The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-14 00:00:00

PORTRUSIi LIFEBOAT.

The National Lifeboat Institution sent by steamer
yesterday one of its best single-banked lifeboats,
accompanied with a transporting carriage, to
Portrush, on the north coast of Ireland. She pos-
sesses the usual important qualities of the boats of
the institution, of self-righting and self-ejecting
seas shipped. She was built by Messrs. Forrestt,
of Limehouse, under the superintendence of the
surveyor of the society. The boat's transporting-
carriage was built by Mr. Robinson, of Camden-
town. It is admirably adapted for its purpose, and
the boat can thus, in addition to many other ad-
vantages, be made available for a long line of coast.
The cost (X 180) of the lifeboat and her equipMents
is the gift of a benevolent Staffordshire lady. A
commodious and substantial house has been built
for the reception of the lifeboat, her stores, and
carriage. In fact, there will probably not be a
more complete lifeboat establishment on the Irish
coast than at Portrush. A free conveyance has
readily been granted to the boat and carriage by
the London and. Belfast and Londonderry Steam-
packet Companies. Arrangements will: forthwith
be made by the local committee for the organisa-
tion of a crew and for the appointment of an effi-
cient coxswain for the boat, who will have the
charge of the station, and who will, every time she
is required, go afloat in her. Captain the Earl of
Antrim, RN., Laura, Countess of Antrim, Mr. J.
C. Beresford, Capt. Mould, RN., and other gentle-
men,
have cordially co-operated with the National
Lifeboat Institution in the establishment of the
Portrush lifeboat, and in obtaining public support
in aid of its cost, which cannot be much less than
£4OO. The National Lifeboat Institution has also
sent recently lifeboats and transporting carriages
to Margate, in Kent; Thurso, Buckie, and North
Berwick, in Scotland ; and Tyrella, in Ireland. The
institution has likewise lifeboats and transporting
carriages nearly ready to be sent to Selsey,
in
Sussex ; St. Ives, in Cornwall ; Southport, near
Liverpool ; Pennarth and Llandudno, in Wales ;
and Irvine, in Scotland. The society has also life-
boats building for several other places. To meet
the heavy charges on its new lifebbat establish-
ments, and to maintain those already formed in an
efficient state, the support of the public in aid of
the funds of this important and philanthropic in-
stitution is much needed, the committee having
only recently been compelled to order the sale of
£l,OOO from its small funded capital, the interest
from which is very essential to aid in meeting the
present and future heavy charges on its 108 life-
boat establishments.

INSPECTION OF THE ROYAL HORSE GUARDS BY
THE PRINCE LOUIS or HESSE.—Yesterday afternoon
Prince Louis of Hesse-Darmstadt inspected the Royal
Horse Guards in the barrack-square, Spital, near Windsor.
His Serene Highness arrived at the barracks shortly before
one o'clock on horseback, attended by Lord Charles Fitzßoy
and Baron von Westerweller, and was received by a royal
salute. The prince paraded the regiment, and afterwards
inspected the riding-school, and expressed himself to Col.
H. s. Baas, the officer in command, highly gratified with
everything be had witnessed.

The last of the leading diplomatists who took
part in establishing the imaginary European " set-
tlement" of 1814-15—a blameless, honourable man,
on whose integrity_ not a breath of doubt ever
rested, but on whose sagacity and ability opinion
was and will be rudely divided—has passed away.
After some months' failing health, unaccompan;?d
by pain or suffering, Lord Aberdeen died this
morning at half-past one o'clock, wanting only a
few weeks of having completed his 77th year.
The mind of the deceased statesman, naturally
refined to the verge of fastidious sensitiveness, and
endowed with an exquisite appreciation of the
beautiful in art, received an elaborate process of
cultivation which, in his case, was probably never
wholly discontinued. The tastes which he had im-
bibed in youth he cherished with unimpaired
attachment in the busiest days of his public career.
Whilst the energies of his intellect were devoted to
the bureau and the council-room, his heart lay in
the studio and the gallery. Eminent as were the
positions which he held in the public service of his
country—having almost in youth been promoted to
a conspicuous rank among the high negotiators of
Europe—his opinions upon points connected with
antique or modern art would have been received
with more deference than any expressions upon
the subjects which engrossed his labours, if not his
affections. It is as a statesman, however, that we
have now to regard him.
