The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-04 00:00:00

SY 111PATRY IN POLI7ICS.

A letter appeared in a London morning paper on
Wednesday from an American on the ignorance of
the English press regarding the desire of his fellow-
citizens, to annex such countries as Cuba, and espe-
cially Mexico. tif course, he was contradicted, and
his own ignorance exposed by a flippant evening
paper, which professes to know all about everything,
more especially when it is genteel. The American
merely repeated what Gen. SCOTT had said of Mexico,
an opinion held by the best informed, that its an-
nexation would bring a deluge of barbarism into the
Capitol. He estimates the Senators to which a
population so extensive would have a right at 13,
and the Renresentatives at twice that number. Ile
does not explain how the " odd" Senator could get
in, as they always run in couples ; but acce-pting
this calculation, and a powerful influx is shown as the
result into the very citadel of American freedom of
bigoted Catholic Indians, who, on the whole, are
seven preferable to their half-caste or Spanish de-
scended fellow-countrymen. And for what ? To ac-
quire a territory, more than half of which is irreclaim-
able desert! Americans consider that they have evil
influences enough at Washington without the addi-
tion cf such an element, which they know cannot be
productive of good, but might probably produce evil.
There are, in truth, two conflicting feelings at work,
the one an aspiration for unity--a continental Ad-
ministration, in such contrast to what prevails in
Europe as to be the reverse ; the other, a desire to
make the best of present circumstances, a convic-
tion that the country is already too large accord-
ing to its population for comfort and good govern-
ment, territorial additions but increasing the evil.
The former is the dream of the future, the latter
the present hard material fact, which any English-
man will feel on going even a short distance into
the country from New York City. These conflict-
ing ideas convey to foreigners an erroneous impres-
sion, making America appear to act a contradictory
part. The masses give utterane to the sentiment,
and what they say is heard over the world, while it
precedes the action of the Adminiitration the dry
legal r facts,ance
which is felt, and the action is not in
d
with the talk. So it has been with
al ec
Cuba. Notwithstanding the overwhelming vote of
the House on the resolution of its Committee on
Foreign Affairs in sympathy with Cuba, notwith-
standing the arguments of the press and the frantic
oratory of the Cuban patriots scattered over the
Union, the Philadelphia correspondent of the Times
telegraphed last Wednesday to Printing-house-
square, that—

" The Government will not interfere in th,) Cabin
affairs further than for the protection of American in-
terests. Two weeks ago the belief was that some act of
recognition would be made, but the views of Government
changed ou intelligence being received from Cuba that
the ir.surrection could not sustain itself without acCve
foreign aid. As recognition might involve America in a
war, any idea of interference seems to be abandoned."

This, if it were pcksible, ought to make Englishmen
comprehend the character of the news supplied by
such pretenders as the Owl, but we have no hope,
for they continue as ready to receive and the press
to publish any sensational rumour intended to ex-
cite ire and keep alive the discord which, unfortu-
nately for mankind, appears to be the normal con-
dition between England and Atneric t. Those who
read that portion of the American press which in-
fluences the Administration could have anticipated
when the Owl wrote the course of the Executive
at Washington as the exposure of the Cuban re-
volt had been as complete as that of the Fenian.
It is true, Cuban patriots had supplanted" their
Irish competitors in New York, where they alsc
had established a Republic, working vigorously to
gather in subscriptions, waging from platforms war
to the knife with Spain, and in spirit-stirring words
sketching the downfal of the whole line, of Ityran-
nical and effete European Governments. 15Y1tON
says that "They who would be fre; -themselves
must strike the blow" and a pity it is that the
Republic does not write these words over an
arch for the consideration of the incoming pa-
triots who pass into the States prefaced also by
BYRON'S query, " Know ye not." Why s'iould the
Republic be made the tool of every community of

conspirators stocked with clap-trap to spout from
the balconies of New York houses to cheering
thousands? The patriot is feted, the patriot is pa-
tronized, and it is something to be patronized by a
great nation. He forms the subject of sensational
leading articles, thousands beg for an introduction,
parties contend for the honour of lionizing him,
and this is all gained at the expense of an easy flow
of language. IVhat wonder, then, that no oppor-
tunity is lost of playing this safe and agreeable
role in the Union. But while the people are en-
joying their little excitement, they have no idea of
the injury sustained by the American name abroad.
The world considers the Republic to be the f of
established Governimuts. • The House of Repre-

