The Sun.
London, England, 1869-04-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 5, 1869.

AMONG the many great national difficulties which
take rank as the questions of the day pau-
perism is the least inviting. All attempts to reduce
the percentage of the destitute poor by means of
legislation have miserably failed. Pauperism has in-
creased, is increasing, and must be reduced ; but the
signs of amendment afford little hope at present.
The climax of the existing state of things must be
at hand, simply because the nation is already
locally taxed to the utmost limit; it is bur-
dened with as much indigent humanity as it
can possibly bear. But the nature of the remedy
still affords the amplest scope for speculation.
There is every reason to hope that either by national
or voluntary effort the sum total of pauperism might
be materially reduced; but this cannot be so long as
the causes which produce this incubus are so much
misunderstood. Diversity of belief as to the nature
of pauperism results in diversity of remedies. Instead
of the united action which is necessary, and which,
we believe, would be largely successful, philanthropy
is being wasted upon quack experiments. Is pau-
perism solely the result of surplus population ?
or is it a complex result, the evils of excessive
population being increased by ignorance, idleness,
intemperance, and other vices ? The question is far
from being unworthy of an answer. An attempt is
being seriously made to refer pauperism to one
simple law. Want, it is argued, is solely the effect
of too many inhabitants. Drunkenness and kindred
vices are not to be reckoned amongst the causes of
pauperism, because the labour market would only be
still more overstocked if all drunkards became sober,
and all the vicious returned to a life of probity. A
drunkard at all events makes room for other hands
which aro unwillingly idle These vices, it is
allowed, are deplorable indeed, but they have no
bearing upon the question of pauperism. Such
an argument is both common mil plausible, but
it is not the less wholly fallacious. All vices
founded upon extravagance, drunkenness being
immeasurably the most destructive of these,
contribute to swell the ranks of pauperism.
General principles alone suffice to decide such a
question. It is clear that the lack of work and the
excess of population must remain the same, whether
there are drunkards or not ; and that in addition to
the misery caused by insufficient labour, intempe-
rance utterly annihilates vast resources, which
would otherwise go to the support of the
population. The millions spent upon drink come
from the earnings of the working classes. This
expenditure does nothing to support life, for which
further resources are required. Is not this wholesale
destruction of means an evil tending to pauperism ?
The want of work, beyond all doubt, results in great
distress, but the one evil is separate from and in
addition to the other.

A little consideration of detail shews this still more
clearly. The argument that drunkenness does not
influence pauperism is, in the first place, applicable
only to such a country as England. In a colony
where labourers are scarce vice is productive of all
the pauperism that exists. Even a drunkard
may find employment in a colony; but he is
often incapable of working, and as fresh hands
come in is cast off. In such a country pauperism is
rare, but what there is results almost solely from
drink. Reverting to England, the question still
further narrows itself. It is, unfortunately, the
case that many families, whose head earns good
wages, are brought, if not to pauperism, to a con-
dition only just above it by intemperate
mothers. The father works throughout, but
his resources are destroyed. A week's illness at
once throws the family upon the poor rate, and yet,
during months of misery preceding, no other work-
man can have gained a shilling by the distress of his
fellow. Here is an instance, unfortunately too fre-
quent, of pakAperism which has no connection with
excess of population. The argument that drunken-
ness is not a cause of pauperism is therefore nar-
rowed to the cases of working men who, in an over-
stocked country, make room by intemperance for
those who would otherwise become paupers.
It is urged that if there be work for only
nineteen out of twenty men, one of them
must be unemployed, and, therefore, a drunkard
cannot add to the number of paupers,
because if none of the twenty were intemperate a
sober man would have to remain unemployed. It is
quite true that if there be work for nineteen out of
twenty, the incapacity of an intemperate man would
enable the remaining nineteen to get a full livelihood.
But it by no means follows that if the drunkard
became sober and returned to work some other
man would have to make way for him. The result
would be not that nineteen would get full employ-
ment, and the other none at all, but that the work
would be distributed amongst the twenty, so that
each would obtain nineteen-twentieths of a full
share. Drunkenness in this case concentrates and
intensifies misery (apart from the destruction of
subsistence) which would otherwise be so distributed
as to be scarcely felt. It may be admitted that the
dismissal of one man makes room for another, but
this is true only of isolated cases, and not of th etotal
of labour throughout the country.
The fallacy running throughout this assumption is
the result of this mistake as to the effect
of an excessive population. Surplus popula-
tion does not primarily cause pauperism. It reduces
wages, which is by no means the same thing. That
low wages are the consequence of the supply of
labour exceeding the demand is one of the first prin-
ciples of political economy. This reduction is, how-
ever, equal in every trade affected. That wages
remain the same whilst the surplus workmen
are thrown out of employment--in other ,

