The Sun.
London, England, 1856-12-19 00:00:00

TIIE 110 N, JUDGE BA LIBURTON ON BRITISH
COLONIAL POLICY.

A very nurnercus and influential audience assembled in
the Manchester Athenaeum, on Tuesday evening, to hear an
address "On the British Colonies" from the distinguished
author of " Sam Slick." Mr. J. A. Nicholls, chairman
of the directors of the institution, presided.
The Hon. Judge HALIBuItToN, on rising, was received
with much cheering. He observed that, although it might
be supposed that the circurnstauco of his having spent the
greater part of his life at the bar and upon the bench would
make him feel at home upon any occasion of addressing an
audience, he really felt that such antecedents were, practi-
cally, a disqualification. A lawyer was restrained by forms,
'by technicalities, by precedents, by usages, by caution, and
by the limit of the time assigned to him. The consequence
was that his powers of mind were fettered, and his imagina-
tion was almost annihilated. It was on this account that
lawyers seldom made a figure in Parliament, and he thought
theexperience of Manchester would bear him out in saying
that there were few lawyers in the Legislature who could
cope with the Brights and the Cobdens—(applause)—who
brought a powerful intellect to work upon auy subject of
aiscussion, untrammelled by the forms of the bar. (Hear.)
However, he had selected for this evening's address a topic
of common interest. What was to be done with our offspring,
when they attained to maturity, was an anxious question
for parental consideration, and that question was now forc-
ing itself upon Great Britain with regard to her colonial
children. The colonists were naturally asking what was to
be their fate— were they to continue, as they desired, ap-
pendages to this great empire—were they to be absorbed in a
neighbouring republio, or were they to be cut adrift to form
an independent sovereignty for themselves? Of so wide a
subject he should confine himself to that part which affect-
ed the North American colonies, of which he was a na-
tire, and which were the colonies most British in feeling,
most loyal in sentiment, most like the population of this
country, and most desirous to be amalgamated with it.
(Cheers.) It would be interesting, if time allowed, to follow
out the history of the settlement of North America by the
Nonconformist pilgrims—their vicissitudes, their courage
and resolution, and their patience and firmness through all
neglect and want of encouragement, as well as under the
actual oppression of those officers who ought to have pro-
tected and fostered them ; but probably the history of one
set of colonies was. pretty much the saute as the history of
another; and their adventures wore those of such as now
sought a country far from their fellow-men. There were,
however, interesting lessons to be derived from that history.
The philosopher might dorive instruction from the fact
that those who sought an asylum in the wilderness from
religions intolerance at borne no sooner obtained such
a refuge than they themselves boaame the worst of per-
secutors, until at last they learnt—what every reader of
history must learn--that the blood of martyrs was the seed
of the church, and that for every Quaker they hanged 20
sprang up in his place. (Hear, hear.) It was useful for
the politician also to correct a common error by the consi-
deration of history. It was not Washington, and the
other great men of 1783' who were the fathers of the great
American Republic, but the first pilgrims who went to
Massachusetts, who disavowed all connection with the
mother country, elected all their own officers, made their
own laws, assumed an independent criminal jurisdiction,
formed a confederation of the New England colonies, with
a central board and a president, and assumed the preroga-
tive of making peace or war with their Indian neighbours.
For 50 years there was a perfect republio in New angland,
the type of the one now existing. (Hear.) Perhaps, too,
the Duke of Cambridge might learn from the Puritans a
lesson on the treatment of practical jokers. In the month
of Juno, 1621, the first duel was fought in the sanctimonious
pilgrim city of Plymouth (America), and the elders, using
exactly the same language as his Royal Highness had done
—he must have copied it from them—(laughter)—declared
this to be an act of insubordination, destructive of disci-
pline, and an evil example. Consequently, they lectured
the offenders, exhorting them tolive henceforth in brotherly
love and union ; and, in order to show them how, they
tied them together, neck and crop, for 24 hours, without
anything to eat, (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) That
entirely put an end to duelling among the Puritans.
(Hear, hear.) The Puritans might also show his Royal
Highness how to deal with fraudulent contractors, for when
the man who made a pair of stocks displeased thorn by
making the enormous charge of 40s. they paid his bill, since
to haggle about it would have been " low "—(laughter)—
but they immediately afterwards convicted him of extor-
tion, and put him in his own stocks to test their efficiency.
(Laughter.) Yet another lesson might be learnt from that
history by the Peace Society—a very laudable society
(laughter)—very—(prolonged laughter)--whose principal
member, Lord Palmerston, was lecturing at Manchester
the other day. (Renewed laughter.) It happened that
one Captain Coffin a Quaker, was put in command of
a merchantman during a war with France. The
vessel was no sooner out of Boston harbour than a
little French privateer summoned it to sail under her
stern. The merchantman was well armed enough to blow
the privateer to pieces, and wlel manned with men
who were not Quakers, but anxious to fight ; nevertheless,
the Quaker prepared to do as he was ordered, without
resistance, but, as soon as he was near enough to insure
success, he struck his big vessel against the other, went
right over, and down went every Frenchman. It was not
lawful to use carnal weapons,.said the Quaker, but neither
was it lawful for the Frenchman to stop him on the highway
of nations, so be had "just pushed him out of the way."
(Cheers and laughter.) Now, if the Peace Society would
" push" our enemies oat of the way without fighting we
should be much obliged, but meantime it was to be feared
we must fight our own battles, and leave the Peace Society
to find fault. (Laughter.) However, coming to the more
immediate subject of consideration, it was impossible for
any person to read the history of the early period of North
American colonisation, and continue his attention through
the annals of modern times, without feeling a glow of.indig-
nation on his cheek, as well as of shame, at the gross ig-
