The Sun.
London, England, 1856-09-09 00:00:00

THE BOTA

Thursday.
Mr. Houston asked, but did not obtain, leave to
offer a resolution requiring the Speaker to direct
the Sergeant-at-Arms to bring absentees to the bar
of the house, excepting those excused on account
of the sickness of themselves or families, and that
each absentee be telegraphed to return, they paying
their own expenses.
The accounts from Kansas state that 2,500 men
from the border counties were ready to enter
Kansas on the 22d ult. Four hundred of General
Lane's men were on the north side of the Kansas
river, for the purpose of intercepting those who
might go to the relief of Lecompton. General Smith
had gone to the relief of that town with a large
body of troops. General Richardson, with a large
body of territorial militia, had gone to the north-
western part of the territory to cut off the retreat
of General Lane, should he attempt to escape.
Col. Titus, who was wounded at Lawrence, was not
expected to survive.
1 large meeting had been held in New York to
hear an address from Governor Reeder on the
wrongs of Kansas and their remedy. The follow-
ing is the address :
" I come before you not upon the mission of a politi-
cian, but I come before you to discuss a question that
rises far above the common aims of politicians, and in-
volves the character of this great and (as we are com-
placently accustomed to call it) this model republic, not
in any minor or secondary important matters, but
in that which constitutes its great strength and es-
sence. I have come to discuss no less a question than
whether the character of this great model republic, that
rears itself in all the panoply of self-complacency, pride,
and gratulation upon its past achievements, shall
in the future be entitled to the admiration of
all the nations of the earth—whether it has the ability,
i to protect its own citizens in the essential right of re-
I publicanism—that of self-government itself. It has been
customary with us to challenge the admiration of the
world to the fact that during the 6,000 years which have
rolled around since the creation of the globe it was re-
served for us to demonstrate the problem of self-govern-
ment, and prove to the world that it has never accom-
plished before what has been demonstrated in our expe-
rience. (Applause.) It has been the fashion for us to
claim that self-government was no longer a problem,
but that it bad been reduced to a positive and absolute
certainty. I tell you, my fellow-citizens, that events have
been transpiring within the last few years that cause
every thinking man to stop and inquire whether we have
indeed demonstrated that problem. Let us see, in look-
ing over our past history, whether there are any events
that may lead the monarchists of Europe to shake
their heads in joyous doubt whether that problem has
been solved. Look over the face of this land. You see
one of the States of this Union that for the last six years,
with a constitution such as yours, has been struggling to
sustain itself, and to grant to every individual under the
shadow of that constitution his legal and constitutional
trights, but, failing in this experiment, they have been
obliged to cast aside that constitution, and resort to an
absolute revolution in order to protect their citizens in
their social, civil, and legal rights. The Government of
California has at least proved a failure, and it needs the
eorreotive of revolution in order to bring it back to its
.original purity. There is an event which leads us to
doubt whether this problem of self-government has been
demonsivated, and whickin connection wi*h other events I
tenet address itself seriously and directly to the judgment
1 of every man, and set him at work in order to correct
the evils which exist in our Government and among our
people. The speaker, after enlarging at further length
upon this topic, then proceeded as follows t—This is not
the only instance that should teachevery man to address
himself to the solemn consideration of the present state
of our country. Look upon the plains of Kansas, and
who is there with burning eloquence sufficient to depict
the state of things that exists there I Baffled and defeated
before, I confess my total inability to convey to you a
realising sense of the true state of affairs in Kansas. No
man can realise it unless he bas actually had a part in
the troubles there, and has witnessed for himself the out-
rages which have been there committed. I can only say
1 that upon the plains of Kansas, under the shadow of the
stars and stripes, and under the protection of the consti- 1
tution of this model republic, there is to be found a peo-
ple, whose condition, civil and political, you would im-
prove
if you were to transfer them to the Government of
the Czar of Russia, the Emperor of Austria or France. ,
Is this true I Why it is capable of the plainest and 1
surest demonstration to any man who knows all the
facts in the case, or even a few of them. It is an ad-
mitted, unquestioned, and undenied truth that the pee
ple of that territory have no act or part in their own go-
vernment, and they have no laws of their own making.
Tney have no taxes of their own levying, they have no
officers of their own electing ; they are slaves—political
slaves, subjugated by a foreign power, with no shadow or
semblance of self-government—the complete subjects of
the border counties of the State of Missouri, who dictate
to them their laws, institutions, and officers. Are the
subjects of France, Austria, or Russia less free, politi-
cally, than these? I tell you their condition would be
improved if you could spread over them such a govern-
ment as that of France, Austria, or Russia. If you did
that, they would at least have security for life, liberty,
and property, and they would have their judicial tri-
bunals to which they could appeal for a redress of their
wrongs, for indemnity for property destroyed, houses
rifled, and for punishment for robberies and murders.