seutatives,which assented to aresolution encouraging
the bogus Fenian Republic, passed another of sym-
pathy with the Cuban Republic, while neither had
much more of an existence than an office in New
York. The one aimed at the dismemberment of
the United Kingdom, the other of the Spanish
Dominions, yet both were assented to by the
popular branch of the National Legislature, while
urging the Executive to enforce demands against
England for its sympathy with the American re-
bellion. The truth is, that the Anglo-Saxon race,
while as ignorant and as little capable of appre-
ciating the sentiments of foreign communities as
Hottentots, insist upon meddling in foreign affairs,

gad interpretingthe feelings of other nationalities
by their
In consequence, the expression of
o.xn.
England's
sympathy has been a tissue of pernicious
mistakes,
s',with that one of overwhelming magni-
tude in the American Civil War. If the English
went to the utmost extremity of wrong on that
occasion, considering that the quarrel was between
their own English-speaking cousins, how can they
be qualified to decide on the rights of a national
dispute in Spain, in Italy, in Austria, in Turkey?
Perhaps nothing has tended to make the English
more hated than the ignorant injustice of their freely
expressed opinions of others, and the stupid obsti •
navy with Nt hich they have taken up the wrong
side. In America the case is somewhat similar.
The people there, are equally ready as here to pro-
nounce a very decided opinion upon a quarrel which
equally divides the most intelligent men of an in-
telligent nation. Living further away, not having
so large a class wholly to devote themselves to study,
to travel, and to politics purely for the sake of power,
Americans are even more ignorant of Continental
European matters than the British. The country
in the magnitude of its unoccupied ]and, in the
liberty and freedom from want of all its citizens, is
wholly dissimilar to Europe, yet they apply in judg-
ing European questions the " American view," and,
taking it as an infallible test, endeavour to square

the circumstances to that pattern, and arrive at
'such resolutions as those so strongly advocated by
General BANKS and favoured by the Representatives.
Instead of wishing to be unjust, it is the generosity
of their nature which prompts to this action, and
so often enables designing men to use them as their
tools. Hard as it may appear to say so, the sym-
pathy and kindliness of American nature have
produced harm both abroad and at home, and
caused the national character to be misunder-
stood. The Red Republican, who aims at disorgan-
izing society and rioting in the saturnalia of a
French Revolution, while apostrophising Liberty and
spouting of Fraternity, strikes a sympathetic chord
in the American heart who will not believe in the
creature's vice, and that he is simply a hateful out-
cast of the nation he misrepresents. The same feel-
ings enable criminals to escape punishment, and
have led to a laxity of law, and au itnmuniry to
crime, which is telling injuriously on American
society. Sympathy is the worst possible control-
ling influence for a nation ; yet Congress is over-
flowing with it ; for the Irish, for the Cretans, for
the Cubans, for the Negroes in the South, for the
Chinese on the Pacific slope, for anything that ap-
pears weak, and has voice enough to cry. There
is, however, too much sense to permit this feeling
to obtain the mastery ; for the people are too prac-
tical to let it go far beyond mere talk. The opro-
sition daily strengthens to any increase of territory
inhabited by inferior races. The African has
brought with him woes enough, and it was literally
a black day for the continent when he first. landed
on its shores. Is the Legislature to be over-run
with all shades of colour, and the absurdity to be
daily witnessed of laws being enacted for the lordly
white by men with whom he would scarcely deign
to sit in the same railway car? Nor should it be
forgotten that the :days of States' Rights have
passed ; that centralization now rules. Hence
countries, such as Mexico and Cuba, were they in-
troduced, would not be still governed locally,
throwing an influence into the Central Adminis-
tration not strongly and generally felt, but the new
States would be ruled from Washington, where
they would exert a great influence, probably as
tools of " rings" and cliques. Before the Republic
can admit any States from Mexico or the Antilles,
she must be fortified by the Canadas, and those
most interested in this fact are the New Englanders
and the citizens of the States bordering on the
Lakes and the St. Lawrence. It would, indeed, be
a mistake to legislate on a dream, or to act on the
Utopian conviction that the mission of the Republic
is to regenerate savage or half-civilized races, to
right the wrongs of the world, and to cram Repub-
lican liberty down the throats of reluctant peoples.
-Anglo-American Times.