To Lord Aberdeen an observation would pro-
bably apply which has with less accuracy been
used in reference to other public men. He was,
in truth, the last link that connected, however
feebly, the present generation of English poli-
ticians, the present system, and especially the
foreign policy, of Great Britain with a bygone
generation, with a system and policy emphati-
cally of the past. He was himself, far more
than many of his seniors by several years who sur-
vive him, a man of a bygone age. Even when,
some five or six years ago, he occupied the most
prominent Ministerial position in the world—that
of British Premier—he was almost involuntarily so
regarded, and it was superfluous for him to enforce
this impression by reminding his fellow-peers that
he had reached the allotted limits of human
existence.
The impression itself was in a great degree attri-
butable to the circumstance of his lordship having
been brought in very early life into immediate con-
tact and association with men who are npw remem-
bered as the constructors of a political, territorial,
and dyngstic scheme of polity, vainly intended to
be permanent, but founded on quicksands, and
from which we are already separated by events so
momentcus that its very significance has departed.
All his contemporaries in the memorable transac-
tions of 1814-15 have passed away. They were all
much older men than their English colleague.
Metternich—himself the impersonatitm of a system
which he saw grow, triumph, and collapse into
annihilation—was one of the last survivors. 1830
and 1848, with their interminable and still advan-
cing train of portentous consequences, rise up as a
wall of utter separation between the thoughts and
maxims of to-day and those of the school of states-
men with whom, perhaps too hastily, Lord Aber-
deen has been classed.
For although the first conspicuous appearance of
Lord Aberdeen was in connection with the reac-
tionist party who were combining for the over-
throw of Napoleon and the re-establishment of
stringent legitimacy, his still earlier associations
found him a sympathiser with the aspirations of
Greece. If at the age of 29 the then all-important
functions of Ambassador at Vienna were entrusted
to the young diplomatist, we trace him, nine years
before this, an ardent philo-Hellenist, founding the
"Athenian Society," and thus earning the epithet
afterwards applied to him, partly in spite, partly in
jealousy, and partly in compliment, by Byron—
" The learned thane, Athenian Aberdeen."
Circumstances, rather than predilections, as-
signed his position and defined his career. In
Europe, at the end of the French war, there was no
thought of anything but a return, as nearly as pos-
sible, to the position of the status quo ante. No allow-
ance was made for the changes which the revolution,
though baffled, had necessitated. Even in Eng-
land, the hereditary home of free thought and free
expression, there was scarcely a whisper against
the propriety and expediency of treating national
sensibilities as a phantasm, and ordering terri-
torial arrangements by the rule of line and plum-
met. The position of Canning was still subordi-
nate, and himself suspected and depressed. He
could scarcely indicate the outlines of that pro-
gramme of true English policy which it was
reserved for Lord Palmerston to interpret, enlarge,
and realise in the face of difficulties which might
well have appalled a mind of average courage and
vigour ; and which it is no injustice to Lord Aber-
deen to say his temperament did not qualify him
to confront. It required a Parliament to meet
and deal with the accumulation of obstructive in-
fluences in face of which the foreign policy of
England has attained a dignity and elevation
worthy her old renown.
It was at Toplitz, in November, 1813, that Lord
Aberdeen, as Ambassador to Austria, effectuated
the negotiations which included the father-in-law
of the Emperor Napoleon in the general combina-
tion against Imperial France, and precipitated the
catastrophe the first scene of which closed at Fon-
tainebleau. In the conferences, negotiations, trea-
ties, and compacts preceding and following the
sojourn in Elba, and those again which, after the
battle of Waterloo, were presumed to place on a
basis of unassailable strength the designs of states-
men in the interest of their respective masters,
Lord Aberdeen took part, and acquitted himself
with creditable ability within the line prescribed
for him by the Cabinet which, as if in retri-
bution, began soon to feel the overshadowing
predominance of the great captain whom its chiefs
had been so slow to appreciate. It is now well
known that, for a considerable time before his
appearance on the arena of general politics, the
Duke of Wellington possessed great influence in
quarters where such influence was certain to be
efficacious, and that it was usually exercised more
in accordance with official and dynastic traditions
than with the new state of things—moral, social,
and political—which was born of the revolutionary
era. It would be inexact to say that in his diplo-
matic capacity Lord Aberdeen initiated a line of
policy, but he adequately represented and sup-
ported that with which he was charged. In
justice, too, to Lord Castlereagh, and to the
memory of the greater man whose opinions hence-
forward entered so largely into the inspirations of
the British Government, it must here be noted that
the foreign policy of the period, although far from
being governed by the large, independent, an%
fearless spirit which in after years characterised it,
was, when compared with the maxims prevailing
on the Continent, a policy of republicanism itself.
