The Sun.
London, England, 1860-04-21 00:00:00

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PRICE 4D• STAMPED, SD•

THE BOURSE .211AN'UVR.ES.

(From the Times' Correspondent.)
PARIS, Aram 19, 6 P.3r:
The morning papers (including the Moniteur)
contain the following communique :
An anonymous pamphlet, entitled " La Coali-
tion," has been for two days past the pretext for
Bourse manoeuvres, and for efforts to keep up dis-
quietude in the public, mind. The existing laws
do not give to the Government the right of arrest-
ing this sort of publications unless they contain a
specific offence ; but 'Bourse manoeuvres, with the
.object of turning them to account by disquieting
public opinion, are provided against and punished
by the penal cede. The Minister of the Interior
has represented to the Minister cf Justice those,
which have taken place on the occasion of the pam-
phlet Coalition,' and judicial proceedings are
about to be taken on the subject.
The Minister of the Interior is in this instance,
I think, unusually scrupulous and severe. The
pamphlet in question has been talked about more or
less for the last day or two ; but clearly there is
found in it nothing illegal or reprehensible—that
is, displeasing to the Government, or it would have
been prosecuted, like M. de Montalembert's pam-
phlet or Bishop I)upanloup's letter. What does the
Minister mean by " Bourse manoeuvres ?" When
people saw a pamphlet issue from the press with the
serious title of "La Coalition," and from the pub-
lisher of " La Pape et le Congres," they of coarse
bought and sold at the Bourse, played for the fall
or the rise, and took every advantage of the cir-
cumstance, just as they did when the famous pam
phlets "Napoleon 111. et l'Angleterre," " Le Pape
et le Congress," " Napoleon 111. et l'ltalie," not to
speak of those ball cartridges, the Colonels' ad-
dresses, startled the public ; or when, only a few
days back, the Patrie—which, in spite of private
assertions to the contrary, and in the absence of all
public denial, is still believed by its readers to be
directed in its politics at the Home-office—charged
the English Government with promoting Carlist
insurrections in Spain and revolutionary ones in
Sicily. In spite of Ministerial Puritanism, stock-
jobbers in high and low places will speculate on
the ignorance, the credulity, or the fears of
the public. Long before war was declared against
Austria there were people who persisted in stating
that it would come ; nor was the panic allayed by
the formal declaration, emanating from high au-
thority, that it was totally without cause, and that
the Imperial Government had no intention of dis-
turbing the peace of Europe. When M. Petitin
wrote his pamphlet in August last on the annexa-
tion of Savoy, and when the public mind had be-
come gradually familiarised with the event, the ap-1
prehensions then excited, and turned to account
by operations on the Bourse, were not removed by
the repeated denials of the Imperial Government,
though backed by the equally veracious assertions
of its Italian ally. And when we are now told no
harm is meant by the wrong of which Switzerland
is the object, any more than by the transfer of
Savoy and Nice, it is unreasonable to turn on people
because they are now as doubtful as before, when
they 'were not mistaken, or against those who try
to make money, as they have ever done, by specu-
lating on the effect of anonymous publications.
When a Government habitually practises anony-
mous pamphleteering, and when certain of its func-
tionaries are believed in public to be intimately
connected with newspapers distinguished, if not for
anything else, at least for the grossness of their
charges against an ally, the Government must take
the consequences.
A Ministerial paper has already declared that La
Coalition was the production of a private person
totally unconnected with official people—in fact,
that it had no official origin whatever ; and, in
spite of the little credit attached to such statements,
I am inclined to the belief that the paper in ques-
tion has, by accident, told something like the truth>
The object of this pamphleteer is to show that coali-
tion against France is impossible—that the coali-
tions which followed the wars of the Republic and
the Empire were the work of "monarchies by
Divine right," and not the combination of peoples.
" What was called the ambition of Napoleon I.
was the pretext ; the restoration in France of the
monarchy of Divine right, and its reconstruction
throughout the Continent, was the object." The
treaties of 1815 can no longer be said to exist, and
they have been torn up by the peoples for their own
advantage.
"People speak, however," says the writer, "of
again uniting the inert members of the Holy Alli-
ance, of attaching them well or ill together, and
animating them with galvanic life. England, which
instigated the first coalition, is accused of wishing
to foment a second. A speech delivered by Lord S.
Russell in the British Parliament caused a suspi-
cion that England wished to arm Europe against
us. It would be strange that she should wish to
do so—impossible that she could succeed. There is
no reason why she should wish it, and she is entirely
deficient in means. The English have been our
allies for the last seven years, and we do not think
that they have to complain of being so. We have
not, perhaps, reaped all the advantages from this
alliance and all the civilities we had a right to ex-
pect, but England at least has gained all she pro-
mised herself. It would not be generous to reproach
England with all the little services we have ren-
dered her, but we may well, in the present state of
our relations, and in order to clear up the situation,
remind her that our alliance on the fields of battle
of the Crimea secured to her a victory which she
could not have obtained alone, and of which the
results were more useful to her than to us. Oar
good friendship suffered her to establish herself in
the island of Perim in contempt of treaties, and
solely not to compromise our cordial understand-
standing. We have gone to China with the Eng-
lish to fight for commercial interests which affect
us but little. It is to the Anglo-French alliance
that must be attributed that treaty of commerce so
useful to the two nations, but particularly
tt4hh trehee
lusEjailstameeinfonpuuncelas—
rertoooy,
Emperor
British commerce. In fine, when enumerating the
rejected
his tpfe cl
dissatisfaction, the
the Lo
bile. on
on journals,
difficulties and misfortunes which our friendship
has spared her, England maytthcoeafsle vietuhgiltoeoahfoled the number
ou
hoa
spared
to
ndoou,
urarr
.neoe
orrf vprti
hca
rejeans
n.
odious
France.
to maintain
hmHe Governmentaeainttteaansweredemi
con
ther re-
fugees, spared nothing which was compatible with the
contemptfwu when
ee neshhee therepressed
invectives
Parliament
from declaring that unfriendly proceeding to have
altered the good understanding between the two
countries, he carried his zeal for the alliance so fer
as to disavow the military manifestations inserted
in the Moniteur. Nevertheless, England, where
reasons of State prevail over and moderate the
emotions of gratitude, might well forget all the
advantages she acquired by her alliance with us.
The day on which, for the first time, France claims,
in exchange for the sacrifices she has made, a
slight material advantage, which is especially a
measure of indispensable precaution, England may
speak of rupture, and may seek for allies in Europe
against us. This ingratitude is enormous ; but,
whatever Prince Schwartzenburg may have said in
speaking of Austria, it is sufficiently great to
astonish the world. Well! even on this hypothesis,
England could with difficulty find allies.'
The writer then goes on to show that England
cannot get Russia for an ally, for this among other
reasons—that
" An abyss is dug between the two Powers ; that
which serves the interests of the one is hurtful to
those of the other. Both wish to rule in the Black
Sea and in Asia; they represent in Europe influ-
ences the most opposite that it is possible to con-
ceive?'

Austria will not be the ally of England; there is
nothing in common between two such Powers—
" between Protestant and liberal England and
Austria, Catholic and subject to an absolute
regime ;" and the moral support given by England
to the independence of tho Italian States has com-
pletely separated both Powers.
One passage of La Coalition is the Patrie all
over, and may have been the reason why the public
attributed to it an official origin :
" Have not the sanguinary disorders of Palermo
and Messina been imputed to her (England), leav-
ing it to be understood that she coveted Sicily ?
A Spanish pretender makes at Valencia a demon-
otratisa, completely unapeGted, 01 examination