The Sun.
London, England, 1869-06-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING; TRINE 18, 1E69.

among the throng of illustrious hearers and
lookers-on. '1 he House of Commons—almost

emptied of its Members—was Ent:Relently re-
presented, there, at the bar, upon either side
of the Reporters' Gallery, and in a dense and
serried mass on the steps of the Throne. The whole
of this august assembly having gathered together, as
it turned out, to witness the most extraordinary speci-
men of John Bullism that ever has been—we won't
say acted or uttered, or anything of that kind, but
we w;11 go so far as to say that ever has been--even

dreamt of. It was Mr. SEWARD, remember, who
spoke originally of what he was pleased to call Mr.

BRIGHT'S John Bullism. But, if last night's exhibi-
tion was a specimen of the particular characteristic he
was alluding to by that phrase—we must perforce
say that it was intensely and essentially a Yankee's
idea of what is meant by John Bullism.
What Mr. Brawn' wrote, in the notorious political
manifesto addressed to the Secretary of the Birming-
ham Liberal Association, we all know. We com-
mented upon it in these columns, in the strongest
language of condemnation, upon the very day of its
first appearance. The whole of our morning con-
temporaries, save one, spoke of it, the next day, in the
very same terms of profound indignation. There could
be but one feeling, indeed, in regard to it—in
regard to its indecorum -- in regard to its
arrogance —in regard to its violation of
everything like ministerial etiquette.' It was an un-
precedented act on the part of a responsible Minister
of the CROWN. It breathed throughout it nothing
but threats and insolence. It spoke of the Lords
with absolute scorn and derision. It warned them—
"ln harmony with the nation they may go on for a
long time ; but throwing themselves athwart its
course they may meet with accidents not plea-
sant for them to think of !" Now, whenever
a man speaks of a spade, he is under-
stood by all sane people to mean a spade.
According to Mr. BRIGHT'S odd way of explaining
matters, it is quite otherwise. He is so much of a
JOHN BULL that when he says a spade—if we are to
believe him (appealing, we suppose, from PHILIP drunk
to PFrILIP sober) —he means quite another thing. The
Lords find themselves hit with a brickbat. Lord
('AIRNS picks it up and shows it to them. But Lord
GRANVILLE immediately steps forward with quite
charming suavity to explain that—What ? Why, that
he is authorised to assure their lordships that it is no
brickbat at all—[they have it before their e) es !
they can hardly credit their senses while they
are listening to him !]—that it is no brickbat
at all—that, in fact, he is authorised by Mr. BRIGHT
to assure their lorcsl,ii.s that it is merely a
bouquet of flowers—thrown to them, we presume, as
a delicate campliment. Nay, Lord GRANVILLE adds
that he can also assure their lordships on the part of
Mr. BRIGHT, that if this brickbat, as they insist upon
calling it, but bouquet as he can really assure them
it is, has hurt them in any way, he, Mr. BRIGHT is
extremely sorry for it—and so forth. In proof posi-
tive that this is a very simple explanation of

Lora GRANVILLE'S explanation of last evening.

we will here, however, give Lord GRANVILLE'S ow❑
words in his way of putting it. Insisting upon Mr.
BLIGHT'S John Bullism, the noble earl went on to

say, " there is another quality which I think may be
attributed to his John Bullism, which is a frank ex-
planation of anything he may have done, and Mr.
BRIGHT has authorized me to say, that when he wrote
that letter, he was not acting under any feeling of
indignation at any act of your lordships as a
whole, but that he did feel very much
moved Ly the account he had heard of
the proceedings and speeches at a certain meeting in
St. James's-square, which has now Lecome a matter
of history. to threats with regard to your lord-
ships' House, Mr. Bright distinctly repudiates haring

