The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-07 00:00:00

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man Itinazurs Merehlr'ibrination

tion upon the part of those who at the time toed
the executive government of the country, that for
of this corps be-
gan scarcely a sign of encouragement was exhibited
to them on the part of the ministers of the Crown.
I say it was the duty of the ministers of the Crown
to leave these first manifestations for a time to
themselves, in order that they might ascertain that
that they were genu-
ine,if, on the con.mthe heart and the
because,
intelligence
te ryoufwl yt
were
spontaneous,ree
pe straightope ;
infant symptoms, they would have taken—oh ! how
tt
ur ary, ,
re the
had
been influence o f
broughtthe
to throne and
bear
r upon the
those. l eg is l
firsta-
much would they have taken—both from the grace
and the strength of this movement. (Hear, hear.)
It
a
fgtot
hens wlertl asstgahsl
eel
anrbtri
tyifiigencthoehnsst
euvnetinohchatta
atoii
nonninsnoaa
obedience
oiaeowfdnnii
the
aint—sieco
eni
thatct
towowm haami
sit cfuashrnchi
should
lut governed
_d_sthat
in
institutions
nation where
of theth e
country
t rayn
rest
s tthe p
upon
nh rtohnee and
at
nh
de
ri
th
an exterior authority, but to the free and,
to the people themselves to add tenfold to the value
of the sacrifices thpy. were making, by making'
p oib:evn7tteaaguf:
neous movements of their own understandings and
of their own hearts. (Applause.) And Ito*, gen-
tlemen, there was an allusion—l think by my
gallant friend Colonel Wilbraham—to the mom.
illber7tganisinkon—l don't
sity of providing premiums for those competitions
which have been so useful in stimulating the
the
dlindunithey would be pro-
public purse. Well, as between those two sources
kvforceina oe
w;which--said
movementhd
coo
hrf
h_t 13;
omivaro
Captainuh ne t
privatee
ea
resources
or
from
the
of supply, I must confess that I for one have a very
great preference for the former. (Hear, hear, and
laughter.) I don't believe that if the public purse
had been very freely opened in the first instance
this movement ever would have attained
either
its material extension or ats high moral cha-
racter. There can be no difference of opinion, I
am sure, between us about:this matter. All that
is requisite to give solidity and permanence to
this movement will now, I am certain, be freely
and gladly done by any Administration; but I
am sure you will agree with me in this, that
nothing in such a matter should be thrown upon
the public except that which cannot be done by indi-
viduals, for the real value and the real energy, the
real fruit and profit of this manifestation, depend.
upon the maintenance of such a principle as that:
And now, gentlemen, by this manifestation you
have produced indeed a most favourable effect upon
the world ; but you have likewise contracted a very
solemn engagement before the world. Let me,
above all things, now commend to your considera-
tion the one subject that transcends all others—
how your movement is to be made a permanent part
of the organisation of the country. We may some
to times when perhaps either danger may be less or
we may be less alive to it; but I think you will
agree with me that if, as this force has come rapidly
into existence, so the energies which have created

pRICE 4D. STAMPED, sr.