norance, the gross neglect, the great contempt, the great
injustice, that had been exhibited towards and practised
upon the colonists ever since the colonists were settled. He
(Judge Haliburton) spoke plainly, because, having lived
among the colonists, and his family having dwelt there for
150 years, he thought he was entitled to express the colonial
feeling. (Cheers.) Our plenipotentiaries, who recently
ceded to Russia all the benefits of our fighting, need not take
credit for being the first to achieve such a feat, for the
English in America, having conquered all the French pro-
vinces, gave them all up again three years afterwards
(Hear, hear.) Quebec was taken by the English, restored
without any equivalent, and had to be reconquered at im-
mense cost. Would it be believed that the strong fortress
of Louisburg was captured by the New England husband-
men,—one o the greatest exploits of a provincial militia to
be found in the history of the world, though an admiral
who joined the fight on the last day got all the credit—that
it was restored to the French, who re-fortified it; that it was
reconouered by an army of 14,000 English, who found
in it 230 pieces of cannon and 18 mortars, besides other
military stores; that this fortress, capable of protecting
all the trade of the American coast, was three years after-
wards completely demolished by its English owners; and
that nevertheless, in 1812, a Colonial Minister was so
ignorant as to send out an order to Halifax to have the
Yankee prisoners sent to the fortress of Louisburg, which
fortress was blown into the sky 50 yearsbefore? (Laughter.)
Such were the imbeciles who had retarded the growth of
the colonies, wasted England's money, and consumed the
colonists' patience until they could endure no longer.
(Hear, hear.) It was hardly credible, but he believed
he was correct in saying that there had never been one
Colonial Minister who was over in the colonies, unless,
perhaps, he passed through them as a crow did, and learn-
ing as much about them. At this moment, he believed,
there was not a man in the Colonial-office, wielding the
destinies of more than one-third of the globe, who ever saw
a foot of it; and if that was a state of things that suited
Englishmen, it did not, and would not, suit intelligent
colonists. (Loud cheers.) When he (Judge Haliburton)
was over hero two years ago the Celoaial Minister was off,
getting himself humbugged by Russian Ministers in Ger-
many ; and it was all the better for the colonies, for there
was no harm done while he was away. (Laughter.) It
was easy, but useless, for the colonist's to petition Parlia-
ment, because there was no one iniParli ament to represent
the 150,000,000 in India, or the five great nations of Aus-
tralia, or the 3,000,000 in British North America ; and
when people wanted to be heard there must be somebody
to speak for them. We in England could get what we
wanted. The people of Manchester could get the Prime
Minister to go down and lecture to them and "soft-sawder"
them—(laughter)—and they had their Brights and Cobdens
in the House of Commons, who would make themselves
heard, and who were able to do it—(cheers) —but the colonists
had no such power in Parliament. He had been a good
deal amused by looking over a book which applied to no
part of the world but this country—the Peerage book—and
reading the quaint mottoes of the nobility ; and he would
calkattention to the motto of Lord Palmerston, as it was the
motto of a thorough politician, and ought to be inscribed
n
ferveenrsi ewTh feet: s ureryi doors.might
b be
paraphrased
p har mottoeed
in asth "isFI
bend to the popular gale, but as soon as it is over I spring
back to my old position." (Laughter.) Well, the colonists
witin?
way—"
would make him bend if they had the power, but they had
no voice on this side the water. It was most important to
have regard to time, with respect to the future as well as
the past of these colonies. In the year 1700 there were only
260,000 men, women, and children in all North America,
from the St. Lawrence to the most southern State. There
ofdreteihepreelweeenree
wp ehoop
were
eenr
eo wa ivrei ni
ng
17711000
had
arehne now
d 3, Ow, ohoeon,ooob
oy,
what was in that year the state of the country. And was
not Canada to be something shortly? In 1783 there were
only 3,000,000 in the United States, and in Canada there
were just 3,000,000 now; while the secret had got out at
last that it was an infinitely finer country than any por-
tion of the United States. Steamers were now about to run
every day to America, and in ten years more we might ex-
pect the population of Canada to be 20,000,000. Was it
worth our while to have them, or to shake them off ? They
spoke our language, had the same laws and institutions,
rather more protection for life and property than we had
with our ticket-of-leave men—(laughter)—and be need not
speak to Manchester men of our trade with British North
America, or compare it with the trifling trade to the north
of Europe. (Hear, hear.) Nothing but ocular demonstra-
tion could teach them, however, as his residence of half a
century had taught him, that the colonists there had noth-
ing except their wood, their water, their soil, and the pro-
ductions of the soil, but what (same from England. That
was a fact which spoke volumes. He believed he might
say he knew every inch of Nova Scotia--he almost knew
every man in it, not to mention the women. (Cheers and
laughter.) He thought, as the Yankees said, he could
" talk like a book" about that country, and he could give
an illustration of what' he had just been alluding to. The
child who was born in that country was washed—first thing
—in an English bowl, put into English flannel, English
petticoats, and an English frock trimmed with English
lace, and the first word he spoke was English. When he
went to school, his hat, his coat, his shirt, his trousers, and
his shoes —all came from England ; his satchel was made
in Manchester, and his slate was from the English slate-
quarries ; his book and his paper, his lead-pencil, his ruler
and copybook, were all sent from England. The moment
he began to use a horse, his saddle and bridle, spurs, crup-
per,reienrs ,
himb England-
it s u r ryc
omb rlufshh
e, and
iron shoes, were all made for him in England - If he en-
field, his gun, his flask, his shot-
bag, powder and shot, and percussion caps, were English.
If he went fishing, his rod and line, the sinker, the floats,
and eventheflies—(laughter)—wereEnglish, although there
iro n
f
were flies in the colonly big enough and strong enough to
thet h w
sportsh ')'
o f the halter,
with wood that would supply the whole world with diking
bite through a boot, and the borders of the lakes were covered

