The Sun.
London, England, 1869-06-24 00:00:00

Wl' OF TILE; PUBLIC :TOUILYALS.

The Times remarks that when the time stall arrive for
the historian to describe the real working of our Constitu-
tion he will have to devote a chapter to the representatives
of big towns. No class in the House of Commons has
more distinctly marked characteristics, and no class has
such a principle of increase within it, threatening to
swallow up less distinctly marked varieties of members of
Parliament. The representative of a big town has,
indeed, something in common with the county
member, but their differences are clear and un-
mistakable. The county member has generally
been governing all his life. He is put in the
commission of the peace as soon as he becomes of age ; he
attends sessions, is a member of the financial committee,
a visiting justice, perhaps a chairman, besides presiding
at the board of guardians in his own neighbourhood.
The town representative probably possesses as much natural
ability, but he has unfortunately, become a ruler of men
only late in life.
.Hence his most striking peculiarities. He
is a singular inixture of strength and weakness. He has been
in business from his youth, and is intimately acquainted with
its details, but has never had time to reflect on its princi-
ples, and blunders in and out of economic truth and error
with happy innocence. He is a Liberal, of course, but has
a very faint notion of the basis of Liberalism, and is con-
tent fur Lis own part with accepting what most people
think. Ignorant of the history of the past, of the experi-
vce of coutemperary nations, and of the precious results
of political study, be is like a giant stronglimbed Lut en-
trained to use his strength ; with good intentions, yet
wanting the means to direct his efforts; possessing native
sense, yet liable to be beguiled by the first catching phrase,
the first plausible suggestion that arrests his notice.
The Standard observes that there have been many dis-
putes as to which has been the uuwisest act of the present
Government. There can be none .as to which has been
the wisest. The Prime Minister performed it on Tuesday
night when substantially he cancelled the scheme for
fixing the law courts in Howard-street, and left the ques-
tion to. the adjudication of a select committee. To Mr.
Lowe in his horror at the commissioners,. and all that
concerned them, it seemed an infinitesimal thing to throw
away everything that ten weary years bad been Preparing
for us, and propose beginning the whole affair de novo on
a worse site. We may accept the recantation of Tuesday
night as the admission of the most competent of autho-
rities that the House is wiser than its present leaders.
It amounts to a double testimony—as much now from
Ministers as formerly from their censors—that Par-
liament cannot follow a wiser principle than the one it
accepted when it declined to leave the erection of the new
law courts to. the unassisted responsibility of the Govern-
ment of the day. The important point is, whether -the
Embankment site, with. its two facades on the river and
Strand, offers the better spot fur a fine building. It is
possible, perhaps, whatever the probabilities may be, to
spend nearly the same amount of money and timein either
situation if we intend to be prodigal, and it is not much
worth contesting, if the Strand be thrown open equally to
both, what amount of superiority either may have as to
facility of approach or proximity of situation. The real
question will be found to be—Does the Embankment offer
such an advantage as a building site that we may incur
the large scale of expenditure and relinquish all the ad-
vantages of the old investment in order to secure it? Io
the opinion of the Standard there is no such superiority.
The Post observes that the House of Lords was on Tuesday
night led by Lord Romilly into a discussion upon the
manners observed during its debates, the discussion of
which, if it had no other result, chewed how difficult it is
to lay down and toprocure theobservance of any inflexible
rule in such matters, and how necessary it is to allow a
degree of latitude varying with varying circumstances.
Lord Salisbury suggested that the Peers "should abate
somewhat of that jealousy which they manifest with
regard to the noble and learned lord on the woolsack, and
should place in his hands the power of keeping order"
throughout the House. Lord Redesdale, however, and
the Lord Chancellor himself, both pointed out that the
position of the Chancellor, who is neither elected by
the members of the House over which he presides, nor
can be assumed to be impartial as between them,
precludes the grant to him of the same absolute authority
as is exercised by the Speaker of the Commons. Finally,
Lord Beauchamp cited an instance to shew that even the
subordinate officers of the House whose peculiar duty it is
supposed to be to keep order are themselves sometimes
even greater offenders than either the Peers or the
strangers. Thus, as it appears that there is no authority
that can be trusted to rule, and no executive that could be
trusted to enforce its decrees, it may be that it will be
better to leave the matter much as it is left now, to the
good sense and good taste of all those who are concerned;
and we trust that the result will be that the Peers will
indulge in less of the " general conversation," and the
gallery in less of that " applause," which are so depre-
cated, though we confess we should look with greater
complacency upon irregularity in the gallery than upon
irregularity among the Peers themselves, for the one is
never provoked but by a good, while the other arises from
a bad, speech.

The Lail y News declares that Lord Cairns is too stiff
and formal fur the smaller business of parliamentary
leadership ; lie has not the intuitive and penetrating
sagacity which would make him equal to its greater exi-
gencies. On the first testing occasion he has been found
signally wanting. He has neither judgment which his
followers can trust, nor the eager impulse which sways
them. Coldly to echo their passion, and to give logical
shape to their prejudice, is his office. In other words,
Lord Cairns is essentially a follower, and not a leader.
There is only .one man in the House of Lords who
can rule and lead the Conservative party, and he is
the Marquis of Salisbury. His endowments present
such a blending of extrinsic and personal gifts, of
merits and of- faults, of qualities which place him on a
level with his party and of qualities which give him
ascendancy over it, as marks out its possessor as the
natural representative and chief of Conservatism in the
House of Lords. But while Mr. Disraeli is at the head
of the party, Lord Salisbury would probably feel some
scruple at assuming the second place, and acting in concert
with and subordination to his old colleague, and his older
and newer enemy. Mr.. Disraeli may be on with the
young Marquis as soon as he is off with the old Earl.
He may acquire an influence over Lord Salisbury equal to
his influence over Lord Derby. He is essentially a tamer
of men. •subduing Lord Salisbury he may heal the
discord of the Conservative party; .hut he will scarcely
achieve this result on easier terms. •

