The Sun.
London, England, 1856-12-18 00:00:00

LT")I4, TRURSDAY, DECEMBER 18, 1856

Loins NAp
()LEON has fallen into another
serious error. Re has committed what, according
to TALLETRAND,
far worse than a crime—"
blunder," and one or
a very grave and important
character. It is difficult to conceive how any man
of ordinary judgment could be so grossly misled
as to sap the foundations of the throne on which
he is placed. The only
suitable illustration of
the betiserie is that given by uIOGARTH of the
man sawing away a sign-post, While seated on the
portion that must be detached, and
with which
suitable
formidable
the operator must himself sustain a
fall. It may be regarded as a sequel
to the onslaughts against the Belgium and
English Press, although (if Possible) it
exceeds in folly either of these most
ridiculous exhibitions. They might be placed in
the same category with " biting the file," "kick-
ing ing against the pricks," or any other time.
honoured illustration of absurdity. •
But in the present instance the French Ema_
rEROR has gone much further. He has furnished
the despotic Governments with a weapon to be
used against himself, whenever a fitting occasion
may arise. He has ignored the authority by
which he has superseded the Legitimatists and
the Orleanists, and has given a direct sanction to
any attempts that may be made on the part of
either of the exiled families, and for foreign in-
terference to prevent the trials of those who may
have violated the laws, and shed the blood
of the defenders of established order,
and de facto Government in their reckless and
Abortive efforts. FREDERICK WILLIAM had far
inferior rights in Neuchatel than either the Count
CHAMBORD or PARIS in France. It was at least
a mere empty claim, conferring no real power,
and he had himself acquielsced in the results
arrived at by the unaeienceiS decisi • •on of the
people. All that he desired was the assertion of
an untenable claim, analogousto that put forward,
until a comparatively recent period, by the Sove-
to the French sceptre. I,
reigns of England
carried with it no substantial power or influence,

and the advocate par excellence of peace—the
Monarch who could not be stimulated to action
by any considerations of honour or expediency
during the Russian war is now prepared
to disturb the tranquillity of Europe !—in a per-
sonal quarrel of no real consequence to him-
self or any one else, except those who are defend-
ing their unquestionable rights and privileges.
The bark of Clicquot is well known to be worse
than his bite ; and his mysterious hints and
ominous announcements would speedily be for-
gotten but for the injudicious, we might almost
say the criminal, conduct of the French Govern-
ment. They have fanned the flame they under-
took to extinguish, and if war should arise it
will be solely attributable to the proceedings of
the volunteer peace-maker. Warlike Sir Lucius
CaRIGGER will force the German ACRES into the
arena, hinting thatthere is verysnug lying at Notre
Dame. It is indeed a case of personal vanity with
the second as well as the principal. The mediation
of France was requested by Prussia, and that
flattered his pride. It was most properly rejected
by the authorities of the Swiss Confederation, and
that irritated his amour propre. The advances of
Clicquot were regarded as " a courteous deference"
for his political situation, while the civil refusal
of the Federal Republic to permit its inalienable
rights and privileges to be frittered away is un-
hesitatingly designated as " a lamentable obsti-
nacy, an exaggerated susceptibility, and (hic ilia
lachrymce) a complete indifference to French
counsels."

All this is very bad. It is in the worst pos-
sible taste and feeling. But more remains be-
hind. There is a very significant intimation, a
scarcely concealed threat, that Switzerland must
" not be astonished if, in the course of events,
she should no longer find that good-will which
she might so easily have obtained at a trifling
sacrifice " This, in other words, is that France
is prepared to join with Prussia, because
her gratuitous offer has been civilly re-
jected—that she will strive to enforce a system
on the people opposed to their wishes and feel-
ings. Such a course might without any glaring
inconsistency be adopted by Russia or Austria,
but no amount of the spirit of Imperialism can
render congenial to the Government of the barri-
cades that which, whatever may now be the case,
was founded and for some time sustained on the
votes and the will of the people.

