The Sun.
London, England, 1869-03-02 00:00:00

MIRE IL

Shrewsbury 15,
Leamington Hunt 23,

FIXTURES.

:CH.

West Somerset 15, IS
York a
ere wkern• le, is
Chepstow m 29, SO

3.1 L.
Streatham B, 9
Royal Artily., Woolwic b...$
Knighton
Ludlow l5, 16
Tenbury... 2l
Croydon 22, 23
Co. Louth & Ardeen 27, 2$

MAY.
Limerick Hunt 4 I St. Albans .. 11
Eglintou Hunt 6, 7 I West

JULY.

Kingsbury - _

Bromley..

OCTOBELt
7 1 West Drayton "24 22
NOVEMBER.

-, . -----.
Harrow 2' 8
I Egliaton Hunt 6, 7
Worcester 8, 4 Liverpool
St. Albans 5, 6 1 Shrewsbury ..... lb, 16

COURSING FIXTURES.

MARCTI.

Ashdown Park, Herta
Fourth S. Lancashire (Champion)
County Louth (Champion), Ireland • lB, &c.
Scottish National Open, Lanark 3O, &e.

BANK OF FRANCE.

PAIUS, Feb. 25.

The following is the return of the Bank of France
for the week ending to-day, together with the cor-
responding figures of the previous account :

DEBTOR.
Feb 25.
fr. c.
Capital of the Bank 182,500,000
Profits in addition to
capital (Art. 8, Law,
June 9, 1857) 7,044,776 02 7,044,776 02
Reserve of the Bank
and its branches 22,105,750 14 22,105,750 14
Reserve of landed pro-
perty 4,000,000 4,000,000
Notes in circulation
Banknotes to order and
receipts payable at
sight 35 223,257 48 34,079,872 50
Treasury account cur-
rent creditor 154,035,126 48 143,455,798 37
Current accounts, Paris 253,254,168 89 253,741,894 38
Do. branch banks 45,392,697 44,895,663
Dividends payable 1,458,941 1,620,906
Discounts and sundry
interests
Rediscounted the last

Feb. 18.

six months
Surplus of receipts not
distributed
Sundries

182,500,000 --

933,790 85 933,790 85

5,526,364 20 7,220,662 76

Total

CREDITOR.
Feb. 25. Feb. 18.
Cash in hand and in fr. c. fr. c.
Branch banks
Commercial bills over-

263,003 85

204,857 48

due
Commercial bills dis-
counted, not yet due 282,724,130 06 280,663,424 84
Do. branch banks 253,705,701 '263,076,311
Advances oh deposit of
bullion 27,775,900
Do. branch banks 4,513,800
Do. on French Public

Securities
Do. by branch banks
Do. on railway shares
and debentures
Do. branch banks
Do. on Credit Foncier
Bonds
Do. branches
Do. to the State (Con-
vention, June IU,
1857)
Government Stock re-

13,609,900 -
6,955,580 -

28,898,600 -
4,210,000 -

37,308,700 -
27,764,400 --

13,615,500 -
6,857,880 -

929,900 -
940,309 -

37,588,800 --•
27,860,000 --

60,000,000 --

949,700 -
860,200 -

60,000,000 -

12,980,750 14 12,980,750 14
80,633,437 21 80,633,437 21

serve
Do. disposable .........
Rentes lnunobalist'ies
(Law, June 2, 1857) U 0,000,000 100,000,000
Hotel and furniture of
the Bbnk and landed
propel Ly branches ...
Expenses of manage-
ment
Sundries

8,975,735 -

8,975,735 -

521,063 49 273,842 14
10,179,196 56 7,827,520 91

Total
Certified by the s;nator-Governer of the Bank
of France.

(Signed) ROULAND.

