The Sun.
London, England, 1856-01-26 00:00:00

against which the Western States will not even
have the right of protesting. But this is not all.
Turkey has always had some protection in her own
forts and strongholds against her unscrupulous
adversary. Silistria and Varna have proved in-
superable obstacles to Russian progress, and the
fortifications of the Bosphorus promised to give a
warm reception to any invading foe. Are these
to be dismantled to gratify the amour propre of
Russia ? It would be an act of deep and unpa-
ralleled treachery even to contemplate. Far better
that " the standing menace to Constantinople"
should remain in all its terrible and ominous
strength than that Turkey should be deprived
of her chief protection which might enable her
to resist the invader, although supported by Aus-
trian auxiliaries, until Frensh and English valour
might supply the much-required aid. Yet if we
look to the terms, "no naval or military arsenals"
shall be maintained there (i.e., on the Black Sea),
Turkey must submit to these very humiliating and
perilous conditions. Well may the SULTAN ex-
claim, " Save me from my friends !" Their aid
will indeed have been dearly purchased should it
terminate in such an untoward result.

It is certain that there is some potent influence
in operation, hostile to English interests, which
must at any cost be brought to light. A strin-
gent inquiry must be instituted into the secret
cause. We cannot believe that Lords PALMER.
STON or CLARENDON would of themselves assent
to stipulations so manifestly injurious. The
question then arises, Who is the traitor ?—and
that question must receive a direct and cate-
gorical reply. Is he to be found within the
limits of the Cabinet, professing to render his
best services to our most gracious SOVEREIGN,
while he is devoted heart and soul to her avowed
enemy or her pretended friend ? If so, there is a
constitutional method of purgation. We saw how
speedily one, who had weakly and timidly yielded
to the spirit of Germanism, was removed on a
former occasion ; how Lord JOHN RUSSELL was
compelled to resign, in order to save his colleagues
from the consequences of the motion of Sir E.
BULWER LYTTON. A similar result would follow
a like course in the forthcoming session. Should
the evil influence be without the Cabinet, then it
must be more closely followed up ; and it
will also be detected, if the parties are in
earnest in the pursuit. Whatever or whosoever it
may he, it can no longer be tolerated. The un-
clean thing must be put from amongst us. We
must have England for the English, not for the
Germans. We shall not surrender our Anglican
laws for German examples ; and, like the Barons
at Runnymede, we are prepared to join, heart
and soul, in the spirited exclamation, "Nolumats
(eyes Anglite niutari ;" and woe to those who
enter on what must necessarily prove the abor-
tive attempt.

Whether, after lending dignity to the Senate
by his Commanding eloquence, and enlightening it
by the rays of his genius and learning, Mr.
MACA.IILAY intended, while announcing his retire-
ment to his constituents, to call their attention to
the fact that members of Parliament are, or ought
to be, servants of their respective constituencies,
we are unable to say. If it was, he has left a
legacy behind him by .which the constituency of
Edinburgh, and other constituencies, will do well
to profit, and has added another obligation to the
many which, throughout his career, he has con-
ferred on the public ; for nothing can be more
certain than that an obliviOusness of the fact has
characterised the proceedings of but too -many
members of the House of late, and has been pro-
ductive of infinite mischief to the best interests of
the nation.

The reader has only to take up a file of news-
papers recording what has taken place in the
House and in the country since the commencement
of the War to be convinced of the truth of our
assertion—that is, if he has any doubt about the
matter. On turning over the file he will discover
hew ill the views of the nation have been repre-
sented in Many instances in relation to the War—
how when from one end of the country to the other
the constituencies had pronounced for a vigorous
prosecution of hostilities, members of Parliament
have presumed to countenance a traitorous do-
, nothing policy, nay, actually to play into the
hands of the enemy by denouncing the War alto-
gether, and. offering every obstruction in their
power to its prosecution. And in the foremost
rank of these un-English members he will discover,
with grief and armament, men whose political
existence is the creature of popular favour, and
who without it would have never had a chance of
setting foot in Parliament. Men who owing every-
thing to their country have -not been ashamed to
put weapons in the hand of her adversary, and,
in the indulgence of a sordid spirit, have pre-
ferred to be popular in Russia rather than at
home, to find an echo of their sentiments in
the Muscovite rather than the English heart, to
the infinite disgust of the nation at large as
well as of their constituents, who have vainly,
by their organs, called on them to retire.
What can be more clear, we would demand
of him, than that if the true relation be-
tween members and their constituents ware
constantly present to the public mind, an universal
shout of disapproval would have caused these re-
fractory gentlemen to vacate their seats !

The doctrine is pregnant with too important
consequences to be suffered to pass into oblivion.
It is of the veryessence of the theory of representa-
tion, without which the theory is a farce. We don't
mean to say that members of Parliament are, or
ought to be, the slaves of the people—they dislike
the true doctrine too much for us to aggravate its
bitterness—but we do say.thatmembers are sent to
Parliament to do for the people what they cannot
do for themselves—viz., give expression and effect
to their views on public affairs, and guard and
vindicate their particular interests. To do this
in the very nature of things necessitates a certain
amount of discretion being granted to members,
since it were impossible for them to ascertain the
decision of their constituents on every measure
brought before the House, supposing that consti-
tuents generally were prepared to give one ; and
hence it is left them honestly to apply the general
principles on which they were elected to each
pa.rticular case that will admit of it, and other-
wise to do for their constituents what, were they
present, it
might fairly be inferred they by a
general consensus would do for themselves.

To call this slavery is alinost.as absurd as to call
the practice in vogue representation. No mem-
ber is bound to do violence to his conscience by
the support of any-measures of which he disap-
proves. Resignation is open to him if, by
reason
or attempt at persuasion, he cannot convince his
c3nstituents he is right ;
,and lie will fail in his
duty to himself if he renders unprincipled ser-
vice, as lie will to his constituents, if he forgets
that lie is a servant, and does only as he chooses.
The doctrine has been too long in abeyance, and
we trust will henceforth be insisted on wherever
a candidate presents himself for popular suffrages.

Another very stormy scene has been enacted at
the meeting of the Eastern Counties shareholders
plass., of listsnin
yesterday. In g patiently to those
who had arguments to put forwardo and thus to

Adol. bas

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