The Sun.
London, England, 1856-08-28 00:00:00

THE SC f•T.

DIPLO.4.AVY AND TILE ITALIAN

QU.ESTIO:Y

A LETTER FROM L. C. 11,1P,II•TI TO MR. W.
GLADSTONE.
ont, Tftc Sao of TuesdOy )

Turning my attention to the Roman States, it strikes
me es worth noticing how the things said by the Earl of
Clarendon at the Congress of Paris, and the advice ten-
dered by him and Count Cavour might have at first raised
the hope that Western diplomacy, in beginning to perceive
the true reasons for the weakness of the Government and
the contumacy of the people, might be the means of rais-
ing the mind above certain expedients that reason and ex-
perience condemn. Because, although the advice to which
I allude may not have gone beyond the bounds of an ex-
pedient, yet the reasons given for it may have bee❑ con-
sidered by the hearers as a preparation for something
better. It is true that we heard lamentations made about
it by grave men of sense and generous hearts, as if the
design was a cruel one with respect to the inhabitants of
Rome and the southern provinces; and it is likewise true
that it appears to many unreasonable to suppose that they
would have relied on the clerical government, even had
the inhabitants of the northern and middle provinces been
able to rely on it iu the new order of things. But it ap-
pears to others, as it does to me, that where the European
arbiters might have declare I their iiiabiiity to secure by
the power of the clergy a quiet life fOr a part of the Pope's
subjects, this opinion might of itself alone have been the
forerunner of better destinies for all. In the treatment of
human affairs, and especially of politics, when we are not
able to attain at once the object that is deemed the fairest
and the best, true wisdom i❑ adopting a course, which at
least may trace out a good path, and serve as a groundwork
for bettor works. It is not a wise—l might say it is not
an honest counsel—to seize hold of an expedient that has
already led to sorry results, when we are persuaded that
at last it will be necessary to strike out new paths. Di-
plomacy has turned hitherto in a vicious circle, or rather
is a labyrinth of vicious circles. It says that the Pope's
government stands in need of reformation. The clergy ray
either that, this is not true, or that they cannot endure it ;
and diplomacy begins to meditate on its reforms, giving
heed not to the people who require them but to the shaken
nerves and the distempered aspect of the clergy. Now, if
it be true thatchanges are requisite and needful fur the wel-
fare and content or the people, and not for the satisfaction of
the clergy, which latter are but too well content to plod on
hr the old ways of reling, it is clear that we ought to study
those measures which may be best adapted to the people,
and not those th tt give the least umbrage to the clergy.
This then is the way in which diplomacy is acting ; it is
consulting with the Celia of Rome, and not with the po-
pulation of the Roman state.
I have no wish to enter hero into long arguments for ex-
plaining sshy the sketch of Lord Clarendon, filled in by
Count Cavour, might be a more rational one, and of
greater service to all the inhabitants of the Pontifical
state, than the other expedients would be that are being
preached up ; Lut I do wish to observe that since the pub-
lication of the protocols diplomacy has again entered that
labyrinth from which it cannot escape, either to the ad-
vantage of others or with honour to itself. In fact, your
ministers, who first of all declared that the people could
not be quiet and content with the clerical form of govern-
ment, are now praising up the motu•proprio of Purtici,
and if things go on at this rate we shall in a few months
be able to distinguish between Lord Palmerston's libe-
rality and Count Boors or Cardinal Antonelli's.
The temporal government of the Pope, if you are to be-.
lieve the Jesuits, cannot without prejudice to the spiri.
tual, accommodate itself to the forms of modern life. The
fair logical inference would be, that it ought to cease, if it
be true that Governments are instituted for the people, and
net the people created for governments. But in array
against human reason Rome brings into the field the divine,
asserting that spiritual dominion cannot maintain itself
free and unenthralled without the rule and adornment of
the temporal. The purport of which argument is, to speak
clearly, that 3,000,00) Italians ought, for the spiritual wel-
fareof all Catholics,to resign themselves to temporalevil. I Bey
to temporal evil, because even diplomacy itself thinks and
states that clerical government is an evil for the people.
They used to sacrifice at one time human victims upon
pagan altars : nowadays the poor Romans are the expia-
tory victims of the Catholics. This in substance is the
spiritual theory with which the diplomatists want to red-
, letter the temporal reforms of the Roman state. But oven
this theory, that seems to guarantee for an eternity the
domination of the Pope, does not yet suffice to maintain it
in its statu quo. Suppose, in fact, and let it be an article
of faith, that the Pope ought to have temporal dominion,
and write in the dognias that his government cannot con-
form to the modern mode of life, the field for disputation
respecting the extent of that dominio❑ will remain open
and free notwithstanding. We have seen in the course of
ages the Roman Court sometimes enlarging, sometimes
curtailing, its own jurisdiction, and yet the church stood:
We witnessed in our own times the treaty. of Tame
tino, and not only did the Church stand, but it conse-
crated Napoleon. And we now see maintaining them-
selves ou a footing at least of equal independence with
the Papal many other states of no such very
large dimensions, whence we may conclude that so
likewise the Pope's would do were it no larger than the
republic of San Melino. Little states are defended and
guaranteed by public right, not by force ; had the inde-
pendence of the Pope's to be upheld by its own strength
every one knows what its fate would be. Thus it appears
that by how much a smaller the state may be, of which
they say the church stands in need, by so much the more
secure and free would it be, since it would tempt less the
cupidity and ambition of others, and with less force might
preserve itself from popular insurrections. And if it be
true, as Signor Mont.►lembert believes, that the best form
of Government is the parliamentary, but that it cannot be
adapted to the pontifical state, the same most religious
Signor Montalembert ought to desire that the privation of
benefits, which in his opinion are procured by the free
orders, should weigh heavily on the least possible number
of Catholics. It appears to me that he and the other Ca-
tholics who reason after his fashion do not sufficiently con-
sider that if political liberty be really an excellent thing
and much desired by the people, they are putting the pa-
tience of the Romans to too severe a trial, when they take
from them all hope of acquiring it. They say that for re-
ligion people have to make these and greater sacrifices,
but do not reflect that living without hope may stifle in
the human heart both religion and its dogmas, being what
we see to be the case already iu the Pope's state, where
unbelief is far more widely spread than in all the other
states.