The liercela examines the return moved for by Sir
Thomas Tiateson respecting agrarian crime in Ireland, and
distinctly charges Mr. Gladstone and his colleagnes, but
Mr. Gladstone in the first place and chiefly, with these
"excesses." To them and to him, and mostly to him, is
due sixty per cent. ofthe "other agrarian outrages" com-
mitted in Ireland since the Ist of last December. To
them and to him, and mostly to him, is duo one hundred
and sixty per cent. of the threatening letters sent during
the same period. And, finally, to them and to him, and
mostly to him, is due nearly five hundred per cent. of the
agrarian murders, or five times as many asbut for theirpoliey
and his would have been committed during the last eleven
monthS. Ever since the springof last year Ireland has had
the advantage of Mr. Gladstone's conciliatory programme,
and this has been Ireland's reply. lie has applied his
soporific, and three ghastly nightmares—only unhappily
too real—have been the result. In plain language, Mr.
Gladstone Las played the part of an ayedit pwocateur,
and the result of his provocations is to be real in the dis-
tracting and perturbing figures we have cited. Ile has
conjured up demons he will find it impossible to lay. or to
lie shaken the 'foundations of law, authority,
reverence, and property ; being, in Burke's words, aptly
quoted in the debate, an admirable architect of ruin.
The cheers of his friends, and the excitement of power,
may for a time buoy him up in his work of iconoclasm ;
but the time will come when, even if his own reawakened
judgment have not already pronounced against him, his-
tory will visit his insane career with the severest con
demnation.

The Telegraph says that twenty years ago such a meet-
ing as that which was held in Exeter Hall on Wednesday,
to support the Trades Union Bill which is now before
Parliament, would have been almost a social and political
impossibility. At that time masters stood aloof from
their workmen. Each class regarded the other as its
natural enemy. Nothing was more marked than the tone
cf moderation which characterised the speeches of unionists
like Mr. Newton, employers like Mr. Morley and Mr.
Mundella, and members of Pat-Ha:lie:lt like .114% Hughes.
In frank and manly words Mr. Morley told the unionists
that some of their societies had been guilty of much fully,
and had done much mischief. It is important that such
language should be spoken, and spoken in the face
of the working people, by men who sympathise
with their endeavours to repeal the legal dis
abilities from which 'the operative class suffers. Already
the trades unionists wield a mighty power, and to
particeble branelnel of industry they may do irreparable
injury by insisting upon impracticable conditions. Strikes,
we admit, may sometimes be necessary. If, as Mr.
Morley says, they are appeals to brute force, so are wars
betseen nations; and when reason fails to produce its
fruits such appeals may be unavoidable. But hitherto we
have not given reason fair play. Mr. Mundella stood for-
ward at Exeter Hall as the champion of the organised
conciliation, which, thanks to his untiring efforts, has beer.
practised in some manufacturing towns with signal success.
Now that the shackles of the combination laws are about
to he struck off the arms of labour, and that the working
classes will gain more freedom, it is more imperative that
ever that, so far as possible, courts of conciliation should
do the work heretofore clumsily and cruelly done by
Sueh was the sentiment that animated the meet
mg of Wetinesday night, and it cannot fail to eA.er, ise a
1.- influenee'on the del;' atiors of Parliament.

THE JUDGE. THE COUNSEL, AND Til2

WITNESS.

In the Probate Court on Wednesday rather an amusing
scene was witnessed. The will of one Eleanor Gearing was
in dispute, and her brother, John Jones, who was a legatee,
was examined as a witness. From the first it was evident
that some merriment would arise from his evidence, and
the result was fully equal to the anticipations. The
witness answered most of the questions put to him in a
most impertinent and contemptuous manner, and was
thrice threatened with committal by Lord Penzance.
The following are some of the questions and answers :2-
Dr. Spinks : Was your sister fond of drink ? Witness :
No more than you are. How do I know ?—The Judge :
Answer the question.--Witness (bowing to his lordship) :
I'll answer you, but they want to rob me.—Dr. Spinks:
Where did your sister live? Witness: You'd better find
out. It won't do tocatch me.—Dr. Spinks: Did she live at
Tottenham ? Witness : Scotland, no ; you ought to know
better than that.—The Judge : I shah be compelled to
commit you. Don't fancy this place is an exhibition.—
Witness: All right, sir ; but they want to rob me, the
thieves.—Cross-examined by Mr. Gibbons : Did you ever
strike your sister ? Witness : What ?—The learned
counsel repeated the question. Witness : No; God
Almighty struck her.--The JUdge : I -really shall cons-
tnit you.—Mr. CiLbons : Did you ever knock some of
yiur sister's teeth cot? Witness (putting on a most
maliznant scowl) : No; She struck herself. (Pointing to
the counsel) That does y4u.— The Judge: This is the last
warning. You will find- yourself •in custody.—Witness:
All right, my lord. I'll answer, but they must not try it
on with me.—He was then further examined, and con-
ducted himself- in a most unbecoming manner ; but, for-
tunately, he had Lord Penzance, and not some of the
other judges, presiding over the court. Of course the wit-
ness's conduct evoked much laughter