The Sun.
London, England, 1860-03-20 00:00:00

PR USSIA.

A letter from Berlin of the 17th instant says :
"The French despatch which undertakes to ex-
plain the necessity for the annexation of Savoy and
Nice to France arrived here yesterday, and has
been communicated by the French Envoy, M. de
la Tour d'Auvergne, to the Government.
" It is thought that without joining in the formal
protest of Switzerland, Prussia and Austria will
support the claims of Switzerland in this sense, that
at least the districts which are neutralised shall
remain so. It is also supposed that a joint measure
of non-recognition will be taken by England and
Prussia.

AMERICA.

LIVERPOOL, MONDAY NIGHT.

The Royal Mail steamer Europa has arrived here.
Her news has been generally anticipated via
Queenstown.

A fresh violation of the British territory at a
place named Langley was reported from British
Columbia. Much excitement on the subject pre-
vailed at Victoria.'

Sterling exchange at New York quiet at 108!- to
1081.

THE .R1?IGIf OF TERROR IN NAPLES.

A collection of despatches, addressed by Mr.
Henry Elliot, our Minister at Naples, to Lord John
Russell, was published yesterday These letters
contain many very important facts, bearing upon
the existing outrages, committed under the miser-
able plea of law and authority, which now disgrace
the Government of that country. The despatches
which we subjoin sufficiently set forth the
general character of the official despatches which
the infamous tyrannies, and the acts of personal
violence the agents of the law, in the name of the
King, are in the habit of perpetrating, have called
forth from our accredited Minister at the Court of
Naples :
" MR. ELLIOT TO LORD J. RUSSELL.
(Received March 8.)
" Naples, March 2.
" My Lord,—A short time ago I forwarded to
your lordship a copy of a circular from the Minister
of Police directing the Intendants to arrest, with-
out hesitation, the persons against whom there
might be even simple grounds for suspicion.
" The Government have now shown themselves
determined to go a step further, and yesterday pro-
ceeded to arrest men upon whom no suspicion of
taking part in any conspiracy can fall.
" Of the number of persons arrested I can give
your lordship no accurate information, though I
am told they were numerous in the middle and
lower classes, but among my own friends or ac-
quaintances, and belonging to the highest families,
I can count five who have either been actually ar-
rested or else have found safety in concealment ;
these are—the Prince Torella, the Marquis de Bella
(brother to Prince Torella), Prince Camporeale,
Duke Proto, Marquis Vulcano.

" Prince Torella received a letter desiring him to
attend at the Prefecture of Police, which he did,
nothing doubting, and was there told to consider
himself under arrest, and to have his preparations
made for leaving the kingdom the following morn-
ing. He made no resistance, but asked leave to be
allowed to return home to make his preparations,
and to take leave of a very aged mother ; but this
indulgence was refused him, nor could he obtain any
information with regard to the crime imputed to

" The arrest, however, of the Prince, and the
universal conviction that no justification could be
given for it, produced so great an effect upon all
classes that the same night he was set at liberty and
allowed to return home. _

" We are now told that it was all a mistake !
" His brother, the Marquis Bela, eluded the pur-
suit of the police, but it has been conveyed to him
that he must leave the country.
" Prince Camporeale likewise succeeded in hid-
ing himself, but he has since been allowed to return
home ; and, in his case, like that of Prince Torella,
the order for the arrest is now said to be a mistake.
" Duke Proto and Marquis Vulcano have been
arrested and ordered into exile without trial or
examination.
" There are likewise two Marquises Monte Rossi,
and the MM. Vacca, De Simone, and two De
Philippe, summarily ordered into exile. Of the
two last-named gentlemen, one is a lawyer, and the
other an employe of the Government, and both
leave behind them families depending entirely upon
them for their means of subsistence, and who will
now be left penniless and dependent upon charity.
" During the afternoon and night of yesterday
the town was patrolled, and the troops kept under
arms, but no sort of disturbance took place, though
the Government affirm that they had positive proof
that there was to be a dangerous demonstration,
and that a seditious handbill had been posted up.
Whatever evidence may be sufficient to satisfy
the Government of the existence of plots or conspi-
racies., it is certain that the proofs are not such as
would bear the light; but the denunciations of
spies are received as conclusive, and the accused are
summarily ordered into banishment, untried and
unheard.

" I will inform your lordship by the messenger
on Tuesday of the steps I have taken with the
hitherto vain hope of inducing the Government to
pause in a course which, if persisted in, must finally
lead to the destruction of the King and of his
dynasty.--I have, &c.

"HENRY ELLIOT."

