The Sun.
London, England, 1869-04-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 6, 169.

MISCELLANEOUS NEWS.

parties, that the existing ciinerences may De ;inertly
adjusted.

THE GOVERNMENT AND THE. TELEGRAPHi.

Ryland's Iron Trade Circular states that the
arrangements for the transfer of the telegraphs to
the Government are proceeding rapidly, and that the
purchase will include at least one of the cables
between England and the Continent.

THE WAR IN PARAGUAY.

There is still a South American war. The only item
of news brought by the Brazilian mail records the unques-
tionable fact that Lopez is preparing to carry on the con-
test. He is now at the central town of l'araguari "levy-
ing men in all directions ; but he is believed to be very
scant in munitions of war, although food is most abundant. "
The Buenos Ayres Standard fixes the number of
Lopez's army at from 1,000 to 1,200 men.
Deserters who have arrived at the allied _ camp
represent the women as employed at the mines making
gunpowder. No despatches have been received from the
Ameri can Minister, General M`Mahon, or from any of the
foreign consuls, a circumstance which has led to the belief
that Lopez has intercepted all the despatches sent. It
appears that at present the Allies are making no attenlat
to get at the Dictator. Of course his last chance of
making open war is lost, but he may yet give some
trouble.

(From the Anglo-American Times.)
This bill, passed by the Radicals to put the bit
into ANDREW JOHNSON'S mouth, has come back like
a bad shilling to vex its authors. Strong efforts
have been made to induce the Senate to pass the
House Bill repealing it; but, as yet, in vain. The
Senate modified the Act so as to retain the sub-
stance of power, and returned the bill thus amended
to the House, who defeated it by 99 against 70.
As the House insisted on the Repeal, and the Se-
nate adhered to their decision for modification only,
a conference was agreed to, and the subject re-
ferred to a Joint Committee, who, having reported
the bill, substantially as that adopted by the Senate,
it finally passed both Houses of Congress as thus
modified. By its provisions the PRESIDENT may
suspend and nominate ; but if the Senate does
not confirm the nomination, the suspended officer
reverts to his post. The ignorance of the
English Press on American affairs has been strik-
ingly exemplified in its comments on the defeat of
the Senate's Amendment by the House of Repre-
sentatives. The Morning Post wrote a leader on
" GRANT'S First Check," which, for a tutal perver-
sion of the facts, could scarcely have been excelled.
It was not that the writer was intentionally inisre-
presenting, but he was discussing a subject of which
he knew nothing, and he supposed that the Repre-
sentatives were endeavouring to tie up the PRESI-
DENT'S hands, and the Senate, in a modified degree,
to set them free ; while, as our readers know, the re-
verse was the case. Yet this article was generally
quoted, summaries being given of it in the even-
ing papers, and all with the sensational head-
ing of " GRANT'S First Check." This article
will be found, as it originally appeared, iu
another column. The Standard thus alludes
to the telegraphic message---" This early ex-
hibition of want of confidence on the part of the
House of Representatives towards President-GRANT
does not augur well for the future peaceful rela-
tions between the Executive and Legislature." The
Globe wrote a short article to the same effect, and
how many more papers we cannot pretend to tell ;
yet these are the guides and instructors of a great
nation on subjects concerning another great nation,
each of which exercises a most important influence on
the other. But to return to the Tenure-of-Office Act.
GRANT pending the settlement declines in a general
way to make appointments, asserting that the incum-
bents are protected by this law, and his answer to
the applicant often is—" Why ! the place you want
is not vacant." The result has been a strong pres-
sure by the office-seekers on the Senate to repeal
the law ; and the Chamber has been in this curious
position, that if they do repeal it they will rob
themselves of the power in favour of the PRESIDENT,
by which each individual Senator will lose much of
his personal influence, and if they do not repeal it
they will lose still more, for the incumbeats, ac-
cording to GRANT'S reading, will then be in for
life, and there will be no offices to fill. Every
compromise to meet the difficulty has failed. Mr.
TRUMBULL reported the bill as amended by the
Judiciary Committee on the 16th March, striking
out the word " repealed," and inserting instead
" suspended until next session of Congress." What
the Senate intended was to work the bill as the
House of Commons works the Mutiny Act. If
Parliament, annually, does not pass that law, the
power of officers over soldiers ceases ; and if the
Senate (had this amendment been adopted) ne-
glected to suspend the Tenure-of-Office Act at
each session, the PRESIDENT'S power of dismissing
officials would be at an end. Mr. MORTON con-
