The Sun.
London, England, 1856-07-01 00:00:00

he could give the howl° and the country any informa-
tion respecting the coostui-siTi appointed to invire
into the operation of the system of purchase in the

army?
Mr. PEEL said be could only inform the house that
the commission hail not yot fioi,hed its labours.
BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE.

In reply to a qoe,tion frmii Sir J. GRAHAM,
Lori. PALMERSTON said he proposed to take the
second rending of the Appellate Jurisdiction Bill on
Monday and the Testamentary Jurisdiction Bill
on ThurQday.

CORRUPT PR tCTICES PREVENTION BILL.
Sir F. KELLY a-ke.l when the Corrupt Practices

Prevention Bill would be read a second time ?
Lard PALMERSTON said he was unable then to
answer the question. He would give the house due
notice when the a‘oond reading would take place.
ROYAL CO M MISSION.

Mr. Pulmao, the Deputy Usher of the Mack Rod,
summoned the Speaker and the members of the house to
the House of Loris, to he:tr the Royal Assent given by
entnmis..i to certain L •pis' report.
OUR RELATIONS WITH AMERICA.

On the motion for going into committee of supply,
Mr. GORE, who had a motion on the paper relative to
our American relations, and Mr. BROWN, rase together.

Mr. BROWN called upon the hon. member for Mayo
to withdraw his motion. There was a strong feeling
throughout the country that our American differences
should be left its the hands of the Government and the
American Minister in this country to settle, and if the
house abstained from discussion on the matter it would
be amicably accompli-led. (Hear.)
Mr. CHEETIIABI and Mr. J. EWA.RT concurred in the
appeal of the hon. member.
Mr. SPOONER also coincided in the appeal. (Hear.)
He implored the house to give up all party considera-
tions on this question, and complete the silence they
had hitherto maintained till they learned from the Minis-
ter of the Crown the result of the negotiations now going
on. He deprecated any discussion now on the state of
our American relations, for no possible good could re-
sult from it.
Mr, MOORE said the opinions of the hon. gentleman
who had just sat down must necessarily have great
weight with him, but particularly on the subject of ex-
citing between classes, sects, and people. (De-
risive cheers.) With isgatd to the hon. gentlemen op-
posite, he certainly listened to their opinions with great
respect, but at the same tane they could not think that
they had answered the observations he hal made on Fri-
day evening. The hon. member for North Warwickshire
talked of this as a party question. He (Mr. Moore)
thought it ought to be jalged by the house apart from
all party considerations, and in a purely judicial spirit.
It was a question of right or wrong that bad arisen be-
tween the governments of two great countries, which
had been s> I, in his opinion, on the basis of present
dissatisfaction and future dangar as regards the feelintss
and the opinions of the people of this country, because
it had been left
,to be settled by the wrong-doers
themselves, and on the principle of saving their own
characters, or at least their own positions, at the ex-
pense of the national nonour, which it was their
duty to guard. In so far as such a que.stiuu, if entertained
by the house, must to- c.:ssari:y :Went her Maj ,•ty'e Go-
vernment, so far it might be terined—if hon. gtntlemen
liked the term —a party question. In hiS opinion there
were no circumstances the house ought to watch with
more vigilant and anxious attention than our relations
with that country whose people hal sprueg from the
same soil, spoke the same language. amid were governed
by the same free institutions as ourselves. Teens was no-
thing England ought to cherish more than to be loved
and honoured by those communities which were rapidly
multiplyirg themselves, peopling the ePrtti, filling the
earth with cities and the sea with fleets, and carrying with
them the energy, enterprise, and unconquerable will and
self-reliance of the great people from which they sprung.
Although we had lost the political government of America,
and would probably lose the po'itical ~,overnment of other
colonies, we ought never to relax our right to their reve-
rence as the head of their rase, as the fou s Lain of their civi-
lisation, as the standard of what a tree nation ought to
he. Whatever might be the faults of the American peo-
ple, he did not think we were entitled to throw the first
stone. He believed them to be a sagacious people, and
that in the heart of every American there was a feeling
of love and adtnirati m ter the old country. Depend
upon it that in ail our dealings with the people of Arne-

ica wa should have no chancy: except by compelling-
ieir respect, and as regarded our political and diploma-

tie r.,lations their respest rested on no basis hut truth,
plain dealing, and open speaking. He believed that a
well•founde d►strust of our character for truth and ho-

'lour stouti be, and especially so far as regarded our re-
lations with the United States, the greatest. tni-fortune
that oluld befall the people of this country. It was be-
cause in his opinion the G,•vernment of this country had
justly forfeited the respect and confidence of the United
States, that he thought it was the duty of this house