It would be a true description of it to say that it
acted as a check and temperer to those hereditary
plans of unqualified despotism and repression which
after the Bourbon restoration, were favoured in
some of the leading Cabinets of Europe. If England
had not been England—if English sentiment had
not been to some extent represented, and let it be
added, for the sake of truthfulness, if the Duke of
Wellington had been less wise and moderate,-and
Lord Castlereagh less sagacious and observant—the
progressive destinies of nations might
_have been
indefinitely postponed.
In the year 1828, after the brief Administration
of Canning and Lord Goderich, the Duke of Wel-
lington, disregarding, in deference to the claims
of duty, his celebrated—imd conditional—denun-
ciation of madness against himself, undertook to
form a Government, in which. Lord Aberdeen was
nominated to the Foreign-office—a post always of
high consideration, but not of such paramount mo-
ment at that juncture as it had been before, and has
since been. Public interest in foreign affairs was
almost suspended by the evidently approaching
climax of the Roman Catholic agitation and the in-
creasing vehemence of the call for Reform. It was
understood that Lord Aberdeen fully agreed with
the Duke in regarding the affair of Navarino as an un-
toward event. It is certain that the principles laid
down by Mr. Canning, and illustrated by that
statesman in his attitude with respect to the inva-
sion of Spain under the Due d'Angouleme, and
the question of South American independence,
were neither avowed nor maintained by Lord
Aberdeen. His personal intimacy, not only with
the statesmen, but with the very highest _ pte. r
°id to
P .9eh the
scoonnatgi
ne se at somen
oof
fto, the ea absolutist
m e Courts, 0
have been permitted by him to interfere wit
to
England. Nevertheless, it is indisputable.d in some
tenor of his foreign administration evince
performance of what he conceived to behis
'nee taken respect-
respects different views to those si
But wu.old be un-
and interest of this country.
suffered materially from
just to assert that either
fault could be imputed
his proceedings. If a special
to this statesman's general management of his
ing the measures most compatible w.tith the honour
tdhuattyt the
department,
ofemieitei7 beyondtlbda,nef
eom miqusessitionone
It
question,
often
rather

been said that over-caution and timidity were his
foible; and to this some has added the sarcastic
commentary that in public business rashness and
timidity are of kindred stocks.
His lordship shared the fortunes and misfor-
tunes of the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert
Peel consequent on the disruption caused by the
Emancipation Act ; and he stood side by side with
them during the tempestuous vicissitudes of the
Reform era. Of course he took office, and left it
(on this occasion, however, for the Colonies), during
the short Conservative interregnum of 1834-35 ;
and equally of course resumed his old position in
the Foreign-office when, in 1841, Sir Robert Peel
obtained a more durable lease of power. He had
during the preceding years of pilgrimage in what
Sir Robert candidly termed " the bleak regions of
Opposition," taken part frequently in the
debates ; and it happened that, from the period of
his taking office in 1841, down to his retirement
some years later, when the Conservative party and
the corn laws fell together, the interest attached to
foreign affairs remained altogether secondary to
that of the great domestic subject which moved the
country throughout its length and breadth. A
rumour was circulated by persons not friendly
to the Foreign Secretary, that, during the
paid us in 1844 by the Emperor of Russia, there
had been interchanges not only of personal com-
pliments, but of commuriications which it was the
duty of a British statesman to treat as public pro-
perty, and accordingly cause to be made public.
The revival of this rumour in 1854, together with
the expressions of confidence in Lord Aberdeen's
friendly disposition which, whilst hostilities were
impending,reported
Petersburg, contributed
o have been used t
abyl
little
thl the
Czar in certain conversations with the British Am-
bassador
atS t.
to the coldness, amounting almost to distrust, with
which not only his general policy on the Eastern
question, but the measures adopted by his Govern-
ment in the conduct of the war, were regarded by

many.
But to return to the chronological order of
events. From the fall of Sir Robert Peel down to
the formation of the Coalition Ministry, in 1852,
Lord Aberdeen experieneed another long interval
of exclusion, illuminated by only a momentary and
deceptive gleam of sunshine in 1851, when in the
general confusion of parties he was invited to at-
tempt the construction of a Ministry in conjunction
with Sir James Graham, but shrank from a task
which was perhaps impracticable. While out of
office, the revolution of 1848 had showed the fallacy
of the implicit trust which a not inconsiderable
section of English statesmen had reposed in the
political wisdom and prescience of the Citizen King.