EZTJaiI o lili PUBLIC JOUB,NAIS,

--r ---

The Times observes that we have entered upon a great
work. The Ministerial plans for putting an end to the
Irish Establishment were on Monday night unfolded to an
overflowing House, and, we may almost add, to an over-
flowing public. For just three hours did Mr. Gladstone
fix the attention of his hearers while he described the mode
of dealing with the Irish Church proposed by the Govern-
ment. The task was enormous, but it was accomplished
with a skill which could not but excite the admiration of
all who watched the process. Whatever may be said of
the details of the measure, or even of the principles
which have guided the Administration with reference to
some of its cardinal divisions—and it is inevitable that
much indifference of opinion should exist with respect to
such topics—no one could have listened to Mr. Glad-
stone's speech without admiring the art of arrangement
he displayed. The order of procedure was so marshalled
that the scheme of the Ministry was made intelligible to
all. Some murmurs might here and there be heard,
indicating doubt or hesitation as to the propriety of a
recommendation which might have seemed objectionable
or unnecessary to some members of the House, but it was
impossible to detect any symptoms of that embarrassment
among.an audience which follows the faulty exposition of
a confused speaker. The scheme is a vast one. It deals with
every branch of the question, with many subsidiary topics to
which for the sake of simplicity we have not referred, and
it was correctly described by Mr. Gladstone as one of the
largest proposals ever submitted to a legislative assembly
during a time of peaceful legislation. It must be added
also• that it is a scheme which as a whole fairly accom-
plishes the task before the Government, and deserves, as
it will doubtless receive, the warm support of Parliament.
It is a great, a comprehensive work. It is an attempt to
grapple thoroughly with the question, and it does so in
such a manner as to justify Mr. Gladstone's sanguine
expression of confidence, at the close of his speech, that
the end of the great controversy of the Irish Establish-
ment is at hand.

The Etandard, in commenting upon the Government
measure, states that in a speech of some three hours'
duration, delivered with all his wonted skill of expression
and lucidity of exposition, the Prime Minister laid
before Parliament his scheme for the secularisation of the
State, and the spoliation of the Church. The prospect
which opens before the friends of law and justice, of the
national religion and the rights of property, is not, if we
are to judge from the symptoms of Monday evening, by

any means a hopeful one. Time and opposition have pro.
duced their usual effects on Mr. Gladstone's mind ; the
lapse of a twelvemonth has " developed " his views into
an extremer form and into closer harmony with those of
his more violent followers ; and the strenuous resistance
which he has encountered at the hands of the Conservative
party throughout the three kingdoms, and the strong
and earnest disapproval of his policy and his personal
conduct expressed by many of the best and most earnest
of those men who, standing above and apart from mere
party conflicts, may be said in some sense to represent the
national conscience, and pronounce by anticipation the
final judgment of history, have but exasperated and em•
bittered the spirit of his measures, and provoked him into
a renunciation of such scruples and such remnants of
moderation as he certainly professed, and we believe sin•',
cerely entertained, at a former period. He is evidently
worse disposed towards the Church than he was when he
introduced his notorious resolutions as a means of ousting
Mr.: Disraeli from power. Then he appeared to regret
the necessity of striking at his enemy through the
side of his Church ; now he seems to have transferred
to the Church some of the animosity he has always
displayed for the leader of the party pledged to her
defence.

The Post declares that the scheme which Mr. Gladstone
unfolded on Monday for the disestablishment and disen-
dowm ent of the Irish Church, and for the disposal of its
revenues, whatever other faults may possibly be detected
in it, assuredly is not deficient in comprehensiveness. The
bill which the Government proposes to introduce deals
with the Church in every aspect, both as regards its
ecclesiastical government and its temporal possessions,
and, having reduced it to piecemeal, provides for the

rearrangement of the fragments under a new form.
Its union with the State will vanish ; its subordi•
nation to the Crown will disappear; its claim to be
supported even by the voluntary aid afforded )1

its own members will be henceforth disallowed ;
it will become, in fact, a free Church in the midst of a free
people. Based on the principle expressed in the first of
the resolutions passed by the late Parliament, the
measure at the same time provides for the vested interests
of individuals, whilst it almost immediately severs the
connection between the Church and the State, and
prevents the further creation of any liens such as those
which are now disposed of. Whether the scheme be good
or bad—and of course on this point opinions will differ—
't must be conceded even by those who will oppose it, that
't is a complete fulfilment of the pledge given I,y Mr.
.lladstone when he first declared his ittention of sub-
, erting the existing Establishment.

The Herald says that of the general scope and character
of the measure we cannot better express our opinion-than
in the words of Mr. Disraeli, Win declared that in his
view disestablishment would be a grievous error and dis-
endowmcnt nothing but confiscation. There is nothing in
the provisions in the bill, so far as we may judge frau
Mr. Gladstone's statement, which can render the spolia-
tion more acceptable to the victims or induce them to be-
lieve that Mr. Gladstone is actuated by the kindest
spirit towards them in his proposals for releasing them
from what he calls an unnatural position. Tile right
honourable gentleman expressed the utmost cdnfidence as
to the success of the measure, and even told the Hous
that if.it failed Constitutional Government would be proves
a failure. We venture quite as confidently, but not so
sanguinely, to assert that the chances are ten to one
against the passage of a bill which must unite in opposi-
tion to it all sincere Protestants and all honest politicians,
and to add that the system of Constitutional Government
and the credit of the House of Commons have everything
to gain by the rejection of a scheme. so crude and so
unjust.

