The Sun.
London, England, 1856-08-26 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, ,AUGUST 26, 1856.

DIP. O.ILICY AND THE ITALIAN

Q 0 ESTION.*

A LETTER FROM L. C. FA RINI TO MR. W.
GLADSTONE.
[We (Daily News) this day present our readers with
the first in.talment of a translation of this important
pamphlet, which has already been more than once al
luded to in our columns.]
Illustrious Signer,—When a few years back you pub-
lished to Europe the dishonesty and ferocity of the Neapo-
litan Government, and I wrote to yen publicly that the
condition of -the Roman States, so miserably governed by
priests, would become worse day by day, there were few
men in office who were willing to support statements ad-
verse to governments which appeared anxious to restore the
altars and the thrones weakened by civil storms. Fora cer-
tain time there prevailed a courteous, I may even say a
religious, mode of vituperating free constitutions and ele-
vating the exercise of absolute will, in consequence of
which not only every lover of liberty, but even every high-
spirited man, who dared to think and say that even popes
and kings are subject to the moral law, became objects of
calumny. Owing to this, our miserable governments,
without any feeling of prudence, or any pricking, of shame,
rushed hurriedly along the slippery road which they had
chosen, thinking to gain the benediction of the Lord be-
cause they had already received the blessing of the Jesuits,
and to obtain the suffrage of civilised nations because their
diplomatists looked on silently and idly. Hence it was
that many of the Italian populations became persuaded
that it was in vain to hope that any good could come from
patient counsels, from the influence of public opinion, or
from the efforts of diplomacy. The consequence of this
showed itself in anger ill repressed, in inconsiderate vio-
lence, and in cruel acts of revenge.
But within the last few months the inclinations of the
men who manage the political relations of the 'West ap-
pear changed ; for they have spoken publicly in terms of
reprehension of the wretched governments of the Penin-
sula, and have expressed their discontent in the latest
form at the Congress of Paris, acknowledging that the
Italians have, at least as well as the Turks, the right to be
Christianly governed. This new state of things had the
effect of calming down the tempestuous passions of souls
which had almost given themselves up to despair ; for
even the slightest hope of a little justice works wonders of
civil prudence in populations worn down with the bitter
affliction of long and heavy ioj notice.
The present, then, appeared a good opportunity
for publishing the truth on Italian affairs, and, better
still, for coming to such an arrangement with respect
to-them which should be less repugnant to proper
notions of civil government —which should contribute
to the satisfaction of the populations and the security
of Europe. But it was only a transient opportunity, for
the governments taken to task at the Council of Paris set
themselves to work eagerly to alter and corrupt the truth
with indefatigable industry, and it became manifest that
those who had confided in the hope of obtaining some satis-
faction by the good offices of the Western Powers, would
again betake themselves to desperate courses, as soon as
they found themselves disappointed in the hopes they had
conceived. And I have too much reason to fear, sir, that
the opportunity is gone by, inasmuch as on one side I see
the miserable governments becoming frantic in evil words
and actions; and, OD the other hand, it appears to me that
Western diplomacy has entered into the lists without any
distinct plan of operation, and without any resolute inten-
tion to adopt promptly all the provisions necessary to at-
tain a premeditated end.
I know very well how great and how numerous are
the dangers and difficulties of the Italian question, and I
can easily enter into the views of those worthy men, not
natives of Italy, who thought it imprudent to drag Italy
into the field at the moment when Europe had with im-
mense efforts put to rest, if not settled, the Oriental ques-
tion. But after the solemn declarations made by the Go-
vernments of France and England, I very much deceive
myself if these very men who thought the declarations ill-
judged would not consider that the interests of these two
great nations imperatively demanded that every effort
should be made to prevent these representations becoming
of no effect.
I know, too, what are the forms that diplomacy is ac-
customed to employ in conducting its transactions, but it
seems to me far more advisable to respect from the very
commencement the established forms than to show your-
self perplexed—l may almost say repentant—after having
violated these forms with unusual clamour. Let us look,
sir, into the protocols of the Congress of Paris. It is re-
corded that Count Walewski said that the States of the
Pope were in an abnormal condition, inasmuch as the Go-
vernment could only be sustained by the employment of
foreign troops—giving it to be understood that Fiance and
Austria would withdraw their troops as soon as they could
when all danger of distuibince had ceased. The Earl of
Clarendon said that the system of administration of the
Roman States might cccasion dangers which it was the
duty of the Congress to avert, if it did not wish to labour
in the cause of revolution. Moro was said, which it is not
necessary to repeat word for word. Both these statesmen
passed a severe judgment on the Ronian government, con-
sidering a change was necessary both for the quiet of the
populations and the security of Europe. No member of
the Congress denied the evils, the dangers, the necessity
of a remedy. Not one took the part of the govern-
ment of the priests. The Austrian ambassadors spoke,
but they did not think of becoming' the advocates of
the Court of Rome, inasmuch as they had nothing else
at heart but to insinuate excuses for the overbearing
conduct of Austria. They performed their task, certainly,
but not without a notorious violation of truth, stating
falsely that the state of siege no longer existed in Ancona,
whereas it existed then, and exists to the present day.
After the Protocols we have to consider the memorials
and the protests of Sardinia, and the discussion in your
parliament and ours. These certainly did not moderate
either the decisions of the Parisian Congress, or the effects
which they had produced on public opinion. Thus, when
your Prime Minister had declared in full Parliament that
Rome had never been so well governed as in the time of
the provisional government, the minds of all men were in
a state of suspense, expecting some important change; for
these words appeared to indicate the adoption of a resolu-
tion of introducing into the Roman States a better and
more solid government. It was not possible to suppose
that they were flung out as food for flame in the midst of
populations which ha,b no need of exciting arguments to
stimulate them to sedition.
If now we examine what has been said'and written on
the affairs of Naples,-we shall have proof that both govern-
ments and people have had reason for assuming, with even

