The Sun.
London, England, 1869-02-10 00:00:00

a,v, Tay -the supposed strongholds of years, Sir JOHN
LA WRE.NCE stood firm. He bad from the first
sought to identify himself with the people whom he
ruled, to enter into their feelings, to speak their lan-
guage, to understand their history, to tolerate
their r eligion. A striking example to those Eng-
lishmen. who think it beneath them to show the
smallest consideration for the reople whom they
have undertaken
_to rule, Sir JOHN LAWRENCE, in
this as in all else, consulting his sense of right, en-
deavoured faithfully and manfully to do his duty
in their behalf. In the hour not of local but of im-
perial danger, in the time of alarm, of suffering, and
of anxiety almost unparalleled, when the bravest
were temporarily disheartened and the wisest for a
time paralyzed, Sir JOHN LAWRENCE reaped his re-
ward. The Punjab was the stronghold of the Eng-
lish power in India. Lying far from the capital, out
of reach of rapid or immediate communication with
the coast, bordered by those wild and warlike races
who have occasioned some of our bitterest and
fiercest wars, men sail at the first ru-
mour of wide spread revolt that it would
certainly spread to the Punjab. Mail after
mail was eagerly scanned with the full anticipa-
tion that the news must come, that where so many
wise and able men had failed to maintain authority,
where the natives were daily gaining in strength and
confidence, the wild hill tribes must certainly break
out in open defiance. We may find the explanation
of the story in Sir JOHN'S own words, spoken simply
and feelingly at the grand Calcutta banquet. "In
the early days of my service in India," he said, " I
lived much among the people with whom my lot was
cast. I won their confidence, and obtained their
goodwill. I learnt to understand their character,
and succeeded in gaining an influence over their
minds. During the terrible crisis of 1857 I profited
by these advantages, and was able to decide promptly
as to the best course to pursue, as one difficulty follow-
ed another. was fortunate enough to find the chiefs
and people of a great and warlike province willing
to rally round me, and trust to my guidance. They
did right loyal service to me. I owe much to them."
Of what practical, as well as moral value, that service
was, we may judge from Sir JouN's own words, when
he tells us that from the Punjaub alone from first to
last, not fewer than eighty thousand native soldiers
were ranged on our side during the mutiny. The
Viceroy, indeed, believes that without the aid of the
natives who were friendly to us throughout the coun-
try we should not have weathered the storm. Our
countrymen were overmatched in the struggle, and
the odds against them would have been overwhelming
had they not been zealously aided by the loyal natives.
Sir JOIIN seized the oppOrtunity to impress upon
his hearers the importance of cultivating friendly and
cordial relations with the people among whom they
dwelt. The advantages of a conciliatory and kindly
bearing towards the natives of India might not, in.
deed, be so apparent in quiet times as in seasons of

consider the belligerency question, to which, indeed,
the greater part of the correspondence relates.
It is only too likely, therefore, when the treaty
reaches America in its official form, that the decla-
mation now sounding so loudly across the water will
entirely cease. If the Convention admits, as it seems
to do, of our recognition of the South being brought
before the commission, it is hard to imagine what
the United States can demand beyond this. But,
presuming that the Senate discovers the elasticity
of the Convention and accepts it accordingly, in
what position will the British nation find itself ? The
consequences of a decision being given against us—
of the commission or its umpire deciding that the
recognition of the South was wrong—are but a minor
consideration. It is true that such an award would
involve us in an endless liability; that England would
probably have to pay, not merely the cost of
vessels destroyed, but, as General GRANT is said
to put it, the damage inflicted upon the
American commerce by its being driven off the seas,
and likewise, perhaps, the cost of the war, which is
supposed to have been retarded for a year by such
recognition. But the money loss is not the question.
The British Gdvernment, as represented both by Con-
servative and Liberal Ministries, has considered this
question at length, and all the different British
statesmen have come to one conclusion : the recog-
nition of the South as a belligerent Power could not
be submitted to arbitration. England did not recog-
nise the South until the North had set the example,
and, further, all the chief States of Europe except
Russia did the same, and yet no demand was pre-
ferred against any of them. Our Foreign Secretaries
found nothing in Mr. SEWARD'S despatches to induce
them to change their opinion. If, then, for
several years we have deliberately taken one
view of this dispute, how can we change
it now ? and if we were wrong and ought
sooner ? The dilemma seems to be complete in any
case. Either that the Americans will not accept the
convention, or England must perform an act of leek

eating unparalleled in history. The denothizent o:
Lord STANLEY'S foreign policy promises at present
to be the reverse of triumphant.

LATEST INTELL MENU.

