The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-13 00:00:00

Commence at 7.

THEATRE - ROYAL LYCEUM.I
Sole Lessee and Directress, Madame CELESTE.
THIS EVENING, MAGIC TOYS : Valentine, Miss Lydia
-Thompson.
After which, a comedy by Dion Bourcicalt, Esq., entitled
THE IRISH HEIRESS. Messrs. George Vining :H. Neville
(his 6th appearance In London), John Rouse, Villiers, T.
Lyon, H. Butler, Miss Kate Saville, Miss M. Hatton, and
Miss Goughenheim, the talented Comedienne, of the princi-
pal Theatres in America (her 6th appearance in
England).
To conclude with the romantic drama of THE ABBE
VAUDREUIL, in which the celebrated Dancers, the Misses
Cullinson, will make their 6th appearance in London. The
Abbe Vaudreuil, Madame Celeste.

A DELPHI, NEW THEATRE-ROYAL,
Bole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Beni. Webster.
Great Success of the new Drama, by Dion Bourcicault, Esq.
"The Colleen Ban."—Mies Agnes Robertson every even:

seek

Ing•
THIS EVENDTG, TILE RIFLE CORPS. Messrs. W.
Smith. D. Fisher, C. Selby, Miss Woolgar, Miss Bate Belly,
and Mrs. Billington.
After which, THE COLLEEN BAWN. D. Bonrcicault, D.
Fisher, Billington, Falconer, Stephenson, C. J. Smith, Romer.
Miss Agnes -bertson, Miss Woolgar, Mrs. Billing-ton, and
Mrs. Chatterley.
To conclude with MUSIC HATFI CHARMS. Mr. David
Fisher.
Doors open at half-past 6—Commence at 7.
Box-office open from 10 till b.
No charge for booking.
Private boxes, .62 25. ; Family limes, Li.
Orchestra Stalls, ss. ; Balcony, 4s. •, Front Circle Stalls, Is. •
Pit Stalls, 25.; Pit, is. 6d. ; Amphitheatre, 1s ; 6ci
Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith.

STL Y'S ROYAL AMIiFIITHEATRE.-
A E
Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Wm. BATTY.
This Evening. (first time) a new Spectacle, entitled ROBIN
HOOD ;" or, the Merry Outlaws of Sherwood; Allan-a-Dale,
Miss Rebecca Isaacs ; Robin Hood, Mr. John Pritchard.
To be followed by Scenes in the Arena by the Star Riders
of the day, including Mdlle. de Berg and Mr. James Cooke.
Doors open at half-past 6, performance commenceat 7.
Box-office open daily from 11 till 4.
Stage Manager—Mr. W. WEST.
Director of the Arena—Mr. Pearson.

C ANTERB UR Y HALL CONCERT S.-
EVERY EVENING,
A Grand Selection from the opera of
NORMA.

Norma ...................... Miss RUSSELL.
Adalgisa .................... Madame MARIA,
(Her first appearance in this country.)
After which the ETHIOPIANS, consisting of Seventeen Per-
formers, organised expressly for this establishment, for the
Performance of Vocal and Instrumental Music, Comic, and
Sentimental, with Negro Delineations, Anecdotes, &c. Prin-
cipal Negro Artistes, Messrs. Joe Brown, G. W. Pell, H.
Drummond, and Charley Fox.
Musical Director, Mr. F. JONGHMANS.

Balcony, la, ....----.Hall„ 6d.

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, Ocr. 13, MO.

THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.

