The Sun.
London, England, 1860-04-20 00:00:00

37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON

Dr. La'Hert has just published, price Sixpence, with nu-
merous Engravings and eaSCR, a lew Edition of his Work,

S KLIP-Plt E5l. RV A TION,
which will be sent free, in a sealed envelope. by Diann, 89
Cornhill, London, or by the Author, for Eight stamps.

CONT T

Socrinx T.—The Physiology of the Generative OrYens.
SEcTiow 11.---Puberty--Manhood —The Morale of Genera-
ive Physiolmy—True rind False Morality.
Si:crioN 111.—Marriage in its Moral, Social, and Physical
ti el ati o n s—l t 8 Expectancies and Disappointments—A dv an-
r ages of Physical Contrasts in securing Healthy Offspring.SECTlON IV.—Spermatorrlicea and'lmpotence—The causes
of Sterility in both Sexes—Sell-inflicted Miseries.
SECTION V. —The 'Vices of Schools—Effects of certain per-
nicious habits on the mental and general faculties.
SECTION VT.—Treatment of Nervous and Generktive De-
bility—lmpotence and Sterility—Dangerous Iteßults of
various Hazardous Specifics—The Author's Principles of
Treatment; Medical, Dietetic, and General, derived from
Twenty Years' successful practice'
The above work is intended for the perusal of those who
have in early life been induced to swerve from the strict rules
of morality. In its pag,,-es facts of paramount utility are
brought together, wholly divested of tue delusions and incon-
sistencies so largely introduced into certain quasi medical
publications given to the world gratis, under the guise of
philanthropy, or as " acts of gratitude," by pretended clergy-
men and others, whose tamperinga with the constitution are
frequently followed by seriotto coneequenoeri,

led to their abstaining altogether from voting,
and the result of such a circumstance was that the election
was practically decided by the lower class of voters. He
felt it would not be an easy task to determine how this state
of things was to be altered, but if the committee for which
he moved was granted, some information might be elicited.
Let their lordships-look at what took place in the United
States. It ought to be a warning to them. The great men by
whom the revolutionary war was brought to a close in that
country believed that they had framed a constitution which
would provide checks against the power of an unlimited de-
mocracy ; but every check which was then provided against
abuses had been, one after the other, swept away, until
there prevailed both in the federal and in the states govern-
ments a system of unchecked dominion of power. Ho be-
lieved that if the contemporaries of Washington could be
asked whether they would prefer the form of government
which he had adopted, or that which now existed, the
answer would be, that they would not sanction the present
form at all. (Hear, hear.) It was clear that the first of
theSe changes had led to the result which they now saw in
America. And how hid those changes worked for the bene-
fit and happiness of the inhabitants of-the United States ?
This was a subject which must be brought under their lord-
ships' notice, and it would be mere false delicacy to abstain
from stating those evils which now afflicted America, and
which her most enlightened citizens deplored. (Hear, hear.)
In the first place, it was admitted that the ablest and most
enlightened men in the United States were absolutely ex-
cluded from all share in the government of the country,
that they had not any public functions or power, and that
they had no influence at all over the acts of the Govern-
ment. The whole power of the legislature and of the exe-
cutive had fallen into the hands of those men who did not
scruple to flatter the populace. (Hear.) That was clearly seen
by the acts of the executive and of the legislature. (Hear,
hear.) Of the legislature of the United States what could be
said ? Let their lordships look at the manner in whichthe pro-
ceedings were carried on—the coarse vulgarity and the scenes
of actual and open violence which took place. (Hear, hear.)
In this country the legislature had swept away the system
of protection, and placed our revenue upon a system which
it was admitted was wise, sound, and beneficial; but while
public opinion had been strong enough to do this in Eng-
land, the people of America had, contrary to the wishes of
Congress, maintained the very narrowest system of ex-
ploded protection; and at this moment the revenue laws of
the United States were of such a character that no man
could doubt they imposed a great and needless burden upon
the community foi the benefit of a few persons—(hear)—
and, worse than that, the system had led to corruption be-
ing practised upon the most gigantic scale. That was ad-
inittedand deplored, but the system was not confined to one
set of men or party, but was shared in by all, and one of the
authorities who confirmed it he would venture to quote, the
President himself, who, in a letter of the 23d of February
last, pointed out the disastrous influence which the lavish
expenditure of the public money would have upon the in-
stitutions of the country. But the system of corruption was
openly avowed, and it was said that to the victors for power
belonged the spoil, the meaning of which was that the new
president had to make a wholesale dismissal of the public
servants, without any consideration as to the fitness for em•
ployment of those who placed him in office. They heard of
acts being committed which all must condemn. It appeared
that it was the practice to grant public lands in the Western
States for the purpose of encouraging the formation of rail-
ways. Those grants were obtained from Congress, and so
obtained, they were used by the independent States in the
manner they thought best, and it appeared that a railway
company in Wisconsin had really purchased the whole go-
vernment of that State. There were thirteen senators who
had received £35,000 amongst them, in sums from £2,000 to
£6,000. There were sixty members of the Lower House
who had received from £l,OOO to £2,000 each, and there were
only four members who voted for the bill who bad not been
bribed. (Laughter, and hear, hear.) The governor himself
had received £lO,OOO for his influence in passing the mea-
sure, and his secretary received £l,OOO. Even the clerks of
the house had received from £l,OOO to £2,000 each. Others
had received large sums of money, and the sum of £50,000
was placed for tho acceptance of those who were called out-
siders. (Laughter.) This statement did not rest upon mere
rumour, but it was the result of an official inquiry by thelogis •
lature, and the whole transaction had been reported by a com-
mittee of the House of Representatives. Such was a state of
things which had arisen in the United States. (Hear, hear.)
Before leaving this subject there was another point tt.,
which he wished to call attention. lie had stated that the
President of the United States had, with the most praise-
worthy spirit, written a letter in which he had alluded •te
the demoralising effects of the system described, lie was
sorry to say that the President himself was unable to resist
the effects of the system. There had been an inquiry into
the state of the naval department of the United States, the
result of which had been the publication of certain docu-
ments which no man could read without astonistiment.
Contracts had been habitually and avowedly made for the
I romotion not of the Public but of private interests. A
physician had been appointed to superintend the purchases
of coal, who knew nothing about coal, and never had any-
thing to do with purchasing it before, but who received the
appointment in order that he might
_share the profits with