greater expectation, an attitude either of fear or hope.
The fact is that, although the occupation of the Roman
States furnished the members of the Congress with a good
reason for enlarging on the causes which perpetuate it, and
the effects which it produces, they had no motive, founded
either on treaties or on custom, for treating of the affairs
of Naples. Nevertheless, Count Walewski went so far as
to say that the Neapolitan Government had taken the
wrong road ; that it would be proper to warn it, on this
account, that means must bo found to induce certain Go-
vernments to lay aside a system which goes in direct oppo-
sition to the end which they propose to themselves, be-
cause instead of striking the enemies of order, it weakens
the Governments themselves, and obtains partisans for
the cause of the demagogues. The Earl of Clarendon
added, that being willing to imitate the moderation of
the French plenipotentiary ho would be silent as to
facts which had obtained every where a sad notoriety.
After wards, as though in spite of moderation, ho affirmed
that the Neapolitan Government had not only given to
Europe the right, but imposed upon it the duty, of speak-
ing loftily and severely on this subject. It was a duty,
therefore, to issue a warning that those utterances would
not remain fruitless.
When these expressions were read every one imagined
that the plenipotentiaries of France and Eogland, foresee-
ing that their remonstrances would give cause of displea-
sure to the Governments thus admonished, by weakening
their authority, would have already deliberated on the
measures necessary to give effect to these utterances which
were not meant to be fruitless. It could not, in fact, be
supposed that those illustrious men, enemies of the princi-
ples of the demagogues, and most wary guardians of the
newly concluded peace, could imagine that they could, with-
out public danger, nay, without common shame, allo'.v a
Government which was in their opinion on the wrong road,
a preparer of insurrectionary movements, a supporter of
the principles of the demagogues—to remain without cor-
rection. Nor, indeed, could ib be supposed that they
could hope to tranquillise the people by a simple exhi-
bition of benevolent intention, or to contract friend-
ship with, or bend to their own wishes, the Neapo-
litan court by dint of giving it a bad reputa-
tion, and by the vain sound of harsh reprehensions.
Now, when four months have passed without any visible
effect having followed such large and unusual declarations
—nay, when we see that the despondency of the governed
is increased, and the language of the censors moderated—
those hopes which were excited take the appearance of a
cruel mockery, and the obstinacy of the accused looks like
a public insult to the importance of the occasion. Nor
does it avail to say, sir, that we should put up patiently
with the slow practice and ceremonious forms of diplomacy,
for the winds of many are already, or will shortly become,
contemptuously disposed, since it is evident that the West-
ern Powers are wandering on a path which can never load
to the desired goal. •