rods. If he built a vessel, not a single thing in it belonged
to the seantry whore it was built ; the rigging, the iron,
the copper, the ropes, the chains, the rudder, the compass,
and all the fittings, were English. If he built a house,
which he did very early, for he was a very amorous young'
gentleman, and frequently caught his bird before he had
got a cage—(laughter)—then the trees were cut with an
English axe, sawn with an English saw, planed with an
English plane ; the boards were nailed with English nails
and English hammer, and the windows wore of English
glass, puttied with English putty. Then the carpet, knives,
forks, plates, were English, and so were the decanters—
for he would drink something besides cold water, and he
(Judge Haliburton) (lid not much like that, to tell the
truth. (Cheers and laughter.) He thought, too, it was
something touching that the colonist still sail he was
going " home" when he cams on a visit to England—
(cheers)—and though it might be thought that the man
he had been supposing, having brought notking into the
world, took nothing out with him, yet he was put in a
coffin lined with English flannel, covered with English
cloth, screwed down with English screws and an English
screw-driver, and his name was on an English coffin-plate.
The priest, in an English gown, read the service over him
out of an English book, and the earth was shovelled over
him with English shovels. From the cradle to the grave
the colonist was dependent on England. (Hear.) British
North America was a country about one quarter larger
than all Europe. Canada alone was as large as England,
France, and Prussia put together ; there was space enough
for all our surplus population, who could go there and
still be Englishmen, while it d got a race of men such as
we should not " d 0.," to use the Yankeephrase, anywhere,
whose sympathies with this country were signally demon-
grated on receipt of the news of the fall of Sebastopol, who
had no hostile tariff like that of the United States, and
who evinced a preference for everything English. Were
these the people whom he should turn the cold shoulder to?
(Che 634.) We should havedone wisely, if, instead of violat-
ing the laws of the United States, and incurring disgrace,
we had asked for troops from our colonies, where there were
mole men with rifles in their hands than there wore sol-
diers at Sebastopol—men who knew how to handle a mus-
ket and knew well how to fight. For instance, there was
a man named Williams, beta in Nova Scotia, who had de-
fended Kars. (Cheers.) The excellent climate, the sariuus
mineral wealth, and the immense facilities of interior
water communication, were subjects too vast for compres-
sion in a hasty review, but, after alluding to all these, ke
came again to the great question, which must so soon be
answered—what was to become of that country? He had
written volumes upon volumes on this subject, and even
those which might appear only to have fun for tLeir object
were so written in order to render palatable matters that
were dry in themselves. It would have been beneath a man
to write merely a jest-book. And his familiarity with the
subject enabled him to predict three alternatives, which
would have to he decided sooner than we expected. First,
Ire ss the British North Americans to be amalgamated with
the United States? (No, no.) He believed that was not
desired on either sida at present, but it was " on the cards,"
and there was no saying what angry men would do. Or
were they to be left powerless where they were, or be taken
into a confederacy, with a congress and a president? The
third alternative— his own favourite—was to make them
part and parcel of England. There were difficulties in the
way, but none that were insurmountable. Certainly the
colonists would never consent to any other union with
England than one with perfect equality. They had been
degraded and treated like serfs, and would bear it no more.
Every petty German prince who came over here had his
place assigned him, but the colonists had no place whatever
in any public arrangements. In the colonies there was
now no political strife or ferment, but a dead calm—a
very dangerous state for any country to be in, because
it usually preceded a storm. The colonists must have
fair representation in Parliament. Perhaps it would
be objected that this would be making a mob of
Parliament; however, it was not much better than a mob

