The Sun.
London, England, 1869-03-02 00:00:00

SEMI: PUBLIC jOURNALS, LASE' AGRICULTUI?AL STATISTICS.

The Times observes that we have entered upon a great
work. The Ministerial plans for putting an end to the
Irish Establishment were on Monday night unfolded to an
overflowing House, and, we may almost add, to an over-
flowing public. For just three hours did Mr. Gladstone
fix the attention of his hearers while he described the mode
of dealing with the Irish Church proposed by the Govern.
ment. The task was enormous, but it was accomplished
with a skill which could not but excite the admiration of
all who Watched the process. Whatever may be said of
the details of the measure, or even of the principles
which have guided the Administration with reference to
some of its cardinal divisions—and it is inevitable that
much indifference of opinion should exist with respect to
such topics—no one could have listened to Mr. Glad-
stone's speech without admiring the art of arrangement
he displayed. The order of procedure was so marshalled
that the scheme of the Ministry was made intelligible tv
all. Some murmurs might here and there be heard,
indicating doubt or hesitation as to the propriety of a
recommendation which might have seemed objectionable
or unnecessary to some members of the House, but it was
impossible to detect any symptoms of that embarrassment
among an audience which follows the faulty exposition of
a confused speaker. The scheme is a vast one. It deals with
every branch of the question, with many subsidiary topics to
which for the sake of simplicity we have not referred, and
it was correctly described by Mr. Gladstone as one of the
largest proposals ever submitted to a legislative assembly
during a time of peaceful legislation. It must be added
also that it is a scheme which as a whole fairly accom-
plishes the task before the Government, and deserves, as
it will doubtless receive, the warm support of Parliament.
It is a great, a comprehensive work. It is an attempt to
grapple thoroughly with the question, and it does so in
such a manner as to justify Mr. Gladstone's sanguine
expression of confidence, at the close of his speech, that
the end of the great controversy of the Irish Establish.
ment is at hand.

The 4- ta idard, in commenting upon the Government
measure, states that in a speech of some three hours'
duration, delivered with all his wonted skill of expression
and lucidity of exposition, the Prime Minister laid
before Parliament his scheme for the secularisation of the
State, and the spoliation of the Church. The prospect
which opens before the friends of law and justice, of the
national religion and the rights of property, is not, if we
are to judge from the symptoms of Monday evening, by
any means a hopeful one. Time and opposition have pro.
duced their usual effects on Mr. Gladstone's mind ; the
lapse of a twelvemonth has " developed " his views into
an extremer form and into closer harmony with those of
his more violent followers ; and the strenuous resistance
which he has encountered at the hands of the Conservative
party throughout the three kingdoms, and the strong
and earnest disapproval of his policy and his personal
conduct expressed by many of the best and most earnest
of those men who, standing above and apart from mere
party conflicts, may be said in some sense to represent the
national conscience, and pronounce by anticipation the
final judgment of history, have but exasperated and em•
bittered the spirit of his measures, and provoked him into
a renunciation of such scruples and such remnants of
moderation as he certainly professed, and we believe sin.
cerely entertained, at a former period. He is evidently
worse disposed towards the Church than he was when he
introduced his notorious resolutions as a means of ousting
Mr. Disraeli from power. Then he appeared to regret
the necessity of striking at his enemy through the
side of his Church ; now he seems to have transferred

to the Church some of the animosity he has al,,vay2
displayed for the leader of the party pledged to hei
defence.

The Post declares that the scheme which Mr. Gladstone

unfolded on Monday for the disestablishment and disen-
dowment of the Irish Church, and for the disposal of its
revenues, whatever other faults may possibly be detected
in it, assuredly is not deficient in comprehensiveness. The
bill which the Government proposes to introduce deals
with the Church in every aspect, both as regards its
ecclesiastical government and its temporal possessions,
and, having reduced it to piecemeal, provides for the
rearrangement of the fragments under a new form.
Its union with the State will vanish ; its subordi-
nation to the Crown will disappear; its claim to be
supported even by the voluntary aid afforded by
its own members will be henceforth disallowed ;
it will become, in fact, a free Church in the midst of a free
people. Based on the principle expressed in the first of
the resolutions passed by the late Parliament, the
measure at the same time provides for the vested interests
of individuals, whilst it almost immediately severs the
connection between the Church and the State, and
prevents the further creation of any liens such as those
which are now disposed of. Whether the scheme be good
or bad—and of course on this point opinions will differ—
't must be conceded even by those who will oppose it, that
't is a complete fulfilment of the pledge given l,y Mr.
.Gladstone when lie first declared his intention of sub-
• citing the existing Establi..sll:nent,

The Herald says that of the general scope and character
of the measure we cannot Letter express our opinion-than
in the words of Mr. Disraeli, who declared that in his
view disestablishment would be a grievous error and dis-
endowment nothing but confiscation. There is nothing it
the provisions in the bill, so far as we may judge froln
Mr. Gladstone's statement, which can render the spolia-
tion more acceptable to the victims or induce them to be-
lieve that Mr. Gladstone is actuated by the kindest
spirit towards them in his proposals for releasing them
from what he calls an unnatural position. The right
honourable gentleman expressed the utmost confidence as
to the success of the measure, and even told the Hous
that ifjt failed Constitutional Government would be provec
a failure. We venture quite as confidently, but not so
sanguinely, to assert that the chances are ten to one
against the passage of a bill which must unite in opposi-
tion to it all sincere Protestants and all honest politicians,
and to add that the system of Constitutional Government
and the credit of the House of Commons have everything
to gain by the rejection of a scheme so crude and so
unjust.

