The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-29 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 29, 1869

anything at all comparable to any such achievement
as that now said to be gravely meditated by the
chiefs of the Conservative Party. The leap in the
dark was avowedly made, as its very designation in-
timates, in the dark, but with a full sense of the solid
and tolerably level ground extending in front of the
leapers. But this leap would be, on the contrary, a
leap in the full glare of daylight, and visibly and
knowingly over the edge of a very formidable pre-
cipice. In speaking of these matters thus emphati-
cally, it must be manifest that there is no room what-
ever for exaggeration. Never did any great question
go before the country more clearly or more explicitly
than this question as to the Irish Church, its disesta-
blishment, and its disendowment. It was the
alternative, Yes or No, in regard to that
that was put to the constituencies of the
United Kingdom, at the last General Election, by Mr.
DISRAELI and by Mr. GLADSTONE, the former as the
Prmtier. then i❑ office at the Head of the Tory
Government, the latter as the Premier certain to be
in office in that capacity on the formation of any
Liberal Government. The Question was plain—the
Answer was plainer. Within the remembrance of the
present generation no First Lord of the Treasury has
ever assumed office with so large and united a body
of supporters in the house of Commons. Aided by
that immense majority Mr. GLADSTONE has carried
his Irish Church Bill through a series of triumphant
divisions, up to the date fixed for the Third Reading,
when the measure will be passed onwards for further
legislative consideration to the House of Peers. Sup-
posing after all this, supposing in the remembrance
of the last General Election, supposing in every one's
knowledge of the enormous majority thereby secured
to Mr. GLADSTONE as the Leader of the great Liberal
party--supposing for the sake of argument that in
spite of every consideration of that kind the Conserva-
tive majority of the Lords were to decide on.throwing
out a measure thus distinctly accepted by the House
of Commons, thus clearly authorized by the Consti-
tuencies of the United Kingdom, they would, by so
doing, bring themselves obviously into direct oppo-
sition, not merely with the other and the popu-
lar branch of the Legislature, but with the
great mass of the 1 eople themselves. Men liko the
leaders of the Tory Party in the House of Peers, will
not, we feel assured, act in any way thus insensately.
They will endeavour to modify the Bill when it
comes bJore them for their consideration ; but
they will hardly venture to throw it out bodily
in defiance of the overwhelming majority

against them in the House of Commons and in the
" Greek will meet Greek," there, when the

country.

bill has come formally before the House of Lords,
and in a certain sense, not in a merely Pickwiekian
sense, but in a thoroughly and vigorously Parli
tary sense, there " will come the tug of war" between
the chiefs of the opposing forces. But it will not be
a war a l'oittrance. Of that, at any rate, we are fully
satisfied beforehand.

