The Sun.
London, England, 1856-10-25 00:00:00

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A grave accusation igawle_ in yesterd,
tear against a portion of the flielish Pr,
English journals, we are told, have been
calumnious statements respecting the
' vernment, serious enough to destroy the
between it and the English Government, ...._
having a tendency to disunite the two nations. The
charge is a heavy one, but it would have carried.
more weight with it had it been specific. The*Dature
of the calumnies is not stated ; and as the offeroding
journals are not named we have no clue whereby to
discover wherein they have offended. In 'the name
of the English Press we demand that the
accusation be made specific, in order that
we and our contemporaries may defend our:.
selves if innocent, or make amends if we have
done wrong. As for anything that may be said
hy the English Press having a tendency to do-
stroy confidence between:the French and English
Governments,
no one knows better than the Ewpe-
ror of the French how utterly unable the Eaglistr
Government are to exercise any influence over the
'fietnhet t
Emperor's m perces absence at Compi.Tne
discussions of the English press, and how entirely
irresponsible they are for anything it :nay say, This
convince us that advanteee has
ablooenne
takenis sufficient
o
1 y some of those underlings who have been pub-
s'nailar complaints in the semi-afield jour-
nals of Paris, to foist the denunciation. to which we
are adverting into the M onit6ur. These men are
ig, orant of how completely the English newspapers
arei
thatdentiflethlew ya with the wholreEiagli,shri people. They
fancy Parisian
journals,
mere organs of individuals or eateries ; and they
flatter themselves that the bruturn fulmen of the
Moniteur will frighten the English people into a
coercion, of their newspapers. The Emperor knows
well the absurdity of such a notion, and we feel •
confident that the escapade •of ,the official journal
,will cause him serious annoyance and bring down a '
sharp rebuke on its authors.
We maintain that, so far from evincing ahimo
. towards the French people or Government, the
general tone and tenour of the Englishpress has dis-e
played a warm friendship for the forrnet. A.
fabea c.o e•,--e.to;
ourselves are concerned, our existant aitnTias been
to direct whatever influence we may be able to exer-
cise over public opinion to the promotion of cordial'
feelings arid extended industrial connexions between
the French and English nations. As fee what con-.
cerns the French Government, we will not a.ffect.tn
entertain aeons fence in it which we do not feel; but
ever since the present dynasty received the sanction
of the French people, our comments upon it have
been confined within the legitimate limits of aeonsti-
tutional opposition—such as we might offer to an
English administration to whose political principles
we were hostile. Our relation to the measures of the
French Government has undoubtedly been generally
anlagoni,tie, but we have been fair and even cour-
teous opponents. We have lett to pot-house. poli-
ticians the vending of ignoble personal aspersions.
We have seized every opportunity to do justice to
such of the Emperor's measures as appeared de-
serving of approbation ; we have recognised the
binpoygo
Frenchpl
rch
promoting
calculated
irGt.
vtNehVr
eien
rnel
to
oanl Nava laboured,
nbente consolidatestinterests
f induce
itsoet
loyalty with which he fulfilled his ongegerneuts to
iototw tono • Englandl
:w turnadoptielru
art
great nation whose destinies it has undertaken to
guide.

[ 40. STAMPED DD.

representative of the ladies? (Hear, hear.) lam thus not
only a member, but also the Speaker of the House of" Ladies.
The proceedings'of the House of Cominons;gentlemen, affect
:your business generally, but the proceedings of the House of
,Ladios affect not only your business, but your besoms. (Loud
laughter.) In the House of Commons you take into couside-
!ration the ways and means ; in tlie House of Ladies, I think,
gentlemen, you know pretty well that the same thing is done.
(Renewed laughter.) The:question of peace or war sometimes
agitate the House of Commons—the House of Ladies is not
always exempt fro ni the considerati&o of the same important
questions. Divisions occupy no inconsiderable Portion of the
time of the-Hoiise or Commons, and I regret to add that
they are not altogether unheard of in the House of Lid es.
(Loud laughter.) I know, however, frcm old experience, how
attached are the men of Boston to the ladies of Boston.
Twenty years ago, when I was here amongst you, almost
every man had'a sweetheart, nearly all the middle-aged gen-
tlemen had wives, and certainly all had mothers—(renewed
laughter)—and I must say that not Mr. Ingram only, but
the. Eoglish_nation, is_ indebted to the ladies of Boston for
having produo 4 such a find collection of -voters as I have,
now the honouT to thank for the kindness with which they
have listened to my remarks. Mr. M. Lemoq resumed his
seat amidst repeated cheers. . .

