The Sun.
London, England, 1856-02-04 00:00:00

TitE SUN, LONDOIis, 1440 NDA Y ttIiVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1856

'ENT-GARDEN.

THEATRE ROYAL, COY.
Lessee, Mr. J. 11. Andersou.
TIII3 EVENING,
ROB ROY.
Principal characters by Professor Anderson.
To conclude with the gorgeoui Pantomime of
YE BELLE ALLIANCE.
Clown, Mr. Flearnore ; Pantaloon, Mr. Barnes ; Harlequin, Mr. C
Brown ; and Columbine. Miss E. Horne.

THEATRL•' ROYAL, DRURY-LANE.
Lessee. Mr. E. T. Smith.

TIIIS EVENING,

THE EIREAT GUN TRICK.
After which,
HEY DIDDLE DIDDLE; er, Harlequin Xing Nonsense and the
Seven Ages of Man.

THEATRE ROYAL. HAYMA.BEET.
Under the Management of Mr. Buckstone.
THIS EVENING,
THE BEAUX' STRATAGENI.
After which the New Comic Christmas Pantomime, entitled
THI: BUTTERFLY'S BALL AND THE GRASSHOPPER'S
FEAST; or, Harlequin and the Genius of the Spring.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE, OXFORD-STREET.
Under the Management of Mr. Camas. KEAN.
THIS EVENING,
THE MERCHANT OF VENICE.

After whiVa,

HARLEQUIN AND 'Mid MAID AND MITI MAGPIE ; or, the
Fairy Parallsa and Hanky Pawky, no Enchanter.
Harlequin, l'tfr. Corinack ; Clown, Mr. Hullne; Pantaloon, Mr.
Paulo ; and Columhine, hflss Caroline Adams.

THEATRE ROYAL ADELPHT.
F:oprletor, Mr. B. Webster.—Directress, Madame Celeste.
THIS EVENING.
THE BOOTS OF THE HOLLY TREE INN.
After which.-
URGENT PRIVATE AFFAIRS.
To conclude with
JACK AND TFIE BEVS STALK; or, Harlequin and Mother

adoo3e at Home Again.
In whtch 3feasra. J. Bland, P. Bedlbrd, Madame Celesta, Miag
Wyndham, and Misa E. Arden will apaear.

ROYAL OLYIIPIC THEATRE.
Lessee and Manager, Mr. Alfrei
TIIIII EV'TNING,
THE JEALOUS WIFE.

After which will bo produced a New and doubly-moral. though
Ilicessively old, Melodramatic Fairy Extravaganza, entitled
THE DISCREET PRINCESi ; er, the Three Glass Distaffs.
In which dfesgrs. Emor7, F. Robins, IL Cooper, Miss Maratha,
and Miss Maskell will appear.

ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.
Lessees, Messrs. Shepherd and Creswick.
THIS rVENING
THE SHADOWS OF CHIME.
To conclude with
A PRINCE OF PEARLS; or, Harlequin and lane Shore.

ROYAL STRAND THEATRE.
Under the direction at Mr: Puns.
VIM -EVENING,
11111LF.QUIN BLACK-EYED SUE ; or, All in the Downs and
Davy 1-ones's Locker.
After which,
TUE ROMANTIC WIDOW.
Followed by
THE PRISONER OF 11:0ClIELLE; or, Inns and Outs.

To couclude with

A PLAQUF. 0' BOTH YOUR HOUSRB ; or, The Double-barrelled

Gun Trick.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPIIITHEATRZ.
Lessee and Manacer, Mr. Win. Gots.
THIS EVENING,
The popular equestrian Spectacle sailed ROORWOOD; or, TUT-
PIN'S WIDE to YORK.
After which the SCENES its the CIRCLE. The wonderful per-
formance of the Stupendous Sagacious Elephants, whose Instinct and
docility have astonished every one.
To conclude with a grand Equestrian Comic Pantomime called
HARLEQUIN AND ST. GEORGE AND TIIE DRAGON; or, the
Seven Champions of Christendom.
Box-office open from Eleven till Four. Stage Manager, Mr. W.
West. Egamtrian Director. 3fr. •A. Cooke. jun.

EMMA STANLEY'S' SEVEN AGES OF WOMAN,
Every Evening at 8, arid on Saturdays at 3.
?renounced by the unanimous voice of the press, and by nightl3
In l'easing audiences, to be the Glreatest Artistica' Triumph of thi
day.

SAINT MARTIN'S LL, Long-acre.
Area, Is. Resery,,J Chairs, 23. 6/1.