MR. LowE is convalescent. Three years ago he
was agonised as he pictured to himself and applaud-
ing Conservatives the ruin that would befall
his beloved country if the seven-pound householder
were allowed to take part in parliamentary elections.
Two years ago he was infuriated when he saw that
he had merely exchanged the frying-pan for the
fire —the seven-pounder for the two-pounder.
Since then he has had a change of scene and
a change of air. Five months at the Treasury
have had the same effect upon his constitution
that five weeks at the sea side have upon ordinary
temperaments. He has not only recovered his spirits,
but is overflowing with joviality. From the most
melancholy, he has become the most jolly member of
the House. Even the Abyssinian Budget affords
him an opportunity for a joke. Ile deals with figures
as a juggler with balls; he chaffs the Bank directors,
winks at the committee of the Stock Exchange, and
chucks the old lady of Threadneedle-street under
the chin. Substantial City men are scandalised by
this familiarity, and express a wish that the CHAN-
CF.I.T.OR of the EXCHEQUER would not be—to
put it mildly—quite so " airy." Even Mr. LowE's
warmest admirers in journalism think it W:Se to
caution him against too great exuberance of spirits.
No doubt great allowance is to be made for a
newly-recovered invalid. A sudden restoration from
the extremity of depression is liable to betray itself
in an al and(nt that is more natural than dignified
So we must make allowance for Mr. LowE's joke
about " five quarters in the year," and for his
mock generous concession about " brood mares."
But there are limits beyond which it is
indecorous for a Chancellor of the Exchequer to go.
Mr. LOWE has clearly surpassed them. To say that
the money market must take care of itself was
unseemly enough on the part of a statesman holding
such a post as Finance Minister in such a commercial
country 'as England. It was still more unseemly to
repeat the remark. It was more than unseemly,
it was irrelevant. Mr. LowE does not leave the
money market to take care of itself. It is
fwbrleoolmwl
mightw him, not protection the money market is asking
hisith the
sbtmui
eta:oan
a tows hhoe gaveb
swungl etit anotherinal peeerroswondle\las
thoroughfare, answer the complaint of the injured
person by telling him that he " must take care of
himself." What Mr. LowE proposes to do is to
effect a serious disturbance in the Bank balances ;
to reduce them unduly at one time, to raise them
unduly at another. Nor is this the only objection to
his scheme of taxation. It may be very laughable
to declare that five quarters' taxes are paid every
year; but it is not laughable to pay them. Yet this is
what the taxpayers will have to do this year. If this
fine, for it is nothing less, were necessary in order to
secure the remissions of taxation which Mr. LOWE
proposes to grant, it might be fairly open to ques-
tion if we should not pay the penalty in order to
secure the boon. The abolition of the corn duty
and of the insurance duty, and the reduction of taxes
on locomotion, are clearly worth some sacrifice,
if sacrifice is inevitable. But it is not.
All that Mr. LOWE had to do was to continue
the income tax at 6d. for another year, and to borrow
two millions. These two temporary expedients
would have secured for us all the benefits which he
proposes to confer. But he will not do this. Rather
than borrow he anticipates taxation ; that is, rather
than borrow for a year he borrows in perpetuity.
We cannot but regret that this very undesirable
arrangement should have received the sanction of the
House. Too much must not be expected from
M.P.'s during the Derby Week, but the nation has a
right to complain either that Mr. LOWE chose
Thursday for the consideration of his Budget, or that
the guardians of the public purse were not present
to protect the public interests.

Mr: W. B. Phillips, son of the late Dr. Samuel
Phillips, of the Times, who has lately achieved s 3 marked
a success as a "Reader" at the Crystal Palace and the
Egyptian Hall, is announced to read at the "Eyre Arms,"
St. John's Wood, on Monday eveninglnext, the 31st inst.
As the programme is an unusually attractive one we make
no doubt that the inhabitants of that neighbourhood will
avail themselves of the opportunity.
TIILWARD'S PONlES.—Sixteen ponies, the property
of Mr. 'ward, were sold at Ta:.`ersall's on Monday, and
averaged Cl guineas. The highest prices were—the cies-
nut Harmattan (winner of four first prizes),l3s guineas ;
Rose, by Witig,ennnd, 103 guineas; Maud (winner of two
second prizes), 90 guineas; and Dacia and Mouse, by
Pompey, 70 guineas each. They varied from 14-2 to 13-
2, and many of them savoured more of the boy's hunter
than the park cob. The biddings were rather slow
throughout.
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CORRESPONDENCE PROM PAWS.

(FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)