declare that in the conduct which had led to teat result
the peeple of England had had no act er part woatever.
Toe issues that arose on this subject were not to be
unquestioned. They had been fairly cud properly stated
liv Lord Clarendon himself in one of his despatches.
‘• Toe real queeti 'ere at issue," said Lord Clarendon,
"between her M.-:jaAy's Goverument and that of the
United Stites are, whether the British G ivernment
ordered or weitemplaied soy violation of the neutrality
!awe of the United States ; and scomidly, whether, it
Cm British G,,vertiment dal not .reer ut contemplate any
such vi',w 1011, those laws were nevertheless violated by
p rsons acting on the anteority or approbation of the
Brtti-h G4verntuent." Oa thmte two points ire j lined
tome with, her M: j,sty's G .verninent. He and. rt.aik
t* make it clear that ta..4 io tur ,:ity laws of the United
S:atss were groteny and dd:herately villated by persons
acting with trio approbation and cou,..ent of her Majesty's
Giver:lop-tit ; and, secondly, that her Majesty's Govern.-
:tient did contemplate the violation of those laws. He
was aware that the American Government had iu their
last devateh offered wi'h clutemptcous courtesy to
.separate, these two prop:notions. The distinc.iou
drawo by the Arner;cari Government was based
ou the assumed disavowal of :11r. Crampton's ants by our
government, and, secondly and 1110 less, on the distinct
specific assurance of Lord Ciarendou that Mr. Crampton
was above all ether things enjoined to nave no conceal-
ment with the Government et ;he United States. Now,
with regard to the first of these assumptions, he cared
lel to consider whether her Majesty's Government had
or had not in their last despatch thought proper to as-
seit it. It could he clearly shown that from first to last
Mr. Crampton only performed the duty that was inti-
mated to him by L rid Clarendon, that he on y acted upon
the interpretation of the law which was given to hint by
Lord Clarendon, and that from first to last his conduct
was approved and (Wended by Lord Clarendon. From
ark, to last Lord Clarendon deprecated all violation of
the Anicri.an law, and so did Mr. Crampton ; but it was
-rue also that Lord Clarendon insisted on an intercireta-
in of the la which was not the true interpretation.
It it should turn out that Lord Clarendon's construction
of the law was an incorrect one, then for that mishi-
t-I pretation Lord Clarendon was responsible. He
would rsfer the house to parr 21 of the blue-book, in
which Lord Clarendon expressly stated that Mr. Cramp-
ton was erj,-ined above ell things to have no conceal-
ment froru the government of the United States. Now,
that was a clear 'awl specific allegation, winch Mr.
Marcy on the part of the United States Government,
had used with Effect :
His reasons for withholding from me the details of the
enlistment system—the most important part of it for this
government—are not satisfactory. If Mr. Crampton be-
lieved that whet he was doing, or intended to do, in the
way of recruiting was right, he could have ,had no reluc-
tance to communicate it to me, for his instructions required
hie, to make that disclosure. Acting in due frankness,
and with a proper regard for the dictates of international
comity, Mr. CiAtiaptoir should, it would seem, have dis-
closed to me all the measures intended to be pursued
within the United States by the agents of his government,
including himself, in execution of the act of Parliament
for raising the Foreign Legion. Nay, he was expressly
commanded by his Government to practise no concealment
with the American Goverment on the subject. If he had
obeyed these orders, all misunderstanding between the two
Governments would have been prevented.
Was this allegation true ? ;de believed there was no foun-
dation for it, sad thit there vas no such instruction
given to Mr. Crampton. This despatch of Lord Claren-
don's was illustrative of an imaginative memory of what
he did, and a nmscientious sense of what be ought to
have ehjoined and what Mr. Crampton ought to have

clone. IT called on the Government to show that

there was not the -lightest ground for this statement of
Lord Claretidon'e. He would show, on the other hand, ;
that so tar from there being no conceallient on the part
of the British authori:ies in America; that there conduct 1:
was al concealment, dis.ivi-iw.ng every one that was
timid on', aiding and abetting every one who was
working in secret ; that Mr. Crampton was not in-
structed at all not to'conceal, but that he was aided
st.id abetted in a line of conduct which concealment
was the keystone and afforded ths only hopes of success.
It was necessary to show that this questi- n of the neu-
trality of the United States and the strict enforcement
,if their law f,r this purpose was in the view of her Ma-
jesty's G,.verninetit. Early in April, 1854, in the begin-
nii,g of the war, Mr. Crampton wrote to Mr. Marcy to
this effect : "The allied Governments nmfidently trust
th,t the Governments oh countries which may remain
neutral during the war will exert their autht,rity and en-
. t...rce on their subjects the necessity of observing the
strictest neutrality, and also that the citiz-p.s of the
Unit-'d States shalt rigorously abstain from taking part
in armaments of this nature, or in any other manner ep-
posite to the duties of strict neutrality. To this reasonable
iiemaud the American G,,vernment returned this pithy
,inswer : "The law of this country imposes severe restric-
i ions not only upon its own citizens, but ikon a 1
.per-
:.ors who may be re‘ident in the United Stao,es, against
,quipping privateers, receiving commi•sions, or enlisting
!lien therein fur the purpose ..f taking part in any foreign
ear. It is not apprenended that there will be any at-
:empt vio'ate the law, but should the just expecte-
ef the President be iisregarded he will not fail in
duty to use ail the power with which he is invested
, prevent any such partinpation in the contest in
,hich Cie principal powers of Europe are now engaged."
f le itit-rpretation he put upon this was that the Anne-
G-ivereineet wa-, to prevent any armament what-
ver their territhry against the interests of Eng-
nut, on the other hand, under a quibble of the
~,w, to carry on' all our desires to enlist men, This
as a prop 8,. unje,it and so mon.trhui-i, that he
,eii,,veri the c melon sense of every man in this country
,ould prOneuiice ataiiist it. Well, so the matter stood
iil the end of the y' art when we rook it into our heal to
Italic stew views, The .Foreigu Enlistment Bill passed

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