Lawlessness, outrage, rapine, and crime run riot
over the beautiful prairies of Kansas, and there is no
arm of the law to stay their course. On the contrary, the
robbers, ravishers, and murderers of Kansas have in
their own hands the arms of the law, and they are made
the ministers of this awful and horrible system of civil,
political, and social oppression. Governor Reeder then
recapitulated at length the history of the outrages per-
petrated in Kansas during the last axe years, after
which be proceeded as follows :—This work goes on, as
I tell you, step by step, and I am afraid that it has been
too much the case in the States to look upon these out-
breaks as eventi due to some sudden excitement as you
would look upon an affray upon your own streets, hap.
pening out of some immediately surrounding circum-
staeces, having its origin there upon the spot, and hav-
ing its end when tie immediate violence was ever. I tell
you, my friends, if you have entertained such an opinion
of the state of things in Kansas, you have been grossly
mistaken. All these outrages are due to premeditation,
they all have been resolved upon in council, and all form
a part of this great plan. "'hey have been pushing that
plan step by step towards its consummation. How near
has it arrived to that consummation I On the first Mon-
day of October, 1856, we are to have another election,
and you will perhaps be startled when I teal you that it
requires but two elections, and will probably occupy but
six or eight months more, before a slave constitution will
be adopted by Kansas, to be submitted to the Congress
of the United States. It is so nevertheless. [A Voice—
' Send them more rifles.'] (Cheers.) On the first Mon-
day of October, 1856, an election is to be held under the
authority of the bogus territorial Legislature, at which
the people are to vote Convention or No Convention.
Every preparation has been made to carry that election
as they have carried all the previous ones. The men
who are to conduct that election are ail elected and picked
expressly fer the purpose. They are picked by the
Board of County Commissioners, and they will be picked
with especial reference to the work which they are re-
quired to do. Large bodies of armed men will be sent
from the State of Missouri to surround the polls at this
election, and to control them ; but observe, my friends,
the ingenuity with which this thing is managed. They
don't like to risk the shock which public opinion might
receive in the south, as well as in the north, by parad-
ing those armed men around the polls in the same man-
ner in which it was done on the 80th March, 1855. They
have take' care to provide that those b ands of armed
-uffians who are to control our polls on the first Monday
o October shall be there according to law. This may
seem strange to you ; but men who can burn houses ac-
cording to law, who can steal horses according to law,
who can steal arms according to law, who can murder
tmen according to law—can find little &triunity in arrang-
ing this part of the programme. They have accordingly
providedire that on the first -Nlonday of October, 1856,
there shall be a great militia training in every county in
the territory.
(Laughter.) When we complain to our
brethren of the States that on the day of this election
each poll was surrounded by bodies of armed men, we'll
be told by the ruffians at home and by their apologists
here that it was a legal militia-
will be held. Does some one saytratoinninigea t h
aTthtahtise lceannti obne
prevented by the army of the United States—that the
troops of the United States will be sent out there to pre-
vent this invasion ? Without stopping to discuss the
question whether they will or will not, it is enough for
me to say that, no matter whether the army is there or
not, that election will be carried. No army officer can in-
erfere between corrupt and perjured judges in the sub.
ugation of the Free State men—no army officer, whe-
ther he be Gen. Smith or Col. Sumner, can interfere be-
tween the judge and the voter, in putting a stop to the
corruption that will coutrol that election. I tell you that
in the present state of things our peop'e will not ap-
proach these polls, because it will be a hopeless effort.
This whole work is performed, with the exception of
the last grand act. The Legis!ature meet; they order
one more election of delegates to a constitutional con-
vention. These delegates are elected in the same way,
and the work is done ; and it only remains for them to
come together and adopta slave constitution and send itto
Congress for admission into the Union. Thin contest is
auferred from the plains of KAMM to the halls of Con-

gress, and there it will be battled by yen. Than Comes the
issue about December, 1857, upon the admission of
Kansas into the Union before the next Congress. I
would that I had a trumpet voice to proclaim to every
man in this land that the man he votes for as represen•
tative in the house in the fall of 1856 will be the man
who must choose between the Free State constitution,
adopted at Topeka, and between the Slave State consti-
tution which will be adopted somewhere else. (Ap-
plause.) I want this country to see that this issue will
come, and I want every man to fix his eye upon this
event which is coming, and, just as certainly as the sun
will rise to-morrow, I want him to see the time and the
place where it will come. I want him to be faithful to
his duty to the premises, and io see that when it comes
it will be properly met. (Applause.) When that does
come, every man, every member of Congress, and every
political party in the Union, must meet that issue, and
must take ground in favour of the admission of Kansas
as a Free State under the Topeka constitution, or its
admission under a Slave State constitution. Here let
me say that I differ from some of my friends in regard
to Toombs' bill, passed by the United States' Senate.