" MR. ELLIOT TO LORD J. RUSSELL.
(Received March 13.)
" Naples, March 3.
" My Lord,—l took the earliest opportunity of
seeing M. Carafa to inquire the cause of the arrests
mentioned in my despatch of yesterday's date, and
to ask whether the country was in so imminently
critical a state as to call for such extreme measures,
directed against men who could scarcely be seriously
suspected of conspiracy or treason.
" M. Carafa repeated, as he has so often done
before, that the Government felt no uneasiness, but
that they had received undoubted information of
the intention of the partisans of annexation to Sar-
dinia of making a demonstration which it would
have been necessary to suppress by force ; and that
to avoid bloodshed, the preventive measures which
I had alluded to had been taken ; and his Excel-
lency triumphantly pointed to the tranquillity with
which the day had passed as sonclusive evidence in
favour of the course adopted.
" I said that, of course, if the Government had.
the proof which he said they possessed of a con-
spiracy to violate the law, they could not be blamed
for arresting the persons implicated ; but I trusted
there were no truth in the report that those persons,
instead of being openly brought to trial, where their
guilt or innocence might be proved in the face of
day, were to be summarily transported or exiled
without trial or examination.
" To my regret, however, M. Carafe, replied that
such was the decision of the Government; for that
although they had proof sufficient to satisfy them-
selves of the guilt of the persons arrested, the evi-
dence was not such as would procure a conviction '
in a court of justice.
" In plainer words,' I answered, you have re
solved to accept as conclusive the denunciations of
spies whom you dare not bring face to face with
the accused,' and this, without apparent shame, M.
Carafa frankly admitted to be the state of the case,
repeating that he was aware they could not procure
a legal conviction, but that they had no doubt
whatever of the guilt of the accused.
" I asked whether he or any one else could be-
lieve that a Man like Prince Torella would be a
leader in a seditious but childish demonstration,
and he at once replied that he did not believe it,
and that the Prince's arrest had been an error'
which was speedily remedied.
" I begged M. Carafa not to talk of a man in Prince
Torella's position being arrested by mistake, for
that the only error' which was evident was a mis-
calculation of the effect upon the public which had
been' produced by the arrest.
" I asked whether Prince Camporeale, who had
concealed himself, was a dangerous character, and
with regard to him I was told that I might convey
to him the assurance that he might return home
without being molested.
" I then said that the Marquis de Bella had beet
told that if he gave himself up he should receive
passports for the frontier, but that he dared not
put himself in the hands of the police, as innocence
no longer protected a man from punishment in a

country where he is not allowed to disprove the
charges brought against him ; and M. Carafa em-
powered me to convey to him the promise that he
would be allowed to leave the country.
" I used all the arguments in my power to per-
suade the Government to pause in the fatal course
in which they have embarked, and I especially
pointed out that at a moment when the Adminis-
tration is without a President•or head, the odium
of those measures would fall direct upon the King
himself, and I concluded by saying that as I felt
convinced that the destruction both of his Majesty
and of the dynasty is inevitable unless wiser
counsels are listened to, I would beg him to re-
quest for me the honour of an audience, in order
that when the catastophe arrives I may not have
upon my conscience the reflection that I had not
done all in my power to save an inexperienced So-
vereign from impending ruin.
"M. Carafa promised to convey my request to
the King, but I have not yet received an answer.
"The French and Spanish Ministers have held
the same language as myself.
" I have, &c.,

HENRY ELLIOT."

" LORD J. RUSSELL TO MR. ELLIOT.
" Foreign-office, March 19, 1860.
"Sir,—Her Majesty's Government approve the
step taken by you, as reported in your despatch
of the 3d of March, to ask an audience of the King
with a view of doing all in your power to save an
inexperienced Sovereign from impending ruin.
" It is not probable, nor is it indeed to be desired
that the Government of the Two Sicilies should
continue for any long time to form a marked con-
trast to the Government of Northern and Central
Italy.
" It is, therefore, the obvious interest of the King
of the Two Sicilies to gain the affections of his
people by attention to their welfare, and by re-
specting the principles of law and of justice in his
treatment of suspected persons.—l am, &e.,

" J. RUSSELL."

The following important extract from a letter by
Lord John Russell explains the policy of Great
Britain in its bearing upon Naples :

" LORD J. RUSSELL TO MR. ELLIOT.

"Foreign-office, Jan. 16, 1860.

" It may be as well to explain still further to
Prince Satriano, and through him to the King, the
policy of the British Government.
" Your language to his Excellency on this sub-
ject is entirely approved by her Majesty's Govern-
ment. We wish well to the Neapolitan dynasty.
We have no desire to interfere with the internal
government of Naples and Sicily. But we cannot
blind ourselves to some obvious truths. It is evident
that the commonest rules of justice are not observed
by the King of Naples towards his subjects ; that
the exasperation caused by oppression is the parent
of plots, assassinations, conspiracies, and insurrec-
tions; that her Majesty's agents and consuls, while
they religiously abstain from taking a part in such
plots, have had convincing evidence of their ex•
istence.

" Should such conspiracies endanger the throne of
his Sicilian Majesty, her Majesty's Government can
only lament the blindness which afflicts his Coun-
cil. But her Majesty's Government will neither
accept any part of their responsibility nor under-
take to ward off the consequences of a misgovern-
ment which has scarcely a parallel in Europe.
" The reforms necessary require no elaborate ma-
chinery or profound meditation. Let the Neapo-
litan Government arrest no man without bringing
him face to face with his accusers. Let them sub-
ject no man to injurious restrictions without proof
of some crime or offence against public order ; let
the law, as it stands, be equally applied to all.
With these simple but broad changes, a beginning
would be made ; popular institutions might follow ;
time for deliberation would be gained, and the Go-
vernment might even obtain a reputation for justice
and honesty. But the course at present pursued
can only lead to destruction.
"You will speak to Prince Satriano in the sense
of this dispatch, and also to M. Carafa if he should
raise the question with you."