Some other toasts having been disposed of, tho entertain-
ment concluded.

MR. MILES, M.P., AND HIS CONSTITUENTS.

'O.

At the annual dinner of the Evercreech Agricultural So-
ciety, held at, Shepton Mallet, Somersetshire, on Thursday
evening last, Wm. Miles, Esq., M.P., presided. Iu the course
of the evening, " The County Members" was given as a toast,
in reply to which,,
Mr. %TILES said—l have now bad the honour of represent-
ing this county for twenty-two long years ; and though I
belong to possibly a party of politicians almost now extinct
—I mean the old Tory party—yet, I trust, you have found
thatagOod pleasures, whatever party they came. from, have
always had my support. (Applause.) But still, gentlenien,
though I thank God I at present enjoy good health, I cannot
forget that age 14 creeping upon nvetud7all,l4rave to look to
is tits; that when it-becomes me to resign the office whfch you
have, thrown upon me, I shall resign it with the goodwill of
my constitupcy, and 'at the same time with the feeling that,
though I may have been mistaken on some questions, yet I
have conscientiously upheld what I thought was for the good
of the whole.natiou. (Cheers.) At the commencement of the
war I was frequently ameng you, and then endeavoured to
collect your sentiments. I believe I did so honestly and faith-
fully, and endeavoured to represent them in Parliament ; and,
therefore, when I supported the prosecution of the war with
all vigour, I felt that I spoke the language of my constituents.
But still, .though I and my gallant friend near me (Captain
Seobell) have both in our former addresses wished and prayed
that the present peace may be long, yet I must not di-guise
from you the fact, that there are elements at present in the
political world which bid fair, as far as human foresight can
see, to disturb the harmony which at present exists. I was
not aware of it, but the leading journal stated, in an article
some three weeks ago, that.tho basis of the conferences at
Paris lays, down the rule that no nation was at liberty to
maintain a rule or' misrule which might affect the interests of
a neighbouring nation or the security of Europe. Now we
have always gone, up to the present time, on the principle of
non-interference with the internal concerns of any nation. If

this was the basis of the consultations at Paris, I say it is
entirely oppvsel to
.the rule we have always adopted unani-
mously—the non-interference with the private concerns of
any nation, and moreover that it might threatea the stability
of any peace. (Hear.) For what we call misrule other de-
spotic nations may call rule, and who is to be the arbiter
between us ? (Applause.) Why at ance it be,xmcs appa-
rent that it must be force on the one side and force on the
other ; and therefore I think this is a dangerous doctrine to
maintain. My opinion is to stick relig:ously to the principle
which for ',ears you have adopted—which was years ago laid
down by Lord Castlereagh—that of non-interference with the
regulations and laws of any foreign country, By so doing
you will maintain peace; by doing otherwise you know not
when Europe may be convulsed by a general war. I am for
giving way to no power on earth ; let our laws be respected,
let our subjects be respected—and so they shall be if ever I
can say aye in such a matter—but do not, becausa a despotic
king holds his subjects in thraldom, interfere with the inter-
nal government of his kingdom, and plunge us into war.
While you do me the honour of maintaining mo where you
have placed me, the principle of non-interference I will main-
tain, but let our dignity be touched, let England be outraged,
and then I will cry out, and shall be auswared by almost
every voice in this country—" Throw away the scabbard,
out with the sword, and at once at it." (Loud cheers.) I
have little to address to you on other topics ; the papers are
exceedingly dull, and one paper is talking about tho annihila-
tion of party, and another on the necessity of upholding it.
But when for two years we have been united on one point, is

In pursuance of this object we have doubtless
often been compelled to enunciate unpalatable.
truths. And the present compels us to re-riist in
this un-courtierlike course. The present is no
time for soothing flattery. A. combined monetary
and commercial crisis in France i 3 producing a
monetary crisis in England. Here we are in little
ultimate danger. Trade and manufactures are
with us in an unprecedentedly healthy condition.
We run no greater danger than that of temporary
pressure and embarrassment from the reaction .or
contagion of French suffering. That, however, is
a sufficient reason why we should seek to avert
from France eils which must necessarily be se-
verely, though not fatally, felt by ourselves. With
regard to France, matters are very different. It
is not merely the money market that is disturbed ;
the manufactures and commerce of that country
are in an alarming condition. And this condition,
if not produced exclusively by the unwise policy of
the French Government, is in a large measure
owing to it, and has been materially aggravated.by
it. This being the case, justice to our own coun-
trymen, and friendship to our French neighbours,
alike compel us to protest against the false policy
of the French Government, even at the risk of irri-
tating the Emperor, or—what would be nearer the
exact truth—Lis. masters, the gamblers of the
Bourse, and the protected interests.