liberty and of the blessings of good government, he thought
they ought not lightly to disturb the arrangement, and tha
above all things, they ought not to adopt any change of
which they could not see pretty clearly the probable effect
and the ultimate consequence. (Hear.) They were bound
to remember that the constitution of the country was, op it
had been well described by our greatest political writer, a
well-balanced machine, which they could not venture to dis-
turb in any of its parts by a rash hand, without being in dan-
ger of destroying its working altogether. They were bound
to consider all these things, and to remember that in correct-
ing admitted faults, they might derange the balance, unless
they took care at the same time to correct faults in opposite
directions. He believed that the circumstances of the times
imposed upon them a great and solemn duty ; and when-
ever the Reform Bill was brought before them it would be
their duty to give it the most deliberate attention, and stead-
fastly t' refuse to pass any measure which they did not be-
lieve would work well for the future interests of this great
country. In order that they might have materials which
would enable them to form a judgment as to the effect of
any measure that might be brought before them, he now
begged, in the terms of the notice which he had given, to
move for the appointment of a elect committee to inquire
into the subject. (Cheers,)
The Duke of ARGYLL said it was not the intention of
the Government to oppose the motion. They were perfectly
willing that the noble earl should have the committee for
which he asked, but it must be with a distinct understand-
ing that the appointment of a select committee should not
have the effect of shelving the question, or of interposing
any unnecessary delay in the consideration of the Reform
Bill, in the event of its coming up from the House of Com-
mons. Upon that distinct understanding the Government
were prepared to enter into the inquiry with his noble
friend. It would, however, be impossible for the committee
to inquire into all the matters to which his noble friend had
referred. For instance, if they were to inquire into the de-
cay of nations in ancient axcl modern times, and into the
alleged decay of the American constitution as compared
with the constitution devised by General Washington and
his associates, he should altogether despair of any progress
being made for a considerable time, and he should regard
with unmitigated commiseration the members who might
be chosen by their lordships to servo upon the committee.
But he did not understand that his noble friend desired any
such inquiry. On the contrary, what he wished was rather
to verify or to find out the errors which wore alleged to be
contained in certain returns which had been laid before Par-
liament for the purpose of providing information as to the
probable effect of their bill. As the Government were wil-
ling that the returns should be referred to a select‘ommit-
tee, he did not feel it necessary to enter at present upon any
lefence of them, but he must say that he was surprised at
he manner in which his noble friend had treated the ques-
on. His noble friend, in proof of the inaccuracy of the re-

turns, said ho need only refer to the single fact that several ;
members of Parliament, representing import int constituen-
cies,
had in their place in the House of Commons stated that
in reference to their own respectiveboroughs the returns were
inost erroneous. He (the Du.ko of Argyll) was aware that such
►llegations had been made,but Ile did not think it was any proof
that they were correct. He was informed by the department
from which the returns emanated that in consequence of the
allegations inquiries had bees instituted, and it was found
that in all the cases complained of the returns were per-
fectly correct. His noble friend ought to bear in mind that
the allegations had been made in the vaguest possible man-
ner, and that they were statements generally from indivi-
lual constituents who wrote to their members to say that
they had instituted inquiries which induced them to con- ,
elude that the returns were inaccurate. It was said that in
a large number of boroughs the strict requirements of the
law were not complied with, and that all those who wore
Assessed to the poor rates were not entered upon the rate-
books. He believed it was perfectly true that in a large
number of parishes and boroughs a system existed of a com-
pounding for tenancies, and in those cases the names of the
tenants did not app2ar. But in preparing the returns spe-
cial instructions had been given in all cases of compounding
tenancies to give the number of tenements of ihe required
value, and he believed they were all included in the returns.
With regard to the county constituencies, it was perfectly
true that elaborate returns of the same character had not
been provided by Parliament ; but there were other means
of getting at the county franchise, and there were various
returns by which the information could be satisfactorily
obtained. Another reason which prevented the Govern-
ment from presenting to Parliament a return perfectly
accurate on that subject was that the question of a £lO
constituency in counties was a prominent feature in the
measure of their predecessors in office. It waS likewise a
principle which had been over and over again:voted by a
majority of the other house, and was objected to by very
. , t