now, and perhapi if it were more of a mob, the colonial
members might kick out some fellows who had better

never been let in. As things were, the intelligent Cana-
dian was dissatisfied, because, if he had been born on the
other side of the St. Lawrence, he would have had a fair
chance of rising to any of the public offices or even that of
President. There was, however, no Canadian to be found
in our House of Peers. (Hear, hear.) He honoured and
respected the House of Lords, but that, like other human
institutions, must submit to necessary modifications. He
would conclude by expressing a hope that some individual
of rank and station and political influence in this country
would take up the subject of the colonies ; and if Lord
Stanley possessed the excellent abilities he was reputed to
have he might irnmortali-e bis name by making this ques-
tion his own, and calling into existence a new and happy
England on the other side of the water, as well as infusing
new blood into the old country, making it as young and
vigorous as ever it was. (Loud cheers.)
The proceedings concluded with votes of thanks to the
Hon. Judge Haliburton and the chairmnn.

RUSSIAN RAILWAYS.

( From the Times' Correspondent,)

BERLIN, DEO. 16.
In one of my recent budgets of Russian news I mentioned
the disappointment that is being felt in Russia at the
Pereira Railway enterprise meeting with so little favour
in France ; and that in Germany, too, where Russia fondly
hoped for so much, but where also there is much more
caution than capital, the want of success has been equally
great. What made this unwillingness to come forward on
the part of the Continent so particularly aggray.►tiug to the
Russian promoters of the railway scheme was, that this
failure abroad exhibited itself coincidently with their own
triumph over the obstructive ignorance and prejudice of
their own _countrymen just when these latter became
eanvinced of the expediency of railways the continental
friends they had reckoned on so firmly failed them entirely,
and now their hopes are turned, en dernier reason 4 to Eng-
land, which has plenty of money, plenty of enterprise, and
plenty of credulity. As we are not in possession of accu-
rate statistical and topographical information as regards
the localities the projected lines are to pass through, or
indeed of the general resources of the country at large—a
deficiency which the proposed Company of Pereira, Baring,
Hope, and Co., do not supply, and perhaps it does not lie
in their interest to do so—the only resource we have is to
inquire what the Russians themselves say or think on the
subject.