' interest to propagate the idea, that England,
especially of late years, had been so devoted
to the arts of peace that she had entirely lost
those eiergies which made the forefathers of
the present race of Englishmen so distinguished
in war. I do not believe there is a man in this
room who ever imagined that that really was the
case; and still there were those who did propa-
gate such a belief; and that saying of the first
Napoleon, that you are a nation of shopkeepers,
had become a • saying that had obtained a cur-
rency, and permit me to say also, that had ac-
quired a signification undoubtedly injurious to
England—l say had acquired a signification un•
doubtedly injurious, because I really know no
reason why a shopkeeper should fall short in any
of the duties of a citizen, or that he should not
be as brave a man as any one who ever cast
upon him that reproach. If a contradiction were
wanted, the volunteer movement has supplied a
contradiction to all such—a contradiction not in
words alone, for contradictions in words are of
but small avail, but a practical confutation such
as the world has seen, has recognised, and has
admired, of which the moral impression has gone
abroad in every country of Europe, and of which
the moral effect has been both to raise the cha-
racter of England in every foreign land, and like-
wise to add strength to the hopes of those who
nurture and cherish principles like those of Eng-
lishmen, and in adding strength to those principles,
to brighten our hopes for the future destinies of
mankind. (Applause.) The Lord Lieutenant of
the county has alluded to the uncertain state of
public affairs, and he has, with the utmost kind-
ness, given credit to me for knowing more upon
that subject than any one else in this room. I am
not going to undertake auguries or prophecies.
As I have said, I believe that England is strong
in character and reputation at this moment, and
is secure from all danger that might threaten her
—(hear, hear)—but at the same time I admit, in
answer to that appeal, and without pretending to
superiority of knowledge, that Europe has arrived
at a critical period of her history. Without en-
tering into Utopian theories, which perhaps ten
years ago too much prevailed amongst us, 1 for
one do hope that, in some respects at least, the
vaunted progress of the 19th century is a reality,
and that many at least of the causes of vain, foolish,
and wicked wars that have heretofore desolated the
earth are now losing their command over the hearts
and minds of men, and I think it a satisfactory sub-
ject of reflection for Englishmen, if we be right in
the opinion that some of us hold, that commerce—
in which this country has been the standard-bearer
to the world—has higher and nobler aims than the
mere increase of wealth, that it carries with it
whithersoever it goes a mission of peace, and that
it is destined to be a bond of moral and social union
to mankind as well as the means of increasing our
command over material enjoyments. But even if
this be so, and even if England be strong, I say this
is a period when it is requisite that she should be
strong. We cannot look to the south of Europe
without seeing that there are there at work elements
of danger with respect to which it is most impor-
tant that those great Powers that sway in the main
the destinies of Europe should be able to exercise a
qualifying and beneficial influence. We have seen
during the present year a war in progress in Italy—
a war, gentlemen, with respect to which I for one
am bound to say that I believe every friend of peace
must look upon it, if not with satisfaction, yet at
least with this conviction, that the struggles of a
gallant country to free itself from long oppression
deserve the sympathy of men, and deserve, above all
others in Europe, the sympathies of Englishmen.
(Loud applause.) Let me, sir, add thus much. As
the rifles that we have seen to day, as the uniforms
that pre now before us, as all this splendour of mili-
tary parade really aims at the security and peace of
man, such is the aim of the war in Italy—(loud ap-
plause)—aend if, as I trust may be the case, it be the
counsel of Providence that that country shall soon
become a free and a united nation, this, indeed, I
think we acquire from the very war that is now in
progress—a new guarantee for the permanent and
solid peace of Europe. (Applause.) There is, in-
deed, such a thing as a hollow and a treacherous
peace, and that peace is treacherous and hollow
which is only maintained by the armed force of the
stranger trampling upon the necks of men and
talking of order and of law, when in point of fact
he is himself the greatest violator of both. (Loud
applause.) Now, gentlemen, I rejoice to think
that you yourselves have contributed, perhaps more
than every one of you may have reflected on, to the
prosperous progress of that great national struggle.
(Hear.) I don't mean merely because England set
the example which after nearly two centuries Italy
is following—for in 1688, upon provocation suffi-
cient indeed, but not one-hundredth part of the
provocation that that people has endured, you took
into your own hands the settlement of your own
affairs, and established a precedent to which she is
entitled to appeal, and you will not refuse her chal-
lenge—(applause)—but, sir, more than this, you
have contributed to the settlement of Italy by help-
ing to make England strong, at a time when, as
every Italian knows, the moral influence of England
has been upon the whole the steadiest and firmest
support and the most abundant source of brotherly
sympathy upon which Italy could count throughout
the length and breadth of Europe. (Hear, hear.) I
am afraid, gentlemen, the time will come when we
shall hear again of a race, of a kingdom, of a
people who have been the cause to us in former
times of no small effort, and no small sacrifice—l
mean our friends the Turks. You did by enormous
efforts and enormous sacrifices, in a war which was
short, sanguinary, and costly in a degree beyond
all parallel—Europe did put a curb upon gigantic
schemes of restless ambition ; but at the same time
I think it would be deceiving ourselves were we to
attempt to overlook the fact that the repression of
Russia was not the regeneration of Turkey, and
that Europe has still much to do in that quarter of
the globe before the causes can be removed and the
political horizon cleared. (Applause.) What are
the questions that will arisein regard to that
gigantic subject, when and how they will arise, on
n
whose side you may be
against you, I know not but:ud and who may be
for t the
men
—for
theose
brotherly interests that prevailibamong
sake of the enormous boots that it is in the power of
a well-constituted country to confer upon nations less
happy—'] for my part rejoice that, at a time when
the elements of danger are rife in Europe, and
the greatest
questions stand for solution, that
at a time lik
e that in particular u.siand should
both morally and-.r.i
be strong.
The de-
-2-1
„fluent of strength of which we see here a sym-
bolpart is of that description which is pecu-
liarly English.
2 '
ands It is most true, I think, as has
said, that he who reckons the wellvolunteers
been
as :adding a force of 160,000 or 170,000 to the
military strength of the country takes a view of
what they have been, of what they will do, of what
they may be, and of what they are, that is totally
inadequate to the truth of the case. It is not to
their numbers that w' are to see their real charac-
ter ; for, in the first place, we well know that if
the call of danger, if the sound of danger were
really heard, if the call of duty came upon you, for
every volunteer we now see before us this very city
itself would yield ten, and the multitudes that arc
enrolled at this moment would be a handful com-
pared with those who would be ready to obey the
behests of their country. (-..oud applause.) But,
again, let them remember, if ever there was a move •
meat which strictly deserved the character of a
spontaneous movement, if ever there were volun-
teers that were volunteers indeed, they are those
whom I now see before me. (Applause.)
Not only
ge-
was it not compulsion, but it was not e
ncoheuraar.)
mint that created this great force. (Hear,implies
I say so the more particularly because
blame to no man. It implies erena it
sound discre-