few persons. Having said this much as to the assent of
Government to this inquiry, and having guarded himself
against admitting this inquiry as a cause of delay to the
question of reform, he should have been content with
saying no more on the general question of reform ; but ho
was sure it was felt that any member of the Government
who followed the noble lord would be guilty of a great
dereliction of duty if ho allowed all that his noble
friend had said to pass without observation, and he
might say some protest also. There was this difficulty in
answering the objections of his noble friend, and thai was
that those objections seemed wholly wide; of the mark. His
noble friend had occupied the time of the house for very
nearly an hour with details upon the degeneracy of Ameri-
can democracy. Now, if there rims any proposal to introduce
into this country universal suffrage and the ballot, which he
believed was called in America ".the sneaking ballot.," he
should have been content to receive the lecture of his noble
friend as a protest against that system. For himself, he
viewed with the greatest possible alarm the principle of
universal suffrage, especially when it was accompanied by
the ballot, for he believed these two principles were the
greatest instruments of modern despotism. He saw them
used all over Europe, sometimes td cajole, sometimes to
frighten people to surrender, not their own liberties, but also
the liberties of others, who were more instructed and more
independent than themselves. But he repudiated his noble
friend's lecture as applying to any measure proposed or
likely to be proposed by any Government in this country.
His noble friend had intimated pretty clearly his opinion,
which was that he desired no change whatever in the existing
institutions of the count! y. He was opposed to all reduction
in the borough franchise. But was this an opinion that he
thought any Government was now in a position to act upon ?
He presumed that his noble friend was, while upon this
point, received with veryfaint acquiescence by noble lords op-
posite ; and he begged the house to recollect the positioil in
which this question stood, in reference to the leading men of
all parties who were all pledged upon it. It was upwards
of nine years since the First Minister of the Crown
undertook to deal with the question of Parliamentary
Reform, and since that time there had been six Go-
vernments, every one of which, except the first short Go-
vernment of the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Derby),
had taken office pledged to consider this question, and to
provide a settlement of it if they could. His noble friend
(Earl Grey) was himself a member of the Government of
1852; and that Government having directed the attention
of Parliament to the matter, if he recollected right, in a
speech from the Throne, a bill was subsequently proposed
to reduce the borough franchise to within 20s. of what was
proposed by the present Government. When he heard his
noble friend protesting that there was no necessity for
touching this question, he could only ask himself when had
this conviction flashed on the mind of his noble friend. His
noble friend had had a long experience of :public affairs in
1852, and he knew how that determination of the Govern-
ment was brought about. (" Hear, hear," from Earl Grey.)
He knew very well what his noble friend meant by that
cheer—ho meant to intimate that this question had been
raised by the personal desire of one who was then one of
his colleagues. (Hear.) It was known, however, from
public sources how that was brought about. The determi-
nation of Lord J. Russell's Government did not arise so
far as the public knew from any personal desire of that
noble lord to take up the question; but it arose in this way.
The Government was beaten, more than once, he believed,
on a motion brought forward by an independent member
of the other house (Mr. Locke King) on this very question
of a £lO county franchise, though the Government vigor-
ously opposed the motion. The defeat of Lord J. Russell's
Government on that question led to their resignation, and
the noble earl opposite having been called in to form a Go •
vemment, he in stating the reasons why he resigned the
task which had been committed to him by the Queen, en-
tered into a long and able analysis of what had taken
place in the House of Commons, and stated that Lord J.
Russell had been placed in a minority not by the Conser-
vatives but by his own party voting against him on the
question of reform. He contended that this disproved
the assertion of his noble friend that this question
had been raised by Lord J. Russell. It was raised
by an independent member of Parliament on the question
of the £lO franchise, and the Government felt that they
could not deal with one branch only of reform, but if they
touched it they must deal with the whole question. The
change of opinion which had come over his noble friend ho
believed had arisen- from the long intervals which sepa-
rated the speculations of an individual acting in an isolated
position from the acts of members of a government acting
together, and responsible for the conduct of public affairs.
With regard to the borough franchise, he did not think full
justice had been done to the bill for reform which had been
brought forward by the late Government; but he thought
the greatest indignity done to that bill was inflicted by its
most unnatural parent. That bill was most ably drawn, r.nd
was based upon principles as distinct as any bill that was
ever submitted to Parliament ; and one principle was that
reform must be dealt with exclusively of any lowering of
the borough franchise. Mr. Disraeli said on introducing
that bill that he was quite ready to admit that there were
many persons quite capable of exercising the franchise who
did not live in a £lO house, and whom he should wish to see
have the franchise. But the question was, should they ob-
tain that result by—he would not say the vulgar experiment
—but by the coarse and common expedient recommended,
the lowering of the franchise ? In another part of his
speech Mr. Disraeli said that it would be unjust, not to say
intolerant, when guarding themselves against a commercial
oligarchy, that they should receive a household oligarchy ;
and, in continuation, ha said he could not look on the re-
duction of the franchise but with alarm. He (the Duke of
Argyll) did not wish to throw the least degree of ridicule
on this doctrine, for there were many persons who thought
that the borough franchise was low enough already. The
Government however, did not think this was the ease.
During the discussion on the bill of the late Government
in the House of Commons every subsequent speech of Mr.
Disraeli was marked by a distinct step backwards from the
position which he bad taken ; and when he was pressed to
say what was the principle of his bill, it was impossible to
get any answer from him ; but what he said in substance
was, that everything was to ge before the committee. He
(the Duke of Argyll) did not think that was dealing fairly
with the matter. He would now direct attention to what
was said by the right hon. gentleman when the now Parlia-
ment assembled. When the Conservative Government had
been defeated upon the motion of Lord J. Russell, the Go-
vernment said, " We do not go to the hustings with this
bill; wo are quit of the bill ;" and the object of being quit
of it was to get rid of the principle that the franchise was
not to be lowered in boroughs. Noble lords on both sides of
the house knew that while there was no sort of democratic
excitement during the last general election, yet that there
was a considerable and general pressure put upon those who
wished to be representatives in order to procure a lowering
of the franchise. When the new Parliament met a vote of
want of confidence was moved, and Mr. Disraeli said on that
occasion, which was the most significant of all occasions,
that the borough franchise was not in the same state of
maturity as the county franchise, for until the last great
debate that question had never been thoroughly grappled
with in that house. It had never been brought forward by
any person of eminence, and therefore in that direction they
bad proceeded very cautiously. Ho was perfectly ready to
admit on the part of the Government that their proposition
was not favoured by the house, nor was it sufficiently
favoured by the country to bo one on which they could
insist. The right hon. gentleman went on to say that the
question, however, was one which must be dealt with, and
that they were then ready to adopt a course for lowering
the borough franchise. (Hear.) He (the Duke of Argyll)
then asked his noble friend (Earl Grey), considering the
pledges which every Government had given upon this ques •
tion, if he thought it possible that any Government could
in future bring in a Reform Bill which did not deal with
the borough franchise. (Hear.) He asked the house was
there anything so very wonderful in this lowering of the
borough franchise ? There seemed to be a theory now in
England, which he apprehended was a new one—that our
society was travelling in horizontal lines—that each man
was arrayed against his fellow-citizen who was above him
—that he was hostile to the institutions of the state, and
was ready to interfere with the rights of property. He
asked, was there any foundation for that theory in the ac-
tual life of England ? (Hear.) He saw in the papers not
very long ago a speech made by his noble friend Lord Stan-
ley at Liverpool, in which he gave distinct utterance to the
sentiment, which he (the Duke of Argyll) believed true,
that the working classes of this country were in the main
to be relied upon. (Hear.) If that were so, why all this
horror of lowering the borough franchise? (Rear.) He
said it was preposterous addressing lectures to that house
upon the subject of lowering tho borough franchise. A very
remarkable inquiry had taken place last session before a
committee moved for by his noble friend (Lord Ellen-
borough) with reference to the discussions which were
likely to take place respecting the municipal franchise, and
lie thought the balance of evidence taken before that com-
mittee went to prove that at Newcastle and other towns
bribery and corruption had taken place at municipal elec-
tions ; but he should explain that the class of voters in
those towns was of the' very lowest kind. The report
stated that the higher order of artisans were quite as in-
telligent and independent as the smaller class of shop-
keepers. His noble friend was anxious to retain this
class of voters, but by what line could he distinguish that
class of voters from those whose introduction to the fran-
chise would, in his opinion, produce so much evil. He was
surprised the noble lord did not refer to the evidence given
on that subject. All the evidence went to show that rEG or
£7, and some went as low as £5, was represented as the line
that would give the franchise to the higher class of arti-
sans, and exclude the lower classes. Was that evidence
which the noble lord ought to ignore, when he knew that
the present, or any Government, must deal with the ques-
tion of the borough franchise ? For his own part, he be-