tended that every argument for suspension was
equally good for repeal, that the amendment
showed distrust, proposing probation for the PRE-
SIDENT to see how he will act. Under the law
charges must be made against an officer which
would ruin his reputation, if sustained ; but if not,
would subject the PRESIDENT to the imputation of
recklessness or malice, thus bringing both into a
personal interest in the result. In reforming the
service there might be so many suspensions that
Congress could not inquire into the reasons for each
case, and the law therefore would fail to work As
the PRESIDENT is responsible he should be left un-
trammelled to carry out the great reforms expected
by the country. Senator YATES agreed with Se-
nator MORTON, in thinking the Act should be un-
conditionally repealed, also urging on the Chamber
the PRESIDENT'S responsibility as the hest reason ;
but having yielded tha floor temporarily to Mr.
ED3IUNDS, that gentleman called attention to a legal
opinion he read from a book, asserting it to be
absurd that the PRESIDENT could create vacancies
in public offices without the advice and consent of
the Senate. As Mr. YATES could not agree with
that opinion, Mr. EDMUNDS said that what he had
read was the opinion of one of the Judges in the Im-
peachment Trial, Senator YATES of Illinois ; which,
of course, raised a laugh against that gentleman.
Mr. EDMUNDS strongly urged the retention of the
law, not for to-day or to-morrow, not for this Presi-
dent or that, but for the time when the nation
would consist of 100 States and 100,000,000 of in-
habitants. The millenium had not come because
an honest President and Vice-President had been
ele3ted ; they would pass away, but the country
would remain, with its contending sections and fac-
tions, its army of postmasters, collectors, and as-
sessors to attend primary meetings ; and who could
tell how soon another ANDREW JOHNSON might sit
in the Presidential Chair. Senator FESSENDEN
had opposed the law from the first, had foretold it
would do more evil than good, and would now vote
for its repeal. He censured the tone the discussion
had taken as to confidence of Senators in GRANT and
his great victories, who was not now a General, but
PRE.IDENT, and likely to have a hard time. Senator
HoWARD would keep the law on the Statute Book.
He admired GRANT, but he would not swerve from
his duty for any man. Senator THAYER offered a
substitute, adding the condition that all nomina-
tions by the PRESIDENT made during the recess
shall be sent to the Senate within ten days after
the session had commenced. In cases of vacancies by
death or resignation, the PRESIDENT need not now
report such nominations, and Senator COLE favoured
THAYER'S motion. Senator SHER3IA-N supported
a repeal, as did Senator CARPENTER, who argued
that the power of removal without the con-
sent of the Senate might end in making the PRE-
SIDENT the people's master instead of their servant.
Senator MORTON thought this argument in favour
of the law far-fetched; some of them reminded him
of one who liked the Maine prohibitory liquor law
in theory, but, sternly opposed its enforcement.
Whatever force there was in the reasons against
repeal existed against suspension, a proposal which
confessed the retention of the law to be a mere
matter of expediency. Senator DAVIS, of Kentucky,
spouted on the floor for hours, to empty seats and
galleries, in favour of the repeal ; then the remarks
of Governor BROWNLOW, who was too feeble to read
them, were read by the Secretary. He opposed the
repeal, but would modify the law as far as Con-
gress thoughl expedient. His opinion of GRANT, how-
ever high, furnished no reason for removing a neces-
sary restriction. Senator SCOTT would not repeal
the law, but was willing to vote for its suspension.
For three-quarters of an hour Carl SCHURZ then
might
held h the
havefloor.
voted On thef
ro simple
repeal,
but under the circum-
cumstances he preferred suspending and retaining
the law. One of the greatest problems presented
to the statesmen of the day was how to reform the
public service, and root out the degrading and dis-
graceful corruption and inefficiency now existing
there. The main source of that corruption was not
to be found in the exercise of arbitrary power of
removal by the Executive, but in the system of ap-
pointment of public officers at random from personal
or political favouritism, or upon the principle that
"to the victors belong the spoils." He would vote
against repeal, paradoxical as it seemed, because
Congress having attempted ref ortn in the wrong di-
rection and failed, would be driven to gotat the roJt of

the evil by establishing a true reform in a system of
examination, appointment for merit, and removals
for cause, thus giving respectability and permanence
to the Public Service. He had heard with regret
that the PRESIDENT felt so sensitive about this law,
that he would await its repeal before sending no-
minations to the Senatc—a rumour doubtless with-
out truth, but tending to bring the Legislature and
the Executive into collision, Ile Iva§ not one of

