The Sun.
London, England, 1869-04-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, ARRIti 17, 1869

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in the way of, however minute and infinitessimal
a modification, the conduct pursued thus by the
leaders of the Opposition would be comprehensible,
might be regarded, if not with complacency, at any
rate with something like toleration. But the fact is
not so—and it is not so, notoriously and within the
dullest comprehension. Recognising the fact that
there is not the smallest vestige of a hope left for
the carrying out in this matter of the Irish Church
of even the most cherished views of his party, the
noble lord the member for King's Lynn, like a rational
man, as be is, regards the game as already played out—
abstains from voting, abstains from speaking. By
doing otherwise—cui bond ? Protest, the Opposition
may, against the Bill as a whole—protest against it in
detail, the more zealous and earnest mouthpieces of
the Conservative P*rty have done already---but op-
pose it clause by clause, thus in Committee, by ar-
guments of no avail, and by votes of no numerical
importance, and the voice of the Opposition is ren-
d red over and over again only as obviously futile
as the voice of CANUTE of old, on the sea shore—the
division list of the Opposition is only as ludicrously
ineffective as the besom of Mrs. PARTINGTON. As it

is now, people are getting weary of the monotony of
the arguments, and with the kindred sameness of the
numerical results arrived at upon every successive

division.

FIFTY-SIX, sixty-five, one hundred and eighteen,
one hundred and twenty-six. Is Mr. NEWDEGATE
satisfied ? If he is not, the Government Whips
will be most happy to oblige him by giving him a
still sounder beating on the next occasion. Mr.
DISRAELI clearly does not want anything of the sort.
He deprecated a division though he voted. Lord

STANLEY will have nothing more to do or say

in the matter. The man who fourteen months
ago was looked uport as one of the only
two possible leaders of the Conservative
party stays away when the Irish Church
question is discusssed, and is conspicuously absent

from the lobby. Who can doubt that Mr. DISRAELI

would very gladly have followed his example ? As
for the rest—the men who did speak and did vote—

their words fell upon deaf ears, upon ears that are
already wearied to death by arguments that have
been answered a hundred times over. An angel

from heaven would not be listened to now if he
were to begin discussing the principles of the Irish
Church Bill; and as neither Mr. AYTOUN nor Mr.
WHALLEY, neither Mr. BOLT nor Mr. CHARLEY is
precisely angelic, it is easy to imagine, the
disgust with which hon. members listened to the
dreary talk that for seven weary hours was inflicted
so needlessly upon an irritated audience. Neverthe-
less, we cannot regret that Mr. NEWDEGATE insisted
upon going to a division. The ever-increasing
majority obtained by the Liberal party is the best of
all answers to the assertions of those who declare
that the question has never been fairly put before
the country, and that if there were another general
election its result would be very different from that of
the last. If thecountry reallyhad changed its mind, it
is quite certain that the constituencies would very

soon acquaint their representatives with the change,
and that these, instead of supporting the measure by
growing majorities, would inform the Whips
that urgent business unhappily rendered it
necessary for them to be absent. But the
country is really more than ever convinced,
not only of the justice of dealing with the Irish
Church, but of the excellence of Mr. GLADSTONE'S
plan. If there was any doubt or hesitation before
the Ministerial scheme was propounded, there is
none now. All the cry about spoliation and political
profligacy produces not the smallest effect upon
Liberal Churchmen ; all the predictions of Papal
ascendancy and the downfall of Protestantism pro-
duce not the smallest effect upon those very
Romanising religionists, Mr. MIALL, Mr. MORLEY,
and the rest of the Nonconformist M.P.'s.