I was not unwilling that that bill should pass the House
as it did the Senate, with one alteration, which it is rot
necessary for me now to mention. Not that I differ
from my friends as to its effect, for I believed then, as I
believe now, that it would bring a Slave State constitu-
tion to the Halls of Congress. I believed that a Slave
State constitution would come there any how, and, find-
ing it was not coming by Douglas's and Toombs's bill,
I knew it would be brought about by the corning elec-
tions. When this issue comes in December, 1857, you
will find some men going for a Slave State constitution,
and you will find a set of men, half-way men, who will
be seeking places of refuge between the two sides of the
question, who will want to set those constitutions aside
and adept some measure which will require the people
of the territory to vote upon that question again. I was
in hopes that experiment would be tried now, that the
question would be out of the way, and by December,
1857, that bill would come back in the way which
we predicted, and bring this issue square out before
the American people—before every man in office. I have
nothing further to say on that question. Now, to return
to the subject of this country in the selection of their re-
presentatives in the Lower House of Congress. They
must be selected with a view to the question which they
will inevitably have to vote upon. I have shown you
that this work is almost consummated, and so far as I
have followed it in its political aspects, passing over for
the time the condition of the people of the territory, it is
for you to look on and see the two remaining acts in this
drama, for it is almost completed. I undertake to pre-
dict here, and do so fearlessly, that you will see the
election carried in October by an invasion from Missouri
—you will see the delegates adopt a pro-slavery constitu-
tion, and it will go to the halls of Congress. Watch the
result, and you will find these predictions verified, and it
is for you to shape your course with reference to them.
Will this state of things affect Kansas alone I Let any
man in the audience take the map of his country, and he
will perceive that the territory of Kansas is only 200
miles wide north and south, and extending nearly 900
miles to the summit of the Rocky Mountains ; but be-
yond that, to the shores of the Pacific Ocean, he will
find that there is territory enough to make six states as
large as Pennsylvania. With a majority of free men upon
the plains of Kansas, and it a slave State, I will thank any
man to tell me how he is going to save the second, the
third, or the fourth, each one further and further out of
your reach—each one with more slave states intervening.
Is the thing possible I Is it not obviously palpable that if
we lose the State of Kansas we lose that entire. body of
states at the Pacific Ocean, and when we have lost them
and have thus isolated the territory of New Mexico which
lies below, and left it to be carried by the slave states on
the north, will any reflecting man tell me how much of the
territory of New Mexico we will get? Will he tell me how
this is to be had I Will he tell me that sufficient numbers
can be got there through the slave states to prevail
against the violence and the force of the slave states that
will be brought to subdue it t No, they will all be lost,
and this entire territory will be handed over to slavery.
This half of a continent is all lost to the North and to
freedom. This is a momentous question in many re-
spects. Let me direct your attention to a few of them.
These Northern States may be likened to a tub under a
fountain, all the time boiling over with a surplus popu-
lation, and streaming over the vast West and hunting
homes in that fair territory—a constant stream of sur-
plus population running westward like avast river, which,
were it concentrated, would build up a new State every
five or six years. Will any man deny that slave labour
and free white labour cannot exist together? It is a pro-
position admitted by everbody that where one is the other
cannot be. Well, then, suppose you dedicate one-half of
this continent to negro and to slave labour, you shut off
this entire stream of northern emigration—you shut the
gates of the whole vast West, Kansas, Deseret, and New
Mexico to the North, and turn back this human tide to
throw itself upon the States of the north and the north-
west. If you deny this great territory to the free la-
bouring man, you see that to him the gates shall be
closed for ever, and all of it dedicated to the negro, and
not to the white man. Have the labouring men of the
North considered the import of this question to them—
the drayman, the hodman, the mechanic, the day la-
bourer I Every man who earns his bread by the sweat
of his brow, or who by the changes of fortune may be
compelled to do so—every man who expects to leave a
posterity to find homes in this country, has a deep in-
terest in it. Let us illustrate this by the North-West
territory. Suppose these things had occurred 20 years
ago instead of now. Suppose the gate of that territory
had been shut against free white emigration, and all that
great territory had been dedicated to negroes ; suppose
the white labourers had been shut away, and the millions
who now swarm over the West were all turned back
upon these, what would be the fate of the labourer I
This is not a matter to dispute about ; it has been demon-
strated in Ireland and in China, and the result will be the
same here and everywhere. When you refuse to let the
free white labourers of the country go West to make
themselves a home, and lay the foundation of homes for
their children, you refuse to let them better their own
condition or the condition of those they leave behind.