VT
The Earl of DERBY—In what period of 1852 ?
The Duke of ARGYLL said he believed the first Reform
Bill of Lord J. Russell was introduced in February, 1852.
The Earl of DERBY said the noble duke had certainly
surprised the house by one fact, namely, that Lord John
Russell, of all men in the world, was extremly unwilling
to deal with this question of Parliamentary Reform
—(laughter)—and that to the best of his power he resisted
the reduction of the county franchise to £lo—that he was
opposed to the measures which had subsequently been pro-
posed, and that the fact was that Lord J. Russell was gra-
dually but reluctantly the victim of circumstances, and
dragged at the wheels of a triumphant parliamentary majo-
rity to sanction measures which were against his own de-
sire. The noble lord, it appeared, was as much opposed to
the principle of further reform as perhaps they should find
the noble duke one day opposed to the principle ofuniver-
sal suffrage and vote by ballot,which he now so much die-
liked, but which he intimated were not so bad as they
seemed. But the noble duke thought fit to allude to the
measure of the late Government, and the terms and condi-
tions on which that bill was introduced. Little as he desired
to follow the noble duke into a discussion of that measure,
he was not unwilling to meet the noble duke upon that
question if forced upon him, and to state the course they
took for an honourable settlement of it. The noble duke
stated, but not quite correctly, that on his first entering into
office he pledged himself to introduce a measure of Parlia-
mentary reform. The fact was, that he carefully guarded
himself against giving any such pledge. He did pledge
himself that during the recess her Majesty's Government
would devote their attention to a consideration of the ques-
tion, with a hope that if there was a public feeling such as
they trusted there was at that time, they should be able to
submit a measure which, if it did not satisfy all parties,would
meet with the sanction and support of moderate men of all
parties. He stated at that time that he was induced to take
that course, not from any sense or conviction in his own
mind that any practical proposition for altering the exist-
ing state of the representation was actually called for, but
that inasmuch as successive Ministers had pledged the
' honour of the Crown—had pledged the Crown in per-
son to such a measure—ho accepted the responsibility of
that office ; and, trusting that they might be met in a spirit
of fairness and generosity, he endeavoured to redeem,
though without any sense of its intrinsic necessity, the
pledge which ho honestly gave. He was glad to hear
from the noble duke that justice had not been done to the
full merits of that bill. The history of that bill was full in
the recollection of their lordships, and he need not remind
them of the course which had been taken with regard to it.
The noble duke quoted from the speeches of his right hon.
friend, who was Chancellor of the Exchequer is his Govern-
ment—he was now speaking of a period previous to the
dissolution of Parliament—in which ho stated that it was
necessary to deal with the question with a view to the re-
presentation, more or less, of a portion of the working classes
of the country, and that representation they honestly en-
deavoured to secure, without the dangerous consequences
which he believed were involved in the measure of her Ma-
jesty's present Government. They did not think it desirable
or expedient that the borough franchise should be reduced
generally below £lO, so as to introduce that flood of the
lower classes which would be introduced if the present bill
unhappily received the sanction of their lordships and of
Parliament. But they thought it a matter of no insignifi-
cant importance to secure the identity of the borough and
county franchise, which they believed then, and which ho
still believed, to be the best security against future agita-
tion for any further reduction of the ono or the other.
(Hear.) He was much struck with the speeches made at the
time of the general election which followed the dissolution.
They entertained an expectation that their proposal would
meet with a fair and candid consideration, and that if it did
to a great extent meet the views of hon. gentlemen on the
Opposition side of the kouse they would be willing to agree
to the second reading, and to discuss in committee those
points which they thought might require amendment.
Their expectations, however, had not been realised; for,
instead of discussing such points in committee, the oppor-
tunity was taken of laying down abstract resolutions, which
noble lords opposite and hon. gentlemen were well practised
in, but which on subsequent occasions they found it im-
possible to adhere to. By that ingenious device, aided by
concert with other parties, and by understandings in which,
if they could believe what passed at present, one party was
a good deal deceived by tho other, a union was effected
which gave the opposition a small majority. The effect
of that was an appeal to the country, and the result of
that appeal was no doubt a majority against Govern-
ment, not upon any specific question, but upon a
party fight between opposing political bodies. He was
much struck by the speech of the right lion. gentleman the
Secretary of State for the Horne Department (Sir G. C.
Lewis), in which there was a great deal of good advice, and
which ho certainly hoped her Majesty's Government were
about to follow. The right hon. gentleman, in that speech,
stated that it was a matter of absolute necessity that any
person or any Government which proposed to bring in a
Reform Bill should point out distinctly to the house the
necessity in the mind of the Government of any reform—
should point out the specific defects in the Reform Bill—
should rent out in what respect it had failed to answer the
anticipations of its authors, and the just expectations of
the country, and having done so, that they should meet
the difficulties of the case, and seeing what the defects were
that they should apply amendments so as to meet those de-
feels, and be able to point out that specific remedy which
would meet those specific defects. Well, when it was an-
nounced that it was the intention of her Majesty's present
Government to introduce a Reform Bill which was to satisfy
the just expectations of the country and the wise recom-
mendation of the Secretary of State for the Home Depart-
ment, he went down to that place which by the courtesy
of the House of Commons was allotted to the members of