I know very well that if such or such a one shows the
intention of taking away a hand's breadth oven of that ter-
ritory, which they make out to be sacred to the Church—
and that means to anarchy- Rome threatens her thunders.
This is peradventure the reason that keeps diplomacy in a
state of disquiet and perturbed thought; and thus all the
political Roman philosophies go about preparing for excom-
munication, and the Bull in Ccenct Domini becomes the
preliminary of the protocols on the Roman state.
At the present time, however, there is a sign of a change
in the soybistry and rhetoric of certain advocates of the
clerical.-regimen, since it appears perhaps to this or that
person that there is little harmony between canonical pie.
tensinus and the lucubrations of Signor Montalembert,
who. has set himself up again for the defender of liberty,
now that he has lost in his own country the power of de-
stroving there whatever yet remains of it. In fact, such
and such a ono now declare!, it is not true that the people
who champ the temporal bit of Rome are unhappy, because
cor tain disagreeables and certain miseries are ineffable de-
lights. If the Bishop of Arras is right, Signor Moutalem-
bc.rt is wrong inlauding modern institutions ; and if the
sstate of Rome reflects the image of Paradise, diplomacy
lins nothing else to do. but to put Cardinal Antonelli on
the altars, and light up the torches. The French pre-
late is,, upon my wor6, the worthiest defender the clerical
government has yet met with, according to that theory
which wishes it to be maintained for the sole end of procur-
ing, with the greatest possible mortification of three
million Italians, thu greatest possible spiritual good of all
Catholics. The login of the bishop is irrefutable. Th 3
kingdom of the heart us is open for the poor in spirit and
fortune, hence ignoranoe and wretchedness are a gift of
Providence; rutlinne also, confounding the reasons of
meuna and tunny, distra:t souls from earthly desires; the
foolish NVOI Id laments, ',but there is joy in heaven.

