The Sun.
London, England, 1869-04-07 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 7, 1869.

ery Night, at
Le year round.

ROYAL ALHAMBRA PALACE. THREE BALLET 3
Promenade Concert. Band of 60. Begin at 8. Is. Box-offict
open from 11 to 4.

ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS, Regent's-park, OPEN daily (ex-
cept Sundays). Admission, ls.; on Mondays, Cd. Children
under twelve, Cd.

embracing the last chance of calling the Govern-
ment to account for its stewardship. The Budget is
never very inviting; this year it is of no great
importance, and figures are cast aside in the presence
of far more important facts. The Budget has been
made the pretext for bringing into court a far wider
subject—the State of the Nation. What has the
Empire done for France since the last election
in 1863 ? What does it propose for the
future Do the French, in short, enjoy that
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inheritance of every
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These are the questions which the small minority in
the French Parliament discontentedly puts, and which
the large majority vainly strives to answer. The case,
as set forth by M. THIERS in one of his best speeches,
is very plain. It is matter of history that after the
coup d'etat of 1851 France went through the farce
of a plebiscitunt which elected Louis NAPOLEON
Emperor, and accepted a Constitution of his making.
This Constitution was admirably adapted for the pur-
poses of the EMPEROR, but by no means favourable
to the liberties of the people. Under it the French
have, indeed, a Parliament. But the Upper House,
the Senate, is simply nominated by the EMPEROR,
whilst the power of the Corps Legislatif is
reduced to a shadow by the sovereign's
prerogatives. No measure, not even money
bills, can be brought before the Chamber, and
no law can be passed, save only by consent of the
sovereign. He appoints and discharges his Ministers
at pleasure, makes peace and war, and nomi-
nates to every office in the realm. It was
not to be expected that a great nation would tolerate
such a Constitution, accompanied as it was by strin-
gent laws against the press and public meetings,
and most insufficient guarantees for the liberty
of the subject. The French people have cease-
lessly struggled to throw off the yoke which
they so rashly accepted. Scant success, however, has
hitherto attended their efforts on behalf of liberty.
Up to 1807, indeed, no changes of any great moment
were made, and the reforms which were then wrung
from the EMPEROR were far from " crowning the
edifice." The Bill of Rights is still of most formid-
able dimensions. For the reforms of January, as they
are called, the Opposition, as represented by M.
THEIRS, gives the EMPEROR full credit. The debates
in the Corps Legislatif are conducted with greater
freedom than formerly. All the Ministers are pre-
sent, whereas there was formerly but one.
The right of public meeting has been con-
ceded. This privilege is hampered by endless
restrictions, it is true; but the privilege now exists,
and there is always hope that the progress of the
wedge may not be confined to the thin end. Lastly,
the press has been conceded some small measure of
liberty.
But allow the widest interpretations to these
reforms, and how much remains to be accomplished !
The EMPEROR'S Ministers are not responsible, but
the EMPEROR takes care, whenever a blunder is
made, to throw the odium of it upon some unlucky
official. An irresponsible Ministry is the source of
numerous evils. Then thepeople are not allowed to elect
the Corps Legislatif, miserable as are its powers, after
their own fashion. Every species of device is used
to convert Universal Suffrage and the Ballot into a
machine for the manufacture of Imperial adherents.
The influence of the clergy is enlisted. Offices,
small and great, are temptingly held out to voters.
Public money is granted to the communes on the
tacit stipulation that votes shall be given in
return. In short, the upshot of the Constitution is
that the Parliament can do nothing, and that few
but Imperial adherents are chosen to do it. Once
elected the Corps Legislatif cannot, as we have seen,
make any laws, nor freely criticise the acts of the
Government. Even a question cannot be put in with-
out authorisation. The measure of liberty granted by
the press partakes so little of the nature of true
liberty that press prosecutions take place almost
every week. The right of public meeting is turned
to the profit of the Government. Even the liberty
of the subject may scarcely be said to exist. Under
the pretence of providing for the public safety,
the Government can imprison at pleasure ; for who
but the Government can decide what is, or is not,
necessary for the public safety ? Such are the
principal conditions under which France exists
on the eve of a general electon. Never
was the nation more dissatisfied with its lot, but the
EMPEROR cannot or dare not promise further con-
cessions. There seems to be a general awaken-
ing on the part of the people. The clamour
for reform is stronger than at any previous
time. So strong, indeed, is it that the Govern-
ment unmistakeably expresses, by its acts, its
grave concern for the result of the contest. But
it will not make the promises which would secure it
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• a different Parliament, a different nation, we
might almost say, to deal with. So, instead of
defending the latest outrage of a British
official against the Chinese, he announces that
the author of it has been recalled, and he
expresses his hope that this measure will be an effec-
tual warning to the whole consular body. And yet
the outrage at Formosa is not to be named in the
same day as the outrage at Canton. There was no
bombarding with red-hot cannon balls, no wholesale
slaughter of innocent victims, no refusal to accept an
apology when it was offered, no attempt to maintain
by force a wholly illegal act. Lord PALMERSTON
would have resigned twenty times over rather than
have consented to this course of his former colleague.
But, happily, the lesson taught amid jeers and scoffs
and personal sacrifice a dozen years ago—the lesson
that righteousness, and righteousness alone, exalteth
a nation, has been learnt at last. Lord CLARENDON'S
short speech is enough to arouse from his undis-
tinguished grave in the Sussex village churchyard
the great man who, through good and evil report,
mainly through evil report, protested against the
substitution of might for right. It is enough to
kindle to new life the warns heart and the clear brain 1
of RICHARD COBDEN.

111 E MAGAZINES.