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)

extraordinary danger or excitement ; but he begged
them to remember that no business, whether of a
private or of a public character, could thoroughly

prosper unless the natives:of the country were largely
employed in it. Hi 3 words were received with

such warmth of applause as gave reason to

hope that they had struck home; that the judges,
and councillors, and governors who sat round the bril-

liant table, coupling them with the simple sentences
which had told of the one brightpage in India's darkest

record, acknowledged that the moral was too clear to

be disputed ; and felt that the highest and the wisest

ruler of them all might well be proud to follow in
the footsteps of him whom England acknowledged as
the saviour of her Eastern empire, and who was

,hat day, " having, by GOD'S help, surmounted the

difficulties and the accidents incidental to a long and
varied career in a foreig❑ land, about to lay down
with satiohiction and thankrulneza LLv ts,cat, 0/11,. of
Viceroy of India."

IT is with much regret that we again revert to the
interminable Alabama difficulty. After the question
was thought to be so fully disposed of, it was only
unfavourable intelligence which could again bring it
before public notice. The merits of the dispute had
been argued to exhaustion, negotiations for a settle-
ment were formally opened and carried on to com-
pletion, and at length the nation was decisively
informed from the highest quarters that the quarrel
between England and America was at an end. But,
in truth, not only is the chance of a settlement still
doubtful, but the terms agreed upon are such as
render it exceedingly questionable whether we ought
to hope for their success. The Convention on one
important point is so ambiguous as to give rise to
general dissatisfaction on the other side of the
Atlantic, and a not ill-founded apprehension on this.
The great :.point of dispute, the recognition of the
South as a belligerent, is wholly ignored in the
official document. The Convention leaves it abso-
lutely an open question whether this most important
point of dispute is to be referred to the Commission
along with the rest, or whether our Government
has, as before, reserved it. In the United States
the Convention meets with no favour what -
ever. The dominant party, as represented by
its organs, is wholly opposed to it, and even of the
Democrats but a portion are inclined to accept it.
General GRANT is represented upon very good autho-
rity to have expressed an opinion in accordance with
that of the party which elected him. Altogether we
are led to believe that the probability of the Senate
sanctioning the treaty is of the most meagre descrip-
tion. It is difficult to ascertain precisely what the
Americans want, partly because it is always necessary
to discount Transatlantic expressions of sentiment, and
partly because the horizon of American demands on
this subject has constantly widened with the lapse of
time. But there is reason to believe that the refer-
ence of our recognition of the South, which Mr.
SEWARD has always demanded and our Ministers
have always refused, is now, as before, the chief
difficulty, and that the rejection of the treaty will
arise from the want of provision to meet this portion
of the case.

But, on the other hand, it is but too probable that
the Convention, though it makes no direct allusion to
the recognition of the South, is so vaguely constructed
as to admit of the question being brought in. The
copy of the treaty first published in the New
York journals had been sent by telegraph,
and it now appears that there was an important
difference between the version received at
Washington and the official document actually
signed here. The telegraphic report not only con-
tained no allusion to the belligerency question, but
contained no provision under which the reference of
that part of the dispute could possibly fall. The
second article, according to the Atlantic Cable, provided
that the commissioners should decide the various
claims submitted to them only upon such evidence
as should be furnished by their respective Govern-
ments. The official text is very different. It states
clearly that all the official correspondence between
the two Cabinets shall be submitted, and that it
is only as to other documents and infor-
mation that the respective Governments can
exercise any control. The official correspon-
dence must in any case go before the com-
missioners. Now it was in this long series of letters
between Earl RUSSELL and Mr. SEWARD, and espe-
cially between Lord STANLEY and the American
Minister, that the whole question of recognising the
South as a belligerent was argued ad nauseam. It
was in this famous passage of arms that Mr.
SEWARD exercised to the full his delight
in writing long despatches, and it is in these letters
that ill-disguised threats of war are to be found. If
the commission must, as a preliminary, consider
this endless tissue of argument, it is difficult, if not
impossible, to avoid the conclusion that it must also