The Jesuits, however, (Io not countenance such over-
spiritual doctrines; thoy gay that the whole country is cor-
rupt and full of robberi its, of murders, and evil customs,
but att..; this is the fruit= not of clerical institutions, but
forscain of the modern , ioctrines. In the State of the
Pope the ecclesiastics have always postessel is the most
complete sense, if you exce pt the few brief years of. Na-
poleon's rule, religious, ci vii, political, and educational
control, and if the people t here be corrupt, one ought to
blame those doctrines again: &. -which the Jesuits are arming
themselves. If ever there -was a period when manners
were strict, the government ; firm, the people contented, it
was truly then when,--une ler Napoleon's sway, modern
doctrines and civil instituti :ems flourished there. Now,
these and those, if you wo; thl listen to.the Jesuits, aro
temporal ruin and spiritual Iz.ranation. Seriously, 0 re-
verend sirs, you have boon fi a- a long, long time both
apostles and lictors, edue item a 3d confessors, administra-
tors and inquisitors, masti.ra st .d judges, censors and ser-
iants ; you have the pulpits Tro in which you pour out your
pleading`s-; you have tha 1 frcCessorial chair, which you
turn into a pulpit ; you hay 3 the Holy Office and a hun-
dred tribunals, three or four tribunals of police, and three
or 4ur censorships, your ow la and foreign soldiers; you
are everything—the laymen i tolling; and if the state is
wretched, if the people are wicked, is it tide laity you
will blame, and agaiopt wl' xtre dcctrines is it that you
wage w,r ? Is not the bla: na 1-.7411er on yourselvcs—on-
tirsely yourselves ? You it is that have footend thieves,
rebels, asiassius, miscreant ' libertines. • ••I *as
,
going to say rejoice at it. . I will say meditate upon it.
Let diplomacy nreuitate Likely ise, and without contend-
jog in sincerity with theSe
suits or in canonical sub:letios
with the Court of Rorr,p
ufine itself to the consi.
deration
c those pror Anent fa, its of monstrous growth
,
f
chat exist in the preser ot social or :der of things.

In the Roman Sto
into and
over, inquires into
waists the goly,Office, that watahf s
cases of conscience.