PARIS, FRIDAY, May 28.
The Liierte, in an article bewailing the rejection of M.
Emile 011ivier, makes, or hints at, a very important asser-
tion. M. de Girardin says that the chief reason why he so
earnestly strove for the election of M. 011ivier was, that
had he been returned for Paris he would speedily have
been taken into the councils of the Emperor, and
have secured liberal reforms far greater and more
important than those hitherto conceded. The
Ministry would have been largely remodelled, perhaps
altogether reconstituted. But this is no longer possible.
M. Emile 011ivier has been returned for the Var, but this
is very different success to being returned for Paris. Had
the capital elected him, it would have shewn a desire to
accept " Liberty under the Empire ;" but its vote
of " No confidence " cannot be set aside by M. 011ivier's
success in the Var. Moreover, says the Liberte, he is
much depressed by his defeat—and, I may add, the
Emperor is much depressed also.
The information given by the higher class of Liberal
journals leaves no doubt that the semi-official papers have
been guilty of purposely exaggerating the disturbances
which took place in different parts of the provinces
during and after the elections. There were slight
commotions at Marseilles, Toulouse, Saint Etienne,
Lille, Amiens, Strasbourg, Angers, Alby, and another
small place ; but of all these that at St. Etienne was the
only one of any importance. In more than one place—at
Lille for example—the troops were called out without any
sufficient cause, and their presence greatly added to what-
ever excitement may have prevailed before they arrived.
The affair at Strasbourg was especially ridiculous. A few
children and gossips had gathered on one of the public
squares, and a troops of soldiers were immediately
marched out. This proceeding of course increased the
crowd, but no hostile demonstration was made.
At Arras a detachment of soldiers was ordered
to load rifles in the presence of the crowd. The general
principle acted upon seems to have been to call out troops
wherever there was a congregation of people. The
soldiers served the double purpose of exciting the mob and
of proving satisfactorily to all France what a terrible
tumult was raised by the Reds. But though the troops
were called out, they were not employed. The
riot was frightful ; the mob was furious ; there was no
alternative but to assemble the soldiers ; but though they
were called out, the great forbearance of the Prefect and
of the other Imperialist lambs in presence of the Repub-
lican wolves prevented any collision. This is about the
way the official journals manage it.
It was expected that M. D'Alton Sh4e, the Red who
was behind M. Thiers and M. Devinck, the official candi-
date, would retire, in order to secure the election of M.
Thiers. He even promised that he would. But now, to
the great disgust of even the Republican journals, he states
that he will go to the poll a second time, and thus perhaps
enable the official chocolate maker to get in. It is whispered
that the Government, anxious above all to keep out M.
Thiers, is secretly supporting the Republican. The
Temps earnestly exhorts D'Alton Sh4e to retire. The
case is very simple. D'Alton Shee has no chance ;
Thiers has. If the former give way, the latter will be
elected, but if not, the official candidate may probably
prove victorious. The decision of the Republican is much
to be deplored, for everybody save the Government
desires M. _fliers's election. He has been beaten in four
other places.

M. Thiers, in reply to some Republican electors who
came to interrogate him, said that he had always been
devoted to the principle of monarchy; but he believed
that the future Government of France would be similar
to that of the United States.

It is worthy of note that the Lille election, which
rejected M. Thiers and returned an Imperialist, was
decided by the large number of county voters with which
the Government has swamped the town constituencies.
The majority for M. Thiers in the town was two to one ;
it was in the rural districts that his opponent won. Had
Lille been a town constituency proper, M. Thiers would
have carried the election easily ; so that in reality Lille
was not an exception to the general rule that the great
towns have gone against the Empire.
In memory of her recent visit to Paris, the Princess of
Wales has sent to the Empress of the French a magnificent
basket of roses. Every known variety is comprised in
this gigantic bouquet—from the black rose of Holland to
the white rose of York.

The ironchid corvette Belliqueuse anchored two days
back in the roadstead of Brest, after a voyage round the
world—the first time that an armour-plated vessel has
performed such a feat. She left Toulon on the 29th of
December 1866, having thus been absent twenty-nine
months. She sailed first across the Atlantic, down the
east coast of South America, and through Magellan's Straits,
coming round by the Cape of Good Hope. The Journal Offi-
ciel says :—" The Belliqueu se accomplished this exceptional
voyage without suffering the slightest damage, and
although in several cases placed in the most difficult cir-
cumstances of navigation, always shewed excellent nau-
tical qualities. In all the ports at which she touched she
excited the wonder of the population, both European
and native, and the admiration of the officers of foreign
navies."

The Sunday•closing movement is making great progress
in Paris. Sunday has hitherto been the busy day of the
week here in shopping matters. The change now gra-
dually taking place is due, not, I fear, to the increased
piety of this city, but to the resolution of the shopmen
not to work. The masters plead that many women
of the humbler order who cannot get out in the week do
their shopping on Sundays, and that their needs ought to
be consulted. Nevertheless, the movement is progressing.
The linendrapers have struck rather than work on Sun-
days, and a committee of London shopmen, with very
praiseworthy feeling, have sent £4,000 to support this
" turn out." The general belief is that the men will win,
and that Sunday closing will become general.