the Russians used to say some time back that railways
were not necessary for their country, and would not pay if
they were made there, on account of the enormous lengths
necessary to connect any two termini of consequence, the
thinness of the population, and the absence of trade
or productiveness along the line • what traffic there
existed was already amply provided for by canal and
river carriage, or by sledge conveyance, which was
always to be had when the water carriage was closed ;
the frontier was so enormously extensive that rail ways, to
do any good to commerce, must be multiplied infinitely
further than their receipts would admit of, &c. ; and a
committee which was appointed in 1836 to examine into
the expediency of constructing a lice from Moscow to
Odessa decided, after mature deliberation and examina-
tion, against the expediency of doing so.
Those arguments are now pronounced to be obsolete and
to belong to bygone times ; and doubtless this is correct as
regards the objections brought against the expediency of
Russia's getting railways, if she can, but not as against
their paying. The change that has been brought about in
public opinion as regards the desirableness of railways has
been effected by an experience of the exigencies of war,
while that war itself has in fact strengthened the objec-
tions on the score of non-paying, by diminishing the in-
ternal resources of the country and paralysing her nascent
manufactures. This is best shown by the arguments that
have been used by the Russian press to overcome the oppo-
sition to railways at all. Russia, it is said, must no longer
remain behind the other nations of Europe in the progress
of industrial development; she must try to catch them, and
even to give them the go-by ; she must show this West
that her resources are on the increase. Russia is an agri-
cultural State, and produces more than she requires, but
before her produce can arrive at her ports ice has bio ked
up the navigation, so that America not only supplies Eng-
land, but even the northern ports of Russia herself, earlier
than her corn-growing provinces in the south can do it.
The industrial energies of Russia, it is said, are still dor-
mant, the old inertness of the country still prevails; this
sleepy inertia must be shaken off, for the riches of a coun-
try do not consist in the quantity of gold and silver it poi-
wages, but in the activity of its circulation. Russia must
have railroad communication with a port in the north and
another in the south, both of which should, if possible, be
free from ice the whole year round For this reason
Libau should be converted into a commercial outlet in
the place of Cronstadt, and Theodosia in the place of
Wessa ; since the latter is frozen up six weeks, and Cron-
' stadt six months in the year. These are, it must be con-
fessed, very admirable arguments why the Russian Govern.
ment should strive by all possible means to get railways
introduced into the country, and why any benevolent mil-
lionnaire should take pity on this hitherto neglected coun-
try, and help it forward a little ; but they offer at thesame
time the most convincing reasons why no capitalist should
embark his money there with a view to dividends in his
own lifetime, or that of his children, since several genera •
tions must pass away before the benevolent intentions of
the railway projectors can be attained.
The national party in Russia, which has allowed itself
at length to be convinced of the expediency of railroads,
has, with all the indiscreet zeal of a proselyte, gone so far
as to take up the notion that the Government ought to keep
the railway undertaking in its own hands, and to secure all
its benefits to the country. Canals, high roads, &c., they
say, have hitherto always been produced by Russian
capital, the railroads are just as much a home matter as
the other means of communication. They point to England
as a proof that a country is not made the poorer by the
Government raising a loan at home, but they aver that the
admission of foreign capital to build the railroads would be
equivalent to a State debt to another country, the interest
of which would go to enrich only foreigue-rs. The capital
requisite for constructing all these railways will amount to
about 300,000,000 silver roubles; the Geverument must,
in any case, no matter when the shares are brought out,
guarantee 5 per cent. interest on that capital. As even
in England the majority of railroads do not clear 4 per
coat., it may fairly be expected that in thinly popu-
lated, undeveloped Russia they will be a long time
before they do so much as clear the working expenses,
in which case the whole interest, amounting to
15,000,000 silver roubles, would be left to be defrayed
by the Government in fulfilment of its guarantee.
Since the Government must then, in all probability,
pay the whole of this sum of 15,00,1,000 pet annum
for the 5 per cent. interest of the capital, it would
be much better to keep the amount in the country by ad-
mitting only its own subjects to take shares in the under-
taking, and for this national course they adduce an admi-
rable precedent in the manner in which the company has
lately been brought out for navigating the Black Sea, in
which all the shales were originally issued to Russian sub-
jects only.
The Northern Bee has lately published several articles for
the purpose of confuting this suicidal notion of excluding
foreign capital from the construction of railroads, in the
expectation of finding what is wanted at home. It says
that neither the capital nor the credit necessary for such
an undertaking is to be found in Russia. Russia is more
behindhand in commercial enlightenment than any other
country in Europe • the old national inactivity still pre-
vails, and the people at large are totally incompetent to
such undertakings. This most unimpeachable authority,
the Northern Bee, goes on to say :
" The confidence of the people in the Governmeut is in