59—this day at noon.
41—lowest this morning and during the night.
52—highest since noon yesterday.
Banomwrza-29.58 ; a sudden fall.
Winn—South•Westerly ; fresh; with rainy weather.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
TSIS DAY.—Morning, 12h. 16m.—Afternoon, 12h. 38m,
To-moßnow.-Morning, 12h. 59m.—Afternoon, lh. 21m,

The discussions in the Sardinian Chamber have
ended admirably; and, happily, with unanimity.
Two hundred and ninety to six, is a vote such as
few constitutional Ministers have obtained on a
division, taken, too, on a great question of public
policy. We are heartily glad to announce it ; be-
cause the avowed policy must be substantially the
right one ; and because the manner in which the
practical resolution was put did, in truth, equal
honour to CANOUR and to GARIBALDI. The latter
will feel no difficulty in yielding, as every good
soldier ought to do, to the unmistakeable judgment
of the Representatives of Piedmont, of Tuscany, of
Parma, of the Legations, and of Lombardy. It is
no discredit to the soldier that civilians should de-
cline to adopt his political views ; especially when,
in doing so, they show in the strongest way they
can their appreciation both of his patriotism and
his courage. In one act the Chambers accept
the proposal of their political leader to annex to
the Piedmontese Constitutional Monarchy all the
States of Italy which may be prepared to vote for
it ; and at the same time provide, as it were, an in-
scription for the monument which GARIBALDI has
erected for himself in Italian history. The cora-
mi4ctee appointed to examine the Annexation Bill
reported decidedly in its favour ; they conclude
their report, however, by declaring that the Cham-
ber will not have entirely discharged its duty if it
did. not declare by an explicit vote its applause, its
admiration, and its gratitude, as well as that of the
nation, toward him to whom and to whose valour
Italy owes the triumph of its liberty. The com-
mittee, therefore, terminates its labours by pro-
poning to you the following order of the day :
" The Chamber of Deputies, at the same time
that it highly applauds the signal bravery of the
land and sea forces, and the generous patriotism of
the volunteers, bears witness to the admiration and
gratitude of the nation towards the heroic General
GA apluam
, who, by suecouring with magnanimous
ardour the populations of Sicily and Naples, has re-
stored to the Italians, in the name of VICTOR EM-
MANUEL, 80 great a part of Italy."
But not only was the resolution itself, and the
vote, all that it ought to be. The speeches of
Count CAYouR, his final one especially, the tele-
graphic summary of
which we gave last evening,
was all that could be
wished. The difference of
opinion was acknowledged, but in the best spirit,
and. all that the Count desired was to be able to
address GARIBALDI with the voice of his country,
and not with his own merely, While he should be
able to present him also with his country's tribute
to the nobility of his spirit and the greatness of his
deeds. We trust that all differences will now be
healed. GARIBALDI is not the man to be outdone
in generosity, or to give their common enemies oc-
casion to triumph on account of their divisions.
We can hardly doubt, therefore, that he will, at
the same time, retain his own opinion of what
would have been the best policy, while he will
heartily co-operate in any course which liberates so
large a portion of Italy beyond the danger of re-
enslavement, and which certainly lays the founda-
tion for the liberation of the whole.

Count CAVOUR adverts again to the rumoured
cession of territory; to Venetia; and to Rome, He
again explicitly and formally denies the truth of
the rumour. We can only hope that his denial will
be sustained by the course of events. We cannot
but remember that Louts NA POLEON was not the
only one who, in regard to the business of Savoy,
would be designated in this country by the epithet
which consigns every man to infamy. We need

not describe again the course adopted in regard to '
Savoy ; the misfortune is, that unless Europe for-
bids, it leaves the COUNT and the EMPEROR at
liberty to barter Sardinia for the withdrawal of the
French troops from Rome, or for the mere additions
to his territories which VICTOR EMMANUEL is
allowed to accept. What right, however, the
EMPEROR has to grant licenses to the KING, more
than England or any other European Power has,
it is hard to say. We certainly wish that these
denials did not rather strengthen suspicion in our
minds, as they probably do in GARIBALDI'S. We
trust, however, that there will be more Govern-
ments to consult in the business of Sardinia than
in that of Nice and Savoy. Sardinia is not a land-
locked province or a small county ; but may be-
come a buttress to an ambitious naval power in the
Mediterranean. The COUNT says that no one dare
ask such a cession from a country with a population
of 24,000,000 inhabitants ; and that, therefore, after
annexation, it will be an impossibility. We shall

