The Sun.
London, England, 1860-08-03 00:00:00

.sue of Manchester, Liverpool, and Birmingham being
preserved from falling into the hands of an enemy. He
believed that in times like this, when changes were taking
pLace that would make war ten firms mom destructive and
perhaps impossible—which Heaven grant—the only course
filer an honest and economical government to take was to go
slowly, cautiously, and inquiriagly to work, and not to com-
mit themselves to a vast and extravagant expenditure which
a short experience might- stow to be of no value at all.
(Hear, hear.) Besides the commission there had been a
committee, of which the Duke of Cambridge was at the
head. This committee said that the public would be satis-
fied with the measures that were being taken to put the
Channel feet, which formed our first line of defence, in an
efficient state. Then they said that doubtless the public
mind would also be satisfied with the fortifications proposed
by the commissioners, which (if efficiently garrisoned)
would place our arsenide out of the reach of sudden de-
struction by a foreign force, whether on land or at sea. The
house would see that the committee did not say the fortifi-
cations would give our arsenals absolute security, but would
only protect them from sudden destruction. (Hear, hear.)
Next they expressed their opinion that having reference to
the changes introduced by steam, our army was of a very
insufficient magnitude : and they trusted that steps would
be taken to make the army of a scale corresponding with
that of the navy. Now, what did that mean ? Our navy
was larger than any other in the world—was it intended
that our army should exceed the army of any other power ?
(No.) He understood that the committee did not mean
that ; but they might to define with precision what they
did mean. (Hear, hear.) Then they said further that
these said volunteers of whom they heard so much—and
really he hardly knew some of his acquaintances, so changed
were they in their new habiliments—(laughter)—the com-
missioners utated that these,said volunteers and the militia
could only be relied upon in the case of a grave emer-
gency. The ordinary defences were therefore to be trusted
to the regular soldiers, and the volunteers and militia
were only to come in when one of these great emergencies
turned up. Lastly, the committee said there was another
subject which appeared to them of very great importance,
though it was not included in the terms of their reference—
they meant the Channel Islands and the sea surrounding
them (mark the absurdity I) as a naval station. The com-
mittee would now be able to comprehend the expenditure
into which they were invited to launch—so far indeed as any
ane could comprehend what was incomprehensible. (Laugh-
ter.) If there was any doubt as to the particular quality
which was ascribed to these gentlemen, it was supplied in a
letter which they wrote to Lord Overstone, bearing, of
course, a great official seal, and expressed with the usual
pomp of official language. Lord Overstone was accounted
an eminent authority upon certain things. He was a man
of prodigious wealth; and like many of them when they
got older, especially if they were never very robust, he had
become exceedingly timid. (Laughter.) But what was it
that those gentlemen asked Lord Overstone ? They de-
sired to know what were his lordship's views if England
were invaded. If he had not been a lord and a millionaire,
it was quite clear that they would never ;have thought of
asking him; but how could the fact
of being a lord and a
millionaire make a man an authority upon a great question
of national defences ? (Hear.) However, the commis-
sioners inquired the noble lord's views as to the effects upon
the commerce and manufacturers of the country that would
follow the landing of an invading army ? " Would such a
state of things," they asked, "be compatible with a con-
tinuance of the ordinary operations of trade and commerce ?
(Loud laughter.) Would not the evils of such a state of
things be 133 intolerable that the people would force the Go-
vernment to a peace at any cost to the honour, the wealth,
and the future greatness of the country ?" (Laughter.)
The answer of Lord Overstone showed a simplicity which
was positively charming. First, he said that money
would be withdrawn from savings banks. (Great laughter.)
Then he said that money would also be taken out of the
country banks and from all persons—here the shop peeped
out—holding money at call. (Laughter.) He said further,
and here he showed some discretion, that it was " useless
to discuss what would happen when London had fallen into
the hands of an invader. (Cheers.) Seeing the exhibition
that Lord Overstone had made, he (Mr. Bright) felt thank-
ful that he was not a lord and a millionaire, or the commis-
sioners might have been patting questions to him. (Laugh-
ter.) The right hon. gentleman. (Mr. Herbert) talked as if
this question could not be debated, and as if it was obvious
that what the Government proposed was the right thing to
do. But was there anythlng in the world that they could
be asked to do, and would do upon such counsel as that
which he had read ? It was like a man who could not be
shown to be ill having a dozen doctors coming to discuss
his health and r;ach offering him a different prescription.
Surely in such, a case the man would be likely to rise and
drive the whole dozen doctors away. Every one of the au-
thorities vino had been consulted recommended something
different from the rest, and each said that unless his plan
were adolpted they would have no security. It appeared to
him tkat if they adopted all they were asked, they would
have. no diminution of panic, and in fact nothing but
an interminable expense. (Hear.) But now he would ask,
bad the country done nothing in the way of national de-
fences ? In 1835 our warlike expenditure was only
£12,000,000. In 1853 it was between £15,000,000 and
£16,000,000; while in 1860 they had voted £30,000,000.