What is the Royal Agricultural Society for ?
Will somebody be good enough to tell us. Half
the controversies that have agitated the world
have either arisen or been greatly aggravated
through the want of proper definitions. Else-
where, in our present impression, is a complaint
against the society in question. It has done
something it ought not to have done, or rather
left undone something it ought to have done. So
says a correspondent of a morning contemporary.
To be more precise, he charges the Royal Agri-
cultural Society with having neglected to reward
or encourage merit,' in the person of Mr. FOWLER,
the inventor of a new steam-plough.
There can be no question, we imagine, as to
Mr. FOWLER'S being worthy of reward or encour-
agement. His invention, in point of fact, is so
deserving of approval that, despite the Society's
alleged neglect of the inventor, he is admitted to
be in the way of making a good thing of it, the
agricultural community recognising and appreci-
ating its value, and proving their appreciation by
applying it to the cultivation of their lands. The
question of merit being conceded, are there ade-
quate grouuds for charging the Society with ne-
glect of the inventor ? Was it its duty to reward
or encourage him ? If it was, the charge, we take
it, is established. If not—what is the Royal
Agricultural Society for ?
Let us glance at a fact or two in the case.
Here, at all events, we have the above Society
offering a prize of 500/. for " the steam cul-
tivator which shall in the most efficient
manner turn over the soil, and be an economical
substitute for the plough or spade." To this we
find appended the allegation that, of all the con-
tending parties, Mr. FOWLER was the only one
whose invention at all approximated to the fulfil-
ment of the prescribed conditions. The prize
was not given—no encouragement to Mr. FOWLER
was offered—though, with a paltry improvement
or two, his invention would have won him the
prize. This may have been properly withheld
But was he not entitled to some encouragement ?
In order to arrive at a conclusion we should know
what the Society is for. Is it for the promotion
of agriculture, by means of rewards offered to
those who contribute to its progress by superior
skill and invention ? If so—and what other
definition can we arrive at ?—the Royal Agricul-
tural Society is clearly culpable. Admit that it
was justified in withholding the prize, is it possible
to believe the society did not fail in its duty
when, with a confessedly naost important inven-
tion, so nearly approaching perfection, and which
must have cost the inventor so much money,
brought before it, the inventor was suffered to
leave the ground sans prize, sans medal, sans any
sort of tangible reward or honorary distinction ?
The interpretation of the matter seems to be
this. The society, judging it by this instance,
has outlived its original spirit, and what is left of
it is red tape. For anything we know to the
contrary the executive mean well, and are inno-
cent of any deliberate unfairness to Mr. FOWLER
or anybody else. If he had fulfilled the conditions
it is quite possible they would have been glad to
have given him the prize. Not having completely
fulfilled them, " a miss was as good as a mile,"
and Mr. FOWLER was to them a nonentity, like
the other competitors. What had they to do
with his anxious labour and exhaustive expendi-
ture throughout six long years ? That was his
look-out, not theirs. What public body nowadays
feels bound to enceurage the meritorious inventor?
He was lucky to have the chance of winning so
large a prize, and securing the advantages likely to
flow from it. We don't say the Executive
reasoned thus--we question if they gave the mat-
ter further thought. They but carried out " the
system." They followed, if unconsciously, the
example of Government, and societies having
kindred objects to their own. It may
even be urged in their favour—we cannot say
with what truth—they never dreamed of Mr.
Fc'wLEß:s being robbed of his invention under
the pretence
Of improvements on it, nor of taking
ad vantage
of such eobbery to their profit and his
hurt. They did not dally with him, they did
not dispute his rights or set others to question
them, they did not weary him with obstructions
.to look was well nigh broke. All they
ok at his invention, reject it, and
du
indt i
wl
ahsi s
a;aittiYo'n soafysewegrievous an error ! Pity
, 80 much can b.: said
ifno rgweaty hoi
fmp.
the Royal
Agricultural Society followed the
example of other and some more influential
bodies so far. Pity, above all, public feeling is
not so outraged by the neglect thus shown to
inventors as not to make the ranker and grosser
injustice hitherto dealt them as unsafe as it is
unwise. But recognising the want of ordinary
principle, the systematic and flagrant violation of
the common decencies of morality, in dealing
with merit which obtain in some of our Circurn.

locution Offices, it is impossible to be surprised.
Neglect is a venial offence compared with robbery
and heartbreaking.