In fact, whilst the English ministers arc publicly pro-
claiming their great anxiety for the welfare of Italy, they
give, by way of earnest as it were, of its certainty, that the

" La Diplomazia e la quistione Italians, Lettera di
Luigi Carlo Farini al Signor Guglielmo Gladstone. Torino.
180."

Austrian government also has mado itself the voucher for
it in common with them or through them. Now you know,
sir, that the oppressed are naturally suspicious, and ready
to form rash bonclisions; hence it will not.astonish you to
learn that many persons'are going about all Italy exclaim-
ing—" We have been deceived ; the old tricks, the old
shufflings; the Western Powers, too, are making them-
selves the accomplices of Austria ; you see the fruit of so
many fine promises, Free England recommends our coun-
try, forsooth, to your Austrian commiseration ; most
puissant France, a Napoleon, is begging in a manner at
Vienna for permission to do poor Italy a little good. You
heard that English,Minister mutter to Piedmont—' Woe
to thee if thou disturbest the quiet dreams we wish to
sleep out under the laurels thou bast helped us to gather
in the East ; woe to thee if thou disturbest those of Aus-
tria, to whom we are bound to fuel most grateful, since
she has not done us all the harm she could. 7
It is not I, sir, who say these things. It is therefoze
grievous to me to hear them, yet more so to repeat them ;
but even I can dcl no less than attest how the conduct
hitherto observed, and how the last declarations of your
Ministers have given but too deep reason for complaints of
this nature, stirring up men's tempers, and,pernicious to
the good fame as well as. the influence of the Western
Powers.