It has a supreme *cougregation, inquisitors, vicars, and
familiars; it arrests without giving it reason,esave to the
government ; it judges, one does not know in what man-
ner ; it punishes, Gel only knows how. Now I ask whe-
ther the quiet aed secuiity of the citizens can be com-
patible e ith the Holy Office ? And if acy one answers that
it can, I shall entreat soma empire or kingdom to re-estab-
lish that Sacred Tribunal, in order that the subjects ef
the Pope may see that they are not exclusively blessed
with it, and that they may argue, if it is something not
good, it is endurable. Besides the Holy Office there are the
police tribunals and those of the bishops, who take cog-
nisance of violations of the church's precepts, and punish
them with temporal penalties. I send to you, sir, an edict
of twenty cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, pub-
lished in the Lent of this current year (I).* A treatise,
as you se, on blasphemy, on the non-observance of
festivals, on the profanation of churches, on the violation
of fasts, on immorality. Read, in courtesy, this phrase in
the preamble : " Shall we still abstain from reminding all
persons with what severe chastisements God has com-
manded in the divine Scriptures that we should punish the
above-named crimes, and with which indeed they may be
punished by the canonical and civil laws ? All know that
according to the qualities cf the offences and (maark the
equality) of the persons, according to the circumstances
and times, sometimes excommunication, sometimes
prisonment, at one time fines, at another time fustigation,
now exile, and now even death, were always the ordinary
penalties." They add that they do not intend "to bate
one jot of any and everything still in force." Note these
two articles. The sixth runs thus :—" Under this title
(i.e., that of the blasphemers) they do not mean to com-
prise those who intentionally, either with words or
writings, introduce false maxims against the Divinity,
and against the doctrine of the Church, and in kind
those who utter heretical blasphemies, because these are
not simple blasphemers, but doginatisers and heretics, or
at least suspected of heresy. Against such as these pro-
ceedings will b 3 taken in the usual forms (i.e., in those of
the Holy Office). Aud here we record the very grave ob-
ligation every one is under to denounce to the competent
ecclesiastical tribunals within the delay of one month,
under pain of excommunication by severe sentence, the
names of whomsoever they may have known to have ut-
tered the above-named or similar perverse maxims, or to
have made use of heretical blasphemies." Reflect, sir,
that the entire common people of those parts, and still far
too many of the gentry, cannot open their mouths with-
out iuterlardieg their discourse with an imprecation or a
curse; of such value has jesuitical education been for giv-
in; good and methodical habits to the people. As for
those dogmatieers to whom the bishops allude, there is a
council to be created i i every town, and God knows whe-
ther they have ever thought of dope atiaiog, when they
blaspheme God and the saints. But these are jokes.
This holy precept of denunciation is not a joke, how-
ever ; far from it. Now, if the making it a matter of con-
science to denounce masters, members of the family, rela-
tions, friends, pa:haps the husband or son, be not an im-
morality (were I one of the bishops, I should couple it
with fustigation), I really don't know what ins morality
Take note, also, of the seventh article, for which, with
the view of correcting cursing and swearing (and with a
view likewise to its denunciation) there are instituted, or
re-instituted, " confraternities of pious persons who, clad
in sackcloth and covered with the hood, go about visiting,
either by themselves or in pairs, those retreats or places
where the vice of swearing is most frequent." Now, ima-
gine the joyful and confidential life of the citizens with
• these hooded bags around them, with the Holy Office at
their shoulders, and with all the competent ecclesiastical
tribunals facing them. Whoever should make a collection
of the episcopal edicts and proclamations in the State of the
Popo would be engaged on a very curious work, though ono
very useful for those who wish to become learned in that
species of legislation by which the people are saved, whom
Europe wishes to be obedient to the clergy. A few years
ago a bishop gave orders teat Christian medical men called
to attend the Israelites were to endeavour to convert their
patients, and should these be restive, to abandon the cure
of them. Nor are certain penalties threatened in these edicts
obsolete. We have seen the swearers tied to the gates of the
churches with gags in their mouths. I myself, when quite
a boy, saw at Itnola a woman on a beast of burthen with a
placard attached, on which, in letters half a yard long, was
a description which decency forbids me to explain ; and on
another horse was a man with another manifesto of a still
more brutal nature, and the submissive agents of the bishop's
will followed whipping him, while the mob and the rogues
made merry. It was the Cardinal Bishop who caused the