In regard to Rome—it is confessed that the
Eternal City is desirable as an Italian capital.
But as regards the means to that end, we shall be
able to say in what condition we should be in six
months hence." Not quite clear in the telegram,
are we to understand that negotiations are going
on respecting it with the Power which holds the
keys of Rome and the patrimony of St. PETER ?
And is the surrender of Rome, as we have already
suggested, to be the consideration for the surrender
of Sardinia to Imperial slavery ? A revolution at
Rome is, however, it seems, looked for, but it is to
be " accomplished by the conviction that liberty is
favourable to religion 1" That conviction we, of
course, fully share ; but it is quite another thing
that liberty should be favourable to priestcraft. It
has not been generally thought so by priests; and
it is not easy to conceive that the habit of political
independence should not tend to foster that awful
Protestant habit of independent thought on reli-
gious subjects also.
Venetia, too, is to be emancipated—but by a
change of European opinion. At present, Europe
does not wish that Piedmont should make war on
Austria. This opinion must be respected. So Aus-
tria is, for her satisfaction, told that there is a good
casus belli against her, but that it will not be turned
to account. Europe's opinion is, however, to be
changed. How ? It will change when it sees a
United Italy able to deliver Venetia, which will
never willingly endure its bondage. " Austria has
flattered them in vain." Such are the views with
which the Parliament of Northern Italy authorises
its Government to proceed to the work of annexa-
tion. Immediate union of all Italy disposed for
union—no more cessions of territory—Rome the
capital of Italy when she has become a convert to
the doctrines of Religious Liberty—and Venetia
joined to its sister territory when Europe under-
stands that a united Italy is too strong to tolerate
the bondage of her sons.
Our old friend, BONIFACE, of the Constitutiowsel,
we observe, has stepped forward to lecture Sardinia
for helping GARIBALDI in Naples ! He calls on
Europe to join in the censure. Doubtless he will
find monarchs ready enough to do it, but he himself
, can scarcely be hardy enough to maintain that it
were not better done than left undone. And it is
not surely for France, the Republican subverter of
the Roman Republic, to lecture another power on
1 irregularity. Perhaps it is merely done to keep up
some pretext for demanding Sardinia as satisfaction.

It would be amusing, were it not also most
dinister, to note those ridiculous rumours now rife
in Parisian circles as to the probable, or rather, as
it is there confidently intimated, the certain break-
ing-up of the Palmerstonian Government ! "The
wish" is so obviously "father to the thought that
the exultation openly expressed on the other side
of the Channel, at the mere notion of this Minis-
terial disruption in England, is calculated, we are
certain, to render the arrantest Tories in these
islands devoted and almost unconditional adherents
of the present Cabinet. In the presence of the
actual situation of affairs upon the Continent, there
is not a politician in the United Kingdom who
would not be disposed frankly to waive all
party differences with a patriotic desire to
disembarrass the councils and to strengthen the
hands (if need be, upon any contingent emergency)
of her MAJESTY'S Government. Particularly at a
conjuncture when in France there become audible
such very significant aspirations for the downfall of
a Ministry that can only be odious to the " powers
that be" yonder among our neighbours for a reason
that, of all reasons in the world, should render it
popular with all ranks, and classes, and sections, and
parties, of Englishmen. That reason being, of
course, no other than that the Government of
Lord PALMERSTON and his colleagues is essentially,
aad above all things, an English Government.
Grievous though the shortcomings of the present
Cabinet undoubtedly were during the last session—
deplorably though the country was deceived and
disappointed either through the want of discipline
or the want of earnestness among the various mem-
bers of the Administration—lamentable though the
numbers were of dropped measures, evaded re-
forms, postponed innovations, forgotten or broken
pledges, modulated or abandoned principles, making
up the wordy mass of the Parliamentary records of
the lengthened sayings and the little doings
of her MAJESTY'S Ministers everything
inimical to the Cabinet of Lord PALMER-
STON would be utterly and instantaneously
scattered to the winds and forgotten at the ap-
pearance of any European complication in which
the members of the British Ministry should seem
to have drawn upon themselves the of a
Foreign—beyond all of the French—Government.
It could only be thus by reason of her MAJESTY'S
advisers having shown themselves completely and
thoroughly to be Englishmen. Forgotten then
would be the distinctions of Whig or Tory, of
Liberal or Conservative, of Peelite or Canningite,
of Derbyite or Palmerstonian. We should all of
us cordially, and without the smallest reservation
of enthusiasm—be (like the Ministers themselves
in such an emergency)—solely and simply English-

men.

