The Sun.
London, England, 1860-06-18 00:00:00

MEDICAL ADVICE.

nR. LA'MERT, Registered L.S.A., Honorary
Member of the London Hospital Medical Societ , M.D.
of the University, of Erlangen, &c., may be CONSUYLTED
on all cases of Debility, Nervousness, and on the Secret In
firmities of Youth and Maturity, from Eleven till Two, and
[Tom Six till Eight, at his residence,
37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON
Dr. La'Mert has just published, price Sixpence,'with nu-
merous Engravings and Cases, a New Edition of his Work,
SELF-PRESERVATION,
which will be sent free, in a seale envlope. by M, se,
Cornhill, London, or by the Author,d fore Eight stamps.ann
CONTENTS.
SECTION I.—The Physiology of the Generative Organs.
SECTION ll.—Puberty- -Manhood —The Morale of Genera-
t ve Physiology—True and False Morality.
SECTION Ill—Marriage in its Moral, Social, and Physical
Relations—lts Expectancies and Disappointments—Advan-
tages of Physical Contrasts in securing Healthy Offspring.
SECTION IV.—Spermatorrhcea and Impotence—The causes
of Sterility in both Sexes—Self-inflicted Miseries.
SECTION V. —The Vices of Schools—Effects of certain per-
nicious habits on the mental and general faculties.
SECTION Vl.—Treatment of Nervous and Generative De-
bility—lmpotence and Sterility—Dangerous Results of
various Hazardous Specifics—The Author's Principles of
Treatment; Medical, Dietetic, and General, derived from
Twenty Years' successful practice'
The above work is intended for the perusal of those who
have in early life been induced to swerve from the strict rules
of morality. In its pages facts of paramount utility are
publications incon-
sistenciesgilavrgeiellyto introduced into bought together, wholly divested of tne delusions and
s
philanthropy, or as gratis, eerlltallidnerqutha quasi
gi•riLieisdecoafl
" acts of gratitude," by pretended clergy-
men and others, whose tamperings with the constitution are
frequently followed by serious oonsequenceei

France and the Emperor have no other feelings than
those of friendship towards the German nation. After the
great wars of the first empire, Europe, as second in a he-
roic dud, having declared that the honour of the comba-
tants was satisfied, they gave each other the hand without
rancour. Although the armies of Germany had covered
themselves with glory the flag of France had suffered no
hnmiliation. Jena was not surpassed by Leipsic, and the
battles of 1813, 1814, and 1815 did not efface from history
our triumphs of 1805.
Alone the progress of enlightenment, our tempered
manners, and the work of time would have sufficed to
extinguish in all hearts the last spark of national hatred.
We must even acknowledge having felt a deeper sympathy
for the Germans in proportion as we have better known
them. German philosophy reigns in our schools. Kante,
Fichte, and Hegel, those great thinkers from beyond the
Rhine, have dethroned the great talkers of eclecticism. In
literature and poetry we both admire and love Goethe,
Schiller, Lessing, Hoffmann, Henri Heine, Hacklaender,
Uhland; and not long since a work by Gustave Freytag
appeared in the Moniteur of the French empire. Dr.
Strauss, translated by M. Littre ; Kreutzer, elucidated by
M. Guignant, have taken their places among French mas-
ter spirits. Our learned men are honoured in correspond-
ing with Liebig, Vogt, Graefe, Diffenbach ; our sculptors
and painters have rendered full justice to the talent of
Rauch, of Kaulbach, and of Cornelius ; whilst Kraus and
Winterhalter are our own by adoption. We not only con-
fess to an adoration of Mozart, Beethoven, Gluck, Haydn,
and Weber, the masters of German music, but Meyerbeer
reigns without a rival in our greatest lyric theatres; and
the day in which Richard Wagner, unknown and not under-
stood, presented himself to us, the French composers politely
withdrew to give place to him.
It is not only to the illustrious names of Germany that
France and its Sovereign can render justice. We have all
for the mass of the people an affection founded upon esteem.
This honest and laborious race, simple in its manners
and honest in its relations, would have every claim to our
friendship, even did we not know that German blood flows
in the veins of the French people.
11.