The Daily News remarks that any member or stranger
who was in the House of Commons on the 31st March,
1868, and again on Monday night, must have been struck
with the difference between then and now. The fierce
excitement of party passion which was conspicuous on the
earlier occasion did not betray itself on Monday. That
'sense of uncertainty on which the interest of a crisis
depends—of sanguine hope dashed by misgiving on the
one side ; of apprehension, mitigated by the trust in
nnforesep chances and the leader's skill, on the other ;
that thirst for battle on both—which gave zest last year to
the first debate on the Irish Church, were wanting on
Monday. It was the day after the battle. The House
was in a judicial mood. It had the promises
of last session, of the recess, and of the elec-
tion time fully in its recollection, and it was in some
sceptical instances, perhaps, anxious to learn how
far the performance would correspond with them ; anc
more generally, with what degree of practical skill the
machidery for giving effect to them would be devised.
yr. Gladstone's proposals mky require some modification
in detail, but they form the basis and no inconsiderable
part of the superstructure of a just and righteous settle-
ment, the character and probable effects of which justify
the noble strain of eloquence with which Mr. Gladstone
brought his statement to an end. Mr. Disraeli's language,
though he faintly uttered the old words that he sang out
so bravely last year, affords hope that he sees, and will
enforce on his party, the necessity of submitting to the
inevitable, and of avoiding the delay and exasperation
which would be the consequence of an obstinate and fruit-
less struggle.

The Daily Telegraph is confident that the "
Nib lit-at-
Justice" will not soon be forgotten by those who heard
the speech and saw the spectacle on Monday evening in
the House of Commons. For a long time past the set
occasions " of the Chamber have been dedicated to party
conflicts ; the issues have turned wholly or partially upon
matters of political emulation ; the speeches have been
tainted with the rhetoric of rivalry ; the scene has been
interesting and exciting, but not elevated. On Monday
night all this was changed, and the great Assembly which
governs England presented an aspect that might
well make a cold spirit glow with patriotic pride.
Over and past were the struggles of Liberal and
Tory; the fruit of the troublesome and agitated
period through which we have fought at length
hung ripe and in reach. With such a majority
at his back as could alone warrant the noble boldness,
Mr. Gladstone rose to propose no ordinary bill, but a
solemn Act of national equity and amity, which will be
remembered in all time as one of the fairest results of
Constitutional Governmentand the purest pieces of abstract
human right that ever came by legislation. In the same
spirit, we are • assured, the people of Great Britain wilt
regard the able measure : on these grounds they will
admire and thank the gifted and conscientious Minister.
From his hands it was impossible that religion shulhl
receive any injury. The things which injure religion—
injustice, avarice, domination, uncharitableness, and
unchristian distrust of the sufficiency of truth and piety
to vindicate themselves—are the only things u hick can be
"injured by a full, though tardy, act of national justice.

- -
The Star rejoices that \lr. Gladstone's Irish Church
policy is not vague or undefined, but is thoroughly matured
and developed into its minutest consequences. Much
may have to he said hereafter on the Government pro-
posals for appropriating, the surplus. Suffice it at present
to acknowledge that there are weighty reasons against
any other appropriation, arid weighty reasons in favour of
this. To give the ki,t4io,Goo to edneation would open a
new controversy. Railways are out of the question in
reference to these funds. To lighten the poor rate would
only benefit the landlords. On the other hand, to pro-
vide for lunatics, imbeciles, and for the instruction
of the deaf and dumb and blind, is a work which at once
meets the scruples of those who would object to any
appropriation farther removed from the original objects of
the Church Establishment ; harmonises with the senti-
ments of the Irish ; and lessens the county cess, which
falls on the poor occupiers. There is much in the scheme
that must provoke criticsim, and suTiething which will
incur censure ; but it will be found exceedingly perfect
and exceedingly hard to place in an unfavourable light.
Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues have nobly fulfilled their
plod"es to the country, and have at the same time been
enabled to deal with extreme kindness and consideration
to the Church which is about to be dispossessed of its
material resources.

The agricultural statistics which the Registrar-General of
Irelant has just submitted to the Lord Lieutenant contain
some interesting items of information. The return of acre-
age under flax had Lean previously made, though the
number of scutching mills-1,540—is included in the
report before us. The emigration from Ireland
during the first seven months of 1867 and 1868
is also given, and it is an encouraging sign of the times
to find that in '6B the number was 11,543 less than in '67.
In the extent of acreage Winder crops, too, we find a manifest
improvement, an increaie of 87,633 being visible. In some
crops there has been, indeed, a striking increase, such as oats,
which show a gain of 39,408 acres, and potatoes of 33,072 acres,
but on the other hand fl tx has decreased by 46,811 acres,
something being, perhaps, due to the more sanguine condi •
Von of the cotton trade ; while in some kinds of green crops
there has bee❑ a slighter diminution. Something has also
been done towards the cultivation of the waste and unoccu-
pied lands, but we find that the returns of live stock have
in every instance decreased as compared with 1867.
Horses show a decrease of 1,216, cattle of 87,451,
sheep, 13,075 ; and pigs L 72,748. The concluding paragraph
f the report the Registrar calls attention to the great need
for improvement in the dwellings of the labouring classes ;
seeing that he tells us the number of fourth class houses
in the Census of 1861 was 89,374, and that these for the
most part consisted of mud tenements with only one room
for all the members of the family, we must admit that his
remonstrance is not uncalled for.