The excitement on the subject of the iniquitous
Income Tax has increased, is increasing, and will

speedily arrive at the highest point. Meetings
are daily held in different districts throughout the
country, where the speakers express their calm

and deliberate determination to abate the social

nuisance, and to remove the obnoxious blot from
the National Statute-book, without a moment's
unnecessary delay. They have made up their

minds for its modification or abolition ; and nei-

ther the Government nor Parliament will dare to

resist the earnest pressure from without to which
they will speedily be subjected. Let the agitation,
then, proceed ; and if sufficient zeal and energy
be displayed on the part of the people, we can
promise an amount of success at no distant day
beyond the extent of their most sanguine expec-
tations. The inhabitants of the various parishes
in the metropolitan districts assembled on Tues-
day, as did also the Corporation of Dublin,
to give expression to their views, follow-
ing the precedent afforded a few days since by the
men of Southwark. Let others pursue a similar
course, and, if equal earnestness be displayed, the
battle will ba virtually gained even before the
meeting of Parliament.
We have already explained the nature of the
unfair and pettifogging arguments put forward to

justify the continuance of the rate at 16d. in the
11. until the sth of April, 1858. Should Sir G.
C. LEWIS persevere therein, he will prove that he
is, indeed, a worthy successor to Mr. GLADSTONE
—and prevent the people from ever again repos-
ing the slightest reliance on his honour and integ-
rity. We shall not, however, condemn him
before he has the opportunity of being heard in
his own defence. Thera is a locus penitentite, of
which he may avail himself at any time before
the delivery of the next financial statement, but
he should not permit the chance to pass away. His
political sentence will be pronounced if he at-
tempts to put forth the arguments now advanced
by comparatively irresponsible underlings. The
increased impost was granted for one year
from the sth of April, after the termination
of the war, that time being conceded for the pur-
pose of permitting the accounts to be wound up.
The Treaty was signed on the 30th March, but
although the ratification was delayed for some
weeks it was a mere formality, which could not
affect the spirit of the enactment in any shape or
form. If Sir G. C. LEWIS should attempt to take
advantage of mere words to enforce a claim not
sanctioned by Parliament, he must not only be
disqualified from holding the exalted position he
now occupies, but from the society of every
straightforward and honourable man.
Another point strongly objected to is the exten-
sion of the area of taxation, so as to grasp within
its meshes men at moderate weekly wages. Not-
withstanding the specious pretexts and elaborate
arguments of Mr. GLADSTONE addressed to his
favoured correspondent, Mr. PHELPS, of Birming-
ham, men in the receipt of some 101. per month,
strongly object to being made liable for special
calls. They are by no means anxious of being
permitted to rub shoulders with either the landed
or the monied aristocracy. He well knows that
on other occasions they ignore his existence,
and he requires no change for that occasion only.
But we will do justice to the numerous class
concerned in that extension. We believe that
they are more annoyed at the gross inequality
and palpable injustice of the so-called equal (!)
apportionment than at the amount. As a body
they would unhesitatingly agree to contribute
equitably towards the national exigencies. But
they cannot feel while they are drinking heavily
taxed tea, sweetened with well-taxed sugar—while
there is an extra Property Tax, charged on the
house they inhabit—while their beer and spirits
are subject to heavy imposts, that they should be
brought within the same regulations as the owner
of wide-spread domains, or the wealthy proprietor
of some hundreds of thousands of 3 per Cent.
Consols. That is the bitter part of the transac-
tion ; that it is that makes the iron really enter
into their souls. Render the assessment fairly
equitable, and you remove the main objection. It
may be impossible to prevent the occurrence of
some grievance. No merely human institution
can be made perfect, but we venture to assert
that there might be such an approximation as
would content, with few and rare exceptions, the
great body of the people.
The best, being the most equitable as well as
the most politic mode, is to tax all kinds and
descriptions of property according to its capitalised
value, without allowing any claim for exemption.
As we have already stated, any owner of property,
however trifling, is fairly liable ; nor will he, if
an honest man, shrink from the responsibility.
Ho will rather feel a pride in contributing his mite
towards the support of our national institutions
and establishments. He is a limited owner in fact,
subject to the State mortgage. But the person
who only possesses his own skill and industry is
in a very different position. There being nothing
tangible to tax he is subject to an inquisitorial
examination as to his earnings, and, most vexa-
tious of all, with wages that have already been
expended. In such cases the impost will prove
the insuperable obstacle to parties making
the first step towards improving their posi-
tion.