Whether the Germans know it or not, the friendship of
a nation like our own is to-day of a certain value. The time
is past in which the majority of Frenchmen, despoiled of their
political rights for the benefit of a privileged few, vainly pro-
tested against the ruin of our influence and the oppression
of our enemies. It is not by the speeches of an useless op-
position in ber Parliament, not by the cries of children in her
streets, that Fr nee manifests her good intentions to those
she loves; it is by acts. We have seen her soldiers penetrate
to the remotest parts of the Black Sea to delay the fall of the
Ottoman empire, whilst her diplomatists claimed from Tur-
key herself the civil and religious freedom of her Christian
poulations. The deliverance of the Moldavians and Walla-
chians, and their union into a nation possessing all political
rights, solely by the influence of our friendship and without
shedding of blood, ha, not been forgotten. Italy, our august
mother in civilisation and the fine arts, has, under the aus-
pices of France, entered on the path of independence and
unity. It is our armies who have opened out the way in
which she now marches alone under the guidance of Pied-
mont. If God allows this great work to be accomplished,
and a nation of 26,000,000 of inhabitants is organised at our
gates, France will take no offence. Faittful to her generous
traditions, she wid sacrifice her private susceptibilities to
the general welfare and for a peaceful future; for European
order will not be firmly established until the day in which
there shall be neither nationalities oppressed nor kings
insupportable to their subjects.

Germany, like Italy, is impelled forwards by a legitimate
aspiration in the path of progress and unity. Ancient feu-
dalism and modern diplomacy, and the selfishness and blind-
ness of a swarm of petty princes, whe buy and sell their
subjects as they would their flocks, has divided this great
nation into a deplorable multitude of governments. Its
laws, money, weights, and measures, its language, even—
everything in this nation which should be homogeneous, is
unlike and discordant. The nation suffers from this ab-
normal state. Its intelligence and its pride suffer with im-
patience an order of things so little in conformity with the
spirit of the times, and more worthy of the 13th than the
19th century. tis in vain that the' German princes,
leagued together against the people, have formed a compact
for the maintenance of their privileges. The Diet—that
permanent conspiracy of feudalism —will not be always
stronger than the nation. The German people have learned
that it is useless, and almost ridiculous, to support 37 dif-
ferent governments when one alone would be sufficient.
They foresee the enormous increase of strength and prospe-
rity, of dignity and greatness, that centralisation will one
day produce, and they march towards that object with a
firm step, and ever every obstacle.
Never was this noble nation greater than from 1813
to 1815, for she was never more united. ,-When a French-
man speaks with admiration of campaigns so terrible to
France his testimony is worthy of credit. The feeling of
,Germanic honour and independence, revolting at the idea
of subjoetiori, effected miracles. Germany had but-one
passion, but one heart ; she rose as one man, and the
defeat of our incomparable armies, showed of what united
Germany was capable. Since that glorious epoch all
Germans worthy of the name have pursued their dream
of unity. The have created the Zollverein, or a com-
mercial union of Germany. In 1849 the national assembly
of Frankfort made a still bolder effort. Only a little assist-
ance from the King of Prussia, and the patriotic hope of
all good citizens had become a living reality ; the union
was created • Germany was complete. Unfortunately
Frederick William, already of a feeble mind and under the
influence'of the Queen, feared to alienate the petty dynasties
of the Confederation. Ire failed in energy at the decisive
moment, and feudalism remained master of the field of battle.
But notwithstanding this deception a vigorous hope survives
in the hearts of German patriots. You have seen with what
fanatical unanimity they celebrated only the other day the
Schiller jublilee. Do you think that those solemn fetes, that
popular emotion, and overflowing of poetry and eloquence,
No,was at
tsiwmapaleahhoomveagaeardendheeforerde
atlot tthhee noluemthorryeakofofthae
nation
which, divided for centuries, seized the first pretext, a re-
membrance, a glory, a name, to become again united.

Then let Germany be re-united; France has no more
ardent or dearer wish, for she loves the German nation with
disinterested love. If we were possessed with that vulgar
ambition of which its Princes accuses us, we should not in-
duce the Germans to enter on the path of unity. States
divided among themselves are more easy to invade than
when united, and diviser pour refiner will always remain
the maxim of conquerors. May Germany bo united ; may
she form a body so compact that the idea of encroaching
upon it will never present itself. France, which sees with
out apprehension an Italy of 26,000,000 constituted in the
south, would not fear to see 32,000,000 of Germans form a
great nation on her eastern frontier.