During these years Lord Aberdeen was not sparing
of strictures on the policy of the Foreign-office
under Lord Palmerston ; and he made himself re-
markable by departing from his usually quiescent
tone when referring to the misunderstanding with
Greece in the famous "Don Pacifico" case. Herein,
however, as upon nearly every question arising
from time to time, it happened that public opinion
was with Lord Palmerston and against the peculiar
view taken by Lord Aberdeen.
It was the complete disorganisation of party con-
nections after Lord Derby's discomfiture in 1852,
and the embarrassing relations in which the more
active leaders found themselves, that led to Lord
Aberdeen's new call to the formation of an Admi-
nistration of which he was himself to be the head.
It has been remarked that this coalition Ministry
contained in its constitution the elements of disso-
lution, that it comprised too many men of the first
class, and that this circumstance alone was enough
to insure its early fall. But it was not, after all,
so very short-lived. It lasted as long as Lord Grey's
Ministry, with its unparalleled majority, had done
after the passing of the Reform Bill ; and it went
on pretty well until it encountered an ordeal such
as no other Government has been subjected to
within living memory—the sudden " drifting" into
a great war with armaments based upon the expec-
tation of permanent peace, and departments all un-
prepared for such a demand upon their energies and
resources. It will be matter of discussion by the
future historian whether, with regard to the
management of foreign affairs during the previous
crisis, we had " the right men in the right place."
We found ourselves at all events in a war to which
the head o!tl3e Cabinet was believed to be strongly
opposed. Mistakes and misfortunes undoubtedly
occurred, perhaps would have occurred under any
possible distribution of the Ministerial personnel.
But the press, already in an ill humour, was deter•
mined to throw blame on particular individuals. A
full share of this fell on the Premier himself and
on another statesman, who was probably the most
hardworking member of the Cabinet. In Feb-
ruary, 1855, Government was beaten by a very
large majority on an ad captandum motion
for inquiry ; and Lord Aberdeen, nothing loth,
relinquished an irksome position, which he
certainly had not sought, and which, probably,
nothing short of an imperative sense of duty
had induced him to retain so long. He was
succeeded by Lord Palmerston, whom the distinct
expression of the country, signally verified by re-
sults, had fixed upon as the man most capable of
carrying on the war with effect and success. Since
then Lord Aberdeen has not taken a prominent part
in politics, though occasionally addressing the peers,
and always listened to with the peculiar deference
which is paid to only two or three other members
of the house. He was known to have been honoured
in a special manner with the personal confidence
and esteem of his Sovereign.
Lord Aberdeen was the 4th in succession in the
Scottish earldom, which was created in 1682. In
1814 he was created a viscount of the United King-
dom. He succeeded his grandfather in the family
estates and Scottish honours in the year 1801. He
was married twice : first, in 1805, to a daughter of
the first Marquis of Abercorn, who died without
issue in 1812 ; secondly, in 1815, to the relict of
James, Viscount Hamilton, This lady's son by her
first husband became subsequently the second Mar-
quis of Abercorn, so that the nobleman just de-
ceased was son-in-law to the first and stepfather to
the present marquis, to whom his son, Lord Haddo
(by the second marriage), the present earl, is of
course half-brother. On his retirement, in 1855, he
received the honour of the vacant Garter. He was
also a Knight of the Scottish Order of the Thistle.
His lordship was Chancellor of University and
King's Colleges, Aberdeen, Ranger of Greenwich
Park, an Elder Brother of the Trinity House, and
for some time President of the Society of Anti-
quaries. His lordship's discretion was much con-
fided in by his countrymen of the Presbyterian
persuasion ; and, during the disputes which arose
upon the patronage or " intrusion" question, he
acted for a while as a kind of umpire between the
contending parties ; but his mediation could not
. avert a final rupture.—Morning Post.
_ _

The following has bear -received fro
mittee of Mexican Bondholders. It confir PIS the
telegraphic account of the robbery at the IA itish
Legation, and shows it to have been one of then
most deliberate 'and high-handed outrages e ver
perpetrated on the rights and property of
foreigners:—
" The Committee have received a letter from 111.vr.
Whitehead, dated Mexico, the 17th ult., confirminj
the telegraphic news that General Marquez htalad.
seized the funds of the bondholders in the capi
by order of General Miramon, in the presence and
under the protest of the Spanish Minister, the
British Consul, Mr. Glennie, and of Mr. White-
head, by forcibly breaking the locks and cutting
a piece out of the door of the strong-room in which
they were deposited, and which bore the seal of the
British Legation. The Government professes that
it will for the present only make use, of £200,000
of the amount, to be reimbursed out of certain con-
tributions and duties. An extract from Mr. White-
head's letter will be sent to-morrow.
