The Sun.
London, England, 1856-07-15 00:00:00

THE AFFAIRS OF ITALY.

Lord LYNDHURST then rose, pursuant to notice,

to call tattention to theaffairs of Italy. He said—l have

for some time sought information from my noble friend
opposite on this subject, but my applications have been
uniformly refused, and I regret to say that we do not
very often succeed in obtaining information, or in pro-
curing papers to be laid before the British Parliament,
until they cease to be useful, and have no longer any in-
terest. Happily however in this case the sources of infor-
mation are abundant. Deplorable indeed is the situation
of Italy. Every man must deeply sympathise with the
condition of that unfortunate country. When my noble
friend first furnished the protocol of the Bth of Apt il, the
world was taken by surprise. Italy expected great and
important advantages. I regret to say that these hoPes
and expectations have been completely disappointed. I
have often questioned within myself the policy of that
publication, unless the governments of France and Eng-
land intended to follow it up, not by a mere inter-
change of diplomatic notes, but by other measures.
For, my lords, it is impossible that men can continue to
be under a foreign military tyranny without being eager
to break the chain which binds them ; and to raise ex-
pectations and hopes in those persons, and afterwards
to disappoint those hopes, will in all probability end in a
larneettble state of things. I need hardly add, that of all
military tyrannies, that of Austria is the most galling
and the most odious to the people of the country. ' In-
deed it is not in Italy alone that we have had experience
of military occupation by Austrian troops. We have
had experience of it in the Danubian Piincipalities.
Austrian troops took possession of that country profes-
-1 sedly as friends, in virtue of a treaty with the sovereign
of the country. One would have supposed that, under
such circumstances, they would have maintained the
most strict discipline—that they would have abstained
from all violence, from all injury to the inhabitants ; and
if by accident injury or violence should be,conamitted,
that it would meet with speedy redress. Unfortunately,
however, during their occupation they took a different
course, and I, think I am justified, from the inform-
doe I have received, in saying that the Russians were
more humane and merciful than the Austrians. I say
this, looking at the conduct of the Austrians in the most
favourable light; but I have seen so much of the evi-
dence, founded on official documents, that I am satisfied
the representation lam making is perfectly correct. By
the treaty of Vienna the limits of the Abstrian power in
Italy were strictly defined. They have passed those
bounds—they have spread themselves over the Legations,
and have taken possession by a military force of the
Duchy of Parma. Ido not mean to enter into the ques-
tion how far the original entry into the Legations was
illegal, or how farit was justified by disturbances in that
country, or by the invitation of the government. Those
things I pass over. They are well worthy of considera-
tion, but they would take me from my present object.
What I wish to point your attention to is this, that from
the time they passed the frontiers seven years have elapsed.
For seven years they have kept possession of those terri-
tories, and not only ruled them, but they have placed
them in a state of siege, under martial law, during
the whole of that period. When is this to cease ? What
termination is to be put to this state of things ? I ask
this of my noble friend opposite. The short answer that
I have heard returned from the Austrian Government is
this :—" When we can leave the country without danger
of insurrection we will do so." Now, mark the course of
things. A bad government produces dissatisfaction, dis-
turbance, possibly insurrection. That ends in the inva-
sion of a military force. The possession by the military
force continues and increases dissatisfaction, so that prac-
tically it is rendered impossible ever to remove the troops,
condition
neroef
that
sad, according to that argument, the occupation of these
clihnattryarte we toaytthe
districts by a military force can have no termination.
being
n o
unfortunateremedy,
the suggestion of my noble friend opposite toe -th
suggestion which also, I think, proceeded from a pre! I
ceding government—as to the mode by which this evil
might be terminated. The plan is this : establish a satis-
factory government—satisfactory to the people; establish
also a national corps, for the purpose of keeping the
peace, and then you may recal your army, but till that
is accomplished it is impossible to do so. Now all this
is very plausible and specious, but this cannot be done
without the consent of Austria. Will she consent to it ?
Will Austria consent voluntarily ? and; if she will not
consent by her own voluntary act, will she consent by
the pressure of the Western Powers ? Those must be
credulous indeed who suppose that Austria will volun-