Our labourers go West, and thus the walls of labour at
home are prevented from the surplus which reduces to
starvation. But suppose you throw back this vast tide
of emigration, and refuse to let the free labourers occupy
this soil, what then can they hope I All the walks of
labour at home are filled and filled again, until they are
choked up ; the wages of the labourer decrease in pro-
portion, until at last the immense mass of honest labour
becomes one vast body of degradation, poverty, ignor-
ance, and crime. (‘ That's true.') This is not proble-
matical. It has been clearly demonstrated in the history
of the world again and again. Look at Ireland, where a
few years ago the walks of labour were choked up, and
the supply was greater than the demand, till an able-
bodied, intelligent man could earn barely enough to keep
body and soul together, and 5/. or 6/. was the price for
a year's labour. What was the cause I Just precisely
what it would be in this ease I have supposed. The
supply choked the demand till the price of labour was
reduced to almost nothing. (A. Voice—' Ten cents,
Jimmy.' Laughter.) Ido not hear the remarks of my
friend. (' Ten cents. a day.' Renewed laughter and ap-
plause.) 51. or 61. for the labour of an intelligent, able-
bodied man for a year—and you see the cause in the sys-
tem of Ireland. You have seen also its remedy, and that
is precisely tke remedy I would apply here—emigration.
Ireland became flooded with a surplus of labourers.
Labour became subservient to capital, and the la-
bourer almost the slave, and the capitalist almost
his master. Ireland poured out its exodus of la-
bourers ; and now behold the labouring men of that
country earning the comforts and even the luxuries of
life, and you see the effects of the depletion of over-
burdened ranks of labour. Go to China. This system
line been in operation there ; and again the truth
of this position has been demonstrated. There
has been no emigration—no seeking of new homes—
no interest of the soil ; and the people, denied the emi-
gration, have been filling up and thickening year by
year, until they have become, as I have already re-
marked, one mass of degradation, poverty, ignorance,
and crime ; and now depletion at length takes place,
by selling them ,slaves to the West Indies and this
continent. Is there any man in the North who wishes
to see this state of things here I Are we ready to de-
dicate all that vast territory to the negro ? It it wore
to be dedicated to the profitable labour of the negro,
that would be bad enough ; but it is to he given to the
South to be wasted ; for there is not a Slave State
that is half full, but the soil is wasted and abused.
My time does not allow me to enter into any elaborate
consideration of this question, but it is replete with
interest to every man who loves his country and has
his hopes invested in its future. It is a question be-
tween the labouring men of the North and the negroes
of the South. The free labouring man of the North
should know that the people of Kansas are fighting
his battles, and fighting to settle the question whether
he shall have a right to go there and build a home
for himself mad children. (Great applause.) It
is, in fact and in truth, a question between
white men and negrees, and nothing less.
• • •
Suppose these territories fall into the hands of the
South, and become States. Each State will send two
senators, the South will have the preponderance of
(`Never,g
Psaoywterrulya .undietvwhen
will
ywohnil e sy e suppose
havew ea
dwoiul fg
featc ef.t) b aiko
nbdoeotnever. Nothing will get it back ex-
pticheth e bloodshed
their
hands
yo nu. s a
tt
It hvvaill ptohwe
ye rh pas
at; soerse
scrupulous in using than acquiring it If Ley acquired
it by robbery, and fraud, and murder, will theyuo3 it
more magnanimously 1 (` No, no.') And their first
measure will be to open the slave trade, filling the coun-
try with negroes stolen from the:ir native land. Not
eornslyinthtois,thbeutprteheeysitsatilels give free tr na
vs Lets tothus sl vteahkoi Indg-
the first step towards carrying into execution the
threat of Senator Toombs, that he would call
the roll of his slaves beneath the shadowof
their sal
Bunker-hill. (' Never, never I—they cannot do that.')
Yes, you say never ; but the man who says never must
for Fremont.) Faith is a very good thing ; but faith
do never. (Great applause, and three enthusiastic che!r3
without works is dead, being alone.' It is a very geed
thing to have faith that the slaveholder shall not call the
roll of his slaves on the soil of the Free States ; but the
man who would prevent it must begin the whrk, in
It will not do for men to say 'Never,' and sit ciocyn in
the fulness of their faith till the work is accomplished.
The man who would prevent it must go to work in sea-
son—he must discern the danger in the distance, and use
prevention instead of cure. I have seen not long since
men whose conduct I could not explain or reconcile, ex-
it of them they would have slavery among you dde
cept on the supposition that if the South shculen
andi
North. I have seen men in Congress whose votes I could
explain upon no other principle. And I believe there
are men among you now who, were the question raisea,
would be ready to introduce it into New Yerk. (`No,
no 1') It is so I (' Yes! no doubt of it.') Yer, there
are such men to be found, anti their conduct can be ex.

plained in no other way. (' That is it ; that's the doe- , _
trine.') At one time I should have believed this idle t
talk ; but that time has none by, end the exigence of
yesterday, sS d A.bdailali, the eap on whose head
this fact theald pnt every man upon his guard and make e-v e
himeteeedingly sensitive to Obit() opinion upon this wits surrounded by a deep gold lace hat band, attended
ttotilecing the infamous tyranny of I before Mr. Broughton at the Marylebone Police-of Eco,
subject. [After de
judicial Officers in the territory, and vindicating the course 1 for the purpose of charging Miona Allcaechler, who re
i aides at a house in Warwick-road, Paddington, with an
of the Free State men in forming the eonstitetion which 1 .