intended 10 his letter ti convey any such threats what-
ever. [No wonder, the House of Lords greeted this
violation of every one's commo❑ sense with groans
and actually with hissing !] Mr. BRIGLIT says
that what he meant to convey, and • believes he
did convey, in that letter, was those (Onions
as to matter of fact and matter of judgment
which he believes have since been either stated or
implied in the speeches of some of the most eminent
members of your lordships' House ; and further, he
has authorized me to say that if any expressions in
that letter have given pain to your lordships, collec-
tively or individually, he regrets that pain should have
been given to you, and assures you through me that it
was not his intention to do so." Again, the
House of Lords—the House of Loris, remem-
ber !—greets this astounding specimen of John
Bullism (save the mark !) with groans and with
hissing. Again, we say—And no wonder ! No
wonder the Lords groaned. No wonder the Lords
went, even, for once in their li/es, to the length of
hissing. Again, we say—lf that is a specimen of
Mr. BRIGHT'S John Bullism, it is a very Yankee
notion indeed of what is meant by John Bullism.
So confused got Lord GRANVILLE last night
with the scornful reception accorded to the
very strange explanation he had the poignant
and certainly unenviable office of submitting to their
lordships, that, immediately the groans and hisses
died away, he blundered into this absurdly mal
droit remark, " I certainly feel regret that Mr.
BRIGHT should ever have applied the word ‘unwisdom'
to any House to which I belong"—at which the
House roared with laughter. No—the fact of
the matter is this. The letter was shame-
ful. The explanation is pitiable. It will
lower Mr. BMGHT in the estimation of the whole
country. The letter was unworthy of a Cabinet
Minister. The explanation is unworthy of a Tribune
of the People. Both constitute an incident very
damaging indeed to Mr. BRIGHT'S reputation as a
Statesman.

DATE are not of those who attach great importance
to isolated elections, like those which have taken
place at Stafford and Nottingham within the last
few days. Contests of this kind are usually decided
by local considerations. The result of the Stafford
election, at all events, was due to the personal popu-
larity of the Conservative candidates far more than
to the question of the Irish Church, which was very
little discussed. At Nottingham it was rather more
prominent, and Mr. DIGBY SEYMOUR hoped to gain,
and did gain, the votes of the Conservative party by
abjuring his former Radicalism, so far as to announce
his hostility to Mr. GLADSTONE'S measure. This
was the only point of political difference between
him and his opponent, and it has not secured his
election. That it has caused his defeat would be a
bold assertion remembering the chaotic state of
politics in the lace metropolis.
But while little is to be gained from the Notting-
ham election, so far as ascertaining popular opinion
uthpeonrettitliern ofm
great question
e ss
y of
merely the
day
concerned,coisunterba counterbalances
c es whilee
unseating of Mr. POCIIIN, there is a lesson to be
learnt from the last election h wh. ic we hope will not
be lust upon the select committee of the House of
Commons now sitting. It has united all the worst
features of our mode of conducting elections. The
nomination was a useless farce. Neither of the candi-
dates was listened to, the crowd who gathered before
the hustings consisted for the most part of Mr.BniollT'S
" residuum," and Mr. MILL'S " persons," the lowest
class of non-electors and women. Thus even if the
speakers had been listened to, their words would
have fallen upon cars which there was no good in
reaching. The polling was a scene of the wildest
riot. So soon as it became known that the Liberal
candidate was a long way ahead, the " lambs"
took to playing in their usual sportive
manner. They broke windows, attempted to
overturn carriages, and to wreck houses, they
, intimidated voters, and generally became so

uproarious that it .was necessary to call out the.
Pensioners and to read the Riot Act. The record of
this election sounds like the narrative of a pitched
battle. And all this turmoil and outrage was induced,
not by the fact that a great political principle was at
stake, for between the rival candidates there was
only a slight shade of . difference. It was due
entirely to local prej lichees and antipathies
utterly unintelligible to outsiders. It is impossible
not to see that the greater part of these disorderly
proceedings was wholly useless for any practical
purpose. had the nomination of candidates in its
present shape been abolished, had the votes been taken
by ballot, and, as a consequence, no declaration of the
poll made until its close, there would have been none
of the disgraceful tumult which reigned in one of
the most important towns of England for four-and-
twenty hours. The recollections of the general
election are too recent aid too vivid for us to have
needed the proverbial "frightful example." Whether
needed or not, Nottingham has supplied it.

COLLESTOEDENCE FROM ',Ara

(FROII OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

PARIS, THURSDAY, June 17.
The aspect of affairs at St. Etienne when I wrote yes-
terday seemed to promise that the strike would pass off
peaceably. No disturbances had then arisen. The colliers
had indeed ceased wotk in all directions, and had put forth
a formidable bill of rights, but they had not had
recourse .to violence: Troops had been sent for, and it
was hoped that these would prove sufficient to keep the
peace. But, unfortunately, we have news to-day of a
reriuus collision between the colliers and the troops.