" It appears that on the 30th of October last an.
armistice was concluded at Guadalajara for 15 days,
by the terms of which both armies were during the
time to retire to a distance of 12 leagues from that
city, and that the Constitutionalists availed them-
selves of this opp ortunity to turn upon Marquez, who
had approached within a day's journey, and entirely
routed him. The result has been that Marquez arrived
alone in the capital, which was declared in a state of
siege, and where Marquez was named Qnarter-
master-General. It is further said that, the
armistice having been broken, and a conflict having
taken place, Guadalajara was taken by the Con-
stitutionalists, Castillo, with the remnant of his
force, retiring towards Tepic. However that may
have been, it is pretty certain; that the Consti-
tutionalists are advancing rapidly on Mexico, and
that guerilla bands were already hovering about
the precincts of the city, and daily getting bolder."
The subjoined details of the Mexican robbery,
written while the event was in progress, are
extracted from the lettct d the Mexican corres-
pondent of the Now York Times :
"The Government has passed an order to Mr.
Whitehead to send to the Treasury 200,000 ders.
ols.
of the funds belonging to the English bondhold
He, of course, refused to do it, and has requested
the Spanish Ambassador, M. Pacheco, to take the
funds under his protection.
" M. Pacheco promises to defend them as long as
possible, but it is doubtful if Miramon will pay
attention to his protests.
" P.S. I havejust witnessed the greatest robbery
ever committed ! After the refusal of Mr. White-
head to deliver the English funds, the Government
sent a detachment of 50 soldiers, with orders to
break the doors and take the money by force.
and protested against the violation of the seal of
the English legation
tt ho en
CSoapnnasdnu Spanish hgma Ambassador,
aiagainst
t nthis
hve na
act, as he called it. The French Minister also
protested, and, in fact, the whole diplomatic corps
protested, and all the Consuls besides. Mr.
his Government all the per sons personally respon-
sible who gave the orders for this robbery, or who
executed them. But all this had no effect; the•
na came
ala e 1 I ic
of
commanding officer sent for three locksmiths, and..
ordered them to break open the door. Mr. Glennie
stepped forward and told them he would make
each of them responsible for it, and the locksmiths
refused to go on, but the officer sent for several
soldiers, who levelled their guns at them, and
forced them in this way to prosecute their work.
" After working for two hours.on it they suc-
ceeded in breaking down the door, after which Mr.
Glennie and Mr. Whitehead protested again, and
abandoned the whole suro.—nearly 1,000,000 dols.
—to the Government.
" They are now loading up the money on carts
to carry it to the Treasury.
" I hope that this infamous act will be the means
of arousing foreign Governments."
Glennie,
iahscehh
Englishe :og,

THE IYNE.

NEWCASTLE, Dec. 11.—The Tyne and its docks
still remain crowded with laden shipping, and our
seaports are as full of seamen. The wind has come
round from the north-east, and the sea is heavy on
the bar. Only one vessel left the port to-day.
She had to be towed out by two tugs, and got a
terrible washing crossing the bar. The Retriever,
a large full-rigged ship has arrived here to-day
from Quebec. But for the fact that the steam
colliers are enabled to keep up a communication
with. the Thames the supply of north-country coals
in London would have been almost entirely cut off
during the,last four weeks, as all the north-east
ports are pretty nAtch in the same predicament as.
