The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-12 00:00:00

REVIEWS OF THE WORK.

Curtis on Manhood—This is a truly valuable work, and
should be in the hands of young and old. —" Sunday Times,"
23d March, 1856.
"The author has conferred a great boon by publishing this
little work, in which is described the source of those diseases
which produce decline in youth or more frequently premature
old age."—" Daily Telegraph," March 27, 1856.
Sold also by liper and Co., poteroonter-roWi Mann, 39
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E TAhT I e
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PRINCE ADAM CZARTORISKI.

The following is the speech of Prince Adam
Czartoryski, delivered at the meeting of the Polish
Historical Society, held in Paris on the 29th of
November last, in commemoration of the Polish
Revolution of 1830 31 :
" Once more, gentlemen, the duty of addressing you, on
this memorable anniversary, has devolved upon me, and
appears to me more difficult than before, in presence of the
complicated, perplexing, and often contradictory events and
circumstances of the world. I should wish not to depart
from truth, and at the same time be able to satisfy your
expectations and those of our brethren in Poland. Vain
will be my efforts, because events speak quicker, and with
more emphasis, than words, and because nations, by their
actions and example, teach us better what we ought to
imitate and what to avoid. We live to see a momentous
epoch portending great and most beneficial changes for
humanity. The voice of the peoples, their complaints and
longings hitherto stifled and repressed, obtain now access
to governmental powers. Not only rights which tradition
had sanctioned for ages, and laws established by treaties,
but the claims of Nationalities aro now brought forward at
international deliberations. The monarch who stands at
the head of the most valiant and noble nation, whence the
light of civilization is spreading all over the globe ; the
monarch, chosen by :he will of this nation, has proclaimed
himself the fulfiller and observer of the principle of justice,
which is to ennoble, and settle on a firmer basis the opera-
tions of future diplomacy. Besides France, constitutional
England, equally mighty, supports this new liberal prin-
ciple of international treaties. We may, therefore, expect
that it will be established, that it will increase in power,
and that in time t Wtlinucy of every kind will not support
its claims by mesoadight,violence, usurpation, or conquest.
But, gentlemenicvery good in this world must be pur-
chased by suffering, frequently the most honest, nay, even
the most salutaty idea, when about to be carried out, in-
undates countrisewith torrents of blood, fills them with
heaps of ruins, and is frequently defiled by excesses. It is
sad and heart-rending, when two laws, two principles,
which ought always to go together being ranged against
one another, are by their advocates either abused or denied,
and violated in turn. One of these laws is improperly
called " the Law of God," for both proceed from God, or
are rather emanations of one law bestowed by Divine
justice, not for the benefit of some dozens of potentates,
but for the benefit, of mankind at large. For who is not
bound to respect traditions and laws sanctioned by ages ?
—who would not acknowledge the validity and sacredness of
treaties corroborated by oath?—wbo would think of denying
that solemn words, stipulated conditions, and mutual agree-
ments are equally binding in international as well as civil
relations ? But it happened in the latter half of the past
century that those whose interest and duty it was to watch
over the strict observance of existing laws, were the very
men who violated them absolutely. The open, glaring
crime perpetrated upon innocent Poland led the van of the
whole series of iniquities, wrongs, and still continued out-
rages. These scandalous manifestations of unscrupulous-
ness in the highest spheres of society struck at the very
authority and inviolability of the laws by which Europe
was to that time governed ; people perceived, with disgust,
imposture and bad faith in the administration of these
laws, and excesses of the mighty against the weak without
the least consideration for justice. Such an example from
above exercised necessarily a fatal influence over the mora-
lity of society—an influence, the cruel effects of which were
very soon appatent. Many times moments of retribution
and punishment tame, and they are now approaching ; but
that punishment, now as before, seldom reaches the most
guilty, and yet never fails to perpetrate new wrongs. The
first and indispensable requisite for a nation desirous of
obtaining independence, or who has just recovered it, is to
revive and strengthen in themselves the principles of
order, honour, religion, and morality, lost either
by slavery, or troubles and commotions ; for
without these principles no nation will ever proceed
with dignity, or shine on the path of liberty and progress.
Dismembered and subjugated Poland could not, under pre-
sent difficult and complicated circumstances, set forth by
herself her claims either by word or deed. There is yet an