7HE CASE OF THE SECRETARY OF
LEGATION AT _MADRID..

Some of the letters relating to the squabble in the
American Embassy in Spain have now been pub-
lished. Among them is Mr. Perry's defence of him-
self, under a very recent date from Madrid :
"In the spring of 1867 I was made aware, through a
reliable channel, that a Cabinet Council had been held to
consider what was to be done in view of the repeated
complaints from the officers of the Customs of the abuse
by Mr. Halo of his franchise for the importation of arti-
cles free of duty. Some of the Ministers were in favour
of immediately informing his Government, but it was
finally decided that Mr. Bale should be informed that
the Spanish Government were aware of his operations,
and expected they would immediately cease. It was
also decided that if afterward there should be any re-
petition of the offence his Government should be informed,
and the circumstances published in the official Gazette.
This .report of what had taken place in the Cabinet was
not known to me till after the circumstances which fell
under my personal knowledge, and which I will now re-
late. On the 18th of March, 1867, I received a note from
the Chief of the Bureau of Commerce in the Department of
State, inviting mo to call at his office, as he wished to
speak to me about a certain affair. [Vide Enclosure No. 4,1
I went, and Mr. Aseusi put into my hands some docu-
ments—among others a royal order from the Minister of
Finance, of Fob. 21, informing the Minister of State of the
circumstances attending the introduction of merchandise
by Mr. Hale, for a commercial establishment in this city,
uuier his diplomatic franchise, stating that it was the
second offence denounced, and leaving it in the hands of
the Minister of State to apply the remedy. [Vide lnclo-
sure No. 3.1 I was then informed by Mr. Asensi that the
Sp wish Goverume •t wes not disposed .0 pursue this
matter any further than was absolutely necessary to pre-
vent a recurrence of the abuse, ant that Mr. Hale must be
informed that if there should be no repetition of the
offence the matter. would stop there, and no further ac-
tion would be taken upon these papers, and that they
would be kept oetirely secret in the Department. Mr.
Asensi sail he would be charged with this affair, and by
the instruction of the Mini .ter it had boen decided to
call me, and by me to communicate these things to Mr.
Hale, as the need° least wounding to his pride, and best
calculated to arrive at the object proposed. lat first de-
clined to take any part in the matter, but I was afterward
convinced that it was my duty, and that it was a courtesy
to my Government not to wish to humiliate the Minister
Plenipotentiary of the United States, forcing him to stand
in person before a Spanish official as a convicted culprit.
I determined not to refuse my assistance to ease over the
matter as smoothly as possible. I confess I st:11 hoped,
also, that there might be some explanation. In this I
was disappointed. I broke the matter to Mr. Hale as
kindly and even as tenderly as possible, but his extreme
agitation did not allow him to attempt any explanation.
He, however, at my suggestion, and in my presence,
immedietely addressed a letter to the commercial house
iu question, who, it seems, were in possession of still
another order furnished them by Mr. Hale for the admis-
sion of merchandise in his name, then expected, request-
ing them to pay duties on those packages, as if that
order were not in existence, and to stop all farther
importations in his name (Vide inclosure No. 5.) This
letter was promptly answered. (As per im;losnre No. 6.)
I communicated the cessation of the abuse to the Spanish
State Department, and the matter dropped. I soon after
became aware, however, that there are certain services
which a subordinate may perform for a superior officer
which are more unpardonable than any injury. In spite
of the secrecy promised in the State Department some con-
fused indications of this affair leaked out, perhaps from the
Finance Die tett-neat, and were made the subject of con-
versation. A libellous letter, dated on the 17th of April,
was published in the New York Herald of the 4th of May,
seeking to throw upon me the onus of this transaction,
and alleging culpability in me in regard to a telegraphic
grant, which, however, was obtained and held by me in
1859, two years before I en`ered the Government service
hero in 1861. This was, not long afterward, followed by an
official representation to the Secretary of State of my cul-
pability in the telegraph matter, made by any superior
officer secretly, and without any indication of his inten-
tion to me. The good faith of the 'Department
seems to have been surprised to some extent by that
statement of the responsible officer of the United
States at this Court, for I received a very hard and severe
despatch from Mr. Seward, based on that statement,
which I have never yet seen. I answered the Depart-
ment immediately and satisfactorily, still ignorant that
my superior officer was the author of the charge. This I
learned subsequently. I had also learned that the libel in
The Herald was done with his peevious knowledge, and he
so confessed to me, but avowed he did not write it. From
that time to this 1 have been the object of the most un-
compromising and most cowardly hostility from my supe-
rior officer. Complaint, upon complaint has been poured into
the State Department, whenever a misrepresentation of
any fact giving the slightest pretext could be availed of.
Hundreds of private letters to all the friends and political
connections of a man who had lived '25 years in Wash-
ington burdened the mails, moving every spring and wire
to secure my removal. j'A. corresponding treatment here
of me and my family has been adopted, and relentlessly
pursued with the evident purpose of making my life so
intolerable as to force my resignation. He has drawn
some foreign adventurers about him to aid him, and has
made his house a centre of defamation. I have been
sustained here by the public conscience and the general
respect which comes only after long residence. I have
failed to appease Mr. Hale by my silence; I have cared
for the decorum of this Legation, and have never criti-
deed my superior officer, nor allowed hint to be
criticised in my presence. Ho has not- been able to