4 assault and alleged robbery of his purse.
bad been submitted to Congress, he closed as follows :]
' The applicant stated that on the previous evening be
—I now desire to Oall your attention to the remedy. ,
was at the house in question, where resides a person
You Mot What the remedy should be in the political '
who represents himself to be an Indian prince. He was
bearing of the question. I now speak of the condition
in conversation with some of the inmates about the ap-
of our people, and I scarcely know how to br )ach it.
plication to be made in reference to the claims of the
You have seen that civil war now exists in Kansas. For
oyal family of Oude, when some remarks were made
months it has now been waged upon us, but it has now rabout a large sum of money being about to be used
become reciprocal. The men of our territory, who
fur the bribing of witnes=es, which was denied. The
were restrained by prudential considerations for months,
result was that he was setzsd hold of by the pars .n
have broken all bounds. They bad endured this
aeainst whom he complained, that he was forced out of
rapine and outrage beyond all human belief.
the house, and that his coat was torn. [The coat, which
During the time that the border ruffians were
was produced by the applicaut, had a -lit in it nearly
encamped upon the Wakerusn, investing Lawrence, there
from the collar to the lower part of the waist.] He (ap•
was a desire on the part of tee people of Lawrence to
plicant) sent for a policeman, who saw the latter part of
attack their camp ,• but the leaders discouraged the at-
the scufits. Applicant told the policeman that he had
tempt. But soon after the murder of Barber it was with
been robbed. He refused to take the charge, observing
the greatest difficulty that the men could be restrained ;
that the purse might have been lost by the applicant oat
and a secret arrangement was made on the part of some
of his pocket. The purse contained a Si. note and two
of the men by which they were determined to go out and
sovereigns. He did not know the number of the note,
attack the camp on their own hook. So exasperated, and
but he had it from the Westminster Bank. He had a wit-
justly exasperated, were the men at the outrages which
ness who would state that he saw the purse taken out of
had been committed, that it was with the greatest diffi-
his (applicant's) pocket.
culty that the leaders were enabled to restrain them after Mr. Broughton—Have you anything to do with the
the discovery of the plot. Previous to the sacking of ;
o; r yal family of Oude!—Applicant ;I am a Mahornmedan,
Lawrence, when it was supposed that a contest was itn- I
1 and a native of the kingdom of Oude. [Applicant spoke
pending in relation to the arrest of prisoners, the goes- 1
1 good English.] I am in the employment of the prune coi-
tion was mooted in private council whether those pri-
eister of Oude. I receive 1001. a month for my services.
soners who were sought to be arrested should remain A witness for the applicant said that he saw him (ap-
there and resent the attempted arrest, and make a fight
1 plicant) forced out of the house, and that he saw a person
at that time, or whether they should disappear. Upon ;
take something out of the pocket of the applicant. •
1 consultation it was found that ammunition and provi- Mr. Broughton—Did he tell the policeman so I
sions were scarce, and that a successful'resistance to Witness—Yes, sir.
these outrages could not be made. Even then the people Mr. Broughton—This is most extraordinary ; there
were dissatisfied. And subsequently, when the sacking is a charge of robbery on the Bing's highway.
of Lawrence took place, and the Committee of Safety had Sergeant of division D 6 said that he had heard some-
determined net to have a contest, the people were again
thing of the affair at the Paddington-station. He was
dissatisfied. They required the Committee of Safety to
I informed that the purse was niissed in the house, that
resign. It was only after a new committee came to the
I there was a serious disturbance in the house, and that
same determination that the people finally submitted.
many of the parties were under the influence of drink.
Since that time outrage had been piled upon outrage ; Applicant—No, never drunk. It is forbidden in their
the leaders, whose prudent counsels prevented them from religion. It is a crime in every way.
coming in collision before, were taken from them ; the Mr. Broughton—You only take wine as a medicine I
people having borne till forbearance could last no longer,
Applicant—Yes, sir.
and finally, seeing the meshes closing around them, seeing Mr. Jackson, of the D division, said it was likely that
fort after fort, blockhouse after blockhouse, erected in their
as persons in the house were connected with a foreign
midst, and seeing Southern troops, supported in part by
royal family, the constable thought it was his duty to
the border counties, and in part by the Free State inhabi-
decline to interfere.
tents, coming into their midst, and seeing the Missouri Mr. Broughton observed that a list of names of those
river blockaded against the entrance of Free State emi- in the establishment was sent by the Secretary of State
grants—seeing all this preparation going on with a view of
to the Court.
exterminating Free State men, they could bear no longer. Mr. Jackson—Yes, sir • and a list has been received
They saw the mangled and bloody corpses strewn over the
by the superintendent. '
prairies—they saw their houses in flame—they saw idle
Mr. Broughton inquired if the person complained
fields, uncultivated because they had been deprived of the
against was 'attached to the embassy I Applicant—
means of tilling them—they saw winter close upon them, ~,- Is o, he is not, sir.