tarily give up possession of this district. It is said some-
times that the inconvenience of her position is such that
she will by her own act withdraw ; but the inconvenience
must be of a nature much more striking than anything
I can conceive of to lead her to withdraw her troops. I
think, therefore, as far as relates to a voluntary act
it is altogether hopeless, but she may possibly yield
to the pressure of France and England. I looked
forward to that state of things with the anticipation
of agreeable results. I hoped the pressure would be
such as to accomplish the object I had in view. I
do not mean by that the force of arms, but I mean
by the moral effect which would be produced by
that pressure ; but I may be permitted to say that, though
I was somewhat sanguine as to the intentions of France
and England, circumstances have occurred, symptoms
have appeared of such a nature and character as to lead
ale to entertain very serious doubts whether anything
will be done; not that there is any doubt with regard to
England, hut there are circumstances in the situation of
France which lead me to doubt whether she has at this
time the disposition cordially to co-operate ; so that al-
though I do not absolutely despair of the state of Italy,
yet 1 confess I feel very great anxiety and great distrust.
Nry noble friend, in the document to which I have re-
ferred, speaks of the grievous notoriety of the tyrannical
proceedings of the government of Naples. Nothing can
exceed the infamy of those proceedings. I cannot at-
tempt to describe the policy and the conduct of that go-
vernment, because no terms that I can make use of can
by possibility impress your minds with the reality of the
evils which the subjects of that Government suffer
under. A minute detail of circumstances of the most ex-
traordinary kind alone could impress your minds with a
distinct and accurate notion of the state of that country.
I must leave this to the general impression of what you
have read and heard. I refer your lordships to a publi:
cation which I referred to on a former occasion by a right
hon. friend of mine. the member for the TTniversity sf
Oxford. That publication was circulated extensively
throughout the continent of Europe. It went through
various editions. It created a most extraordinary im-
pression ; it led to great inquiry. An official answer
was returned to its issued by the Government of Naples.
I do not know how many of your lordships have read
that answer, but so far from refuting the facts to which
I have referred, the answer confirms them. That uuhli-
cation —I Strike out everything but what fell under the
observation of the author himself—speaks .of conduct
on the part of the Government to mark the infamy
of which is beyond any expression I can make use
of. But it may possibly be said these occurrences
took place four or - five years ago. - Great altera-
tions may have taken place since then, great
changes, great improvements. So far from there being
any change, the same system has continued from that
period down to the present. More secrecy is observed,
and there is more dissatisfaction ; but there is the same
infamous-system of tyranny and oppression. It may be
suggested that a great change has taken place with
regard to the trials that are now going on. But the
political trials that are now going on are the counter-
part of those which are described by the right hon.
gentleman to whom I have referred as being carried on
in disregard of every principle of justice and every feel-
ing of right. Persons are suborned to be witnesses
against their will, subjected to puniehmentnnless they
give false evidence. I cannot go through the details.
Your lordships must have read them, steel have seen
that a greater violation of right and principle perhaps
never existed in the history of the world. But what
makes t' e case still worse, if it can be worse, is, that it
is founded on no- law, not even the law of an arbi-
trary. Governme it. The constitution of Naples
was 'sworn to by the King. It has never
been revoked ; it is at this moment the law of the
country ; its obligations are enforced. Everything
that has been done is in open defiance of the law. The
infamy of that government is of a most grievous charac-
ter. I appeal to my noble friend to confirm what I state
as so the course which has been pursued, and with re-
gsrd to which I am desirous of hearing some explana-
tion.
regardMynotoblethaftriegnodvertnomldenuts
to
on
which
hfioorhalle former
refer,occasion,
that
with
it was a general rule that one state ought not to inter-
fere in the internal transactions of another, but that
there are eases in which it is not only right to do away
with that rule, but which make it the bounden duty of
foreign governments so to interfere - and if ever there
was such a case; that case is the case of Naples. What
has been the c terse which my noble friend has pursued
It is now three months and more since the trtaty o.
peace has been signed, soon after which a note was ad
dressed to the King of Naples. When I asked my no-
ble friend if any answer had been received to the