Alr. Glyn has given notice that he will move for a
new writ for Stafford next Monday.
There was a considerable fall of snow on Thurs-
day morning on the highest points of the Yorkshire moors.
Lord Strathnairn, who has been seriously ill, has
sufficiently recovered to be able to leave Dublin for London.
Tne Chester Guardian says it is probable the
Prince of Wales will open the new Town Hall in August
next.

Commenting on the colliery accident in Mon-
mouth, by which seven lives were lost, the Manchester
Courier says, it appears that the workings were supposed to
bo free from gas, and that open lights wore used in the pit.

Mr. Peabody left London yesterday for Liver-
pool, and will be a passenger in the Cunard steamer to-
day (Saturday) for New York. The state of his health has pre-
vented him taking leave of friends, complete repose and
freedom from excitement being deemed indispensable to his
recovery.

The inquest on the bodies of Sergeant Jackson and
his son, who were killed on Tuesday, by the falling of a
stone cornice at Oldham, was held on Thursday. The jury re-
turned a verdict of "Accidental death," and coupled with
their verdict a recommendation to tho Corporation to appoint
some competent person to examine the building, and to see
that it is immediately put into proper and safe condition.

A public meeting in reference to the condition of
the cotton trade has been held at Hyde. it was resolved to
memorialise the Government to take prompt and decisive
steps in order to obtain a better supply of cotton, for the
cultivation of which, in the opinion of the meeting,
India possesses a promising field and gigantic resources
if the cotton planters there "were placed on the
t ame footing as those of America and other producing
countries." The meeting also considered it desirable to
repeal the duties levied upon cotton goods imported into
India, or any other of her Majesty's colonies, and adopted
a memorial to Parliament, asking that measures should be
taken to bring about the more extensive cultivat'on of cot-
ton and the removal of the duties complained of.

On Friday some formal documents were served for
the hearing of the case before the Rev. W. J. E. Bennett,
the Vicar of Frome, before the Judicial Committee of the
Privy Couucil, on the question raised in the Arches Court
whether the Dean (Sir R. Phillimore) is bound to accept
letters of request from the Bishop of Bath and Wells without
any reason assigned why the Bishop should not hear
the chargestf alleged heretical doctrine %n his own court. Sir
R. Phillimore has, at his own request, been made a party to
the petition before the Judicial Committee, and will appear
before their lordships by Mr. Walter Phillimore, barrister,
and has appealed. Mr. Edward Tolley, his proctor, Messrs.
Moore and Carey, the proctors for the Church Association,
will apply for a special day of hearing of the question—
Whether without, some cogent reason a bishop should not
hear a case of so much importance in his own diocese.
A scene" was witnessed at the weekly meeting
of the Liverpool Workhouse Committee on Thursday, arising
out of the Me refusal of tlio Select Vestry to pay the
611 M of .£2. .ss. lid., due as a church rate upoi
the Millrcad Blanch Workhouse, which is in th(
parish of Walton. Mr. Sy-ors, one of the Liverpool church-
wardens, fearing the effect of the refusal upon the col-
lection of the voluntary church rate for the parish
of Liverpool, expressed his intention, either in-
dividually, or jointly with Mr. Turner, his co-
churchwarden, to pay the rate, and to appeal to
the next Easter Vestry on the subject. A scene of dis-
order ensued which lasted some minutes, and when the mem-
bers rose at the conclusion of the business, they assembled
a gonipt Mae loud Wit in anp. tone! took place,