And in truth, when a man believes, or pretends to
believe, that the Court of Vienna wishes to join in good
faith those of London and Paris for securing the well-
being of the Italian peoples and the independence of the
Italian states (permit me to say) he denies the well-known
truth, he offends the public conscience.
The first, the greatest, I venture to assert, the sole mis-
fortune for Italy is the Austrian preponderance. You are
horri fled, sir, at the brutalities of the Neapolitan govern-
ment ; but if Austria did not preponderate in Italy, that
despotism, which:. - t have called the denial of God, would
not be possible at Nicole:es.— For the Arstslenial of Clod is
this tyranny on the part of a foreigner, who does not owe
his empire to treaties but to violence, to the fear with
which he inspires princes, to the tortures with which he
afflicts the peoples, to the discord he sows amongst all.
You feel contempt for that weak clerecratic govern-
ment, that contends against the civil genius of the age
for reasons of self-existence, and with troops of ruf-
fians strives for the prerogatives of sovereignty. But
this clerical misgovernment would not be possible were
Austria not there, who at one moment whets the appetites
and passions of the peoples, at another moment those of
the clergy, that she may profit by the faults and errors of
them both. Be assured, sir, that there is no injury, loss,
humiliation, or torment that Italy does not attribute it to
Austria first—to Austria alone. Regard the way in which
we live. \Vhere is there in the countries possessed or oc-
cupied by the Austrians, where is the Italian who, having
any reputation to lose, can venture to consort or to be on
terms of intimacy with them? By whet honest family, in
what jocund company, can they be received on a footing of
confidence and honour ? Where is the female that can
look upon them with the eye of love without being lost,
without sinking yet lower than the most abandoned wo-
man in the opinion of her fellow-citizens ? In this public
usage, sir, may be learned the history of Austrian domina-
tion, and the reason for that immortal hate, which is so
much the better, that it is not learned in the chronicle of
conspiracies, plots, and seditious.
And already we see what construction the Western
Powers have put ou the acts done in alliance with Austria.
The King of Naples continues, indeed, to teach the way
how to make false prosecutions with perjured witnesses; by
which he intends showing to the word that he is the mas-
ter who can torture his subjects, that France and England
cannot disturb the delight he feels in so acting. He even
lets us see that he has the power even of giving the basti-
nado to priests and monks, without depriving himself of
the religious satisfaction derived from the embraces and
benedictions of the Holy Father. The Court of Rome in
its turn has taken care to let us know that the clergy, in-
stead of being prompt to renounce those temporal privileges
that give rise to such murmurings, are thinking of getting
bask again for themselves those few desirable employments
yet left in the hands of a few laymen. Then Austria has
made it clear how she is iuclined to respect the
independence of the states, running ziet as she does
with her soldiers in Parma, and increasing her bands
in all the confines she has usurped. I will not speak
of the arrests that are being constantly made all over
Italy, nor of the wrongs and vexations thence arising, for
these are now and henceforth customary things, and I
should say of small account, since it appears that Italians
must accustom themselves to torture. Hence it is that
every one imagines Naples and Rome would not have se-
plied in that fashion to the good offices of the Western
Powers if they had not had the full conviction of Austria's
being with them, whatever fair professions she may make
of being on the side of France and England. Nor can it
ho said that this is a rash and false judgment, seeing that
all the European Powers, through fresh evidence, have
good grounds enough for suspecting the faith of Austria.
Franca and England have both had sad experience of
Prussia has learned what trust it can place in the words of
the Chancery of Vienna. Russia has learned this lesson
better than all. Now is it likely that the good faith of
Austria will be displayed in Italy, where every liberal
counsel, every agroetnent between free states, every now
advance towards concord, would inflict injury and damage
on its own state policy? This would not only be a miracle
of honesty, but would be, in the case of Austria, a miracle
of folly. However, I •.lo not believe the government divine
enough to work miracles, nor simple enough to work
foolish ones. I say foolish, having regard to the disposi-
tion of Austria, its genius, its system, nay, to its destiny.
On the other hand, no one can imagine the nature of
the reproaches that Austria might with justice and good
faith level against those princes who, according to Count
Walowski, arc going on a wrong road. Would it allude
in warning terms to the constitutions they have abo-
lished? Why, Austria itself has given to some the com-
mand, to all the ex ample in this direction. Will it reproach
the King of Naples with his prisoners from whom ho has
extracted confessions by torture ? Why, Austria is a
master in infamy of this kind, practising it in Bologna
and Ferrara, from which places proofs of the atrocities
may be obtained. The Austrian slave-drivers are
accustomed to give five blows with the stick on the
mere accusation of crime ; then they examine the prisoner,
and if he remains firm they repeat the live blows, and so
on, until he is either incapacitated from making any con-
fession, or else makes one of those confessions which they
dare to give out to the public as explicit and spontaneous.
Thus has Austria given lessons in Italy how to conduct
state trials. I could quote the names of not a few of the
victims, if I were not prevented by the fear of being the
occasion of subjecting these unhappy wretches to more
punishment from the stick, for having given intelligence
of the sufferinces they have endured. Perhaps Austria will
admonish Cardinal Autonelli for having ordered that the
punishment of the dungeon should be increased by that of
compulsory fasting ; but the edict of Cardinal Antonolli,
which in the second and third articles establishes these
punishments in the case of thieves and pickpockets, bears
date the 30th of July, 1855, while the sentences in which
Austria condemns to the stick and compulsory fasting not
only thieves, but even those guilty or suspected of treason,
bear the date of 1850, .1851, and 1852, as may be seen in
the public journals. Or will Austria reproach the Court
of Rome for not being able to guarantee public security ?
Why, the robbers are more audacious, and crimes are more
frequent and more atrocious in the Austrian dominions
than in the city and in the lands occupied by the French
and the Papal soldiery. Or perhaps Austria will censure
the Papal Government for the disturbed state of its
finances and its heavy taxes. But what finances can be
more disturbed than those of Austria, or what population
is more harassed than that of Venetian-Lombardy with
taxes, extra taxes, subsidies, and forced loans? Add to
this that the Austrian troops having cost the Papal Go-
vernment, or rather its poor subjects, about thirty million
francs, while the French occupation has cost nothing, it
is evident how these troops, which are nevertheless insuffi-
cient to maintain public tranquillity, are amongst the prin-
cipal causes of the increase of the public burdens and the
impoverished state of the public treasury.
It is not my intention, sir, in adverting to these things
to offer an excuse for the bad governments of Italy, of
which civilised Europe complains, as an injury and insult
to itself ; my intention is to put in a clear light the evi-
dence that the Western Powers cannot expect that Austria
will be sincere in good counsels, honest practice, and in
humane deliberation ; but that, on the contrary, they will
never succeed in doing any good to Italy unless in opposi-
tion to and in despite of the Court of Vienna.
Nor will I attempt to conceal that many even fear that
the diplomatists of the west are not only afraid of direct-
ing their attention to Austria, but that they do not dare
to look steadily into the extensive evils of the states and
the profound vices of the governments, and that they con-
template superficial and deceptive remedies rather than
such as aro substantial and efficacious.