threatening them with the horrors of starvation ; they
The applicant was then asked to swear by the oath
became desperate and anticipated the conflict by striking taken on the Koran
the first blow—the first blow of this occasion, but not the assault. The ap
until they had been beaten to the earth by the blows qf
'54, '65, and '56. They recaptured some of the arms of
which they had been despoiled in the sack of Lawrence;
they recaptured some of the arms and ammunition ; they
drove from their forts two parties of these Southern
bravos ; and now the whole western border of Missouri
is teeming with preparation to crush out the Free State
men from the territory of Kansas ; and I tell you when
that shall be, when that Missouri army shall march upon
the soil of Kansas, and crush out that little band of
sturdy and desperate patriots amid the flames of houses Koran, to the truth of his statement as to
licant then held up his right hand,
and took the required oath in the name of Allah.
A warrant was then issued against the accused.
and the shrieks of women, the last hope of freedom will
die with them. (Voices—' Never I') When that little
band is destroyed, when again can we expect to fill that
country with such another body of men so well prepared
for their defence as they are now I No body of emigrants
could be sent but what would be met at the threshold.
Now is the only time to save the territory by saving and
sustaining the men who are now on its soil. They must
be saved, or all must be given up and lost. The last hope
of freedom in the far West is with them. If you will save
them you will save Kansas, but if you allow them to be
submerged, Kansas and all the territory behind it is lost
to freedom, and is lost to free white labour, and dedicated
to the blighting influence of negro slavery—white slavery
exists there already—but white slavery with human free-
dom will both be drowned in the blood of the defenders
of the latter and its soil will be a dark and gloomy waste.
Now what is the remedy 1 (Voice—•' Elect Fremont.')
I have made up my mind, fellow-citizens, as to what the
remedy is, and I proclaimed that opinion last spring,
as soon as I was enabled to tread the soil of a free
state, and that opinion I give you. I say here that,
unless men are raised and put upon the soil of Kan-
sas—supported, sustained, and fed there—she will
be lost. (A. voice " That's it." Applause.) Men must
be sent there—men who are willing to defend themselves,
able to defend themselves, prepared to defend themselves,
and determined to defend themselves. (Enthusiastic
cheers, followed by three cheers for Beecher.) We want
no preponderance of men, for experience has shown that
when our people have met Missourians in equal numbers
the contest is not doubtful. The Free-State men ask no
odds of the invaders, but a free field, if it must be settled
in that way, and a fair and even fight. tProlonged cheers.)
Long, patiently, meekly, and forbearingly have they suf-
fered these wrongs, in the hope of avoiding this violence;
but this contest of violence has been long on one side ;
and if it must be mutual it should be met as men should
meet it. (Cheers.) The remedy is to put men on that soil.
They cannot be put there without being fed. If you send
3,000 men there you will have to feed them. With the
fields uncultivated and provisions scarce, the advent of
3,010 men into that territory, unprovided for, would be
the means of not only starving themselves, but starving
those already there. They must take a year's provisions
with them, or they must be furnished with a year's pro-
visions. The question is now presented to the people of
the North. When every wind from the We-t brings news
of battles, of slaughter, and of murder—when prepara-
tions most extensive are going on in the border counties
of Missouri—when inflammatory appeals are distributed
over the border to secure accessions to their numbers—
when the army of the invaders is again marching against
your brethren in Kansas, who are standing up for your
muse as well as their own—fighting the battles of the
North and the West—of the free white labourers who are
perilling their all upon this issue—l say the question is
now presented to you, whether you will allow them
to go down in blood, or whether you will go and
save them and the cause you represent. This cannot
be done without a sacrifice, and a sacrifice, too,
which you will feel. If every man in this house were
to give one-tenth part of what the settlers of the soil
have given, the matter would be settled at once.
Wives there have given their husbands, children have
given their fathers, men have given their lives,—men
have poured out freely all their wordly substance, and
are now ready to give their lives. What, then, will their
brethren give them to sustain them in this cause I Now
is the time. It might as well not be given at all as to be
given when the battle is lost. Then give freely if you
would aid this cause. Men must be sent there immedi•
ately—they must be transported—they must be fed. [A.
voice—' How many I'l There ought to be not less than
3,000 men put upon that soil. They are needed to repel
invading forces from Missouri. If a wall were erected
between Kansas and Missouri our aid would not be
needed ; $2OO will equip, transport, and feed a man as
long as he will be needed. This great city of New York
might give $1,000,000 to this cause. It would return
to them increased tenfold within the next decade, from
the commerce resulting from the demand for freemen in
that vast territory, and from the establishment of the
Pacific Railroad. This is putting it upon pecuniary
grounds alone, and saying nothing of the higher cowide-
rations which appeal to every man's heart. I am told by
your committee that it is desired now to call upon this
audience for a response to the appeals which come to
you from our brethren in Kansas. (Loud cheers.) I
therefore close my remarks by asking that when you put
your hands in your pockets for the purpose of relieving
the wants, necessities, and exigencies of the people, you
will do it with a full appreciation of the wants of the
people and of the cause. (Prolonged cheers.)"
