The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-29 00:00:00

owes more to us than to hint, for we have not
withdrawn our representative from Turin, much
less required the Piedmontese soldiers to evacuate
the towns which they had entered amidst the
acclamations of the inhabitants, We have not sent
troops to any town with Papal officials at their heels
compelling the inhabitants to flee by hundreds, not
indeed through fear of the French, but of those
whom the French brought with them—the impla-

cable agents of papal secular rule.
Hoping that the south of Italy is pretty secure of
its liberties, we look back again to the north—to
Venetia especially. To make sure of his dominion
there must have been the chief object for which
FRANCIS JOSEPH went on his knees to the King of
PRUSSIA and the CZAR at Warsaw. Things look,
however, as if nothing had been gained there;
and we may hope it will turn out to be so.
Austria is, in any case, doing her best
to strengthen herself in Venetia, and at
the same time to allay any suspicion that ale
means to take the offensive. The late rumours
at Paris respecting her intentions have given her
an opportunity distinctly to avow them, and it
will be observed that she makes the explana-
tion serve a double object. She uses it to
profess "sincerity" (Austrian sincerity!) in
regard to the reforms announced in the
diploma of the 20th of October, and to proclaim a
purely defensive and non-intervention policy in
Italy. She even says, specifically, that, " the
present armaments and concentration of troops have
no other object than that of repelling any attack."
If both these assertions are believed, she would
gain the double advantage of quieting Hungary in
her rear, while collecting an immense army at
Verona, sufficient to overwhelm Lombardy again
at an hour's notice, and perhaps to march to Turin
itself. Probably no party will believe a word
of any of these professions, beyond what
the Emperor of AUSTRIA can be com-
pelled to adhere to. Hungary would be mad
to rely on such a miserable constitution as she has
got, and Italy will certainly not trust the Power
which spends an amount of money so utterly dis-
proportioned to its means, in making itself strong
enough in Venetia for attack as well as defence.
Hence the sooner VICTOR EMMANUEL com-
pletes his work in the South the better.
Austria may think twice before she ventures an
attack when Italy is de facto united from north to
south, however she may have good reason to fear
an attack on her.

We hope something from Austria's fearing
Congress unless she can first secure the agreement
of the Great Powers to her own programme. It
would seem to show that she cannot get them at
present to back her, by guaranteeing Venetia.
Perhaps both Russia and Prussia after all shrink from
this, and however much our Court may wish it, and
however much our Premier and Foreign Secretary
might wish to please the Court, it would certainly
cost our Ministers an ignominious expulsion from
office were they to pledge this country even to the
opinion that Austria ought to retain Venetia. All
the better part of Toryism, as well as the united
Liberalism of the kingdom would repudiate their
acts. The fact of Austria's objecting to a Con-
gress, and an immediate one, is the more important,
because no step could be so favourable to FRANCIS
11. If he could but hold Gaeta till a Congress met
he might be certain that the monarchs would deal
with him as the real King of the country, and ignore
GARTBALDI and Universal Suffrage; but, if Austria
would save him by Congress, it is an affair almost of
hours. It is possible that Austria may believe the
story of his treacherous offer to Sardinia to join in
an attack upon her, and may not care to save him,
much as she would like to save despotism in Naples.
Things are apparently fast approaching the crisis
in which two questions will have to be seriously
asked—Can Austria retain a part of Italy against
the will of all Italy ? And can France be allowed
to mar Italian Unity and retain disproportionate
power there under pretence of protecting the POPE ?

The European Powers are quite plainly and re-
cognisably loosening in various directions prepara-
tory to another re-arrangement.
The Treaty of Vienna has long since been no
better than waste paper. It was blurred originally
by the bungling hands of the despots themselves.
Let Cracow alone attest this—its name will be
sufficient. It became a deed of the past, a docu-
ment entirely and irretrievably obsolete directly
the BOURBON dynasty had been replaced by the
BONAPARTE. The one object of the Holy Alliance
(so called) was the displacement of NAPOLEON
from the throne of France, and the dissipation of
the hopes of his descendants. The attainment :of
this object was signalised by the replacement there
of the old race of the BOURBONS. That achieve-
ment ended as such when the third of the sons of
the DAUPHIN, who was the heir of Louis XV,—when
CHARLES X. succeeding his two elder brothers,
Louis XVI. and Louis XVIII., alike in Kingship
and in misfortunes—was driven into exile by the
explosion of the July Revolution. Sixteen years
afterwards, the wily chief of the younger branch
of the ancient dynast,y inihis turn was driven forth
from the palace of the CADETS into exile like
CHARLES Dix," as he said, to pass the remainder
of his days, " like CHARLES DIX" in the repose and
seclusion of a disused palace of Great Britain,
Louls PHILIPPE having only Claremont for his
Holyrood. Afterwards came the trois mois of the
Provisional Government. After that the deadly
battle of June in Paris, and out of that deadly
battle CAVAIGNAC'S honest, vigorous, republican
dictatorship. Then from the urn of the ballot
emerged—" a name"—another BONAPARTE was
installed as chief of the democracy. It was the
beginning of the end again—history once more

... _
repeated itself. Then came a new 18th Brumaire
—plots and counterplots—closing, as in the first
chapter of the history of the first BONAPARTE, with
a fusillade and cannon shot sweeping through the
streets of the French capital. There were oaths
broken—there was bloodshed—there were abun-
dant reasons for grief and indignation.
But most lamentable of all, there was
the ultimate result still, as of yore,
to look upon at the close of all those beau-
tiful dreams of an emancipated democracy. 7he
glorious illusion was at an end, and in place of a
Free Republic, there was again at the head of
France a rigorous military despotism, with another
BONAPARTE as Imperator. The Treaty of Vienna
—bloodstained now as well as blurred—was in the

dust, an object of general scorn and derision. A
year ago it was finally torn across and ripped into
tatters by the sword of Solferino. For all practi-
-11 cal purposes in Europe,
at this time, it might have
been signed, that wonderful Treaty of Vienna, two
hundred and forty-five years
ago, instead of forty-
five. It is as much a thing of the past as though
it had—it is as wholly and entirely obsolete. In-
somuch is it at length recognised, on all hands, that
it is so even among the great Powers of the North,
eire,n in the Councils of Berlin, Vienna, and St.
Petersburg',
that the chiefs of these great Powers '
have been drawn together now very recently in
Warsaw, preparatory to the arrangement of a new
European Congress, preliminary to the negotiation
of a Fresh Treaty to supersede that old blurred,
bloodstained, torn, utterly obsolete, and LOYD-