inevitable solidarity which unites oppressed nations; the
Poles, therefore, could not but see with rapture the peoples
of Italy crushing the fetters rivetted by their foreign oppres-
sors, and they rejoiced at their success • but they heard at
the same time, with pain and sorrow, of difficulties and
sufferings to which the High Priest of Christendom was
exposed. This pain of ours was still increased by the anxiety
lest the blows aimed at the Holy See should strike, which
God forbid, at the very authority, unity, and the living
faith of the Universal Church, which is the stronghold of
the whale, even of the disunited Christendom, the true
treasure of all social virtues and consolations, of all present
and future hopes of mankind. Let us, Poles, love with
filial affection—let us preserve zealously, and defend with
all our might against the incessant persecution this faith,
which was for our forefathers the source of fame acquired
by their arms, and of great merits recorded on the pages of
history. It has.pleased the Almighty to allow us in our mis-
fortune to take part in inducing—we trust decisively—a con-
siderable portion of our fellow brethren to aunion withßome,
which may afford to the Holy Father, amidst his most pain •
ful afflictions, a moment of comfort and joy. It would be
an inconceivable and unpardonable fault on the part of the
Zlatholic Powers were they to neglect to take now under their
protection at Constantinople four millions of people, who of
their own accord are desirous of emancipating themselves
from schism which exposes them to a twofold oppression.
A new and salutary reform in the management of inter-
national affairs has already sprung up among the Western
Powers : with us the old days of the Partition are still in
existence. Elsewhere we hear of nothing but liberty and
restoration : our unfortunate country sees the return of old
severity, the reintroduction of imprisonment without trial.
Everywhere they talk of the importance of nationalities ;
and yet that nationality which has given signs of the most
vigorous life, whose rights have been confirmed by the ver-
dict of universal justice and by the sacredness of treaties ;
that nationality which has been robbed in the "Jost shame-
less manner of everything calculated to ensure its vitality,
is now but rarely mentioned. Governments pass it by in
silence ; the name of Poland has not audibly passed the
lips of any Minister ; public opinion speaks in its favour at
wide intervals of time only ; and to all minds the Polish
question appears so beset with difficulties, so entangled with
complicated consequences, that no one dares to take it up
in earnest. But let us not be turned away from our object
by these obstacles, nor be led by them to indolent supine-
ness, and to doubts of the final issue. The course of events
and of public opinion will not stop, but will bring ever
greater danger to our oppressors. Although, as yet, the
current has hardly touched our cause, we see that it con-
fuses and disturbs them, and leads them to the commission
of fatal mistakes. With what want of tact did not the three
aggressors recently choose for the scene of their delibera
tions the capital of a nation, where everything around
them recalls the memory of their conjoint crime and its
fatal consequences Were it possible that a ray of grace
from above could then have enlightened their conscienced,
they might at least, on meeting amid these plundered ter-
ritories, have shown to the world a desire to atone for their
sins, and to have joined in fulfilling the promises which
they made before all Europe, but all of which they had
successively broken. Of the three Powers which are hos-
tile to us, there is one which, if it desired to cleanse itself
of a hideous stain, and, at the same time, understood its own
interest, would have no reason to oppose the restoration of
Poland. But to hope this would be futile • and any remarks
upon the subject would as yet be untimely. The Power I
speak of, driven to its last resources, has abandoned the
principle of a centralised Government ; and being threat-
ened with dismemberment, it has agreed to establish a
system of separate national autonomies. If these conces-
sions are sincere—if they are executed in good faith and in
their entirety, it is possible that Austria will find in them
a means of restoring the unity of her power. Be that as it
may, let the inhabitants of Galicia take advantage of these
concessions, as if they were never again to be withdrawn ;
let them try to extract from the spirit and letter of these
new edicts all that may serve to heal their internal wounds,
and to strengthen and organise their national powers. In
Lemberg as in Cracow, all parties, all classes and pro-
fessions, prudent statesmen and ardent young men—all, in
a word, should join hands, unite in a common understand-
ing, and persevere in one mind ; they should remember
that, although differences of opinion may exist among us,
the interest and the good name of our country require us
all to rally round one banner in presence of foreign nations.
The vitality of one province will diffuse new hest through