A law was introduced into the New York Legit'
lature and referred to the Committee on Judicial
providing for the publication of a sworn statemell
in each issue of a New York newspaper of the
actual circulation of the preceding issue. The Nel
York. Legislature is not fond of the newspapers'
and, although it fears them, still, it is not sorry t°
give them a back-bander when the opportunity
offers. Regular advertisers are aware that a wide
circulation is but one element in the value of sti,
advertisement. The class which reads, weighs mg
with the knowing ones. A London publisher, 0
instance, selects a leading weekly review for 81r
nouncing ordinary books ; but if he hai che3P
literature to dispose of, he prefers Lloyd's IVeekl
News. A carriage manufacturer would not pay 0
the publicity to be acquired from a paper circular'
ing in the East End. Circulation depends more fat
its value to advertisers, on its nature, than on it:
quantity. The majority of the Committee repots
in favour of the law, but the minority declare it 0
be arbitrary and unnecessary. The class each paper
addresses, they consider to be as well known as tbe
business of a dry-goods dealer or a manufacture!
of shoes, and that an advertiser will select tlla'
paper through which he can address his customer:
or those be desires to make his customers. Tb
minority report adds, " That they who produce the
best article and please the public by a conformitl
to the essentials of journalistic enterprise will se
lf
the greatest number of papers." If the law were
passed and brought iuto operation, we venture to as'
sert that the Committee would discover the differ:
ence between theory and practice, and find that th°
most unworthy were often those in largest cireti;
lation; while obscenity, and even blasphemy, 0)
add to the sale, at least momentarily, of such pr°'
ductions. The London Spectator, during the Aule:
rican war, showed how a rigid adherence to trot"
may damage a circulation. A review, of its adteir
able and able character, must have, at least, a 013;
siderable portion of its subscribers among the best
read people, who, as a rule in England, are atn94,
the upper classes. With them the side taken lv
the Spectator was most unpopular ; but the reviesq'
which knew a great deal more about America 010,
its readers, persisted in telling the plain truth, and
suffered in consequence. No doubt it all comet,
square in the end if the paper can only live throng
it, but this law would add to the truckling to poPtl.;
lar prejudices and fallacies, already too common to
New York. Any great daily journal that r 3
counter to the error of the time might itself
plode before the error exploded, for not only Nvo°l
its circulation rapidly dwindle, but, having to arl:
nounce the fact, it would give a spur to those
against whom it was fighting, for nothing more telis
than to see how the enemy suffers, while its adver;
tisements would decrease with its circulation. There
is no horse that eats its head off like a daily news'
paper, and there is no fortune that can long with
stand the drain when the journal falls into neglect,
The stimulant, then, would be given to do exactly
what the press ought not to do, that is, to
pander to public vices and prejudices. The soe'
cess of the "Brick Pomeroys" is sufficient as it is,
without throwing all the trumps into their hands'
The outrageous boasting of some New Vro
journals about their circulation might have to 13
maintained at all hazards, and if a man lies voluo'

tarily without an oath, he may lie on compulsion
with an oath, adding another to the many element
of New York corruption. It would be much faire
for all if such a law were necessary that the sub'
scribers' names should every quarter be published!,
and this might really be turned to the advantag
of the journal, if Paid or Unpaid was added t 4
each. Such a list, together with the number sold
by newsvendors and sent over the country arlci
abroad for sale, would be much more to the pill'
pose, but it would be still better to allow each t."
standon its own merits. The boasting, the unbounded,a
exaggeration, the 100,000 subscribers, are stale, old
tricks which deceive no one, and ought by this till
to be thoroughly played out, at least in New Yong
City. When the Committee on Military Affair
called on the PRESIDENT to discuss army legislatiol3'
GRANT told them that the less they did in that 013
the better, and the same advice might be tendered
to the New York Legislature regarding the
.I`le't
York press.—Anglo-American Times.

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it causes the Hair to grow thick and strong. It removes
dandruff. It contains neither oil nor dye. In large Bottles'
Price Six Shillings. Sold by most Chemists and Perfuraot
Depot 266, High Holborn