason is advocated
in the columns of these three journals. The mob of
Paris is constantly invited to rise in insurrection. But
though it is to be regretted that those inflammatory
harangues are now distributed wholesale throughout
the country, whereas they would formerly have been
suppressed altogether, the effect of the now order of
things has been good on the whole. It is an un-
doubted fact that the ultra violent writers and poli-
ticians are injuring nobody but themselves. Whilst'
their effusions were burked by the Government, they
were regarded as martyrs; now that their scurrility
has not the excuse of oppression, their influence
is declining. It is remarkable that the circulation of
all the three papers just mentioned is on the wane. Nor
is this the most important result of the newly -
acciuired freedom of the press. The more reasonable
journals, which formerly opposed the Empire uncon-

COMIC PAPERS.
(From Punch.)

WAGGERIES OF THE VOTE-MARKET.—If the venal elec-
tors of Norwich, Bridgewater, or other borough or electoral
district infamous for bribery, were asked what they had to
say for themselves, they would perhaps have the impudence
to plead loyalty, shewn in their attachment to the sove-
reign. The obvious answer to this excuse is, that none of
them would vote for the sovereign if they could sell their
votes for paper money.

(Front Fun.)
Never talk with your mouth full. If you talk with a
bit in your mouth you must expect to be hoarse.
COUNTRY PROTIUM—Recent reports state that Bridg-
water has produced a large crop of the Bribe-berry. The
only objection to this fruit (of an inquiry) is that it stains
the fingers very much.
Musical. INTELLIGENCE.-111r. Sims Reeves is unfortu-
nately subject to such frequent indispositions that we feel
it will gratify his admirers to learn from the Leeds sure
papers that he is—to use the vernacular—" all alive, and
kicking ! "

New Posts under Government—T
(From Judy.)
he telegraph posts.
What vegetable does Mdlle. Christine Nilsson resemble?
—The sweetest of Swedes.
QUERY.—Can young ladies who now lace so tightly be
considered really staid.
WHERE THE SHOE PINCHES.—Father Hyacinthe has
hitherto been known as the " barefooted Carmelite." We
suppose he will take to shoes now he has put his foot
in it.

MARKETS.—This Pay.

LIVERPOOL COTTON.
Nov. 4.—Sales probably 12,000 bales.
steady.

The market

The very extensive Distillery now being erected
at Belfast, with all recent improvements for the manufacture of
Irish whisky, by Messrs. DUNVILLE & Co., who have gained
a world-wide celebrity for their fine old Irish whisky, is to be
called "The Royal Irish Distillery."

ditionally, are now being driven by the violence of the
extreme party into a more regular and constitutional
policy. So, too, are some of the Liberal deputies,
who—much as they resent the Imperial system of
government—cannot associate with promoters of
revolution. The ribaldry of the Socialist jour-

.RIGII WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
MOUNING. MINING,
THURsDAY.....,.. ......... 50 min past 1 10 Min past 2
FRIDAY 30 min past 2 55 min east '2
SATURDAY 20 min past 3 40 min past 3
SUNDAY 0 min past 4 20 min past 4
MONDAY 40 min past; 4 5 min past 5
TUESDAY...,.. 26 min past 5 50 min past 5

!.—This Day.