NEWS PAPE let
e/Teeeee344!erl, e T
feir lordships' house when important diseeksi64-libitree4
aee there. He_ was struck on going into t.V kekt4 is 4
findings the --wile great : Actor peefbrmi4-iffei4e.--
greet part which he had performed thirty yearOeste4k -"Zee
'he _was also struck with the altered. appear,l/4 eV--- -.7 " Tie
benches and the galleries, as compared;with the e 4 _t-A,
anee
.on the former occasion when the noble lo ut elleelil S
atteeliion to the fact that he would, bring forward a Reform.
Bill—and he said not without significance—on the Ist of
March. If byei.-T;idcance he meant the significance of eon-
-,ehee.e...11 •
tract, nothing eesee ...........ere Stri king. than the difference be-
tween what took place on the Ist of March, 1831, and on
the Ist of March, 1860. He could not refer to what he then
heard in the slightest degree, but by an habitual daily breach
of the privileges of Parliament they were able to obtain
some information of what then took place, and he could
corroborate the accuracy of those. statements, from which
they were enabled to collect what were the principles of her
Majesty's Government. He must confess that the tone of
the debate—he hoped he was not speaking disreereet lefty of
the House of Commons—was more suited toe discussion on
a turnpike bill than on a reform bill. (Laughter.)
,lle could
not say that the mariner in which it was brought forward
was such as to bespeak for it very grave consideration or to
lead b.) the expectation that it would be soon and Fatiefecto-
illy settled. It did not appear to him that any other eel; ei-
deration pressed on the minds of the Government than v,.leit
number of persons could be added to the constituency in
order to redeem the pledge they had given. (Hear.) Le.a-
ing at the Government Reform Bill, it was impossible net
to see that there were large classes who by its principle 7:(': 0
altogether precluded from the exercise of the franchise ea'
whichthoy were perfectly qualified, and to which they were
fully entitled.. In the Reform Bill of the late Government
a variety' of franchises were introduced, by which .it was
thought a considerable number of the working classes would
be admitted, and that they would have tests to show that
the portion of the working classes so introduced were the
most steady and industrious in their habits and least migra-
tory—having the deepest interest in their locality and in
the general welfare of the country. He hoped the house now
well understood in what sense the late Government were
willing and anxious to admit the working classes to a fair
share he the representation of the :country. - (Hear, hear.)
'lt was proposed to introduce as qualifications persons who
had for some time occupied furnished or unfurnished
,lodgings, and paying a certain amount of rent. They
thought_ a Men* of Persons- woad thus bti-intreeheced,
of education, propertY, and 1 intelligence superior
even to many persons who at present enjoyed the exercise
of the franchise. The bill of the late Government also pro-
posed that the possession of a certain amount of property
in a savings bank should constitute a claim for parliamentary
franchise. In short, its promoters were desirous of giving
the right to every man who could show in any way that ho
had a permanent stake in the country, and that his habits
and character and mode of living were such as to lead to
the belief that he would exercise that right honestly, tem-
perately, and judiciously, to the best of his ability. He (the
Earl of Derby) was in hopes that the present bill would
have remedied the practical defects which existed in the
former bill, but instead of doing so it only increased the bo-
rough franchise constituency—increased the number of the
constituents, the number being, in his opinion, the least
important point. The quality of the constituency was that
which was important, and not the number. (Bear, hear.)
He did not care whether the Government added 200,000 or
500,000. They might even add a million to the constitu-
encies, so that the quality was irreproachable. But the only
question with the Government appeared to be by what ex-
tension of the franchise they would obtain a given number.
The argument used was this : if they got a £9 franchise
they would have so many additional voters ; if £B, so many
more ; and if a £6 franchise they would have £203,000 ad-
' ditional voters, and therefore they took a£6 franchise. It
was a question, however, whether a £6franchise would give
them the number which the Government considered so im-
portant. When they Mime to examine the circumstances
of the case he was afraid they would find that the Govern-
ment bad no sound foundation to go upon. He very much
questioned the accuracy of the data furnished by the re-
turns. He was glad, therefore, that the noble duke oppo-
site and his colleagues were willing to concede the inquiry
proposed by his noble friend (Earl Grey), although the con-
cession was made under- some pressure. [The Duke of
ARGYLL—No pressure whatever.] Well, then, under no
pressure ; but the noble duke conceded it upon the under- -
standing that it was not to cause any delay in the progress
of the Government measure. If the noble duke meant to
Say that, whatever progress was made in the committee,
legislation upon the subject, should go on nevertheless, then
he (the Earl of Derby) thought the government were put-
ting themselves into a position which he could not compre-
hend. Either they must consider this inquiry altogether
unnecessary to satisfy the mind of Parliament, and there-
fore they ought to have refused it as uncalled for, or they
thought it useful for the purpose of determining whether
the present measure was one which ought to receive the
sanction of Parliament, and consequently should act upon
it. (Hear, hear.) They were asked to investigate a grave
and important subject, of which the numerical question was
the least important, before a committee of noble peers, for
the purpose of ascertaining whether the measure was 0-,,,,,
whichecetaite safely and judiciously adopted by rarlia-