HIGH WATER AT .T;ONDON BRIDGE.

THIS DAT—Morn. 0 min. aft. o—Evening 1R min. aft. 1.!
To-Moaßow—Morn. 43 min. aft. 12 —Evening 15 min. aft.l

THE WEATHER—SrN OFFICE, FEB. 3.
THERMOMETER, If? THE SLUM
39 —htglegt since noon yea terAny.
37 —lowest this morning ax td during the night.
43 —this day st noon_
rsAnoxrwr:rn, 30.09.
WIND, S.E.—Rather fresh, with fine, cold, frosty, sun
shiny weather.

FEERTI ma 4.
43—highest since noun yea '.erday.
3a—lowest this morning and daring the night.
44—this day at neon.
BartovircßA-30 OS.
WIND, S.W.—Light, with fine weather.

at
• ' 17EZ;4!Z
/Ms

LONDON, MONDAY, REBRUARY 4, 1856.

The cloud lowering in the far west, is assuming
larger proportions, and a more ominous aspect.
There is, as we base long since indicated when
commenting on the truculent missives of Mr.
Attorney-General CALEB CiTSRING, imminent dan-
ger of drifting into internecine War with a na-
tion speaking the same language, and sprung from

the same stock as ourselves--in whose veins there

circulates a largo proportion of Anglo-Saxon and
Celtic blood. And for what ? Simply that an
unpopular Government may strive to obtain a re-
newed tenure of office, by stimulating and excit-
ing the worst passions of the worst portion of the
community! Wo believe tkat our transatlantic
brethren, the respectable and high-minded citi-
zens of the United States--earnestly and empha-
tically condemn the unwarrantable attempt. But,
unfortunately, in a season o.f popular ebullition,
the moderate and judisious portion of the com-
a:malty are least thought of, while the scum floats
to the top, and the opinions of vapeuring bullies
and reckless adventurers are more loudly enun-
ciated than those of thoughtful and prudent men,
who, while determined to support the honours of
their country to the last drop of their blood and
their last dollar, are yet not desirous of forcing a
quarrel ou any of their neighbours.

It must be perfectly obvious to any calm and
unprejudiced person that neither the honour nor
interests of the great American Republic are in
any degree imperilled in respect of the recruiting
question, out of which so much illegitimate capi-
tal has been sought after. That a mistake was
committed we are ready to confess. From the
moment that the Foreign Enlistment Bill was
ventilated, in deference to an unconstitutional
influence, we pointed out the serious consequences
that might arise if the powers granted by Parlia-
ment were attempted to be carried into practical
execution. But we are bound to say that the
greatest precautions were taken to avoid afford-
in, any reasonable ground for quarrel to any
State of the Union. The instructions to the
British representative were perfectly clear and
unequivocal, that he. should especially avoid in-
fringing any municipal law of the country to
which he was accredited. We believe that he
strictly observed the rules laid down for his
guidance, and that there was no violation what-
ever of the American law. Indeed it is clear
that the great rage exhibited is chiefly attri-
butable to the fact that there is no chance of
procuring the legal conviction of any Bri-
tish agent. There was no enlistment in
the United States. All that was done
was to afford information to parties seeking for it
as to whore they might obtain employment ; and I
this certainly falls neither within the letter nor
the spirit of the law.

But the American Government complained, and
a prompt and ample amende honoicage was made.
The cause of remonstrance was at once removed.
Even information, was no longer supplied to ap-
plicants, and an ample apology tendered for any-

thing that might have caused the slightest annoy

ance to these with whom we were desirous of
maintaining the most amicable relations. This
was all that gentlemen could concede, and, we will
add, all that gentlemen could require. None but
paltry cowards would grant more none but
vapouring bullies ask more. We have gone to the
utmost length of our tether. Those who attempt
to cast unnecessary humiliation on others must
n.lt be surprised if a large quantity of the dirt
which they attempt to fling with wanton hands
should ultimately adhere to their own coats. Th•
chief cause of regret will be, that the good must
participate in the evils necessarily inflicted on the
turbulent and reckless minority.
Besides the recruiting question, there is another
point at issue, that relating to Central America ;
or, in other words, the true construction of the
CLAYTON-BULWER treaty. We certainly cannot
see any ground on which that contended for by
the Americas Government can be sustained. It
is as violent and strained an interpretation as that
put forward by Russia in reference to the Vienna
Note, which led to the war With that Power. But
confident as we are in the accuracy of our own
judgment, we do not seek to force it on others.
We have declared ourselves willing to submit to
the arbitration of any friendly and impartial
power, and to abide by the result. If that pro-
position, su reasonable and just in every particular,
be rejected by the Cabinet at Washington—if it
is determined to enforce with the high hand un-
tenable views, that will not bear the test of strin-
gent investigation—then wo must, however re-
luctantly, abide the inevitable result, and enter on
a contest, of which it will be impossible to predict
the result, and in which both parties must, under
the most favourable circumstances, suffer very
severely.