Are there not portents of such an emergency
being at this moment imminent ? If not—whence
are these exultant whisperings, these confidently
muttered predictions in Paris about the speedy
on-coming of the downfall of the PALMERSTON
Government ? With the northern despots gather-
ing together at Warsaw—with the Italian problem
daily, hourly approaching nearer and nearer to its
definitive solution—with France hesitating midway
between the two extremes, prepared at the whim
of her inscrutable Lord and Master to throw
her great sword into either scale as may
appear at the moment of decision best calculated to ,
suit her own selfish interests—with the Pear ripe
upon either branch, and NAPOLEON'S hand, waver-
ing as to which branch shall be shaken under the
circumstances—it does certainly appear to be the
very period when we should all of us, in this coun-
try, be the least disposed to throw a stumbling
block in the way of the QUEEN'S Government.

The confident predictions uttered in Paris, how-
ever, as to the certain and speedy downfal of the
Cabinet of Lord PALMERSTON, by the mere force of

the time at which they are uttered, expose
their own intrinsic absurdity to the uttermost
degree of derision. It is such a wholly ludicrous
period to have select ) d for the prophecy of any col-
lective disaster to the . Cabinet. Parliament up—the
members of the Lords and Commons in the midst of
their vacation enjoyments—the Colonial Secretary
on the other side of ti le Atlantic with the Heir to
the Crown—the Foreig n Secretary far away in the
opposite direction, in the west of Germany, in
attendance upon the So VEREIGN—the majority of
their colleagues scat tered over the country,
only two or three (a them in town—not a
single Question if the smallest importance
pressing heavily upo n the Councils of the
Ministers—it is nothing less than actually laugh-
able at such a mom ant of profound Ministerial
calm and absolute h reedom from all " party"
anxieties, to hear those little anti-English
gobernouehes over ther e in Paris talking about the
immediate and inevitable disruption of the PAL-
MERSTON Government. If anything were seeded
to strengthen the grass o of her MAJESTY'S present
advisers upon the fasct of the Ministerial autho-
rity, it would be precisely these very predictions
coming from exactly that very source !