the Tyne. On one day alone, Saturday, lii sail ot
laden screw colliers are reported to have arrived from
the north-east ports in the Thames. The importai2ce
of this class of vessels to trade can only be fully appr.)-
eiated in seasons such as we are now experiencing-
The export trade of the Tyne is shown to have been
in a very satisfactory condition in the month of
November. The Customhouse returns show that
129,973 tons of coals and 13,262 tons of coke were
exported in November from Newcastle, as against
122,336 tons of coals and 6,620 tons of coke ex-
ported in Nov., 1857. The increase in the exporta-
tion of coals from Sunderland was 1,132 tons ; the
Hartlepools, 15,067 tons; and Middlesborough,
4,208 tons. Cardiff, the great rival of the Tyne in
the exportation of steam coals, shows a remarkable
increase—no less than 32,2,34 tons—the figures
being—Nov.,lB6o, 108,185 tons ; Nov., 1859, 75,951
tons ; Newport, another west country port, shows
, an increase of 1,424 tons of coals ; Llanelly, 1,086
tons. In the value of goods other than coals and
coke exported; Newcastle shows an increase of
£10,566; Sunderland, £26,329 ; and Middles-
borough, notwithstanding the recent depression in
the iron trade, £11,935, over the month of Sept.,
1859 ; Newcastle exported 196,027 tons of coals to
London and other ports in the United Kingdom in
Nov., 1860 ; Sunderland, 166,841 tons ; Hartlepool
and West Hartlepool, 104,423 tons. Hartlepool,
probably in consequence of the early closing
of the trade by steamships with Cronstadt
and other upper Baltic ports this year, shows
a decrease of £105,996 in the value of goods, as
compared with the same period of 1859. The New-
castle Chamber of Commerce, the Shields ship-
owners' societies, and other public bodies interested
in the navigation of the Tyne, have an extensive
scheme propounded by the Tyne Improvement
Commissioners under discussion, for carrying out
great, indeed gigantic, improvements in the river,
The scheme includes a most extensive system of
dredging, the removal of bridges, the straight P
en;
ing of the river by removing points,.
vast increase of the water of the river to abovewh
' Newcastle-quay. The operations, if proceedo.nvoilve,
will extend over a number of years, and w 11 1
a very large expenditure of money. The scheme has
not been so well received by thet_coa
But
terist as
by the shipowners and
.merchoaran
somewhat modified
anticipated that the plans inT
haeScommissioners also
shape will be carried. out.
propose to abolish a Timber of sub mall taxes, called
&c., and substitute for them
" boatage, plankage,
a direct charge upon tonnage._ _

--_—_-=------_
a
sr,irlar affair occurred a few days
ago ; three brothe
At Bruges
all of them born in the same year,
to the authorities to be inscribed as
presented themselves
atioual Guard ; the two elder are twins,
members of the INT
11 months after them. The young
and the third was born
en are sons of a letter-carrier, who has six other children.
m A CHRISTMAS WARNING.—As many of us as are
blessed with the comforts of a cheerful fireside, of warm
clothing, and of abundant food, must not forget that in thi
huge town. of London there are thousands and thousands
miserable creatures who are not so utterly and absolutely
destitute that they will consent to apply for admission to
the public workhouses, and who yet are suffering all but
the extremities of human misery. Political Economy bids
us leave such unfortunate persons to their fate—Hamanity
refuses to comply with the stern direction. Some personiss
are opposed to the granting of any relief save such as
doled out from the public funds ; others, of softer
we were
are for giving almost indiscriminate relief.
absolutely compelled to make our
economists and the philanthropiattiel,to
course to the poor would probably
with the sternest devotees :.f. the r
such project as the one whi
demo-
last few weeks ever tak
ralise the poor of Lonandon eltechstn between the
election
merciful
_oor-claeswt.in
sohurouloldt eavneny
1, been talked abOut for the
t, it would do more to e
effacand to foster hotbeds of crime,
ingenuity—misdirected—could
than any which but ndisrn and idleness of the country
devise. Let the °Told that, here in London, food Ts nd
once clearly
.rmandtelri are to be found without labour, and the
w
shelter and
n be inundated with applicants for relief
wiyi soo
metropolis terms. By all means let earl of us give,
upon such eel y, snot ly, from our own abundance to the necessities
and give: -whom we know te be deserving of such
of the °r
assistance.—O,,,e a Week.
nathy and-
'3"IMPORTANT SATE uF SH %AVIS, CLOAKS, SILKS,
FANcy plkLbsEs.—Owing to great increase of business,
AND , er and Rogers are 'compelled to make exten
lkassr., I dim .
~ivn, alterations in their premises, previous to the approach-
ing spring season ; they have, in consequence, determined
to sell the whole of their magnificent stock at nearly half-
price. The sale has eommeneed, and will last about a
month. The stock consists of India shawls, China shawls,
French shawls, Paisley shawls, Norwich shawls, and every
description of fancy-trimmed shawl for autumn and winter
wear • handsome velvet cloaks, real seal-skin cloaks, imita-
tion seal-skin cloaks in a variety of shades, cloth cloaks in
all colours, beautifully trimmed Zouave jackets, and a
superb variety of elegant opera-cloaks. Rich silk and
fancy dresses at nearly one-Hurd the original price. Every
article will be marked in plain figures.—The Great Shawl
and Cloak Emporium, 171, 173, 175, Regent-street, W.--
(Advt.)