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, 1869.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
PARIS, TUESDAY, February 9.
The Liberti devotes an article to the important question
" Who is to be the successor of the Pope ?" Considering
that his Holiness is still alive at the Vatican, and, though
unwell, by no means in actual danger of life, most people
would be of opinion that the discussion was premature.
But the LibertO finds ground for serious apprehension, not
in the state of the Pope's health, but in the necro-
mantic decision that no Pope can occupy the Pontifical
chair for more than 25 years. Out of 258 Popes who have
ruled the Catholic Church only three have reigned 24
years, and not one, except Saint Peter, has completed the
quarter of a century. Now, as Pius IX. enters upon his
24th year on the 17th of next June, the Liberte sees in this
a grave reason for considering his successor. His
Holiness has a good constitution, is the most tern-
perate of men, regular in his habits, takes daily walks,
but yet be is himself, the Libcrte is assured, under the in-
fluence of the legend, and believes that lie will not live to
see the assembly of the General Council. .Yon videlis
a 727103 Petri is one of the most prominent topics in ecclesi-
astical circles. Some believe that the General Council,
before separating, will designate, by its vote,
the successor of Pius IX. The Libertj, how-
ever, hardly believes this possible. What is
just possible is that the council may make
a change in the mode of electing Popes. It is not un-
known at the Vatican that several bishops intend to call
the attention of their brethren to this grave question, and
Rome is at present much occupied with this matter. The
question was raised at the Council of Trent, but it was
not submitted to the serious deliberation of that
tumultuous assembly, and has never been broached since.
But now many prelates are of opinion that in the
present state of the Church the selection of the Pope
should not be for the future the exclusive right of a
small number of Italian cardinals. They argue that an
Italian is sure to be chosen in that case ; whereas, by
widening the privilege of voting, a French Pope might
be secured, which would he the surest mode of saving
the temporal power. I shall add no comments to this
article of tbe Liberte„ It does not throw out any hint
as to what the probable " extension of tne tranchise ' will
be, but it is positive that the subject mutt sooner or later
receive attention.
The "moribund Parliament" of France does not cut a
very glorious figure in its declining days. It cannot signa-
lise itself by any question like that of the Irish Church,
and, so far as its present business is concerned, it might as
well give way to its successor at once. Yesterday the
Corps L6gislatif met and received two reports. One of
these related to the cession of a donsanial ground in the
city of Toulouse, in order to establish there a Protestant
Church in a larger space. The present site is insufficient
by reason of the increase of the Protestant population.
This, with other matters, is neither important nor
interesting enough to warrant a compte rendu analytique
of the length of a column. The hope that the Corps
Legislatif should do something to relieve the world of
France from its dullness has yet to be realised. The Greek
difficulty Las become hopelessly uninteresting.
Paris, in fact, cares nothing about Greece, or the Corps
.I,6gislatif, or any other political dismal swamp. The one
topic of interest is the great drama of real life in which
the count and his bonbons, and the- lady of the demi-
monde, the erring duchess, and the doomed duke, are
the central characters. The story, though incredible, is
real. All the names of the actors have been disclosed.
The Polish count is named Kzidniakowski, his
accomplice, a medical student, who was to prepare
and supply the bonbons, is named Marson ; the lady who
informed the police instead of murdering the Duke, is
Madame Belval alias Mdlle. de Narbonne, and the doomed
Duke is the Due de Beauffremont. It appears that
Madame Belval never saw the 20,000 francs, for the Count
did not possess them. Though his mother enjoys a good
income in Poland, the means supplied to her son are very
restricted, so much so, that the portable property found on
him consisted largely of pawn tickets. At first the Count told
Mdlle. Belval that a farce only was in contemplation, and
that she was to write a letter to the Duke appointing a
rendezvous at the ball. She refused, and the Count wrote
himself. On Saturday, at five o'clock, he informed her that
the real design was to get the Duke out of the way by a
poisoned bonbon. He then went away, appointing mid-
night as the time for going to the ball. No sooner was
he gone than Madame Belval got into a carriage, and
went to seek a commissioner of police. One was not at
home, another disbelieved her story, and she was sent
about from one place to another for about four hours.
At length the functionary who lived in the same quarter
as Madame Belval managed to get out of bed, and went
with a colleague to her residence. She, who had preceded
them, opened the door, and pointed to the boudoir where
the Count now was. They went in and searched him,
finding 241 f. and some pawn-tickets, but no bonbons.
"But I forgot to tell you," said Madame Belval, " that
an etc....puce 13 inwaitiub at the bottom of the staircase."
With divers nameless expressions one of the commissaries
rushed out and found the young student. He was arrested,
and conducted up the staircase, which.was intensely dark.
Whilst going up, the commissioner heard something
fall, he lighted a snatch, and there were the bonbons. The
Count has since attempted to commit suicide in prison.
The affair will be profitable, at least, to the lady of the
demi-monde, who will lose nothing by refusing £BOO
for committing a murder. She stood only in the
second rank of ladies of her class ; now she
has risen to the first. The Jockey Club has sent a depu
tion to thank her for saving the Duke's life !

One scandal produces another. It is now reported that
the ex-King of Naples' uncle has run away with an
American beauty.

A man has just been condemned at Vienna to three
months' imprisonment for offensive language against the
Empress Maria-Theresa. This august lady died in 1780.
It is difficult to divine what sort of satisfaction this punish-
ment can be to the dead, and even to the enraged living
such retribution must be poor.

THE WEATHER TABLE,-THIS DAY.