V.
What German Sovereign shall have the honour of found-
ing this union ? Two great states enter the lists—Prussia
and Austria.
Austria represents the doctrine of Divine right, in its
most absolute rigour. Political and religious despotism,
abnegation of all the rights of the people, the most enor-
mous concessions to clerical authority, a blind worship of
the past and an obstinate hatred of all progress ; these are
the worm-eaten bases of the Austrian monarchy. Upon
these foundations, on which a disjointed empire is tottering,
shall we try to build up the great Germanic edifice ? All the
architects in the universe would accuse our imprudence.
This artificial empire, a patchwork of the most different
nations, formed by marriages and family compacts, without
the consent of the peoples it annexed, preserved in its inte-
grity by the severity of the, police or the sanguinary brutality
of the soldiery, inspires but little sympathy to the German
nation. As long as the hegemony of the German States
remained in the hands of the Hapsburgs they governed the
affairs of a nation in a dynastic interest, endeavouring to
procure the aggrandisement of Austria at the expense of
in
neirtms Germany. once, nentthereedd aoyn wthheepnatthhenGf
reerlmigainonic
s spirit,reform I,iberal
Aus-
tria placed herself at the head of the ultramontane reaction.
oSfigsipsmaiunn
.dTaind fiy Fanedrdwinaanficlenlslt. rivalled
einsery the zeal
edthe conotr'tPohfilltipomn.
e
as harshly as the Duke of Parma and Alva. How could
Germany possibly forget these rigours when the Emperor
Francis Joseph, by a disastrous concordat; breaks finally
with the Germanic spirit, and places the policy of Austria
under the domination of Rome ?
Nevertheless, Austria has friends in the German nation.
On what suffrages could she reckon if the annexation were
ever to be put to the vote ? I look everywhere, but can only
find a few Princes and the sacred battalion of the squire-
archy. The aristocratic party has its reasons for loving
Austria. Family cadets find a more rapid advancement in
her service than in that of the other German states where
the competition of talent is greater. It is on this account
that the German nobility, and particularly that of the Ca-
tholic Southern States, turns to Austria as the magnet to
the Pole. One single figure will give you the ratio of that
affinity—Wurtemberg numbered, in 1858,.m0re than 500
officers in the Austrian army.
But the German people properly so called, the indus-
trious, enlightened, liberal people, set no store by Austria.
They see in her a latent power, in a religious point of view ;
a Sclavonic Magyar, Italian power, mixed and doubtful as
far as nationality is concerned. They snow that in accept-
ing the domination of Austria they must renounce even a
hope of progress ; they see Austria closed to German manu-
factures (for she obstinately remains out of the customs
union) ; they hear it said that German ideas are severely
denied entrance at all the gates of Austria • they know that a
engrtiosigeAnaf,
pwr,
1,
thpra
sheht
piaarhi
iereetmorahrnEsori
rather
ernnentpeni
ssarecionarta wouldht
rhnsetmatdaFotttnaoohpfirnaapeepotrnrderhcoGseciti
vaTsshnepedarehajalebremnoblbyyysaaoeennasopfbttukrahhefscasrtiptsßtnooaseenkfr
eeermt trthitpletuehiedhlanrcaet,
ah,coi
tpitenif
asdhdanot
einhmadffai
usenteebtrgm difficultythneeha
nnaa.auett
ucficdefha
din
aaoonaelttf.
slNai
nGtlmrelaaiar
serousmkppenseli
of
Ifh
iet
toG e Tomo
look
Germany
ct
ko taht et
hdestiniescampaign ofAouf
fir ifia9.w
Ae
ums
ti gha tw' baes contentfighting
single-handed in Italy against France and Piedmont ; she
was making heroic efforts to retain under her sceptre an
oppressed 'province. Assuredly the Germans would have
required no p-easing if our soldiers had invaded the Ger-
man fatherland. They would have poured down as a tor-
rent to repel the Franco-Sardinian invaders. But as it
was merely an Austrian possessiox that was in peril
they thought it better to look curiously upon the struggle,
prepared against any emergency and arrayed with
shouldered arms around Prussia, their natural leader.
VI.
Austria represents by her population a confused heap of
nationalities ; by her Government the despotism of Divine
right ; `by her Concordat the oppression over consciences ;
by her customs laws the spirit of prohibition. Prussia per-
sonifies German nationality, religious reform, commercial
progress, constitutional liberalism ; she is the greatest of
really Germanic monarchies; consciences are there more
free, and enlightenment more widely spread, political rights
more exclusive than in most other German states. It is she
who, by founding the Zollverein, paved:the way for free