doms. " Disastrous " we mean, for inasmuch as it
—open suffrage—has led, among the enlarged consti-
tuencies, in the counties more especially, to greater
intimidation than ever, and among both boroughs
and counties to a more and more lavish
expenditure. Whatever the purposes to which
it has been applied, the expenditure, north,
south, east, and west, during this last General
Election, has been lavish, and has, therefore, in one
sense, been directly unconstitutional. Ostensibly the
voters have exercised their electoral rights freely as well
as openly. But—notoriously, all the while, large masses
of them have, more particularly in the counties, been
cruelly constrained, have, in other words, succumbed
to intimidation. Against either of these monstrous
and increasing evils, that is against the corrupting
influence of a lavish expenditure, and the constrain-
ing influence of dire,A intimidation, what safe-
guard has anyone ever proposed in the smal-
lest degree comparable in its efficacy to
the screen of the Ballot Box, to the safeguard of
Secret Voting ? Name it—and we will accord to
this, as yet, unheard-of rval to the Ballot, the most
earnest, and instant, and dispassionate consideration.
Happily, Mr. MILL is no longer in the House of Com-
mons, to oppose, with the virulence of a renegade,
the cause he has thus flagrantly and treacher-
ously abandoned. Baulked that cause has been,
we cannot but fear, so far as this present
session is concerned, by the ill-considered and unpro-
fitable discussion provoked in regard to it, shortly be-
fore the Easter recess, by the hon. member for Hud-
dersfield. There is little hope, if any, as it appears to
us, of the subject being in any way effectually re-
vived until next year—effectually, we mean, in the
sense of future discussions in regard to the Ballot,
leading to anything like practical legislation. Thanks
chiefly, as we conceive, to the ill-advised course
pursued so very recently in the House of
Commons by Mr. LEATIIAM-1870 must be
waited for by the advocates of Secret Voting
before the triumph of the cause they have at heart
can be achieved. That triumph, however, is quite
certainly before them. It is simply a question of time
now, as to when the Ballot will be, as sooner or later
it most certainly will be, secured.

words, become paupers—is a palpable absur-
dity. In Wiltshire the principle of the decline
of wages is seen carried to the fullest extent. This
average reduction may be carried on to such an ex-
treme, that, as in this case of Wiltshire, whole districts
may be shivering on the verge of pauperism whilst
many families are continually toppling over. But in
this extreme case, as in all others, the effect of low
wages is always strengthened by another influence--
vice. The wages are low for all alike, but insolvency
soonest befalls the idle, the vicious, and the
drunkard. Want of employment prepares the work
which intemperance so effectually finishes. Mr.
DUDLEY BAXTER'S book on taxation furnishes us
with some statistics on this point. He shews that in
some cases 50 per cent. of the earnings are spent
weekly on drink and tobacco. A temperate work-
man with from 20s. to 245. a week spends 2s.
or 2s. Cd. in beer and spirits, with Cd. or
ls. in tobacco. An artisan with 355. to
40s. a week expends 4s. Cd. or ss. weekly in drink,
with Is. for tobacco. These are actual cases. Is
not this expenditure equal to a reduction of wages,
and therefore to want of labour ? It is worse ; for it
adds demoralisation to other ill effects. These conside-
rations are of the highest importance. Having a clear
appreciation of what causes the pauperism, the
search for a remedy becomes easier. In fact, no
sooner is the argument which we have contested
submitted to the practical test than it breaks down
at once. All the best authorities agree that the
remedy for a surplus population is emigration.
Emigration is not the only remedy for pauperism.
Pauperism could be laid to no one's fault if surplus
population were the only cause of it. The honest
poor might be transported en masse to the
colonies. But this not the case. The honest
poor are welcomed by the colonists, but the drunken
and the vagabond they will not have. These,
the worst of paupers, we are compelled to keep ; and
it is the prevention of pauperism through vice and
drunkenness that constitutes the greatest difficulty
of the question. Better even that the wages and
the labour of the sober man should be diminished
than that after working hard he should have to spend
a portion of his earnings in supporting the drunkard
who does not work at all. This is the reason why
we urge legislation against traffic in drink.

.#
nI ¶rvis„, °flan
•

HER MAJESTY.

The Queen, accompanied by Princess Beatrice
and Prince Leopold, WINDSOR CASTLE, April 4.
day. went to Claremont yester-

Her Majesty, accompanied by Princess Louise,
Prince Leopold, Princess Beatrice, and Prince
Christian of Schleswig Holstein, and the ladies and
gentlemen in waiting, attended Divine service this
morning in the private chapel.

LATEST INTELL MENU

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)

RUSSIA.

ODESSA, April 4.
It is doubtful whether the Prince and the Prin-
cess of Wales will pay a visit to Odessa. Their
Royal Highnesses will probably proceed direct to
Sebastopol and thence to the Caucasus.
At Sebastopol great preparations for a magni-
ficent reception are being made in anticipation of
the arrival of their Royal Highnesses.

