The Sun.
London, England, 1856-04-30 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30, 1856.

The deplorable spirit of Germanism has accom-
plished another triumph over England. The mari-
time law of nations under which this country
achieved and long maintained its high position has
been altered, and new principles enunciated. Our
rights and privileges have been wilfully, delibe-
rately, and treacherously surrendered. Points
which had long been steadfastly asserted by really
English Governments, which were declared to be
incontestible and indispensable rights, which might
become essential to the welfare and security of
Great Britain, have been definitively abandoned
without even a remonstrance. The law of nations
has been set aside, to the serious injury of the
United Kingdom, and that without any appeal to
Parliament, or the opinion of two of the Estates of
the Realm being obtained or even asked for. This
is not merely a contempt of the representative sys-
tem of Government, but it is treason of the worst
description against the majesty of the Peop‘O. It
is by no means difficult to perceive frees what
quiver this envenomed shaft has been drawn ; it
is the same that has provided many a weapon
against the national liberties. We felt deeply the
dishonour and damage inflicted on the British
name and British interests before, we were not
aware of this last and heaviest blow, which is cal-
culated to render our boasted maritime supremacy
a mockery and a delusion ! How can it now be
asserted, with the slightest appearance of veracity,
that " Britannia rules the waves !" when we have
wantonly relinquished that power that rendered
us really formidable in war time, and enabled us,
in case of necessity, entirely to destroy the enemies'
commerce ? It was that power that caused Eng-
land to be respected in former times, and in any
future conflict we shall deeply feel the want of it
whenever a time of emergency may arrive, and we
fear that it may be much sooner than is at pre-
sent anticipated .
As to the abolition of privateering, it would be
very well if the law could be rendered of universal
application. But the United States is not in any
degree affected by the resolution, and, we venture
to assert, will not assent to relinquish any of its
maritime rights. Should we at any future time un-
happily be involved in war with the other great
branch of the Anglo-Saxon race, we shall be
bound by these improvident stipulations, for,
notwithstanding Lord CLARENDON'S declaration
that "it should only be binding in regard to
Powers who may accede to it, and could not
be appealed to by Governments who refuse their
acceptance," it is quite clear that England can-
not ever again rely on the principles so long
boldly proclaimed to the world, but now defini-
tively and permanently abandoned.
The points relating to neutrals have manifestly
been adopted in deference to Prussia. They offer
a premium to all those desirous of putting money
in their pockets at the expense of their honour.
Prussia has long been aiming at this point. It is
at length conceded—possibly as a portion of the
price which England is to pay for the inauspicious
Prussian marriage, so universally condemned by
all true-hearted Englishmen. We never yielded
the matter when the Prussian armies were arrayed
On our side, and now the concession is at once made,
at the very time when the conduct of Prussia
offered unanswerable reasons against its adoption !
It is the crowning work o our degradation, for
which the author or authors merit impeachment,
and the heaviest punishment that could be in-
flicted by an outraged and indignant nation.

We long since stated that it was not so muoh
by the destruction of men as by the cutting off of
supplies that we could hope to bring our adver-
saries to reason. The destruction of conlmerce
would be far better than the destruction of human
lives, even though they were attired in the ene-
mies' uniform, and were ready to fight under an
adverse flag. By sanctioning trade with neutrals,
and giving protection to commerce when carried
on under a neutral flag, we virtually deprive our-
selves of the power of inflicting the heaviest
blows on our opponents, and those which are
chiefly within the power of England. We trans-
fer the profits that may be realised from our own
merchants to strangers, whom we encourage to
assist the enemy, and who may lend their flags
to cover and maintain a trade, without which
the enemy could not prolong the contest. The
lives of our gallant defenders by land and by
water, the money of our overburdened taxpayers
may be sacrificed to this criminal weakness on the
part of the British representative. The time,
too, of the cession of our incontestible rights ren-
ders it peculiarly humiliating. It will go forth
throughout Europe and Asia that England, ex-
hausted and worn out by her efforts, and anxious