A duel had been fought not very far from St.
Louis, between Brown and Reynolds. The dispute
was amicably settled after Brown had been wounded
in the knee.
President Pierce was labouring under an attack
of fever.
A great Republican meeting had been held at
New Jersey, to consider the present condition of
public affairs, at which large delegations were pre-
sent from all the towns in the county.
Advices from Nicaragua of the 9rl report that
matters look ill for Walker. A body of SalTado-
rian. and Guatemalian troops, headed by Cabanano,
were posted at Leon. There were many desertions
from Walker's army—in ono crse a whole com-
pany. Walker had revoked the exequatur of the
British consul at Leon. Another revolution had
been put down iu Costa Rica.
The steam-ship Illinois left Aspinwall on the
19th ult. for Now York, with the California mails,
and $1,500,000 in specie. The San Francisco Vigi-
lance Committee was in full force, having made
many additional arrests and executed two persons
since the departure of the previous mail. Judge
was still kept prisoner by the committee, though
Hopkins, the man he stabbed, had recovered. One
of the persons executed was a man named Braes,
who committed a murder upwards of a year before.
Several attempts had been made to de'troy both
San Francisco and Sacramento by fire. The loss
by the fire at Sierra Nevada was sot down at
$2,000,000. The failure of Palmer, Cook, and Co.,
to pay the State and City Coupons in New York
had created a feeling of indignation throughout
the State, and the State treasurer was to provide
for the speedy payment of the overdue interest-

THE FIRE AT RUTLAND WHARF, UPPER

TB A 3.1 ES-ST.RE hT.

RUSSIAN RAILWAYS.—The public may shortly expect,
if we are not wonderfully out, to see a scheme for rail-
ways in Russia on an extensive scale, launched for its
support under an Anglo-French Company. The Em-
peror of Russia is doing all in his power to render it
acceptable and attractive to certain capitalists now in-
vestigating its commercial value.—Herapaqr.
TRINIDAD : THE GREAT ASPIIALTE LASE.—Thisculi~
ous lake lies near the village De In Brave, the houses of
which aro built of asphalte. Not far off are al- o springs
of natural naphtha. Combined with sand and rubble, the
asphalte forms a good paving for the city of Puerto do
Espagna. It is intended now, however, to utilise it on
a large scale, and by mixing the asphalte with chips of
wood, to obtain every year 5,000 tins of a superior
fuel, by which the West India steamers could save much
of the coal they are obliged now to carry with them
from England.—The Builder

ADDITIONAL
INC PARTICU ALRS.—SUSPECTED
ENDIARISM.
At six o'clock last evening the fire, which broke out in
the warehouse of Messrs. Green and Sedgewick, corn-
factors, Rutland Wharf, Upper Thames-street, on Sunday
morning last about one o'clock, noticed in this journal of
yesterday, was far from being wholly extinguished, and
the firemen, notwithstanding that so many hours had
elapsed, were still obliged to keep the land engines at
work for fear of a fresh outbreak. It is well known that
the premises contained a vast quantity of grain, and the
flames having ran along the flooring had worked their
way under lofty piles of loose oats, itc., which will at
*Ace account for the long time which elapsed before the
water could touch them.
Yesterday morning Mr. Hodsoll, the surveyor to
various fire-offices, together with the brigade authorities,
instituted a searching inquiry amongst the heads of the
firm, as well as of some of the mea engaged on the pre-
mises, for the purpose, if possible, of finding out the
cause of the disastrous event, as well as the amount of
property destroyed. A. far as the latter was concerned
it was stated that, amongst other property in the ware-
houses at the time of the outbreak, there were not fewer
than 4,000 gm of oats, worth 30s. per quarter, and up-
wards of 1,100 qrs. of beans, worth 52-. per quarter. The
exact amount of other descriptions of grain on the wharf
cannot be at present ascertained, but it is said to be very
considerable. Fortunately the kiln, the machinery, and
mill, although injured, more especially by water, have
not been totally destroyed. The loss, however, will be
found to be more serious than was at first expected,
owing to the fire smouldering so long under the surface
of the grain.
It was yesterday ascertained that the only insurances
effected on the stock in trade was 8,000/. in the Globe
Office, 2,0001. in the Pheinix, and 5001. in the Atlas.