molt. -(7111/E.) He earnestly hoped that not only those in
their lordships' house, but also hon. members in the House
of Commons. would take full time to deliberate on the facts
and data which would be placed before them. Even if a
session or two sessions were lost, he thought the loss of time
would bo adequately satisfied by the knowledge that they
were proceeding on sound data and making themselves tho-
roughly aware of the consequences of the important altera-
tion they were making. He hoped the inquiries of this
committee would tend to throw light upon a subject which
was at present in great darkness, andenable their lordships
to judge how far they might safely adopt a proposal which
had been hastily and imperfectly laid before Parliament.
He should be sorry if that house should be under the
necessity of rejecting any measure sent up by the House
of Commons, but he must confess that if he saw the dan-
ger of the Government bill coming up to their lordships'
house in its present state and with its present slinlle, but
at the same time dangerous provisions, ho should think
its rejection by their lordships, for the purpose of
a further consideration of the subject, would be
infinitely preferable to the 'adoption by them of
a measure the most unsatisfactory, the most unstatesman-
like, and the most inconclusive of any ever submitted by
any Government on this great and important subject. Even
if the statement of the Government itself were taken, What
was the alteration about to be made in the borough consti-
tuencies ? According to the Government statement, they
were going to add an amount equal to five-sevenths of the
existing constituencies, and the whole of that five-sevenths
was to be taken from the very lowest class in the lowest
scale of electors. But that was not all. They might assume
that the lower they went in the scale of voting the greater
would be the chance of the voter having want of judgment,
and being liable to undue influence and liable to corruption.
(Hear, hear.) Of the five-sevenths to be added to the con'.
stituences no more than one-third occupied houses between
£8 and £lO rent. The remaining two-thirds occupied
houses between £6 and £B. This was a sufficiently impor-
tant change calculated to make them pause before they ad-
mitted what he must call such a democratic element into
the House of Commons. Their lordships must also recol-
lect that this addition was not made equally over the whole
constituencies of the country. There wore 31 towns in
which the addition to the constituencies would be increased
from 100 per cent, to 350 per cent., and consequently those
boroughs would be under the influence of the very lowest
class of voters. In agreeing to this addition to the consti-
tuencies they would be putting an irresistible temptation
into the hands of the lowest classes to tax, for their own
benefit, and with an ignorant prodigality, those higher
classes who they very erroneously supposed to be the
authors of the great expenditure of the country. When
the noble duke reminded their lordships that this Reform
Bill was introduced simultaneously with un important bud-
get he (the Earl of Derby) must say that he thought the
very fact of the simultaneous introduction of those mea-
sures required a double amount of caution on the part of
Parliament. (Hoar, hear.) The noble duke seemed to con-
sider that the noble earl who introduced the present motion
had gone out of his way to point out the practical incon-
venience which arose from a preponderance of power exist-
ing in the hauls of the lower classes in the United States,
but was that warning to be thrown away in the discussion
of a reform bill in this country? Had not rejoicing antici-
pations been already heard at the success of a budget which
would throw the expenses of the nation on the few rich in-
stead of the many poor? They were invited to give to those
classes who would be most likely to be swayed by such ar-
guments a preponderating control over the financial expen-
diture of the country, and at a moment when the deficiency
of next year must necessarily be greater and more serious
even than the deficiency of last year. He thought that at
a moment like the present, when one whose boast it was
that he swayed the masses of this country exulted in the
fact of direct taxation rendering increase of our military
strength impossible except through a confiscation of pro-
perty, they should have the most correct data before they
consented to any extension of power unto the,se,
whose loyalty and patriotism he did not doubt, bet ‘.' le ea 3
liabilityveryb
eswayed by appeals to their feeline, -et Fee_
iui
much feared. .Ile believed Ilea iit ill lo-
tiees hte o
turns which had been relied on by the eagle unite ninny
discrepancies would be found between the rating and the
actual rental; and ho should like to see a return' A\ I ich ho
knew the Government had respecting the actual number of
houses at a£s rental. lie was sorry that he had allee rd
himself to be drawn into so lengthened a discussion of a
measure which was not leefore the house. But his anxiety
wits great that their lordships should not proceed en inexact
data in so important a matter, and that. too, at a time when
not the slightest anxiety or impatience was exhibited by
any class in the community. On the contrary, he believed
that the greatest apprehensions were felt by the lower
classes 'of the present voters that they would be rontpletely
swamped by the new constituencies. Ile hope t ,-hat,
e
whatever time the inquiry occupied, it would ii a fvuta
file one, and that no attempt would be made by tho
Government to force through the measure in ig-p,rance of
the facts of the case. It was a measure which, whether for
weal or woe, Was one of the most important that had ever
been brought before Parliament, and was one which, in his
opinion, was likely seriously to damage the balance el the
constitution. It was likely to produce a House of coin-
i
monsrreconci
leable with the feelings of their lordships'
house, and the result would be collision when it was the
(Continued in our fourth page,)