" That money makes money " is a

time-honoured adage, but when the first
scanty savings are carried off by the collector, or
possibly a debt contracted to satisfy his cravings,
the hopes of improvement are completely and
permanently frustrated.
The people, then, should strive to abolish the
Income, but retain the Properly Tax ; and, with
some slight modifications, they will satisfy the
claims of the National Exchequer in the most
equitable as well as the most expedient form.

We invite attention to a prospectus—the Mona
United Collieries Company, Limited, the object
of which is to develope the resources of cer-
tain Collieries situated in the most cent'
tral and best portion of the well-known coal
Basin of Mons, in Belgium. A portion of the
collieries is now in full work, comprising an area
of 2,000 acres, and yielding a profit of 40,0001. per
annum. The portion to be worked consists of an
area of 18,000 acres-156 well ascertained seams
running thro ugh their whole extent. This looks
well, and promises a fair field for investment.

Letters from Turin announce that as soon as the
Piedmontese Chambers shall have assembled, a bill for
a loan of 50 millions of livres will be presented.
The steamer Alhambra has brought is £21,489 in
specie, sad the Spanish screw steamer Hamburgo
£20,000, both from the Peninsular.
It is now estimated that the shipments of specie and
bullion by the steamer Indus will reach the sum of
£450,000 or £500,000, nearly all in silver. This
amount is very much larger than was anticipated a day
or two ago.
It is apprehended in some quarters that the threat-
ened war with Persia will tend to stimulate the efflux
of silver to the East.
At Hamburg there has been a further advance in the
rate of discount. About a fortnight back it had receded
to 41, but it is now again at 6 per cent.
The Lombardo-Venetian Railway Company have an
nounced a payment in London and Paris of 3f. 75c. per
share, being six months' interest at the rate of 5 per
cent. per annum.

FRANCE AND SWITZERLAND.

The following is the article in the At onitetcr, of
which a telegraphic summary appeared in our im-

pression of yesterday :

" The great Powers signed in 1852, at London, a
protocol stating the rights of the King of Prussia
on Neuchatel. The Government a the Emperor,
bound, like the other Cabinets, could not, what-

ever interest he might take in Switzerland, dis-
avow what has been consecrated by treaties.
" In 1848 a revolution took place at Neuchatel
and broke asunder the bonds which connected the
canton with the King of Prussia. That Sovereign
constantly protested against the new order of
things, making an express reserve of his rights,
and has never ceased to raise his voice in favour
of a portion of the population which complained of
being oppressed by the victors.
" In the month of September last the vanquished
party endeavoured to take its revenge, invoking
the name of the King. That attempt failed. The
canton was occupied by the Federal troops, and
the Neuchatelois taken with arms in hand were
brought before Swiss tribunals.

" this event would lead to a conflict between the
Helvetic Confederation and Prussia ; for the
tormer in advancing troops to re-establish order in
the canton of Neuchatel pretended to fulfil a Fede-
ral obligation ; Prussia, on her part, found her
honour engaged not to allow men to be tried who
had raised the standard of the King, and who,
according to. their conviction, were fighting for
right and justice.
_ _

" The attitude of the Government of France
from her geographical position must necessarily have
a marked influence upon the settlement of this
difference. Consequently, it was the interest of
both parties not to neglect anything to make sure
of its support.