Any one who thinks of Naples will always have present
to his memory three kings in succession who forfeited their
oaths. This fact alone places a great if not an insuperable
difficulty in the way of the establishment of a stable Bour-
bon government. It is reported that diplomacy is at work
to obtain the liberation of Carlo Poerio and other brave
men. For this it ought certainly to be praised. Every
honest Christian ought to feel it as a consolation that the
time has arrived when the suffering of the oppressed ex-
cite compassion, and the cruelties of the oppressors con-
tempt, in the minds of the rulers of civilised nations.
But the tardy liberation of a few innocent
as it could not suffice to satisfyjustice, so likewise it could
not servo to restore the authority of government. It would
be but justice that they should take the place of Poerio
who were the authors of his disgrace; and besides, no
man can make a merit of clemency that stands himself in

need of it from others. They talk a great deal about
Poerio and other respectable victims, but not a word
about those thousands of unhappy creatures who do not
happen to possess illustrious names. Now when it is
known to all that the government' of Naples buys wit-
nesses, corrupts the magistrates, and tortures the innocent,
who can take upon himself the responsibility of mak-
ing a distinction between those that are condemned ?
What will be the criterion whereby he may separate the
guilty from the innocent in that state, from which the
shade even of justice flies scared away, seeing the pages of
the Gospel contaminated perpetually by the polluted touch
of wretches who swear that which is false as a matter of
business ? It is but too true, sir, that those monstrous
Neapolitan trials have not only filled the galleys with
honourable men, they have also filled the halls and cabinet
of the Government with an infamy greater than that which
dwells in the galleys, and made notorious the corruption
with which the whole body of the state is defiled from the
head to the limbs ; they have utterly stripped it of all
moral authority. Let us even suppose all the political
prisoners to be set free, and all the exiled to be recalled to
their country ; still, no one would be able to believe him-
self safe at Naples either in his liberty, or fortune; or
honour, during the existence of a Government that for
eight years has be©n conspiring against the liberty, for-
tune, and honour of every man to whom it bore !
They who think that things in Naples might be put in
order by restoring Ferdinand's constitution of 1848, do not
sufficiently reflect that the first foundation for peaceable
and regular existence in a constitutional state is mutual
confidence between the ruling power and the people. For
when on either side there exists a continual suspicion of
fraud, deceit, and violence, those disputes and changes of
temper that are natural in free cities, passing over from
slight to turbid and seditious passions, insensibly geneiate
anarchy, which soon paves the way for fresh tyranny. I
am saying somothipgbhat will appear, and what perhaps
really is, very extravagant on my part, but when it oc-
curs to me that King Ferdinand should think proper 'to
swear to the constitution, 'I try to avert the omen, as if
it were a curse to the poor Neapolitans. How quickly
is my mind filled with images of that suspicious
people, and that unbridled mob ! Then I see from
afar the lurid figures of the fazzas, the Campagnas,
and other chosen robbers, who again fall upon the infirm
state, with thousands of drunken lazzaroni with lying tes