infliction of this punishment for immorality. God forgive
him if this torture offended morals and decorum in a still
greater degree than did the immorality of the sufferers.
These are samples of the punishments and forms of eccle-
siastical justice. I will give now a sample of criminal and
civil justice.
The immunity attaching to persons and places belonging
to the Church is so firmly established that no one could
violate it with impunity. All lay persons, even those be-
' longing to the Holy Office, enjoy a portion of this immu-
nity, nor can 'they be arrested without the permission or
consent of the Inquisitor; and if they are seized the In-
quisitor has the power of setting them at liberty, or of tak-
ing upon himself the office of deciding upon the merits of
their case. Last year a certain Doctor Galetti, a Bolog-
nese, who had a patent from the Holy Office, was im-
prisoned by the Director of Police. Nevertheless Father
Felotti, the Inquisitor or Vicar, set him at liberty.
The patented may with impunity carry, and in fact
do carry, all manner of concealed weapons, and yet
(mark the impartial justice) the Austrians make the
wearing such weapons a Capital crime. The French
in Rome punish this offence with a few months'
imprisonment, the ordinary tribunals punish it with many
years of the galleys. Neither are all the climes for which
the punishment of the galleys is awarded inscribed in the
law books or edicts, for the Papal and Austrian soldiers
invent at their will new crimes as the occasion arises, and
punish them with the utmost severity. The sentence is
made public at the very time when notice is given of the
newly-invented crime, and those who are found guilty are
punished befere they know that what they are accused of
is a crime at all. The Austrians, as an eiample, have made
the discovery of a crime which they stigmatise as a demon-
stration against government and against tobacco, of which
those are to be considered guilty who have taken it int o
their heads to leave off smoking in order to show their con-
tempt of the government and to damage the receipts of the
treasury. The S acred Council in Rome made the disco-
very that letting off artificial fireworks was a crime, and
sentenced some youths who had let off Bengal lights on
the eve of the anniversary of the republic to twenty years
of the galleys. And since I have m mention of the
Sacred Council I may be permitted to state that this tri-
bunal does not permit the accused the choice of his defers-
dere, nor will it allow of an appeal to any higher tribunal.
In the administration
,of civil justice a great point of
consideration is the extent of the privilege granted to the
Fero Ecclesiastieo, or ecclesiastical tribunal, to which the
priests may summon all laymen with whom they may have
disputes on the subject of enema and two and marvel
lowly numerous are the jurisdictions which are contrived.
,o as to protract the decision of suits indefinitely; and
numerous also are the tribunals particular, special or ex-
ceptional, or by wh dever other name they may be called.
Here is an example, The fabric of St. Peter inherits
everything that is left by the faithful, when on their
deathbed, for the good of their souls. If a contest on the
subject of the legacy arises, no recourse can be had to
either civil or ecclesiastical tribunals ; the sentence must
be given by the special tribunal of the fabric of St. Peter.
The Santa Casa of Loretto has numerous possessions.
What person who had to contend with it could over expect
justice from the special tribunal which goes by its name ?
&tad what has been the state of public safety for a long
time past ? The factions of the ruffieus of the Campegua,
in the reign of Pius VII. and Leo XII. are well known.
The government was obliged to capitulate, and I have seen
some of these very assassius, set free by amnesty, perform-
ing iu Rome of duties of guards of the pu.slie safety,
gaolers of prisoes, episcopal police. Au admirable ex-
ample ! Daring the first years of the reign of Gregory,
assassins and robbers of another class were in the as-
mdaut. These were arm° 1 centurions, endowed with
privileges, it was said, for the maintenance of th , throne
and altar; in sober truth, for the end of bringing both
into contempt, and fur the persecution of the liberals.
These mon were flogged,- wounded, murdered with
impunity, in the presence of Austrian troops who
occupied the Revenue. Well for you if, after having
been struck or wounded, you ware not despatched to
prison. You were certain to be sent there if you disputed
with the centurion. Many wore imprisoned on. this ac-
count. In Faenza there lived an honourable gentleman,
who, although a thorough-going Papist at heart, was struck
with horror at the crimes he witnessed, and. chronicled
them with the names of the executioners and the victims.
In the year IS3 ihe showed me his catal gums. In Faenza,
alone there were more than a thousand persons who had
been flogged, wounded, or murdered by the centurions.
This worthy gentleman had written at the head of the list
the names of a prelate of Faenza and several parish priests
who had encouraged him in his labour.