the body of its neighbour. For even where no spark of
our better hopes has as yet penetrated, how many works of
prime utility and immense future influence—works in some
cases only planned, in others already in course of execution
—call for the united and fervent zeal of the people 1 Does
not that most important of all questions, the emancipation
question (without reference to what the Government will
say on the subject), require the meat anxious care to ensure
mutual confidence and sympathy among millions of
fssbrothersotaermabsteadily
tldime
ye forbidden anywhere.
within
np Ep e
wac
thehe.
Each
eirnlaw—to one of u s
occupy can and ought—always
himself
with h
te
keepingmoral
and financial wants of his province. Legal action for the
purpose of clearing away obstacles is everywhere a duty, '
and if conducted prudently and moderately cannot easily be
the Theeye
eyesunmixed of
Europe
t thep rproof
if ofnh a
tbhi
e-
tants, which will be thus our present object, will at the
strong and lasting vitality of the nation. In this respect I
may point to the conduct df the inhabitants of Posen as
most exemplary, indeed extraordinary. They know how
to ward off, and sometimes to attack, the implacable hatred
of the Germans against the Poles ; they refuse to have
anything to do with secret dealings, which do no good to
our cause, but rather injure it; and recently they have
warned the whole Polish nation that everywhere the enemy
is spreading his toils, and striving to seduce as from a field
of labour which ho looks upon with fear, and that every-
where we are surrounded with pitfalls, in which we may
lose our renewed strength and our honourable name at once.
But I learn that the vexatious and irritating proceedings
which have become so notorious in Posen, are also spread-
ing over other portions of our country. The German and
Russian bureaucracy do not yet despair of success in their
efforts to drive us to madness. I have been informed that
agents and emissaries are beginning to insinuate them-
selves into provincial societies—that they are organising
lcoounds r a
givinges ,
expression
to
thepe people e
mist
spreading family dissensions, murder and riot, under the
pretext of freedom and happiness for the people. The local
absurdthoughtless
principles,
amnsd,
authorities are well aware of this, and leave them fall liberty
of action, for it is in strict accordance with the views of au-
thorities who are implacable in their hatreds, to hold over
the heads of the Poles the terrible sword of butchery, and,
on a given °magma, to let it fall on our last refuge. More-
over, these agents say that they have arrived with the
sanction of persons said to be known to the Emigration,
among whom lam included. I do not doubt
but the common sense which is inherent in the
majority ef all classes of our population, will estimate these
shameless falsehoods at their true value; or, should they
fail in sounding to the bottom these disgraceful intrigues,
and shaming our enemies by unmasking their batteries,
that they will at least destroy them by the force of their
enlightened patriotism. I feel it my duty, nevertheless,
however, to warn my fellow-countrymen, and I earnestly
desire that this our protest may reach the most distant
boundaries of the land of Poland. For it might possibly
happen (though I do not anticipate it) that our worthy and
noble-hearted young men, carried away by their impatience
to take up the national cause, and deceived by false ap-
pearances, reports, and calculations, would join these emis-
saries, and thus, by their desire sincerely to serve their
country only inflict a dreadful calamity upon it, at
the same time drawing on themselves a heavy responsibi-
lity. Once mere, then, I warn you from this place, and
implore and conjure you to be prudent and watchful, and at
the same time I take this opportunity for declaring openly
that I never sent any emissaries to Poland, but that I have
always looked with confidence to my fellow-countrymen
there for information and assistance. Lwill never make any
statement as to the possibility of coming to decisive action
until I shall have first fully persuaded myself of the practi-
cability of doing so. You have heard of the invitation sent
to the Poles to form in Italy a foreign legion. This measure
has not yet been matured, and has to all appearance been
put off. I sincerely hope that it will be possible to arm a
separate corps of Poles, and I am convinced that there need
be no anxiety about the filling up of its ranks. The old
and incapable will regret the loss of their strength ; the
young will leave their wives and parents to take their
stand where shines the hope of doing battle for their
fatherland. If this desired opportunity presents itself
in Italy let us profit by it ; but always on the
condition that the Poles shall be called upon to
combat the enemies of Poland only ; that they shall not be
made use of in internal broils, and, above all, that we shall
not be expected to raise parricidal hands against Rome.
And now, as ever, the Emigration will remember
its duty, and should circumstances permit it to unfurl, in
the presence of governments and peoples, the standard of
our. nation, it will keep it pure and unspotted. Before I
conclude, gentlemen, I may be allowed to remark that our
constant lamentations for our fate seem to me sometimes
to sin, by failing to recognise the signs of a Providential
government. Let us consider how low our enemies have
fallen in their strength, and to what means they are com-
pelled to have recourse in order to continue
the contest with our nationality ; let us con-
sider how the knowledge of our own faults and
shortcomings has spread among us, how much
more profoundly we have understood both the conditions
of our national strength, and the absolate necessity for its
systematic concentration. And let us confess, that it is
long since we had so many reasons to hope, supported as
we are, not only by our own vigour, but also by our ene-
mies' weakness. But if, on the one hand, gentlemen, a
general view of the present state of our country is calculated
to cheer our hearts and excite us to perseverance, you will,
on the other hand, share with me my grief at the recollection
of the irreparable loss recently sustained by the duchy
of Posen, and with it by all Poland, in the death of Gus-
tavus Potworowski, late deputy to the Prussian Chambers
at Berlin. He departed this life just as he was about to
receive the highest of honours, a testimony of gratitude
from his fellow-countrymen. God withheld this human
reward, and left him the glory of unrewarded merit. May
God grant that, in his last hour of expectation and trial,
no Pole may have to reproach himself either with a feverish,
senseless rashness, or what is worse, an indifferent and
guilty carelessness ; but rather that each of us, like Gus-
tavus Potworowski, may be able to say conscientiously to
his own heart, with an unutterable sense of consolation,
these precious words : "I, too, have served my fatherland
with all my heart, with all my strength, and through all
my life."