There was, however, an insurance on the building for
2,5001., but it is the opinion of Mr. Hodsoll and others
that the entire plant must be pulled down, and if rebuilt
in the same substantial state it was before the fire took
place that cannot be done for a less sum than between
3,0001. and 4,0001., thus showing that the insurances
upon the stock in trade and buildings will be consider-
ably under the amount of the actual loss. That there
will be a great salvage from the ruins there is no ques-
tion, but Mr. Hodsoll is of opinion that it will not
realise more than about 1,500/. That gentleman,
seeing the imminent danger the firemen and his assist-
ants would run if they attempted to remove the salvage
from the top—that there was every probability of the
whoie of the remaining walls and grain being shot into
the River Thames—had a number of large holes pierced
in the lower flooring, from which several quarters of
oats fell into the open space below, cleared for the pur-
pose. These appeared to have been very triflingly in-
jured, except by water; and as the kiln belonging to the
firm is not wholly destroyed, with a little repair the
grain thus secured can be dried on the premises and
sent away to market for sale. In other parts of the
premises where holes have been made in the floorings the
corn rattled down smoking, and in some instances on
fire, so that as it reached the ground water was obliged
to be poured upon it.
A fisherman named Goodwin has collected from the
River Thames about 12 quarters of grain that had been
washed by the force of the engines or had fallen with
the waterside walls. This is of some value, as it consists
principally of beans. Another fisherman has collected
about six or seven quarters of grain, which he has placed
in his boat for safety for the present. There, however,
remains at this time from 70 to 80 quarters of corn on
the shore of the river, which cannot be secured until the
heavy piles of bricks upon it are removed. Each tide
that flows must of necessity reduce the quantity of
grain by washing it away.
As to the origin of the fire, it was clearly ascertained
that the 'premises were closed on Saturday evening at
seven o'clock ; that, although gas was burned in the
place, it was properly turned off before the gates of the
warehouses were locked up. It is not a little remarkable,
but a fact that is well known, that a short time since the
firm was compelled to prosecute two men for plundering
them to a considerable extent, and they were fully com-
mitted, and will take their trials at the Old Bailey at
the next sessions. Other parties employed on the pre-
mises were also suspected, and every hand was discharged,
consequently the workmen engaged on the works were
all fresh hands ; but, from the circumstances of come of
the old workpeople having made their appearance in
front of the gates, and laughing at the wreck, it is
strongly suspected that one or more of them have
maliciously set fire to the property. Two active and
well known detective police officers are making all the
inquiries in their power to solve the mystery.
Six waggon loads of coal were standing immediately
under the warehouses during the fire, the property of
Messrs. Perceval and Co., but they sustained no damage,
and the firm have granted td them the use of Mr. Up-
ton's wharf, close by, so that their business will not be
n the least degree retarded.

IMPORTANT INVENTION IN STEREOTYPY.—One of the
persons employed in the State's printing-office of Vienna
has made the discovery that plates of plaster of Paris
will uniformly contract by a repeated washing with
water, and rtill more if spirits of wine. On this is
Mead a process to produce both print (Drucksachen) and
wood-cuts in various gradations of type and size, by a
calculated diminution of the plaster of Paris plate.
Print and drawings have been made of a twelfth-part
size, reduced from 3 inches to 1 in diameter, and yet
even the reduction to the smallest size does not encroach
on the perfect cJrrectuess of the impression.—The Buil-

der.
LODGINGS IN LONDON.—You know how inadequate
and inconvenient the arrangement of the houses is in
London, which are available for the use of persons who
are provided with, say halla-dozen children and a limited
income ; there are several thousands in this greet place
who are either so circumstanced that they cannot get
possession, or who would not wish to incur the risk of
taking a house saddled with rates and taxes, which are
constantly becoming due. Many an honest, hard-work-
ing man has brought himself to ruin and beggary by
speculating in the taking of a house larger than he re-
quires for his own use, in the hope of letting off the ex-
traneous part to cover the extra expense. There are also
others who are equally sufferers by the present arrange-
ment of the great mass of the dwellings provided for the
poorer classes I mean those who, in order to manage
their income and expenditure without risk, engage part
of a house, and put up with the troubles of that rather
than get into arrears—in this, however, there is but
little safety in too many instances. . . . I submit
t.) you, sir, that the houses which are at the service of
the great bulk of the married workmen in London are
a trouble both to landlords and tenants. Instead of
the houses being arranged in the manner they now
are, is it not possible to provide sets of rooms which
might be let at from ss. or 63. to 7s. a-week, in
which the bedding and other household matters of the
tenement would be safe, and where the occupier would
have the comfortable feeling that when his rent was
paid he would not need to fear the visits of the bailiff
from the landlord, or a messenger from her Majesty
for overdue taxes t I could tell you various instances
where decent people with families of children have
bad all their possessions taken away for rent due by
their landlord, the tenant of the house, although they
have bad the weekly receipt for rent in their hands ;
I am sure that he who will show that houses fit for the
means of the working man can be made at a fair profi
to the. speculator, would confer a benefit on
the cem-
t
munity which it is difficult sufli,iently to estimat:::.—
Corropondent of the Builder.