It is deeply to be regretted that the popular
branch of Congress is still in a state of anarchy,
and that from the impossibility of agreeing in the
choice of a Speaker wo are precluded from
hearing the opinions of the chosen representatives
of the people. We believe that a considerable por-
tion of the difficulty would thereby be obviated, for,
as we have repeatedly stated, we still have faith
in the sound common sense and judgment of the
majority of our Transatlantic brethren. Unfor-
tunately, however, this safety-valve is at present
neutralised, and it is thus that the Hannibal
Chollops, et hoc genus wrte, are allowed to im-
peril the best interests of both countries. We are
far from desiring a quarrel. We will do every-
thing to avoid it, consistently with the mainten-
ance of the national dignity, and that self-respect
which uo man or body of men—no individual or
State—can forfeit without sinking deeply in the
social scale. For that, if compelled to do so, we
will once more buckle on our armour, and be
prepared for any extremity to which we may be
driven. 'While we certainly shall not seek, wo
shall in like manner resort to no undue means to
avert, a conflict for which we cannot justly or
fairly be held responsible. Our motto must then
be "Gen defend the right," and the aspiration
will be re-echoed throughout the length and
breadth of the United Kingdom.

So, at length, Colonel TUAR is liberated,—libe-
rated, for aught Lord PALMERSTON knows, with-
out indignity,—and liberated out of consideration
for the QUEEN, or the QUEEN'S Government, as the
reader likes. The case, according to the Noble
Lord, was a very complicated one, notwithstand-
ing that three facts were undeniable : First, that
Colonel TURF. was not a deserter from the Hun-
garian army, but was a deserter, with his whole
nation, from the perjured monarch and hrutal
Austn... that Colonel Tußn
was engaged in the service of Britain, in territory
belonging to the Ally for which England was at
war. Thirdly, that the Austrians had no right
of arrest—no civil rights at all, in the territory
of Turkey. Yet could this CALCItAFT Govern-
ment seize, strip of British uniform, imprison,
try, and condemn a patriot and a soldier, and
Lord PALMERSTON is very well satisfied that our
" distinguished Ally" does not turn hang-
man again. We certainly are little ob-
liged to the contemptible Austrians for
their politeness to our QUEEN. Had a humble
apology been offered for the insult to England and
Turkey, and Count CORONINI recalled, we could
sot with propriety have resented it longer.
however, that Austria has done amounts to the
taunt—" There, take the condemned deserter
back if you like ; if it's any pleasure to her MA-
JESTY of England to cheat the gallows she is wel-
come !" Perhaps, however, Austria is so sunk in
her long course of perjury, of bullying the weak,
of seizing the defenceless, and of Imperial airs
with a bankrupt exchequer, and an army which
dare not fight, that she may really think she has
done a very gracious thing. She may be unable
to discern her cowardice to the individual and her
rudeness to her Allies, and suppose that she has
acted as frankly and honourably as England would
have done.

An honest, sensible, and well-bred man
Will not affront me, and no other can.
Perhaps, therefore,' as Austria squares confessedly
with the latter character, we must take the deed
from whence it comes, and suppose that she knew
no better.

We may perhaps in this latter point of view
couple what she meant to be " a polite act" with
the peace proposals. She is anxious to alio v what
a considerate and friendly mediator we have. We
quite understand the friendliness. So steeped is
this Government in the basest and most undis-
guised selfishness that to misunderstand it is
impossible. Purely in her own interests she is
urgent for peace. She has got a share in the con-
trol of the mouths of the Danube, the right to be
a party to the final Treaty, to go shares in all
relations of influence with Turkey, probably to
have an armed ship or two in the Black Sea, and
a power she never before enjoyed in the Princi-
patities--and all without cost, and without a
bat tle ! She has also nicely balanced her own
pol ver with that of Russia and the Allies iu regard
to Turkey, should anything happen to the " sick
masq." She, in fact, is the only party who has
jail led by the War, if we except Prussia's
fraudulent commercial gains. The peace in such
hocitian.odxssis inevitably an Austrian peace. The most
of European nations to Englishmen is
i aompted as the mediator. The nation which could ,
prpetrate the violation of international law, and
off, r the insult to England of arresting, trying,
ani 1 condemning Colonel TIIRR, and then flinging
gallows, is the nation who
hip n off to us as a scape-
tri ~ats us to Four Points for herself, and resists
oa r defining a fifth in the interests of Europe.
I\ lo doubt had she not hoped to gain our good-
w ill at a useful time by such rude politeness she
w. )uld have gratified herself by hanging the
pa triot.