CORRESPONDENCE FROM PARIS.

CE'ROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.),

PARIS, SUNDAY, April 4.
I The Imperial address to the electors is simply a cry of
"Vote for the official candidates." It gives an account
of all that Imperialism Las done for France, omitting all
the evil it has done, and it sharply criticises the Opposi-
tion for their tactics in attempting to seduce the'population
by promises which can never be realised, omitting all the
efforts of the more r espectable Liberals to obtain from Im-
perialism the concession of just rights. Universal suffrage
is of course taken credit for. The letter next
reviews the reforms destined to infuse a larger portion of
the democratic principle into the French laws, by destroy.
ing, for the benefit of the labouring classes, the vestiges
of inequality preserved by the civil legislation since 1789.
The work afterwards enumerates the alleviations intro-
duced into the penal code, and the measures of fore-
sight and prudence realised by the present regime.
Then comes a statement of the great augmentation of the
revenue in all its branches during the last fifteen years.
But the debt, as might have been expected, is very charily
dealt with. It has been "contracted by necessities which
patriotism is bound to meet." In this conveniently
mystical sentence all the blunders and extravagances of
the Empire are got rid of. Mexico and an army of
1,300,000 men are, of course, amongst the "necessities
which patriotism is bound to meet."
Amid the absorbing conflict of home politics, war
rumours and preparations still receive a little attention.
The ironclads, we are told, are being got ready for service.
Great activity prevails in the Eastern camps. The men
on furlough are returning in great numbers, artillery is
being sent to Verdun and other places from Metz, and
the work of fortification, which even the bad weather had
not interrupted, is now being pushed more vigorously than

ever.

The Emancipation of Toulouse is now being prosecuted
'or the ninth time during nine months !
The political events of the day are of the greatest im-
portance. Foreign politics may not have lost all their
interest, but the great focus upon which public attention
is being centred is undoubtedly the general election. First
in importance amongst the items of the day is a letter
which the Emperor has written to M. de Foreade la
Roqxette. This epistle congratulates the Minister upon
his speech during the debate on electoral corruption.
The Emperor gives praise not only to the talent and
zeal displayed by his Minister, but also to the excellence
of the ideas he put forth, and the firmness and perspi.
cuity with which he expressed them. The meaning of
this letter may be explained in a very few words. M.
de Forcade In Roquette upheld the system of
official candidatures as a necessity, and declared that the
government would not relinquish it. It is to be preserved
with all its attendant paraphernalia of corruption without
money. By approving the zeal, talent, and the " ideas "
of his subordinate's speech, the Emperor clearly
sanctions the policy laid down in it. Another deduction
is palpable from this letter. It has been currently
affirmed of late that M. de la Roquette's position was
not so firm as might be wished, and his removal has been
hinted at. The Emperor's letter shews that his position
is as strong as ever.
If the debate on the electoral proceedings was remark.
able, the debate on the Budget, which has been going on
for the last ten days, is still more so: It is decidedly the
finest discussion of the year. M. Thiers opened it by a
truly admirable speech. It made a palpable impression
on the Chamber ; it will make a greater impression on the
people ; and though it may not influence the vote of a
deputy, I doubt not that it will turn many an election
from the Government. It was as much a political as a
financial speech. In fact, M. Thiers takes for his motto
the principle, " Give me a good policy, and I will give you
good finances." It was in dealing with general policy
that the mildness, equity, and yet great force
of his address was most apparent. Mr. Thiers
fully recognised the good effect of the reforms of
January. They were not all that could be
desired, but, in their limited way, they have been bene-
ficial. More important still, the nation declared unequivo-
cally that if the necessary measures of liberty continue to
be granted to the country, and if they are loyally put in force,
harmony will soon be established between the Govern.
ment and the Opposition. The Opposition, as M. Thiers
understands it, is not an anti-dynastic party. It will sup.
)ort the Imperial rule when the Emperor gives
France what she has a right to have, but not before.
There is, however, but one means of conciliating
the French people. Ministerial responsibility must be
established at once. At present not only is there ro
question of introducing Ministerial responsibility, but the
simple mention of it as a necessarily constitutional change
is a crime, and liable to a severe punishment.
These are the leading points in M. Thier's speech.
There was much besides that well deserves notice, but the
remarkable declaration I bave just summarised is the
one great feature of this remarkable discoiirse.
M. llouber replied in the old strain, urging that
the Emperor's Government was doing all that
was possible ; it did not control the elections it only
guarded them, &c. The most significant feature
of M. Rouher's replies were its pacific assurances. The
Minister of State made light of all warlike preparations,
assuring the Chamber that the Government sought only
peace. The debate was resumed yesterday, and M.
Jules Favre spoke,