The Daily News remarks that any member or stranger
who was in the House of Commons on the 31st March,
1868, and again on Monday night, must have been struck
with the difference between then and new. The fierce
excitement of party passion which was conspicuous on the
earlier occasion did not betray itself on Monday. That
tense of uncertainty on which the interest of a crisis
depends—of sanguine hope dashed by misgiving on thr
one side ; of ' apprehension, mitigated by the trust in
unforeseen chances and the leader's skill, on the other ;
that thirit for battle on both—which gave zest last year to
the first debate on the Irish Church, were wanting on
Monday. It was the day after the battle. The House
was in a judicial mood. It had the promises
of last session, of the recess, and of the elec-
tion time fully in its recollection, and it was in some
sceptical instances, perhaps, anxious to learn bow
far the performance would correspond with them ; ani
more generally, with what degree of practical skill the
machidery for giving effect to them would be devised.
Mr. Gladatone's proposals may require some modification
in detail, but they form the basis and no inconsiderable
part of the superstructure of a just and righteous settle-
ment, the character and probable effects of which justify
the noble strain of eloquence with. which Mr. Gladstone
brought his statement to an end. Mr. Disraeli's language,
though he faintly uttered the old words that he sang out
so bravely last year, affords hope that he sees, and will
enforce on his party,
.the necessity of submitting to the
inevitable, and of avoiding the delay and exasperation
which would be the consequence of an obstinate and fruit-
less struggle.

The Daily Telegraph is confident that the " Night of
Justice" will not soon be forgotten by those who heard
the speech and saw the spectacle on Monday evening in
the House of Commons. For a long time past the "set
occasions " of the Chamber have been dedicated to party
conflicts ; the issues have turned wholly or partially upon
matters of political emulation ; the speeches have been
tainted with the rhetoric of rivalry ; the scene has been
interesting and exciting, but not elevated. On Monday
night all this was changed, and the great Assembly which
governs England presented an aspect that might
well make a cold spirit glow with patriotic pride.
Over and past were the struggles of Liberal and
Tory; the fruit of the troublesome and agitated
period through which we have fought at length
hung ripe and in reach. With such a majority
at his back as could alone warrant the noble boldness,
Mr. Gladstone rose to propose no- ordinary bill, but a
solemn Act of national equity and amity, which will be
remembered in all time as one of the fairest results of
Constitutional Government and the purest piecesof abstract
human right that ever came by legislation. In the same
spirit, we are assured, the people of Great Britain will
regard the able measure : on these grounds they will
admire and thank the gifted and conscientious Minister.
From his hands it was impossible that religion shiuld
receive any injury. The things which injure religion—
injustice, avarice, domination, uncharitableness, and
unchristian distrust of the sufficiency of truth and piety
to vindicate themselves—ar- the only things which can be
"injured" by a full, though''tardy, act of national justice.
The Star rejoices that Mr. Gladstone's Irish Church
policy is not vague or undefined, lint iss thoroughly matured
and developed into its minutest c seL!lt(i)evminuces. Much
may have to be said hereafter on the 4 eent pro-
posals for appropriating the surplus. Su'lice it at present
to acknowledge that there are weighty against
and weighty rc.asr(•eriass?nlisfia your of
any other appropriation,
this. To give the i'.7,50,q/0 to education W
new controversy. Railways are out of the,cr.uctiesqii)oei iu
r:
reference to these funds. To lighten the poor would
which , t
atr
tot
only benefit the landlords. On tie other;
pro-
vide
for lunatics, imbeciles, and for the instruction
of the deaf and dumb and blind, is a work
to onceany
meets the scruples of those who would object
appropriation farther removed from the original objects of
tee Church Establishment ; harmonises with the senti-
ments of the Irish ; and lessens the county cess, which
falls on the poor occupiers. Thcre is much in the scheme
that must provoke criticsim, and something. which will
incur censure ; but it will be found exceedingly perfect
and exceedingly hard to place iu an unfavourable light.
Mr, Gladstone and his colleagues have nobly fulfilled their
to the cenntry, and have at the same time been
enabled to deal with extreme kindness and consideration
to the Church which is about to be dispossessed of its
zriateliAl resources.