Vhilo there can be no doubt of the intentions
of -I .ustria, some curious suggestions arise from
fotio r quarters. We find Russia stipulating that
int& omit y shall not be one of the reserved Points
whj , on earth so anxious about it, unless a
guilt: v conscience told her it ought to be a point.
As 1 re have often shown, both Russia and
Aus tz is have already demanded and obtained it
iu tl re case of Turkey, of France in 1815, and of

Piedmont ; if Austria had a particle of fairness in
her, she would tell Russia that on their own prin-
ciples, and in accordance with their own practice,
this was a mere matter of course. The breaker of
peace must, of course, pay for its restoration.
Russia too confides in the "loyalty and generosity
of the Allies not to impose terms which they
would deem incompatible with their own honour."
Rather ambiguous. If she means incompatible
with the honour of nations who have merited no
punishment, this is not consistent with the, con-
fession of guilt implied in asking to be guaran-
teed from giving indemnity. If the Allies were in
her place they ought to think it no more than
honourable after such an outrageous offence to give
heavy bonds of every kind to keep the peace for
all time to come. If she means that they will
not dishonourably impose on a vanquished culprit
—that they will not sentence to fourteen years'
transportation provided seven satisfy the ends of
justice ; she may, we are sorry to believe, make
herself but too easy about that. If Russia be
really desirous of behaving "loyally" herself let
her give up everything south of the Kuban, the
whole of Bessarabia, and restore to Poland, at
least, the constitution agreed to by all the Allies
in the Treaty of Vienna,

Prussia, it seems, is claiming a place in the
Conferences, on the ground of that Treaty. She
alleges that the territorial arrangements settled by
it in Bessarabia are about to be changed. As she
was a party to the prior arrangements, her consent
ought to be asked to the alteration. Wo should
like that argument to be pressed. If the arrange-
ments of the Treaty are:not,.to be changed without
the consent of the signitaries to it, then let us
have a complete re-settlement ; let Cracow return
to republican self-government, and be released from
the gripe of Austria, and let Poland again choose
her own representatives. Miserable justice that,
but nevertheless better than continuing and au-
thorising the gross injustice of entirely incorpo-
rating the nation with its cruel oppressor.
Hitherto England and France have never sanc-
tioned the last vile deed of 1831. Their pro-
tests stand on record against it. If Poland
be now passed over in silence, a positive
sanction will have been given to a piece
of wickedness far greater than the passage
of the Pruth. If we sacrifice thus much to
the COBDENS, the Coburgs, the Austrians,
and the German despots, the retribution of some
bloody political earthquake will sooner or later
rectify the wrongs of Europe.

One of the earliest, as it is unquestionably one
of the most important, matters tint can be brought
under the consideration of Parliament will be the
revision of our monetary code, and the substitu-
tion of a sound and judicious system of currency
for that which has already occasioned such serious
injury to the industrious classes, and more especi-
ally to the commercial interests of the country.
The Act of 1844 has already virtually expired.
It only exists on suffertance, for it will cease and
determine at any time, " upon twelve months'
notice to be given after the Ist August, 1855." The
all-important question should have been discussed
and finally arranged last year, so that the notice
might have been given at the earliest possible
moment. But the Ministerial changes, and espe-
cially those in the financial department, furnished
a plausible excuse for procrastination. We could
scarcely expect that Sir G. C. LEWIS would be
prepared to grapple with the subject immediately
on his accession to office, although he might have
obtained valuable assistance from Mr. JAMES
WILSON, who has bestowed serious consideration
thereon, and is thoroughly acquainted with all its
YaFTIOua yhuara. .inere can, however, be no pre-
text for.evasion daring the session which has this
day been inaugurated ; and, whether there be
peace or war, tie monetary question must be
placed on a sound and durable foundation. The
Times itself has admitted that " a re-discus-
sion of the whole question in Parliament can-
not be arranged too soon," and there is not
a single metropolitan journal, or one entitled to
the slightest weight in the provinces, that con-
tests the propriety of a speedy, and, if practicable,
a final arrangement of the vexata questio ! Even
"Mercator," or rather Lord OVERSTONE himself,
substituting the real for the nom de plume, has,
by his recent convulsive and spasmodic efforts,
proved that he, too, recognises that his favourite
theory is on trial, and that a decisive verdict
must be returned during the present session.
There cannot be any occasion for further in-
quiry. All the materials for decisive legislation
are already in existence. In 1848 the matter