it were by and by rapidly to disappear, the good-
will which has hitherto existed were to flag, and
the force were to dwindle from point to point over
the surface of the country, that you will have done
little indeed to add to the permanent reputation
and character of England ; and many, sir, as are
the obligations which we owe to you for having
gathered us together on this festive occasion, I
think the greatest fruit that we can promise our-
selves from such a celebration is this—that every
man who has assisted at it shall go home carrying
in his mind the strong conviction that his duty does
not terminate with one or with another of these
parties, of these reviews, of these competitions, car-
ried on at a period when the public mind generally
is in a state of lively interest ; but that he will most
truly serve his country in connexion with the
volunteer movement—not who contributes most to
the momentary splendour of that development, but
who contributes most to give solidity and perma-
nent efficiency to your organisation. (Applause.)
Mr. Mayor, those are the sentiments with which
I for one regard this great institution. I will not
say, sir, that I hope you will again summoia us
some years hence, when again occupying with the
same aignity the civic chair. We may not always
be so fortunate as we are to-day; but, whoever be
the first magistrate of this city, this at least we
may be permitted to hope, that he will find that
when the severe test of time is applied to the ener-
getic sentiments of the present moment they will
bear that test—(hear, hear)—and that not in 1860
only, but for many years to come, you, and those
who form your noble fellowship throughout the
land, will continue to give, us you give us now, no
note of defiance to other countries, no symptom of
a tendency to disregard or undervalue the tights
of those who inhabit other countries, but a deter-
mination to defend your own rights, to maintain
and to hand down to your children what you have
received from yoir fathers, and to afford convincing
proof to the world that, even amidst those pursuits
of peace which have raised this country to so re-
markable an elevation, you still are prepared to
remember in ease of need what has made your
fathers famous, that the heart of England still
beats within your bosoms, and that you intend
that she shall never derogate as from the other
fruits so from the martial fame and the heroic
bravery of her former years. (Loud cheering,
amidst which the right hon. gentleman resumed
his seat.)
Lord GROSVENOR, M.P., responded to the toast,
and several other toasts followed.
The dinner was followed by a volunteer ball,
held in the same room, commencing at 8 o'clock.