Those calamities finish° I, in God's own good time and
after several wicked cardinals and prelates had governed
these aacted countries, a good. cardinal set ti work to re-
medy the evils that had been done. But vengeance and
assassination now began on the other side, and how many
P:tpal centurions were slain by liberal centurions and do.
curious, I am not able to say. Tho most horrible part
of the business is that the actsof vengeance wore not only de_
feuded but praised. •In the year 1817, on a certain day,
when a chase after the centurions had. taken place, a lady
toll sue they hal only killed four, and that was very little.
Tell us after this that these people axe educated to forgive.
The atrocities in which the factions indulge iu the present
day are visited with the execration of the whole of Europa,
which however was silent when, during the reign of Gre-
gory, crimes were_cOlurnitted which are still sadly present
to the memory. Alas ! let there be a little justice even in
the distribution of infamy.

It would be a long and wearisome task to chronicle the
deeds of It Passatoro, of Lazz trini, and of a hundred other
ruffians who governed Rowe with more authority than

* This reference is to an appendix of documents, which we
will publ 14h in a future number.

either the Pope or the Austrian soldiery. City and country
exposed to sack and plunder ; life and property not secure
in open daylight; [Azure of the person and detention
until ransom was paid; these are the piincipel features of
the lest restoration of the clorictal authority and the Am'
tri In protection. Who can cloy this ?
The Austrians, under pretext of the preservation of pub-
lic order, have seized and removed all the weapons of the
inhabitants of the city and country. The robbers alone are
armed. And at the same time the military tribunals con-
demn to death the country people, who having no means
of defence, afford hospitality to the robbers, and to save
themselves from molestation enter into agreements with
them. Years ago I asked a landed proprietor in the Ro-
magna how he could endure living in the country whilst
Il Passatore was the real ruler of the district. He replied
that a steward of his had come to an agreement with Il
Passatore to give him a certain sum per month, as a tax
for protection. Il Passatore received the tax and kept to
the bargain. Yes, sir, in the Romagna you must pay.
these taxes, or pay ransom for those seized as hostages for
payment. Yet the Austrians are there, and keep the
country in a state of war—that is to say, in a state of
siebe for gentlemen, a republic for robbers.

Weigh well, sir, the following facts. In the city
of Bologna alone the military tribunals have in-
flicted capital punishment on 178 individuals. They have
had an equal number of victims, at least, in other pro-
vinces. The Sacred Council has inflicted punishment on
others, and the ordinary tribunals have done the same.
Nevertheless crimes increase, and the prisons become every
day more crowded. These are the prison statistics of the
Roman Government :

In 150 the number of prisoners was
1851 JP ll
1852 „ „
18-3 lf ll
1854 fl tf

Here aro the statistics of a single prison, Fort ITrbano,
in the commune of Bologna. On the 3 lst August, 1855,
there were 683 within the walls. Of these 21 had been
condemned by the Sacred Council, 191 by the military tri•
bunals, 7 by the episcopal tribunals, 124 had neither been
tried uor condemned, but had been arrested, as the prison
registers express it, " for prec tution sake." The rest were
condemned by the ordinary tribunals.

Here, again, aro the criminal statistics of half a year in
the commune of Bologna. From January 1, 1855, to the
end of June, 800 robberies had been committed, 80 attacks
of violence, 20 burglaries, and other and minor crimes are
not reckoned, and yet how numerous are they !
I do not speak of the amount of smuggling, or the nume-
rous contests and deaths to which it gives rise. Smuggling
has become a speculation in the Papal States, and competes
with government. Cardinal Antonelli is an authority for
this statement, as may be seen in his edict of June 1, 1855,
which I publish in an appendix. (2.)
As to the question of public safety, it is sight to know
that the pontifical delegates make what provision they
choose with re3pect to it, without any regard to the laws
or accustomed forms. I give a proof of this assertion in the
edict of the prolate governing at Viterbo, bearing date
July 5, 1855. (3.)

Such being the state of affairs in the Papal dominions,
can any man of sense suppose that everything can be put,
and kept, in order by a few expedients of little moment ?
And, before thinking of all kinds of extensions of institu-
tions, by which the municipalities and the provinces are
governed, ought it not be remembered that the very ele-
ments of civil union are wanting in this State, and that
the vitiated constitution of the clerical government cannot
be corrected with palliatives ?