was thoroughly investigated by Select Committees
of both Houses. The Report of the Lords' Com-
mittee very decidedly condemned the Act, while
that of the Commons only decided in its favour
by a very slender majority, consisting of Sir
ROBERT PEEL and his adherents, and of Lord
Jons RUSSELL and his followers, and the author
of " What Next, and Next I" It was, indeed,
Mr. COBDEN who gave, in a Committee intended
to be packed, tlae casting ♦ote, and decided in

favour of the currency quacks, against the best
interests of the nation. We have said " intended to be
packed," because the remarkable admission of Sir C.
Wool), the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, clearly
established that he considered the Government
would be very wrong in consenting to any com-
mittee, of the nature of whose report they were
not previously satisfied. We do net profess to
quote the exact words, but merely to give the
purport and effect of the statement of that
unfortunate financier—a statement that occa-
sioned an extraordinary sensation in Parliament
and in the country. Against that Report no less
than eleven independent members voted, conceiv-
ing that " the laws for regulating the issue of
Bank notes, payable on demand, aggravated the
commercial distress in England in 1847 !" We
give the names of those who voted for and against
the Report, in order that the community may judge
for itself of the weight that should be attached
to their views, merely suggesting that a very
large proportion of the majority had been com-
mitted by previously-expressed opinions in favour ,
of the iniquitous and impolitic enactments on trial.
We can use no stronger argument to set aside
that erroneous decision than the publication of
the names, pro and con, which are as follows

AXES.
Mr. T. Baring.
Lord G. Bentinck.
Mr. Spooner.
Mr. Herries.
Mr. Cayley.
Mr. Ald. Thompson.
Mr. Hudson.
Mr. Hume.
Mr. Disraeli.
Mr. Glyn.
Mr. James Wilson.

NOES.
Mr. Chancellor of the
Exchequer.
Sir James Graham.
Sir Robert Peel.
Lord John Russell.
Mr. Cobden.
Mr. Beckett.
Mr. Gonlburu.
Mr. Cardwell.
Mr. Labouchero.
Mr. J. L. Ricardo.
Mr. Thornely.
Sir W. Clay.
Mr. Home Drummond:
Noes, 13.

Ayes, 11.

We have so frequently expressed our views on
the nature of the changes that should be intro-
duced, and the paramount advantages of a really
national One-Pound Note, inconvertible, but re-
ceivable in payment of all fiscal charges, and every
Government demand, that we conceived no possible
doubt could exist on the subject. We, however,
gladly gave, on Thursday, the opinions of a highly
intelligent and clear-headed foreigner on the all•

important topic. We need not say how fully we
concur with M. NOBILTN64) to whom we must ex-
press our thanks for his valuable co-operation.
The Government note, guaranteed not only by all
the accumulated and realised wealth of the coun-
try, but by the thews and sinews of its inhabi-
tants, and by its tax-paying, as well as its pur-
chasi.eg power, would be fully equivalent for any
convertible paper, or for the bullion itself. As the
Times recantly declared " Supposing tis
circulation to be required solely for in-
ternal consumption, no necessity could exist for
gold being held against any portion of it. A
deposit of Government Stock, or the fact of its
being receivable for duties, would at all times keep
it from fluctuations in value 1" There could be,
as Mr. NOBILINU truly declares, "no necessity
for its convertibility, the whole Empire serving
for its guarantee." The notes could never be at
a discount, nor, as we have repeatedly explained,
could there be any danger of a run on the
National Bank, in which every citizen would
feel himself to be a partner. We earnestly com-
mend the excellent letter of our correspondent to
the attentive consideration of our readers. It is
well worthy of perusal. We must, however, for
ourselves declare that our respected correspondent
is in error in supposing that we have overlooked
the distinction between a Government and an ordi-
divary Bank Note—a reference to our publication,
for a long succession of years, will show that we
have urgently, and. consistently, and, we believe
we may add, indefatigably advocated a Govern-
ment One-Pound inconvertible note, which, as
we believe, would give a circulating medium ade-
quate to the wants and exigencies of the country,
and thus supply a sufficiency of that which has
been justly defined as " the life-blood of in-
dus try."