general boundless ; the amount of specie, which serves as
the security for the paper circulation, is more considerable
here than in England or France ; and yet there is in inter.
nal trade almost no credit and very little capital. Yes,
there is no real Russian commerce. Our native merchants
carry on no direct trade with foreign countries, but take
their goods from the third and fourth hand, paying
dearly for inter►nodiate commission. This is one of the
causes of the enormous price of goods in Russia, of which
we have such good reason to 'complain. The people in trade
have no capitalof their own, and the commission merchants
will supply them with goods on no other terms than ready
money or heavy interest, and require at the same time
ample security. Iu this way of carrying on business it is
considered quite friendly, almost fraternal, to charge 1 per
cent. per month. The tradespeople themselves are nut satis-
fied with less than 15 o, 20 per cent. for their own profit,
and when they see their goods are in demaud they charge
double. This general practice, as to the returns of capital
and credit, makes the execution of extensive and national
undertakings almost impossible. Among us there are very
few people who can part with their money with the mere
hope of in four years of beginning to receive a profit of 6,
7, or more per cent. For the most part they must have 10
per cent., and that at once. Rich merchants and capital.
ists have very little confidence in companies. The main
bulk of our wealth is to be found among landed proprie-
tors and the aristocracy in the Government service, who
would willingly take shares in every possible undertaking,
but whose means do not admit of their embarking in spa-
culations from which they cannot derive immediate
profit."
Assuming it as proved beyond all doul-t that railways
are expedient and necessary fur Russia, and that there is
not sufficient capital in the country to make them with,
the NorMern Bee goes on to show that foreigners' capital
must be used for the purpose, for if comu,enced with native
capital alone the works would be left in the middle unfi-
nished, while at the same time commerce and manufac-
tures would have been drained to do even that much. A
foreign loan, too, would bo replete with disadvantages,
both on account of the great quantity of existing paper
currency, and also with regard to the national credit ;
weaning that an issue of fresh obligations to an amount
that would more than double the present national debt
would sink the market value of all Russian securities to a
ruinous extent. "Mortifying as the reflection may be to
Russian national vanity," says the Northern Bee, " there
is no help fur it but to let foreigners come in and supply
the capital. The only conclusion is that, in spite of the
part they would take in it, it would nevertheless remain a
national work, and all the advantages would be on the side
of Russia. It is possible that in the first years Russia
would have to make up the deficiency in the percentage
guaranteed, but the great gain that would arise from the
many hundreds of millions that foreigners would sink in
the Russian soil would accrue to Russia's increased com-
mercial activity, and at the end of 85 years, if the Govern-
ment did not buy them up sooner, the country would
come of itself into gratuitous possession of several
thousand verets of railroad, with which other branch lines,
built by national skill and capital, could be connected."
This is what the best written Russian journal says on
the subject of railways in Russia, and for any one that is
desirous of nnremunerative employment for his capital in
the development of Russian resources it is very convincing
and impressive; equally so it ought to be for all who may
have been thinking of embarking their money in the
Pereira speculation as an investment. Whatever the
entrepreneurs of the job may put forward in its favour,
there is no Russian to be found with impudence enough to
assert that the shareholders would ever get more than the
5 per cent. guaranteed by the Government. And what
non-Russian, that knows anything of Russia, will be so
sarguine as to say they will certainly get as much?

COURT OF COMMON COWS CIL.

Yesterday a Court was held for the despatch of public
business.

The minutes of thelast Court having been read,
Mr. T. PARKER complained that in those minutes be
was made to appear as having voted on a question, he not
having been in court at the time that the question was put.
Mr. Parker's name was ordered to be struck out of the
minutes.