Wiil the subjects of the Pope remain tranquil as long
as they are to envy the subjects of the Sultan those gua-
rantees of security and good government which Europe
demanded from Turkey before it could be received into
the communion of recognised States such as were protected
by popular rights. And will ever the inhabitants of the
Romagna, ono of the most quick-sighted populations of
Europe, acknowledge themselves grateful to the Western
Powers until they are placed at least on a level with the
populations which obey the Grand Tfirk.
And what are the forms on which the Western Powers
are deliberating? They are talking of codes, systems of
laws. But have we not the Holy Office, the episcopal
tribunals, the privileged tribunal, and the privilege of
immunity, and a hundred exceptional tribunals? The peo-
ple want liberty of conscience, equality in the administra-
tion of justice, and public security. But while these tri-
bunals, these privileges, these forms, or rather deformity,
remain, can they ever obtain these first, I may call them
elementary, benefits ?

In the year 1851 the Powers recommended the Pope to
make laymen eligible to all official situations. Secularisa-
tion was the theme of many eongltations and disputations,
and the Emperor of the French had even recommended it,
when he was President of the Republic, in his letter to
Edgar Ney. And even now it is the subject of discussion,
bat we are beginning to be told that much has already
been done in this direction ; and that the laity, nowa-
days, ought to be contented, Cardinal Antonelli having
published statistics by which he endeavours to demonstrate
that the laity have taken all the official situations, and the
poor clergy are put to the greatest shifts. A French public-
ist some time back made the statistics of the Secretary
of State the subject of some remarks, and arrived at con-
clusions certainly not worthy of one conversant with Ro-
man affairs, but rattier of a referendary of either segnatura.
M. de Mazade pretends to understand important matters,
and he does understand them, but he does not understand
the affairs of Rome. I can tell him that with respect to
secularisation nothing has been changed in Rome. Allow-
ing Cardinal Antonelli to put down at as high a figure as
he chooses the number of the laity who are judges, secre-
taries, commissaries, ushers, chamberlains, beadles, grooms,
policemen, custom-house officers, amanuenses, still eccle-
siastics alone have the right to all the highest offices of
state, to all the chief eruployments,to all those charges and
dignities, which are of value and consideration in the ad-
ministration of a state.

No layman can, in fact, enter, as the phrase is, upon
the career of diplomacy.
No layman can preside upon the supreme tribunals of
the Rota, ehe Sognatura, or of the Holy Council.
No layman was ever, for any considerable period of
time, a governor of a province ; and the law which affirms
the establishment of the new territorial divisions, and the
new governors of the same, rigorously excludes laymen.
The Cardinal Secretary is the sole Minister of State; the
others, who have the name of ministers, are heads of offices,
commissaries, the petty stewards, I may say, of the Secre-
tary of State. And at the present time, once more, all are
ecclesiastics, with the exception of the person who is at the
head of the war department, who is a layman, I will not
say a soldier. The Minister of Finance is au ecclesiastic,
and so is also the Director of Police. The priests of the Ca-
mera are appointed to the tribunal which decides disputes
on the subject of administration. Education, administra-
tion, and benevolence, all are under the supreme jurisdiction
of the ecclesiastics. It is true that in the Council of State,and
in the Council of Finance, laymen are received, but we soon
see that by degrees they give way to priests. Be this as it may
the laity require a judicial voice in ministerial employments;
and if they are to be made contented they must have a
deliberate voice. Add to this, that the Council of Fi-
nance, and the Council of State, whether from the manner
in which they are constituted, whether from the essential
antipathy which the clerical constitution feels against
representative or responsible forms, have already shown by
experience that they can give no good fruit, since all good
warnings have been wastel upon them, and over will be.
The priests are not an aristocracy, and never will be
anything but a caste. Aristocratical privileges may stand,
but not a caste privilege. You see the social effect they
produce in the Papal States. What youth of good family,
well educated, gifted with good qualities, and distin-
guished for his accomplishments, would dream of entering
into the public service, when he knows that there is a
limit on which the ecclesiastic wtites : " Thus far shalt
thou go and no further?" They will say to him to
become a priest. But here is the reply to, and the con-
demnation of, the whole clerical system. Inasmuch
as there is for laymen neither high honour nor
respectable living to be obtained by entering
in the lists of public life, it is clear that the privilege of
c tste offends the sense of justice, disturbs the economy of
the family, does violence to persons in their choice of a
vocation, foments hypocrisy on one part and discontent on
another. Consider, sir, that in the Papal States commerce
and manufactures aro in a wretched state—that, if you
will believe the Bishop of Arras, is Providence—and that
the labours of intellect, thanks to the multiplied and mul-
tiform censorship, produce no fruit. How then can the
activity of the mind, the grace of the intellect, display it-
self ? To what end can we direct the honour able ambition
of youth, who have no vocation, and are not to be tempted
by the honours and gains of the priesthood? Secret clubs
and conspiracies aro the produce of clerical privilege.
It is easy to say the profession of arms is open, and truly
the Pope's subjects may become his soldiers. But the world
must cease from crying down the " soldato del Papa"—a
phrase which has become proverbial; and the Pope must
cease from enlisting them out of the idlest and most dissi-
pated characters ; he must cease from assigning to them,
in rank, pay, and honour, the last rank in his army, giving
the precedence to all foreign troops, whether they be auxi-
liary or mercenary. No right feeling man becomes a soldier
from choice, unless he hopes to gratify a noble ambition or
love of glory, fighting for his fatherland.
(To be continued.)