One other statement, frequently made both on the
hustings and in Parliament, has been clearly dis-
proved. It has been said that Mr. G LAD sToNE's majo-
rity was gained by coming to an understanding with
the Irish Catholics in general, and with Cardinal
CULLEN in particular. The latter part of this
accusation —not a serious one, even if true,
but one likely to excite prejudice—Mr. GLAD-
STONE met by asserting that the first in-
formation which the heads of the Roman Catholic
Church had of his bill was from the Ministerial
statement in the House of Commons. The first
portion of the allegation is simply a question of
arithmetic. Mr. GLADSTONE'S majority is now 126 ;
there are under fifty Roman Catholics in the House;
take these away and there would be still a majority
of about eighty ; nay) Mr. GLADSTONE could even
afford to hand these over .to his opponents,
and he would still have a majority twice
as large as that with which Lord PALMERSTON
maintained himself in power for six years and a half.
The truth is that, not only Catholic Ireland, but
Presbyterian Scotland and England, both Episcopa-
lian and Nonconformist,are in favour of the measure,
because it is an act of justice which ought to be done
even though it should have the incredible conse-
quences which Mr. NEwnEGATE and Mr. AYTOUN
predict. In fact, so clearly is this the case,
that the Opposition have invented a new
term by which to express their dissatisfac-

tion. They speak of a " tyrant majority," and
they declaim against it feelingly, for hitherto they
have been accustomed only to a tyrant minority. Of
the two evils the first seems to us somewhat more
tolerable than the second. We suppose the
majority of the country will be of the same opinion,
will think it better that the many should rule the
few rather than the few the many. It would be
very odd if the many were of the contrary
opinion.

MR. BAINES did not get any very definite informa-
tion out of the Marquis of HARTINGTON with respect
to the proposed purchase of telegraphs by the
Government. There was, however, one item of
intelligence conveyed by the POSTMASTER-GENERAL
which will rather take the nation by surprise. He
said it was intended to bring in a bill " to enable the
Government, if they purchased the property of the
telegraph companies, to obtain also the monopoly
for the transmission of telegraphic messages."
Now when this matter was under consideration last
year, it was decided that the Government ought not
to take any such power; for that if the Government
did its work well it would naturally have the
monopoly, and if it did not it ought not to have such
monopoly. Clearly the Post Office must, with its
large staff and perfect organisation, be,under ordinary
circumstances, able to distance all private competitors ;
at the same time it may so happen that some clever
invention may lead to a vast improvement
in telegraphic communication, and enable the
inventor to beat the Government. In such a case it
would clearly be to the public advantage that there
should be a clear stage. The Government is, therefore,
bound to give very good reasons, such as at present
certainly do not suggest themselves, before they a
entrusted with the powers which they seek. In the
meanwhile we have to note the singular circum-
stance that a Liberal Government is seeking to
obtain a monopoly which a Conservative Govern-
ment deprecated. This seems very like advancing
backwards.

rrz iN,c,"A
r zo•
V P 4
irrit VI, 17iql r •

HER MAJESTY.

WINDSOR CASTLE, April 16.
The Queen, accompanied by Princess Christian,
drove in the grounds yesterday afternoon.
Her Majesty drove out with Princess Louise this
morning.

MUNICIPAL AND PARLIAMENTARY

ELECTIONS.

The select committee of the House of Commons
appointed to consider the general question of municipal
and parliamentary elections, met again on Friday ; the
Marquis of Hartington in the chair. The first witness
called was Mr.Trippear, a surgeon-dentist of Liverpool,who
said that he was secretary of the Liberal Association,
St. Ann's Ward. In that ward about 20 per cent. of the
electors were open to bribes. These would take bribes on
either side of politics. Bribery was much on the increase.
Those who used to be content with ss. for their votes now
required £l. In 1865 as much as £l5 had been paid for a
vote. Since that time the Liberal Association
had determined to have nothing to do with any
electors who required to be paid for their votes. The wit-
ness produced a number of statistics in reference to the
last municipal election, to prove that the issue was ob-
tained through the medium of bribery. Up to 1865 money
was paid by both sides of politics. At the last election
some voters were known to have received a sovereign.
All the contests in Liverpool were mixed up with politics.
It was a common subject of conversation in St. Ann's
Ward that cottage property there was at a premium, owing
to the fact that it enabled its owners to affect the
elections. At the last election in that ward, £57 was
spent in legitimate expenses. In 1865 the successful
candi-
date said it cost him £l,OOO. The municipal contests had
great effect upon the parliamentary elections in Liverpool.
The money paid for votes in the former went to make
the parties right in the latter. He thought that those who
could be bribed for municipal elections could also be bribed
for parliamentary elections, but did not think that there
was much bribery at the latter. The witness was strongly
of opinion that the Ballot was the only means by which
the evil could be cured