it to be wondered at that you find some gentlemen voting one
way, and some another ? Depend upon it, if aggression is
made upon principles, parties will as readily come forward
and unite as they have ever heretofore done on such an occa-
sion. But I do not see so much to regret as the papers do ;
I think at present we are going on very well, and I hope and
trust that prosperity may still exist, that the agriculturist,
the mechanic, and the labourer may be well paid for their
work, and if so, I do not think we shall have much to com-
plain of in the want of union of the different parties who may
represent you. The boil. member resumed his seat amidst
loud cheers.

THE EARL OF CARDIGAY.

The fundamental error of the French Govern-
ment is its havingundertaken t. Jo peep]o
what it is beyond the power of any Government to
accomplish. The labouring classes have been en-
couraged to look to the Government as able to in-
sure' them constant employment and cheap and
plentiful provisions, and other necessaries of life.
Under any circumstances the attempts of the GJ-
vornment to realise such expectations must have
been futile. Bat ever since the Prince President
or Emperor snatched the veins of government, the
seasons have fought against him. He calculated
with too sanguine an assurance that the return of
confidence and commercial activity, the result of
the establishment of a "strong Government,"
would, be permanent. Some men see a strange
fatality in the circumstance that war, famine,. pes-
tilence, inundation, have marked every successive
year since December, 1852. It has been as if " the
stars in their courses fought against Sisera." Every
year there has leen a deficient harvest. The grape
disease has shown no symptoms of abasement. This
year there is at least a doubtful harvest ; and to
this have been superalled the inundations and the
certain failure of the silk eiops. The agriculcitrists
have lost their crops, and the manufacturers lack
their raw material. The Emperor has sought to'
ewoourkntse, a
r a
tciSciby
these
givingevi
evils by imm
ense and
public
ma-
nufactures and commerce. In this he has been
stimulated and confirmed by daring speculators,
who,ehave found their own profit in the course
an artificialmense
which they have induced or encouraged him to
pursue. The consequence is tha% large sums have
been expended, and larger debts incurred, in beau-
tifying Paris and other cities ; and monopolist spe-
culators have been enabled to launch out into foreign
enterprises, which are extensively withdrawing
capital from the country. We say nothing at
present of the lavish expenditure incurred by at-
tempts to dazzle the populace by Imperial osten-
tation, though that, too, is an item in the
account. But the day of reckoning, which we have
foretold from the beginning, i 3 fast approaching.
The foreign engagements of the Credit Mobilier
Cali only be met by the continuance of that drain of
capital which is paralysing domestic industry. The
public workscan only be continued by imposts upon
the proprietary class, which must impoverish many
and alienate the affections of all. The system has
not realised what was expected of it. Builders,
paviours, artists, have had employment ; but in
the great centres of manufacturing industry there
are multitudes unemployed. Provisions and house-
rent have steadily risen. A crisis has arrived in
which it is equally dangerous to abandon or per-
sist in the policy that has been adopted. The
prospects of the coming winter fill men with the
darkest forebodings. An immense strain has been
put on the national resources ; people are seeking
employment at a time when itis most improvident
to increase public works ; financiers at their wit's
end talkof a suspension of cash payments—in other
words of a recurrence to the system of assiguata ;
the Emperor's popularity declines, and secret so-
cieties extend.
The most alarming feature of this state of affairs
is the uncertainty and vacillation which seems to
pervade the action of Government. Disapproba
day it
tion of undue speculation is expressed, but no
effi-
cient measures are taken to check it. One
138:11 Ocipe power behind
is announced that the works at the L_ocurverdeitaries
suspended, and the next a supplemeni 1
ve dcuane
Se-
bastopol. Alleviations of the restri
system are announced, and then indefinitely
and.
post-
poned. Either the Emperor panic-stricken,ison
the preceding
in one day what he has done
or there
in his uncertainty how to procerester e "a
opened for the completion of the Boulevard de
pfroeleicyclissettuzoi
ufta.ctsßwyoftrielde
throne "—the Bourse gamblers and the protected
enough to withhold him from
interests—strong
the dictates of his better judgment. At
obeying
t free discussion,
a public opinion would be formed that
.!ror to bid defiance to the
press
inodlltrnhtoermibetuhnnreel.s. g
indispensabletlan throught
0 tthee
safety By
be
would
secret discussion
elicited
nnf adFb sinisterari enable
France.
theiae.sound
influences which now enthral
him. By free discussion the irritation necessarily
of
their
of s c engenderedascertaining iinng t thheem.c minds
s ofinn deniedsu ft.eritnghe
as
jt or
lad cn means
relieving themselves by the utterance of their com-
plaints would be dissipated. And yet, by
c,al blindness, at this very moment the Press of
France is more strictly gagged than ever. It
therefore becomes the imperative duty'of the Press
of England to urge these discussions, and express
those opinions in the interest of France which
Frenchmen are denied the libe'rty of urging or
uttering for themselves. To do this is a duty we
owe butt to France and Euglend, and we still con-
tinue to discharge it—temperately but firmly—un-
deterred by the oracular fulminations of the
lifoniteur.--Daily News.