THE LAND QUESTION IN IRTLAND.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Slll,-4 have been credibly informed that the
price of labour in the agricultural districts of Ire-
land is from 10d. to ls. a day, i.e., from ss. to Os.
a week. It must be admitted that this would be
quite insufficient to support a wife and family, and
probably, in addition, to pay rent for a house and
garden. It would scarcely feed an equal number
of animals. Under these circumstances the labourer
can have no stake in the country worth living for;
he is, therefore, ready for any change which might
be for the better, and could hardly be for the worse.
Ile is, consequently, susceptible of any agitation
which might produce a change. He has tried re-
bellion, but that has been immediately suppressed
by the military and police. He has, however, in-
geniously invented Fenianism, which renders
almost nugatory the power of the law,
military, and police, and must, in the long
run, enforce remedial measures. It cannot but
be observed that Fenianisin prevails amongst
~he labourers and all classes who have no stake in
the country, and rarely amongst the well-to-do
Farmers and shopkeepers. To raise the price of
labour to such an amount as to give the labourer
a stake worth living for appears to be the political
problem to be solved. Ireland is almost a purely
agricultural country. The price of labour there-
fore can only be raised by improved agriculture.
Belgium affords an opposite example of the man-
agement of land which would effect this object.
But if this is doubted, a rotation of crops will
be suggested at the end of this letter, which
would convert nearly half the tillage land in Ire-
land to the rearing of sheep, and one-fifth to the
growth of flax. The manufacture, therefore, of
this amount of wool and flax into cloth and
linen, in addition to the extra labour required
for the improved system of agriculture, would
necessarily increase the demand for labour to such
an amount as would certainly produce the de-
sired result. Landlords having utterly failed to
,nanage their properties either for their own or
other people's benefit, and having caused such a
state of affairs as renders life unsafe, it is essentially
necessary to find out some other medium by which
to rectify the present deplorable and, I may say,
normal state of things. It is therefore proposed
that Government, which has hitherto appeared to ,
the Irish people only as the enforcer of the laws,
should assume a paternal aspect for them, and in-
struct both landlords and tenants as to the best
way of managing the land of Ireland. To carry
out this improved system, it is proposed that Go-
vernment should employ valuers to value the farms
of Ireland in their present state, and offer a lease,
say for 31 years upon that valuation, to the occupy-
ing tenant upon certain conditions, which shall be
described subsequently. A Government agricul-
turist must now be employed to report upon the
state of each farm, and to give as approximate an
estimate as could be formed of the improvements
that would be required to place the farm in the
most productive state for cultivation. It would
probably require drainage, farm buildings, &c. For
example : suppose the estimate amounted to £2OO.
hen an offer should be made to the landlord to
expend this sum, under Government superintend-
ence, upon condition of receiving 5 per cent.
upon this outlay, in addition to the rent
calculated upon in the present state of the
land. If the landlord were unable or un-
willing to make this expenditure, then an
offer should be made to the tenant to take it
upon himself, upon condition that this outlay should
be made under Government inspection, and shall be
made a first charge upon the property, so that at
the expiration of the lease the tenant shall receive
the £2OO. If the tenant refused to make this ex-
penditure, then it would be necessary to procure the
money from some other source, and what source
could be more appropriate than the funds derived
from the disendowed Church. The expenditure
would be national. The money would be lent to
Protestants as well as to Roman Catholics. Any
sum lent from this source might be made a first
charge upon the property, and, like Queen Anne's
Bounty, the capital and interest might be repaid in
:30 years—the capital by landlords, the interest by
