The Sun.
London, England, 1869-07-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 14, 1869.

posal the postparement of the appropria-
tion should be rejected. Other changes,
of somewhat lesser importance, made by the
Lords will be disallowed by the Commons, and the
original bill will be once more sent to the Upper
House. Will their l.rdships incur the responsibility
of throwing it out ? We fear that they will. Many
of the Conservative peers who voted for the second
reading did so avowdly on the understanding that
if their amendment were rejected they would
reject the bill. Since then they have been encou-
raged in their resstance by the Tinier, which,
through lack of mixing with the middle classes, they
think represents the convictions of the nation. It
is well known that many of them declare their inten-
tion of throwing out the bill time after time if they
cannot work their will upon it, We greatly fear,
therefore, that a serious collision is at hand, and that
it will involve serious aarm to two institutions which
we wish to see preserved—the House of Lords and the
Church. Should our fears be realised,it is the Peers
and the Bishops who will be responsible for any harm
that may be done.

THE discussion in the House of Commons touching
our policy in Central Asia ought once for all to
dispose of that question. It is important and, unlike
many foreign matters nearer home, easy to master; but
the principles which should guide the action of
England are not less plain and simple, andit is difficult
to conceive of any necessity for deviating from them.
Russia has long owned that large section of the
Asiatic continent which is included under the title
of Siberia ; but this region, though one-third larger
than the whole of Europe, is comparatively worth-
less—barren, bleak, and so thinly populated
that the entire fire million square miles
of Russia in Asia do not contain as many
inhabitants as London. It was not to be
expected that an essentially aggressive people
would rest satisfied with such an inheritance.
Accordingly, for the last twenty years Russia has
pushed steadily southwards and eastwards :towards
India, just as in Europe she has advanced towards
Constantinople. The great region lying east of the
Caspian Sea between Siberia and India has gradually
been overcome until the greater part of it is now
Russian territory. It was natural that this rapid
approach to the Indian frontier should excite alarm
both at home and in our Eastern Empire. When the
news came that the Russians had taken possession of
Bokhara the question whether we should interfere
in Central Asian politics was seriously discussed.
Bokhara, it is true, is separated from British terri-
tory by at least 1,000 miles of difficult country, but
the previous progress of the Muscovite arms left
little doubt that this space would soon be overcome.
It was asserted, too, that Persia was on intimate
terms with Russia, that the SHAH, in fact, was the
CZAR'S vassal, and that Affghanistan would soon fall
a prey to the great Northern Power. These two
States were the only barriers—and very weak ones—
to the Russian advance. If they fell, the whole
space between the Indian frontier and St.
Petersburg would be Muscovite territory. Should,
then, England interfere by occupying Affghanistan,
or by any advance beyond the Punjab, so as to take
possession beforehand of some of the territory which
would otherwise fall a prey to Russia ? This was
the question which arose some little time ago. It
was promptly decided in the negative, later
events have confirmed that decision, and there
is no likelihood that it will be disturbed.
There can be little doubt that the Russians will
advance further, probably the Anglo-Indians will
soon have them as their neighbours; but this does
not necessarily involve any injury to our Indian
interests. Other things being equal, it is better to
have a civilised than a barbarous neighbour. The
only way in which we can suffer from Russian con-
quest is by an attempt to wrest the Indian Empire
from us, but that any such attempt will be made
may safely be pronounced the wildest of chimeras.
It by no means follows that because Russia overcomes
the mountain tribes of Tartary she is doing so only as a
preliminary to a conflict with British Power in India.
By no possibility could such an attempt be successful.
The Indian frontier is many thousands of miles from
the centre of supplies in Russia, the intervening
distance is all overland, and the newly-conquered
district is destitute of roads, much more railways.
The idea of Russia assailing under such disadvantages
a civilised Power close to its resources may be pro-
nounced preposterous. To advance beyond the Indian
frontier would only be to occupy a region which can
be of no use to England, and at the same time to
increase the distance between the British outposts and
Calcutta, and to diminish the space between the
Russian advanced guard and St. Petersburg.
Any intervention of this kind, therefore, is out of
the question. The Asiatic continent outside India
may safely be left for Russia to take, in the hope that
the investment will be found more profitable. But
the expediency of getting on friendly terms with
these natives races, the Affghans and the Persians,
is a question far more worthy of discus-
sion than that of forestalling Russia in
conquering them. English trade with Persia is
already very considerable, and may be enlarged.
Such trade is likely to prove profitable under the
independence of Persia than under Russian rule. It
is natural that the conquering Power should wish to
retain the good things for itself. Russia has already
acted on this principle in Central Asia by imposing
a very heavy tariff on the importation of
British goods. Until, therefore, the Muscovites
become enlightened enough to lower their duties a
little more, the English Government may do wisely
in keeping on good terms with the SHAH. Another
consideration pointed out by Sir STAFFORD NORTH-
COTE is of importance, and applies equally to Persia
and Affghanistan. The recent annexations in
Central Asia have been brought about by Russia
coming into contact with lawless tribes in a state of
anarchy, who have provoked incursions which have
been not unwillingly undertaken. Anarchy is common
enough in Affghanistan, and it is quite possible that
the lively people of the country might soon " pro-
voke an incursion " from the Russians. By helping
to sustain a strong native Government in Affghanistan,
the interference of Russia may be prevented, the
conquest of Affghanistan avoided, and a native
independent State preserved as a barrier be-
tween the Russian dominions and the weakest
frontier of India. This amount of interven-
tion the English Government has adopted.
SHERB ALI has been aided a little, and comparative
order for the first time reigns in Affghanistan. But,
as a general principle, it will be found better to leave
Central Asia to the natives and the Russians.
The best Central Asian policy is no policy
at all. In overrunning this region, Russia
is only following our own example and con-
forming to the general rule that countries thinly in-
habited with barbarous tribes must inevitably fall to
a civilised Power. It is rather satisfactory that the
progress of Russia southwards is likely to bring a
long unknown land within the reach of civilising
influences. And if the Russians will but moderate
their love for an excessive tariff, they will make
very good neighbours. With some slight differences
of detail, this view of the question was taken by Mr.
EASTWICK, the member for Falmouth, in his
exhaustive speech on Friday evening, and by all
the succeeding speakers, The subject may be
considered disposed of.

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HER MAJESTY.

WINDSOR CASTLE, July 13.

The Queen, accompanied by his 11— -
ness Prince Leopold, drove in ..,yat High-
day afternoon. Lite grounds yoster-
Her Al^'

v —jesty, accompanied by PriIICCOS LOUiLO,
oat put tbie ippraing.