PORTUGUESE RAILWAYS ROYAL COM-
PANY.—Capital, 35,000,000 francs (X 1,100,000), in 70,000
Shares of 500 francs (£2O).
The SUBSCRIPTION to the above is OPENED at Messrs.
C. Devaux and Co.'s, 62, King William-street, where the
prospectus may be had, with copy of the statutes as approved
by Royal decree of the 22d December, 1859.
----
BEAT INDIAN PENINSULA RAILWAY
ICOMPANY.—Twenty-First Half-yearly General Meet-
ing.--Notice is Hereby Given, That the TWENTY-FIRST
HALF-YEARLY GENERAL MEETING of the Proprie-
tors in this Company will be held at the London Tavern,
.Bishopsgate-street, London, on FRIDAY, the 27th day of
April inst., at 12 o'clock at noon precisely, for the general
business of the Company, pursuant to the Act.
The Books for the Registration of Shares will be Closed
from Saturday, the 14th,- to Friday, the 27th inst. inclusive,
and transfers will not be received during that period.
By order. THOS. R. WATT, Secretary.
Company's Offices, 3, New Broad-street,
London, E.C., April 9,1860.

S OUT H—W It N 1----
EPSOM SPRING RACES.
GREAT METROPOLITAN STAKES, on THURSDA.Y,
19th, and FRIDAY, 20th April, lil6o.
Frequent Trains will run during these days from Waterloo
and Vauxhall Bridge Stations to Epsom.
Ordinary fares will be charged down to Epsom fill 11.15
a.m. and up from Epsom after 7 p.m., viz.:—
Single Journey 2B 3d .. la 9d .. is 2d
Return Tickets 3s Od 28 6d .. 28 Od
Passengers holding these Return Tickets cannot return
from Epsom until after 7 p.m. on each of the race days.
Additional Special Trains will run from Waterloo-bridge
to Epsom from 11.30 a.m. till 1.20 p.m., returning from Epsom
from 3.30 p.m. till 7.0 p.m., during which time the ordinary
trains to and from Epsom will be suspended.
Fares by these Additional Trains :
To Epsom and Back 7s M
To or from Epsom

7CY.-

No particular class of carriage can be guaranteed.
A Special Direct Train will leave Waterloo-bridge stallion
for Epsom at 1 15 p.m. punctually on each of the race days.
Steam boats call at Waterloo and ilungerford Bridges
going up or down the river nearly every five minutes.
Tickets may be procured on and after Tuesday, 17th April,
at Messrs. Tattersalls' ; the Universal Office, Regent-circus ;
Griffin's, Green Man and Still, Oxford-street ; Golden Cross,
Charing-cross ; 53, King William-street, City ; the Swan with
Two Necks, Gresham-street, City; and at the Waterloo-
bridge station.
Waterloo-bridge Station, April, MO,

By Order.