draw me into any divute or public scandal here.• At
hotno I have had only my record, my services rendered
to the country, and not one personal acquaintance in
any branch of uhe Administration, or in either House of
Congress. Under the circumstance., I feel grateful to
the Department that, after tho surprise of Mr. Male's
first charges in June, 1837, and on every subsequent oc-
casion, I have boon allowed an opportunity to be heard b
fore being condemned. The letter signed by Mr. halo,
Jan. 1, and published in the New York. Times of Feb. 7,
besides some new stir among his foreigners, admonishes
me that I ought not to longer delay the communication I
now make. After the libel in the Herald seeking to in-
culpate me, and after the developments of Mr. Male's un-
scrupulous conduct toward me during the summer of 1887,
as stated, I addressed to Mr. Asensi, Chief of the Bureau
of Commerce, the private letter dated November 20th,
and received his answer dated November 24th. It was
understood that I was not at liberty to print the document;
seeing that the Spanish Government had declared the affair
settled, and did not wish to revive it, but I was authorized
to use them confidentially, with my owh Government, if

.at anytime it should become neceesary for my ow; de-
fence.--I have the honour to be, &c., H. J. PERM'
" The Hon. Wm. 11. Seward, Secretary of State."
An extract from a process is enclosed, found in the
department of Finance, which reads as follows
" The Collector of Customs gave information mi the
Ist of Oat., '66, that on examining eight packages contain-
ing carpets and other things for the Minister Plenipoten-
tiary of the United States, was found a case containing
377 kilograms of cotton stuff, collar crack, and 7 packageef
containing 636 kilograms of woollen felt, and 19,95° ell
Magueta carpets; that suspecting, under the law
allows the diplomatic body the entrance of goods free 01
duty, the interests of the Treasury might be prejudiced, be
decided that on the goods leaving the Custom House
they should be followed to the place where they were 'e
bo delivered, and the result was that 377 kilograms °f
crack were delivered in the Calle do Cappallanes, No. 10 a
store for the sale of linens, and the carpets and felts 3t
,
a store whore such goods are sold. The direction propose
the Minister of State should be informed of what had
t
occurred, so that he may propose to her 3laj,isty ,
steps should be taken to prevent a recurrence of stab
things. The matter to which reference is made is notabl);
known., that it is necessary it should ba investigated, f
some means adopttd to preveut in future a repetition
°`
abases like the one stated."
Two of the letters are addressed to a merch`til
with reference to the accounts for procurkg the
importation of pols free of duty. There are On;
letters fro.a the lion. P. II de, in one
which he states that on Oct. 14 last Mr. and grs.
Perry took a conspicuous place in one of the
largest public meetings ever held in Madrid :--
" Mrs. Perry is a middle-aged woman, not far fromov
years of age, and on the present occasion she appeared oa
the stage before the immense assemblage with her long
hair flowing down her neck and shoulders, and, with WI
effect, delivered a short poem in:favour of the abolition °
slavery in Cuba. The meeting then voted itself a society
for the abolition of slavery in Cuba, with Mrs. Perry as itie
President. Mrs. Perry's poem was printed and circulate
u
in great numbers throughout the kingdom. This action
Mr. Hale pronounces highly improper and reprehensible
on the part of representatives of a Government maintain-
ing neutrality."
This most unfortunate controversy began with