tenants. Thus the disendowment and the land
question might be made to dovetail into each other,
and render an arrangement of both questions much
more feasible. Surely such an application of the
money derived from disendowment woel.l be far
preferable to the Government proposition.
Lunatic asylums are a legitimate charge upon
land; why then relieve landlords cf this charge?
It would be much more appropriate to pre-
serve the sum derived from disendowment for
national purposes than to sink it in 50 years for the
benefit of landlords, who, by the shameful misman-
agement of their properties, have been the main, if
not the sole, cause of the present deplorable state
of Ireland. The Government proposition for the
disposal of the funds of the Church must be so
opposed to the moral sense of the nation that the
House of Lords would be fully justified in re-
fusing to pa-s the Church Bill until the Land Bill
was first settled. If the Church Bill and the Land
Bill could be made to dovetail into each other, it
would be a good ground for a compromise between
Lords and Commons. This improved system 0.,
agriculture, together with the manufacture of wool
and flax, would certainly employ four times the
amount of labour at present employed, and there-
fore raise the price of labour correspondingly. It
would create a wholesome feeling between landlord
and tenant, and strike at the root of all the misery
existing in Ireland. To carry out this scheme efficient
quarterly inspection by Government inspectors
would be necessary, and the conditions of the lease
should be enforced by a roring commission, which
would very much modify the awful consequei,cea
prevalent when the law is enforced by persons re-
siding on the spot. The Government would prac-
tically prove itself to be a paternal Gov errime
t
which Ireland essentially requires. This scheme
seems likely to promote the most kindly feelings
between labourers and their employers, also between
landlords and tenants, cemented by the superin-
tending action of a paternal Government. The
national education _should be concentrated upon
agriculture. The children in the national schools
should be practically taught the best way of crop-
ping a kitchen garden and cooking vegetables. It
is essential that the Irish peasant should not be de-
pendent upon the potato for subsistence. The fo-
reign cookery, which is mainly vegetable, should be
introduced. Foreigners make extensive use of cab-
bages, carrots, turnips, onions, leeks, and herbs of
all sorts, iu addition to the potato. A small
piece of meat boiled with these vegetables pro.
duces most nutritious food, and would make
the labourer almost independent of the potato,
and the increased expenditure will be trifling.
They should be taught a proper rotation of crops in
their farms, the best way of preserving roots for
winter use—the best way of making hay and stack-
ing it—the best and most economical mode of pre-
paring food for their stock. They should be taught
the mechanism and use of chaff cutters and pulpers;
they should be taught the best mode of feeding
sheep, cattle, and horses ; they should be taught the
best mode of harnessing horses and the best form
of cart, and the best mode of using implements of
every sort, used either in gardens or farms ; they
should be taught how to make manure heaps, and
how to save and apply liquid manure. This will be
more practically useful than the knowledge they
are taught at present—viz., amongst other things,
he height of every mountain in the world, the
length ol every river, algebra and Euclid, It
may appear absurd to statesmen to propose a com-
pulsory system of agriculture, but as the low price
of labour is the main cause of the miserable condi-
tion of Ireland, and as Ireland is almost a purely
agricultural country, and the people intensely igno-
-ant on that subject, it appears to me that the best
.ystem of agriculture should be made a condition of
.tvery lease. Holding these views, it remains for me
to propose a system of agriculture that certainly
would produce the desired result, viz., increase the
price of labour to such an amount as would give
~he labourer a stake worth living for in the country,
and thus render him contented and happy. I pro-
pose that each farm that required it should be
thoroughly drained and deeply eultiyateo,
.a portion