Sir JOHN BOWItING 1 las been delivering at Exeter
an excellent speech on the question—" Is the Ballot
a Security for Honest Representation." It is re-
freshing to find an old and hearty Liberal like Sir
JOHN retaining fully his integrity so long; and
retaining it, too, after having been in the service
of Governments whose leading men, unable to
damage the cause of t he Ballot by their arguments,
have attempted to d 4 iit by jokes or sneers. He
could thus boldly state, his present views—the views
of a consistent, and certainly highly intelligent
political life—" Medits sting much," he said, " as he
had been called on w: uch to meditate, on the vari-
ous political changes -I rhich had been suggested for
the general improvem a nt of our institutions, he had
come to the conclusios that there was none so im-
portant, none for wi Lich reasons so cogent and
irresistible could be uri ;ed, none which could derive
so much advantage fret n observation and experience
as that of the Ballot— that instrument by which a
man was protected in. the honest exercise of that
political power which his country had confided to
his keeping." Of con rse we shall heartily accord
with his conclusion ; at we also agree equally with
another and leading representation in his speech.
He had remarked, that while he remained as staunch
a Radical as Elver, in tt Le sense of being ready to cut
up all abuses by the :roots, he must confess that
there was, perhaps, no ne of the other articles of his
Radical faith in regari 1 to which he could not feel
the weight of oppones its' objections. In candour
he must acknowledge the weight of the argument
against Universal Sul3 Frage, that it was giving vast
power to ignorance. In regard to Annual Parlia-
ments, it was true tb Lat they might too often re-
move men from their :,nests, just as they had learned
their duties ; and ever. L comparatively small consti-
tuencies had somethiz ig to say on the claim of their
peculiar class to direct representation. "But," added
Sir JOHN, " with rei 3pect to the Ballot, ho never
heard one argument that was not utterly worth-
less as against the pc ,sition that if society entrusted
a man with the disc :harge of a certain duty, all
temptations should b e removed from him that would
induce to betray that ; trust, and that all punish-
ment should be avert ed that menaced him if he dis-
charged that trust he mostly. Secret suffrage was
the machinery by which society provided that
honest votes should tbe deposited. It was nothing
beyond that."
Our readers we 11 know that this is pre-
cisely the view on which we have again and
again insisted; and 4 an which the supporters of the
Ballot ought to insist with all candidates who profess
themselves to be refs irmers. We have always freely
acknowledged that every leading part of the Re-
formers' creed is op en to some objections. That,
like most other socia it ameliorations which can be
proposed, extension of suffrage, equal distribution
of seats, and short Parliaments, have attendant
disadvantages, thouf, la the advantages largely pre-
dominate ; but, with Sir JOHN BOWRING, we deny
that real arguments against the Ballot have any
existence. If they had, we should be quite con-
tent to show aprepon derance of advantage for sec' et
voting ; but we enti; rely deny the existence of any
disadvantages. Wes :13 the whole community so
sensitively virtuous titat no one could bring himself
to influence another's -vote by appeals to his personal
hopes or fears, we should still like to know what
harm the secrecy of It to vote could do. But when
the reverse is too nett triously the case—when the
constitution and labou rs of election committees is
the first serious work c If every new Parliament, and
the concoction of bills to evade the Ballot, by pro-
fessions of preventing bribery and corruption, one
of the great cares of Ipt 3th the great parties—we are
at a loss to comprehend how a professed Liberal
can open his lips again st the Ballot without a blush.

Of course all this *ill be set down at once as
dogmatism, or pure io ne-sidedness. So it may be.
But uncharitable as it may seem, we must own that
we b:3lieve that al n ost all who from a Liberal
point of view attempt to argue7against the Ballot
inwardly think as w a do. Tories are, frequently,
more honest, and do not scruple to avow that they
wish to retain the proorer over electors which open
voting confers on the Is •ealthier classes ; the old Whig
party, however—the PALMERSTON and RUSSELL
Whigs—are driven to all kinds of subterfuges, be-
cause their hearts are, on this point, with the
Tories, while their political necessities require them
to hoist the Liberal flag. When we say that these
men think as we do, we mean that they, in their
inner judgments, agree with us on the certain effect
of the Ballot. They think as we do, that it would
be the charter of electoral independence. That, as,
the rule, it would indispose candidates to bribe a:dd
threaten, and would deliver electors from such
temptations. We are very sure that secret uniting is
opposed by these gentlomei for secret reasons ; and
that what we have just stated is their grand secret
reason. There is no need to publish it either in
the house, or on the hustings. It might go
hard with the man who had audacity enough for
that ; but there is a perfect freemasonry on the
subject amongst the whole class, " All right
enough, but it won't suit us"—is the pass-word
whispered along the benches of corruptors and
intimidators who owe their seats not to their merits,
but to their purse or 'to their power over tenants at
will.

The fatal objection hitherto to the Ballot is there-
fore the one which is never heard. Members and
candidates, and Ministers of State laugh in their
sleeves, and wink qvietly at each other, and across
the table to their Tory friends, as they repeat the
old cant phrases anei expressions—" un English"—
" trusteeship for non-electors"—" the Ballot won't
keep the vote secret"—" it will keep it too secret
for the unrepresented to know it"—" Look at
France"—" Look at America"—" Look anywhere
but at Australia," and so forth. We do not won-
der that Mr. BERKELEY is tempted to serve up an
annual dish of banter on the 'subject. What, how-
ever, we rather need is some one to tell these men
of false pleas the plain truth about themselves;
some one to bring out their real motives for
opposition With such photographic truth,

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THE SUN.
LONDON, SATURDAY, OCT. 13, 1860.