a letter from Mr. Seward' to Mr. Perry, dal—,„
July the 16th, 1867. The Sectretary tells him L'"
resign if the allegation be.true of hiS connection
with.-. telegraphic or other enterprises. This ltr'
Perry denies, asserting that he had entirely witD;
drayvn from commercial transactions. The next 1
a letter from Mr. Hale to Mr. Seward, enclosing
one from Mr. James Eldridge of Cdifornia,
defence of Mr. Perry. On the 15th Sept.,
Mr. Hale complained to Secretary Seward of
Perry's discourtesy in having anticipated him 1-11
conveying to Queen Isabella a letter of congratu-
lation on telegraphic communication being est„a,,,
lished between the United States and Spain.
Perry explains that it was unofficial, comity:, fro
ill
the officers of the company as his friends. The re-
ply of Mr. Hale involves a serious charge.
The simple fact is, Mr. Perry took the private despated
of the President of the company to himself. and obliterate
the address to himself as Vice-President of that comPai?„Y'
and the dates of both time and place, and gratuitously
sorting what was not true, to wit: that ho had receive' ,if
from Havana; endeavoured to give it every appearance :1.4
being a communication direct to the Queen • and it W.;),
with this spurious, manufactured despatch, that Mr.
ii
was enabled to anticipate :no in the execution which .Y (',
devolved on me by your telegraphic communication of tll
12th of December."
After enumerating Mr. Perry's discourtesies, tl/..,e
Minister asserts that he is more of a Spaniard thane
an American, that his family only speak SpOis
that he has not been in the United States for is
years, and has no idea- of resuming citizenshiP'
again asserting his connection with Spanish c°l3;
tracts and jobs. Mr. Seward sustains Mr. Par'
in the telegraphic congratulation business, reeo-1;
mending an amicable settlement. The next char'
was made by Mr. Hale on his return from Par''
wherein Mr. Perry was accused of attempting; to ere3r.
a feud between him and a Spanish State Ministed
Perry's defence is termed a direct falsehood, 3.11
his letter a piece of unbecoming insolence and ;014.
subordination. Mr. Perry replies that Mr. Dale
complaint arose from his attempt to ignore hill'
a Charg6 d'Affaires during his absence. The sex
letter.of importance was from Mr. Hale, dated Feb,
8, 1868, wherein he declares the falsehood of ,Ir.
Perry to be met clearly, and shown by irresistible
testimony, concluding thus •---
"Mr. Seward, I claim it as an incontostible right jell;
as a man to defend my reputation when thus wanto ir
a
assaulted, as in the present case, and I am certainlY.°o
willin gto send in my resignation until this atrocle
calumny of Mr. Perry's can be refuted."
As usual with such quarrels, both combatants 31e
to be removed, so the fight will give as little pr°,
fit as pleasure to any one, except, perhaps, to the"
successors.

Foreign Mail Packet List.

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_

Fig°t"

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11t,q.,•0f The Ferns, Beckthenham.
PINNIGER—EVENDEN -On e Ist inst., at Bydo,vD,ri°ol),,r-Of
l'inniger, of Denb,igh House, Ryde, to Sarah,
the bite james Evenden, of Dover.

DEATHS.
BERING— On the 2d inst. at 11, Argyll-street, Revert'
street, Fredk. Hering, Eeq., architect. :aged 69.
g&Dm
od
HOODING—On the Ist inst., Warminster, Kitty
spinster, aged 91. Conl'
11ALLocx— On the 30th nit" Thomas lial/ock, Esq"
mander R.N., aged 69.
-...4

London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDILB
in No
No. 112, Strad, Printer, at THE SUN Oface, .112,
the Precinct n
of the Savoy, in the Lonnty of 310'11'35c
Tuesday, May 4, 1569.