of it might even be trenched annually. That it
should have appropriate farm buildings ; that there
should be five divisions for cropping. The first
division should consist of a kitchen garden, lucerne
and grass in such proportions as might be most ad-
visable. The remaining four divisions should be
under the following rotation—one-fourth roots,
viz., potatoes in as small a quantity as possible,
mangold wurzel for the winter food of cattle, and
turnips for sheep feeding. The mangold leaves,
which should be wrenched off previous to the roots
being carried off the ground and stored, should be
eaten off by sheep, and the sheep should be penned
in such a way as to cover not only the land under
mangolds, but also the land under potatoes.
This would prevent the land being too much
robbed. The turnips should be carefully eaten
off by sheep. Every turnip should be pulped
and mixed with oaten straw and red clover chaff
mixed in certain proportions. Aft r the roots flax
should be sown, laid down with red clover or Italian
rye grass. The flax should be allowe 1 to seed, so
as to produce food to fatten the cattle and the sheep.
by intermixing it in a liquid form with the chaff
above mentioned. This flax constitutes the second
crop in the rotation. Red clover or Italian rye
grass would make the third crop of the rotation.
The first cutting should be made into hay to sup-
port the stock in the winter. The second and third
cuttings should be eaten off by sheepcarefully folded.
The fourth crop in the rotation should be oats. Ac-
cording to this question nearly half the tillage land
that was suitable would be producing wool and one-
fifth flax. The manufacture of wool and flax pro-
duced upon so large an area of land must employ a
vast number of the population, and therefore assist
in raising the price of labour, which ought to be the
great desideratum in view. The rotation of crops
which I have proposed is only a suggestion, and
might be much improved by competent agricultu-
rists. A Land Bill founded upon some such plan
as is proposed in this paper might be passed this ses-
sion, and settle a question which, if left open, must
act most detrimentally upon the country. It
would preserve in perpetuity the disendowment fund
for national purposes. The Lords have it in their
power to enforce some such arrangement as I have
proposed. The Government proposition for the
employment of the funds derived from the disen-
dowment of the Church must be so distasteful to
the moral sense of the many that the nation
would unhesitatingly support them. They might.
fairly say that to legislate for Ireland in a statesman-
like manner the land question must first be con-
sidered, and if it can be practically shown that it
is quite feasible to dovetail the land question and
the Church question into each other, many of the
Liberal party iu the House of Commons would be
but too glad to enter into a compromise upon these
grounds, and thus prevent a collision between the
two Houses that might be dangerous to the Consti-
tution. Government superintendence might be
objected to, but it would be more likely to act
justly and efficiently than any other agency. The
quarterly superintendence of Government inspec-
tors would prevent many difficulties, and induce the
tenant by paternal counsel to fulfil the conditions of
the lease. The landlords have forfeited all claims to
superintendence, for,with rare exceptions, the duties
of property have been disgracefully neglected by
them. If, however, the paternal superintendence
of Government is considered an insuperable objec-
tion, the measure could be carried out by the Com-
missioners appointed to receive the disendowed
funds, or by some other Commission specially ap-
pointed. The present Church Bill fails to meet the
case of Ireland. It will not increase the price of
labour one penny, which is the great object to be
effected. I wish to initiate a paternal Government,
which would so improve the foundations of society,
viz., the people, as to enable the superstructure,
which the landlords represent, to be securely
founded. My plan would not violate the principles
of political economy, for it would only enforce by
law the best mode of managing the land of the
country, which has been so mismanaged for cen-
turies, and will continue to be so, to the disgrace
of civilization, unless some such plan as I have pro-
posed should be adopted, and enforced by law. It
would eliminate what for centuries has been called
by the most eminent statesmen the Irish
Difficul,y, and would raise the country from
the lowest state of degradation, not even ex-
cepting the condition of savage countries, to a level
with the most civilised countries in the world.
The c rrying out of some such measure as I pro-
pose would convert the Government of Ireland
into a reality instead of what it now is--a sham.
It would excite the deepest interest in a benevolent
Lord-Lieutenant, and give wholesome occupation
to the Government officials. It would undoubtedly
cause much trouble and responsibility, but a patrio-
tic Government should not shrink from any mea-
sure en that account; and though it is contrary to
established usage for a Government to interfere
directly in the management of landed property, yet
the condition of Ireland is so exceptional that ex-
ceptional legislation must be resorted to. The pro-
posed measure might be carried out to the extent of
the funds derived from the disendowed Church,
and work conjointly with the future Government
bill.
A. 11. G.

POLICE IA TELLIG ENCE.—Mis Day.
--
THAMES.
SIIOPLIFTING.—A foreign girl, named Esther Abrahams,
aged 16 years, who said she had no parents living and no
Lome wets charged with stealing a shirt and a pair of stays
from the shop of Mr. Thomas James, a draper, of No. 79,
Cable-street, Whitechapel. The prisoner visited the shop
under the pretence of making a purchase, and after look-
ing at various things departed without buying anything.
Two young woman serving in the shop received an inti-
mation, altar the prisoner departed, which induced them
to pursue the prisoner and detain her. She was given
into custody, and while passing the shop of Mr.
Withers, a bookseller and postmaster, she said to Marriott,
a police-constable, 174 H, "Come iu here, I'll show you
whet° they are." He went into the shop with the prisoner,
and behind an advertising board the prisoner took a linen
shirt. She was then taken to the station-house. On the
way the bookseller tendered a pair of stays to the con-
stable. He found them behind another advertising board.
The prisoner said she was in distress, and had no home, no
food, no friends.

Mr. Paget would like to hear something more about the
prisoner and her antecedents before he finally disposed of
the case.
Remanded for a week.