(Hear, hear.) And had they made any approach
to security? Not the least. On the contrary, there was
not then nearly the feeling of insecurity that had sprung
up of late years. The noble lord quoted the Duke of Wel-
lington. The Duke of Wellington did a great deal for his
order during his life, and somebody had persuaded him to
leave it a legacy when he died. But he (Mr. Bright) would
rather look to the acts of the duke when he was twenty
years younger, when with Sir Robert Peel he brought in
those moderate estimates which he felt to be sufficient. In
1851, soon after he wrote the letter in question, everybody
knew that the duke was much more nervous and irritable
thaa he was when he was younger. He fancied that
at the opening of the Great Exhibition the country
was running a great peril. He thought that all the
refugees in Europe, and everybody who was discontented,
would come over under pretence of attending thaExhibi-
tion, and would dethrone the Queen, put the House of
Lords into the Thames, and overturn everything that Eng-
lishmen were supposed to hold in reverence. He therefore
advised that as many troops as could be brought together
should be drawn round London, and accordingly 30,000
ram were gradually brought near the metropolis, in order
to save the Queen and Court when they went to open the
Great Exhibition. With that fact before him he was not
bound to take the opinion of the Duke of Wellington.
(Hear.) The noble lord had contributed in his speech the
other day to create the evil impression which existed in the
public mind. The noble lord had misstated the facts, for he
said, " You know the exertions which the French Govern-
ment are making to create a navy equal, or very nearly
equal, to our own." In that.the noble lord stated what he
could not know to be true. For what were the facts? There
was no concealment about the matter, for the English Go-
vernment did not allow either foreigners or Englishmen to
go through their arsenals and dockyards with anything like
the frankness with which the French Government allowed
strangers to ,e-0 through theirs. In 1858 the number of men
in the French navy was 30,000, the number in the English
was 59,000. In 1860 the number in the French navy had
only been increased by 500, whereas the number in the
English had been raised to 84,100. (Cheers.) Would any-
body get Up and deny that fact ? Again, it was notorious
that in 1857 the French Government openly adopted a
scheme by which they expected that in 14 years they would
have 40 line-of-battle ships, 15 being first class, and 25
second class vessels. That was the scheme which had been
proceeded with, and about which there had been no conceal-
ment or deception whatever, Again, what was the ex-
penditure on the French navy? Their budget only showed
a charge on that account of £5,600,000. It was quite pos-
sible that the expenditure might go somewhat beyond the
estimates; but adding a million, and calling it £6,600,000,
it did not come near half what we had spent. Let it be re-
membered that engines coat more in France than in Eng-
land, and how was it possible they could have a navy any-
thing like ours ? At least if they had, the noble lord the
Secretary to the Admiralty ought at once to be driven from
office and be made to give place to somebody who would
spend the money of the English tax payer with more eco-
nomy and with a better result. (Cheers.) There had been
the same exaggeration as to Cherbourg, but that had passed
away. He had been shown an important letter from a cor-
respondent in the Army and Navy Gatette. He said that he
been allowed to go all over the place, and that he had found
very little doizig. There was very little going on in the way
of preparations in the arsenal; and he saw only one soli-
tary mason. There was no vessel in the dock but a small
sloop and a revenue cutter. The digue, a ith its long line
of guns, appeared equally deserted. He saw the frigate
Normandie which had frightened several admirals inEng-
land. (Laughter.) They told him that they were not doing
much with their frigates blindees there; but that they were
somewhere else. At Toulon or Brest they would, no doubt,
have told him that they were very busy at Cherbourg. The
writer said that having seen the Normandie, he felt much
better satisfied as to the peaceable intentions of the French
Government than he should have been by a dozen articles
of M. Grandguillot, or official remonstrances in the lifoni-
,,,T*. (Hear.) He (Mr. Bright) should not be surprised
ce were told that it was quite true that nothing was doing
shiptiZrn, but that it was all a blind; for some, day the
Cher-
bourg, and
other ports would be brought round to Cher-
(Laughter. then. they would see what they would see.
persuade
a)nillanewwhas aware that he might justas well try to
tended everybody was trying to poison
him, that site',
a feeling.
He
onesez the case, as attempt to combat such
one ay as was
conc: a person who had this fancy ; and
hotel at Der he
by the poor him him from that beautiful
bread they gave me ir:rloshai(l, "Didn't you notice the
,
that any attempt to argne Wit hon, member) soon found
.1
Yhe might try andern was thrown away. In
IrA a low that there were neither
no.:. mon, nor yet a-naval exenditur •
lie en the pttrt of the French Governmeanntivonia.ellfiecerliangpion-
,..,,ot
iutaton—but it
the French mind, to justify the fear of
would be no manner of uie. The idea had
heads, just ft,, the idea that the bread was poisoneudp,e".le's
(Laught7l'Phoet
into the head of this unfortunate lunatic.
Secretary for War had turned round and cast upon the People
the same reproach which had ever been thrown upon them
by men in office, and which he (Mr. Bright) was prepared
ta denounce' not only as hypocrisy but asa. erinie—The.!:loble
/on' .said that the-people were favourable to this expenditure.

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