timonies.
I wish that those to whom such imaginations seem too
melancholy would make a s€lection in their own minds of
those men who, in the state under the rising constitution
should be ministers, or councillors, or criminal judges. The
same persons perhaps would be invested with office who
were in power in those years of perdition. And what
security shall we have with these? Or will the King choose
his miuisters and magistrates from the number of those
who are imprisoned, or exiled, or admonished ? But what
will be the feelings of the people threatened with such a
danger ? I fear that in this case Europe would see a new

Neapolitan emigration, I mean an emigration of the men

persecuted by the very overtures of King Ferdinand. Less
dangerous were the persecutions of Campagna. Some one
might be saved from them. From the constitutional
ministers of King Ferdinand no one would be safe.
It is, however, a great subject for consideration that cer-
tain sudden leaps from the dungeon to the supreme situa-
tions in the magistracy are not very well calculated to give
a dignified impression of authority, or to enliven that
moral sense of which the Neapolitan people have so great
a want, spoiled as they have been by so many bad examples
of descents from high to low. The people who judge in
the gros, seeing in the same kingdom the sudden ruin and
the sudden fortune of the same men, will say that the
rolling wheel of fortune has carried upwards those who
were fitted for drudgery only, or else that if they really
were worthy of the honours of the state, those who till now
held the rudder are sent to the oar. Now this judgment,
which, overcoming all constitutional conventionalities,
will become prevalent, will be the occasion of incurable
evils in the body politic. It is therefore befitting that
diplomacy should take into consideration that if it is
difficult to convert King Ferdinand to the cause of
temperate government, it will be more difficult to
make people believe in the sincerity of his conversion.
Nor does one wish to forget what old and new reasons
Sicily has for distrusting the promises of a Bourbon and
the guarantees of others, or of what importance it is to
establish u ith justice and equity the affairs of the island,
if it be desired to give durability to those of Naples.
Before we trace out, therefore, the forms of the Neapo-
lit-Ai Government, it is essential to make such provisions
as may induce tho people to believe in its honesty ; for the
very reputation of this quality gives to Governments a
force most conducive to the repose and tranquillity of the
State. Moreover, it ought to be especially an object with
the Western Powers to have a system of national policy
inaugurated at Naples. The Bourbon monarchy has always
remained isolated, I may say, from Italy, and this estrange-
ment has been and is the principal cause of the Austrian
preponderance teat now causes so much anxiety to the
Western Powers, seeing that it not only affects and dis-
turbs the Italian, but equally threatens 14.0 a serious extent
the European equilibrium. Now, it is clear to the Ita-
lians that the preponderance of Austria would be impos-
sible were the king toms placed at the two extremes of the
Peninsula resolutely and firmly to maintain the guardian-
ship of their own together with the independence of the
minor States, hitherto guaranteed iu vain by treaties. The
two Italian armies would suffice in ovary conjuncture to
keep Italy in peace and order, and likewise Austria in
check within the line of her duty; nor would the Western
Powers be constrained, when war rages in Europe, to gar-
rison the weak States in Italy, but on the contrary they
would be able to receive powerful assistance from Italian
armies. Hence it is that really the whole of the Italian
question, with respect to the European balance of power,
or to the interests of France and England, consists in this,
that the two greater Italian monarchies, strong in the re-
putation of honesty, with the consent of the people, by
their civil institutions, may carry into effect a system of
national policy. It is for France and Eng:and to weigh
well and make choice of the means, as also of the changes
to be introduced for attaining this end; nor is it fos me to
give advice, or to seek French and English examples in
the histories of the Bourbons and the Stuarts,
(To be continued.)