It appears that three companies of the 4th line regiment
were returning from the pits at Montravent, where they
bad been relieved by a battalion of the 17th. They were
bringing with thew a nunsber of prisoners who had been
ciptured whilst attempting to interrupt the works
Montravent. Arrived at St. Etienne, the troops with
their prey were passing through a very narrow and deep
1 a .ssge—S, sort of trench formed by a railway cutting—
when tl.ey were assailed by a large troop of miners, armed
with p'stols and stones. A desperate attempt was
made by this band, which included several women
in its ranks, to release the captives. Undoubtedly
they would have succeeded bad not the soldiers used their
weapons. The assailants were met by several discharges
cf rifles, and eventually took to flight, leaving several of
their number dead, and thirty-two prisoners. According
to one account, the number killed was eleven. The soldiers
bad five or six wounded.
This serious strike commenced on the 11th, and
by the next day it had spread throughout the entire die-
trict, assuming a very alarming aspect. Almost all the
workmen joined in it ; but they were not satisfied with a
mere abstention from labour. They not only prevented
their comrades from working, bat endeavoured, strangely
enough, to ruin the mines by stopping the pumping
machines. It seems certain that the strike was in the
first instance prompted by the news that a revolution
had broken out in Paris. On the evening of the same day
the strike suddenly relaxed. News came that quiet had
been restored at Paris, troops arrived, and under
their protection a number of well-disposed miners were
induced to go back to work. A journal which repre-
sented the miners was prosecuted, and its tone became
much milder. On the 13th the state of affairs grew still
more peaceful, and hopes were entertained that the strike
was at an end. On the 14th, however, it again broke out
with as much violence as ever. This time it took the
form of an ordinary turn-out, and a demand for reduced
wages, increased pay, &c., was put forth. Further
atttempts were made to intimidate the miners, bit
on the 14th and- 15th a heavy fall of rain—
that enemy to popular disturbances prevented
active operations. Rarely is the love of riot so intense as
to survive a thorough wetting. Yesterday, however,
operations were again resumed, the local journal became
as rabid as ever, and several attempts were made to stop the
m ne works, especially the pumping-machines. Some of
these proved successful. In several pits inundations cons-
mweed, and in one or two great difficulty was experienced
in getting the men out. Some attempt was made to com-
promise the demands of the workmen, but nothing that
the employers could offer was deemed acceptable by the
miners. Lastly, this combat, attended with the loss of
eleven lives, increases the gravity of the situation. The
t:-osps, of course, had no resource but to fire.

'1 h 2 Emperor's letter, the purport of which has,
doubtless, been announced to you ere this, is the sub-
jct of comment in all the papers. It is deemed
of c4-nsiderable importance, and very justly so, for the
Emperor never expressed himself more clearly. He agrees
fuly with the opinion that " the concession of a
pr.: cple or the sacrifice of individuals is always
in Aft c'ussl in the face of popular movements,
and that a Government which respects itself ought to
y'eld neither to pressure, to excitement, nor to revolt."
Tlie l apers here agree pretty nearly as to the significance
of this statement. It means that no liberal concessions
will be made 44 the present state of affairs, and that no
.111scicdhofia-ul Ministerial modificationr.
publishes the letter, publishes
Y
'Tine pfea iteteicileb.pe
eci arptlcer, t ami
with it an article stating that the epistle finally disposes
of all rumours as to changes in the Government. "It is
not just after serious troubles, and on the eve of
a legislative session which will be devoted merely
to the verification of powers, that a Government
determines upon serious changes." The Temps
says that all hope of liberal concessions must be given up.
would be useless, because
they would have the appearance of being extorted. The
The Emperor declares that they
Constituttonnel vigorously contests the Emperor's theory.
It thinks that though the Government should make
no concessions in the face of a menacing mob,
yet, when the tumults have been repressed and
the authorities remain triumphant, the Emperor could not
better display his force than by freely according to public
opinion what he has refused to popular passion. The
Constitutionnel strongly urges that the recent declarations
of the country be not disregarded. Reforms ought to be
conceded.
The campaign against the Press opened yesterday. The
printer, manager, and one of the editors of the Rappel
have all been tried and sentenced ; but other journalists
have beers released, and the prosecutions will be less
heavy than was expected.
At the various election meetings which preceded the
late struggle all the candidates were most minutely inter-
rogated, and none more so than M. Jules Favre. One of
his replies was particularly neat. "If the Emperor were
to die, what would you do:" he was asked. " What
would I do ? Why, I would go to his funeral !" he
answered.

f %
trianTA

HER MAJESTY.

WINDSOR CASTLE, JUlle 17.

Her Majesty, accompanied by Princess Beatrice,
Princess Christian, and Prince Leopold, drove out
yesterday afternoon.
The Queen,- accompanied by her Royal High-
ness Princess Louise, walked and drove in the
grounds this morning.

LA LEST INTELL MENGE

(REG":ER'S TELEGRAMS.)