Tile Post of yesterday publishes a letter signed
"George Ryan, author of r The Lives of our Heroes in
the Crimea."' The writer intimates that he is the per-
eon referred to as a " low, hireling slanderer." in Lord
Cardigan's rec,nt letter, where the phrase "the maig•
nant slanders of Messrs. Back and Ryan " is also used.
Mr. Ryan qu,..,tes several alleged "conversations " to
back up his o, o contradiction of Lord CarJigan's state-
ment that his conduct at Balaklava, has been but recently
canvassed.

"On the rout of the Russian cavalry by the Heavy
Brigade, by General Scarlett, Captain William Morrie,
of the 17th Lancerp, in the presence of many officers,
thus communed with his lordship :
Captain Morris—' My lord, you are not going to
charge the flying enemy '
Lord Cardigan—' No ; we have orders to remain here.'
Captain Morris—' But, my lord, it is our positive duty
to follow up this advantage.'
Lord Cardigan—' We must remain here.'
Captain Morris—' Do, my lord, allow me to charge
them with the Lancers ! See, my lord, they are in dis-
order !'

Lord CAlligan—‘ We must remain here.'
Captain Morris (to several officers)—' Gentlemen, you
are witnesses of my request.'
" Was this nothing ' on the subject for many months
after the battle of Balaklava ?'

"When his lordship retreated from the guns, Captain
Alexander Low (flow Colonel Low) thus adsressed Lord
George Paget:—
_

ford George, what are we t 3 do ?
Lend George Paget—' W here is Lord Cardigan 1'
Captain Low--‘ Did you not see Lord Cardigan gallop
back through our lines as we were coining up ?
Lora George Paget—` Then we must tight until we
are beaten back.'

"I re-aisert • that the following took place :
" Scene, the position which the reamaut of the Light
Brigade took un. Time, 20 minutes after the charge.
Present, the Earl of Cardigan, Captain Jenyns of the
13th Light Dragoons, Lord George Paget, and several
officers (Attie staff.

Lord George Paget—' So, Cardigan, you were not
in it ?' _ _

The Elrl of Cardigan---' Wasn't I though
Capt. Jenyns—' You were by my side, my lord, when
we reached the guns.'
The Earl of Cardigan—' Yes, and there were Cossacks
poking at me there—l felt their lances poking about t
me somewhere I'
"His lordship further observes, these calumnies met
with no encouragement from the respectable portion of
the press. It was therefore unnecessary for me to treat
them otherwise than with siience and contempt.'
" Has Lord Cardigan lost all recollection of his own
de iberate acts ? Now the noble and gallant soldier did
not treat what he is pleased to term my calumnies' with
silence and contempt,' for shortly atter the publication
of my book he wrote ,to the Crimea, requesting Lord
Wm. Paulet's opinion as to the accuracy of my state-
ment, wherein I make Lord William an eye-witness of
the Earl of Cardigan's retreat. The reply of Lord Win.
Paulet is in the bands of the Earl of Cardigan, and
would in print be excellent proof of silence and con-
tempt.' By the same post the noble lord wrote also to
General Scarlett for his opinion on the obnoxious pas-
sage in my book. • •
" My noble accuser stigmatises me as a paid slanderer.
That is a very unenviable character wherewith to stand
before a publisher and the public, and I have therefore
instructed nay solicitor to bring the Earl of Cardigan
into court, there to justify—if he can—the language
he hai so imprudently been advised to adopt towards
one who, some 18 months since, the noble actl gallant
general considered worthy of commendation.
" All the necessary witnesces are in the United King-
dom. His lordship has riches. Let the noble lord
look to it then, that no unseemly legal technicalities be
throwh in the way of speedy justice.",

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