NEW DUTY ON RACEHORSES.—The new duty on race-
holseF, which is 3/. 174. a-year to take effect on the
SV-1 of April, awl to be paid to the clerk of the course
before the "start."

[ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Pills have a world-
wide ren,wil in alleviating Liver Coinplaintw.—Mr.
Benjamin Grant, who has resided fur up% ards of a quar-
ter of a cautur; in various provinces of Bengal as an
Indigo Pia,,tEr, suffered most severely from complaint
,•f the Liver. Urged, however, by many of his friend,
ii eluding sonic ernin,nt medical men, he commenced
tAing Hollowa,y's Pills, and, after a vigorous per-ever-
ance in their use, derived such relief from his sufferings
that he dehrhs himself entirely freed from the distressing
malady of which he was the victim.—Sold by all inedi-
ci,e vendors throughout the world ; at Professor
way's Establishments, 244, Strand, London, and 80,
Maiden-lane, New York ; by A. Stamp, Constanti-
nople; A. Guidicy, Smyrna; and C, Muir, Malta.

.PRICES Or S WARR'S,
BANKS, ASSURANCE, AND OTHER COM-

PAY STOCK.

-

Pram the Official List.
PUBLISHED ETERY TITZSDAY AND FR!PAY EVENINU

LONDON, TIIESDILY, AUGUST 26, 1856.
GAS-LIGHT AND COKE CONIPANIE6.

Name of Company.

British - •• • •• •• •• ••
Ditto Provincial ....
Brighton • •• • ••
City of London ......
Continental (4th Cap.)
Equitable •• ........
Great Central .......
Imperial .. • • ........
Independent .......••
Do., Parl. Preference
rco ix.•• ••••••••••
Ratcliff .„
United General ......
Westminster Chartered
Ditto, New •• ••

Name of Company.

Dividend Amount
per of
Annum. Share.

71.
5/.
41. Os.

21. 10s.
81 per cent.
101 & bonus.
51. 1

GI. per cent.
41. per cont.
61.
21. 10s.

41 per cent.

East London
Grand Junction .... • •
Kent ..........
Lambeth ...... • • • • • .
New River Company..
Southwark & VauThali
West Middlesex • • • • ..

WATER-W,

Dividend
per

X s. d.

Annum.

Amount
of
Share.

Paid.

61. per
41. per cnt.
4t. per cnt.

X s. d.
Stock.
50 0 0
100 0 0
100 0 0

Price

d.
100
all

2L 10s.
Si. per cnt.
SI. per cent.