ONE HUNDRED AND FORTY-SIXTH SALE
CUSTOM HOUSE, London, April, 1860.
FOR SALE, by order of the Honourable the Commis-
stoners of her Majesty's Customs, at the COMMERCIAL
SALE ROOMS, Mincing-lane, on WEDNESDAY, 25,
Thursday, 26, Friday, 27, Monday, April 30, and Tuesday,
May 1,1860, at Twelve o'clock at noon, precisely, the fol-
lowing GOODS for home consumption, viz.:—
Arms, Brussels lace, bags, boats, braces, bracelets, braid,
brandy, brooches, brooch pieces, butts for piano action, cam-
bric handkerchiefs, embroidered; cartridges (blank), cap
crowns, capsules, clocks, marble, ormolu, &c. ; coffee, cotton
articles, &c. ' • combs, embroidery or needlework, collars, &C. ;
furniture, Indian, carved wood, Florentine, mosaic, and mar-
queterie work, viz., cabinets, card tables, &c. ; Geneva, gilt
slides, ink bottles (pocket), ivory ornaments, &c. ; jewellery of
gold and silver, &c. , viz., Albert guards, hair pins, knives,
&c., neck chains, rings, bracelets, &c. ; lace articles, life buoys,
microscopes, mathematical instruments, mouldings, orna-
mented, &c., musical instruments, viz., clarionets, flutes, or-
gan harmoniums, violins, &c. ; needles, opera glasses, pistols,
pipe stems and pipes, &c. ; perfume* spirits, porte-monnaies,
rum, shawls, wove and chenille ; segars, sewing machines,
soap stone ornaments, spirits plain and mixed ; silk manu-
factures, viz., broad stuffs, chenille, fringes, gloves, trim-
mings, &c., stay busks ; sugar, Swiss wood work, tea, timber,
tissue cloth, toothbrushes, webbing, elastic ; waistcoating,
watches,silver, &C. ; wine, and various other goods. For ex-
portation or for home consumption on payment of the duties
—Sugar, spirits, tea, wine, and other goods. For exporta-
tion only—Plain and sweetened spirits. For the benefit of
the Crown—Sugar, spirits, &e.
The above goods may be viewed at the Queen's Ware-
house, Custom House, Thames-street ; at the London, St.
Katharine, East and West India, and Victoria Docks ; and
Tobacco Ground, Rotherhithe, Monday, 23, and Tuesday,
April 24, 1860, from ton o'clock in the morning until three
o'clock in the afternoon, and on the days of Sale, from ten
o'clock in the morning: until twelve o'clock at noon—the
tasting of spirits and wine being restricted to the day of sale
as regards the Queen's warehouse.
Take notice, that goods sold at this sale will not be de-
livered until after two clear days of the day on which they are
sold, and that no lots can be paid for at the office of the Re-
ceiver-General after two o'clock in the afternoon, and that on
the days of sale money will not be received by the Receiver-
General after eleven o'clock in the forenoon.
Catalogues may be had at the Queen's Warehouse, Custom
House, Thames-street, is. each.

METROPOLITAN, COUNTIES, AND
GENERAL LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY,

27, Regent-street, Waterloo-place, London, S.W.
CAPITAL £lOO,OOO.
Assurances upon single and joint lives and survivorships.
Immediate annuities, and annuities to commence at a fixed
age. Endowments for children and for expected families.
Credit given for half the premiums for the first five years.
Three-fourths of the profits divided amongst the assured.
Policies purchased after five years premiums have heels, paid.
No charge for policy stamps, or other entrance fees. Loans
on approved real and personal security in connection with
life assurance. Service permitted within the United King-
dom, in any volunteer corps free of extra premium.
F. FERGUSON CAMROUX, Manager.

Just published,
SIXPENNYWORTH OF RIFLE-SHOT ON
_ CHURCH MATTERS.

By a POLITICAL VOLUNTIER.
London : Effingham Wilson, Royal Exchange.

BENSON'S WATCHES.
" Perfection of mechanism."—Morning Post.

Gold!
Silver 2to 50 guineas.
Send 2 stamps for Benson's Illustrated Pamphlet, descr'p-
tive of every construction of watch now made, with their
prices.
Watches sent to all parts of the kingdom free by post, or to
India and the Colonies for ss. extra.
33 and 34, Ludgate-hill, London, E.C. Established 1749.

THEATRE-ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
Lessee, Mr. J. B. Bnokstone.
THIS EVENING. will be performed THE OVERLAND
ROUTE. Messrs. C. Mathews, Bucketone, Compton, Chip-
pendale, Mrs. C. Mathews, Miss Weekes. and Mrs. Wilkins.
Atter which, a new fairy romance, THE PILGRIM OF
LOVE.
And THE BOARDING SCHOOL.

RO YAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.-
Lessee, Mr. A. Harris.

THIS EVENING, the Farce, CRUEL TO BE KIND.
Mr. A. Harris, Frank Matthews, and Miss Carlotta Leclercq.
Followed by THE FOOL'S REVENGE. Bertuccio, a
Jester, Mr. Phelps.
To conclude with the extravaganza of THE SYLPHIDE.
Miss C. Leclercq, Miss Louise Keeley, Miss Helen Howard,
Miss Rose Leclercq, Mr. Shore, Mr. Saker, and Mr. Frank
Matthews,
Commence at 7.

ADELPHT, NEW THEATRE-ROYAL.
Sole rroprietor and Manager. Mr. Beni. Webster.
THIS EVENING, the popular original Adelphi drama of
THE DEAD HEART. Robert Landry, Mr. B. Webster;
Messrs. P. Bedford, J. L. Toole, David Fisher, Stuart, C. J.
Smith, Billington, Eburne, Powell, Romer, Page ; MissWool-
gar, Miss K. Kelly, Miss Laidlaw.

After which the Grand Fairy Extravaganza, THE FAIN
ONE WITH THE GOLDEN LOCKS. King Lachrymoso,
Mr. J. L. Toole ; Count Pleniposo, Mr. P. Bedtord ; Viscount
Verysoso, Mr. C. J. Smith ; Graceful. Miss Woolgar ; Queen
Luctdora, Miss Emily Thorne ; Mollmopsa, Miss K. Kelly.

Box•ofiice open from 10 till 5.
Private boxes, £2 2s. ; Family Boxes, £l.
Orchestra Stalls, ss. ; Balcony, 4s. ; Front Circle Stalls, 3s. ;
Pit Stalls, 25.; Pit, ls. 6d. ; Amphitheatre, Is ; Gallery, 6d.
Engagement for a limited number of nights of 3IissJULIA
DALY, the celebrated American Actress.
Mr. LEIGH MURRAY is engaged, and will shortly appear
in a favourite Drama.