[Advertisement.]
2HE OTTOMAN LOAN.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Siu,—The concessionaires of the loan contracted by the
Government of his Majesty the Sultan consider themselves
bound to exhibit the situation of the Ottoman Empire from
a political, administrative, commercial, and financial point
of view, in order to enable the public to estimate from a
knowledge of facts the resources and guarantees offered
by this empire, which up to the present time has remained
almost a stranger to the benefits of the European system of
credit.

TNE POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE CONDITION OF TNN
OTTOMAN EMPIRE.
A somewhat confused idea generally prevails in Europe
respecting this country, which at divers epochs has played
a considerable part in the history of the world, and for
which the future yet reserves a brilliant destiny.
Respecting the Ottoman Empire many errors and preju-
dices have obtained credence, and have in a great measure
caused it to be forgotten that this empire contains the most
fertile provinces and the most frequented ports in Europe.
Nowhere perhaps does there exist such a fruitful source
of natural wealth, and no person can predict the degree of
prosperity to which this empire must attain at the period,
now near, when the cutting of the Isthmus of Suez will
re-establish the ancient route from India to Arabia, Asia
Minor, and the Egean Sea, and when the East will be united
to the West by steam both on land and sea.
Placed in a singularly advantageous position for serving
as a bond between the East and the West, the Ottoman
Empire occupies in Europe the vast space comprised between
the Adriatic, the Black lies, and the Archipelago, while in
Asia it comprises the whole of the territory between the
Black Sea, the Archipelago, the Red Sea, and the Persian
Gulf—that is to say, magnificent countries whose immortal
memory is consecrated both by secred and profane history.
It may be added that the population of these provinces is
more than thirty millions of souls. Thus, whether the ex-
tent, the population, or the geographical situation of the
Ottoman Empire be regarded, or whether its powerful pro-
duction or the fertility of its soil be taken into consideration,
one is struck by its grandeur, and is sensible of the prodi-
gious resources which it contains. But precisely because
the Ottoman Empire extends over immense territories inha-
bited by the most diverse populations, the question is asked,
how has it been able to establish and maintain its domina-
tion in Europe, notwithstanding the difference of traditions,
manners, language, and religion, and above all, notwith-
standing the small number of Ottomans compared with that
of Christians.
The reply to this question comprises the whole secret of
the duration of the Ottoman Empire. It is to be found in
the moderation of the government, which has allowed the
laws and usages of the Christian populations to subsist ; for
in this vast empire strangers are only amenable to their.
ambassadors and consuls. The Greek Christians are amen-
able to their patriarch, and the Latin Christians can invoke
the special protection of France.
An administration so divided cannot certainly be proposed
as a model, since the majority of the population of this
empire evade the supervision and control of the imperial.
authority. But we are forced to acknowledge that for this
multiplicity of jurisdictions and powers to have worked re-
gularly for more than 400 years, proves that the adminis-
tration must have been more tolerant than is supposed. It
must be acknowledged also that the Ottoman Empire is
endowed with great vitality, since, during four centuries, it
has supported a political and administrative state of things
which, in any other state in Europe, would in a few years
result in the dissolution of social order.

THE COMMERCE OF THE EMPIRE.
Turkey possesses great natural riches, but few manufac-
tures. Its commerce and its industry, easy of develop-
ment be it understood, cannot enter into comparison with
those of the great nations of Europe.
From the extent of the annual importations into the
market of Constantinople it must, nevertheless, be acknow-
ledged that commercial life is yet very active.
The following is an account of those importations
Merchandise from England l4O millions of francs.
Ditto ditto Fra4ce
f) „ Germany
,f
1, „ Italy
~ ,1
~ Switzerland lO
1, ~ Belgium
7, s, Holland

Total ................ 225 millions of francs.
Two mass of European produce is absorbed by local ton

sumption ; Upper Roumelia, the right bank of the Danube,
the Moldo-Wallachian Principalities, Anatolia, Kurdistan,
Georgia, &c.
As regards the maritime movement, the position of Con-
stantinople, the key of the world, is so marvellous that this
city is at the present time the third commercial port in
Europe—a fact too much ignored. From its importance
it ranks immediately after Liverpool and London, just be-
fore Marseilles.
It is known that the port of Liverpool shows an annual
movement of about 30,000 vessels, measuring 8,000,000 tons,
including the coasting trade._
Well, in 1859, a normal year, in which there was no ex-
traordinary movement of transports, the port of Constanti-
nople had an ingress and egress of 27,029 vessels, measur-
ing 5,060,526 tons. This is almost double the movement at
Marseilles in 1858.
The value of such maritime activity in Turkey will be
better understood on considering that the total movement
of the navigation in all the French ports does not exceed
8,600,000 tons.