" The King of Prussia addressed himself to the
Emperor, expressing to him, in emphatic language,
all the interest he felt for men compromised in his
cause. He begged his Majesty to request their
liberation, communicating to him at the same time
his conciliating dispositions.
" The French Government, happy to be able to
prevent a conflict between two Powers to which it
is bound by friendly intercourse, hastened to comply
with the request of King Frederick William, and,
strong in its good intentions towards Switzerland,
and with the knowledge of the conciliating senti-
ments of Prussia, it requested the liberation of
the prisoners.
" At the same time the Government of the Em-
peror did not conceal the happy results which that
concession might have, as it would become a sort
of obligation on the part of France to prevent any
armed conflict, and to exert itself to obtain from
the King of Prussia a final settlement of the ques-
tion conformable to the wishes of Switzerland.
"'Unhappily these wise considerations have not
been appreciated ; the counsels of France have
been rejected, and the Federal Government has
preferred to yield to democratical influences which
are agitated around it, rather than to comply with
well-meant counsels inspired solely by the desire of
effecting an amicable settlement of a question
which, pending too long already, might, if more
complicated, disturb the peace of Europe.
" Thus France has met, on the one hand, with
moderation, the sincere desire of terminating a
delicate question, and a courteous deference for
her political situation ; on the other hand, on the
contrary, a lamentable obstinacy, an exaggerated
susceptibility, and a complete indifference to her
counsels.
" Switzerland must not therefore be astonished
if, in the course of events, she should no longer
find that good-will which she might so easily have
obtained at the cost of a very slight sacrifice."

TEE COMMEIWIAL BANK OF LONDON.

Towards the conclusion of our report yesterday,
of the meeting held at the Commercial Bank, a
misprint occurred of too grave a character to be
left uncorrected :—it was

The Chairman, in returning thanks for himself
and directors, is made to say " We are able to pay
every shareholder 14s. (fourteen shillings) in the
pound :" whereas, what he did say, with reference
to the stability of the Bank, was, " Were we called
on, we could pay every depositor BACK HIS ➢iONEY
IN FULL ; and, in addition, 245. (twenty-four shil-
lings) to the shareholders."
Surely nothing could have been more satisfac-
tory than this ; and that, too, after a run of three
months ! We are glad to see The Times of this
morning follow up our denunciation, yesterday, of
the vagabonds who originally whispered about
the lying rumours.—[En. SuN.]

The details published yesterday of the trial of Snell, a
clerk on the Great Northern Railway for embezzlements,
and of,the shameful character of the late rumours circu-
lated to injure the Commercial Bank of London, afford
further illustrations of the way in which mischief may be
caused in the financial world by persons who, although
utterly reckless of the safety of their neighbours or of the
public, contrive to escape reprobation. The malpractices
of Snell, it appears, originated solely in unsuccessful
specu ations on the Stock-Exchange, and had he not
found brokers willing to undertake and carry them on,
he might possibly to this moment have preserved his cha-
racter. The facts, however, that he had only been a
few years in the company's employ, that he was well
known to have been taken into their service on account
of his having been left unprovided for by the death of
his father, a clergyman, and that he had, probably, a
salary of less than 1501., seem to have offered no im-
pediment to his finding individuals on the Stock-Ex-
change ready to conduct his operations. With regard
to the mean offenders who make it their business to
spread reports to break the credit of banks or commercial
firms, it may be hoped that the exposure given yester-
day of the nature of the attacks on the Commercial
Bank will stimulate the public in future to afford every
aid in defeating the folly or malice of such people. Just
to the degree in which a bank is well managed is its
liability to danger from this source, since such establish-
ments reject all questionable paper, and, nine times in
ten, the persona who concoct libels against them are
smarting from the annoyance of having been refused ac-
commodation—Times' City Article.