The Sun.
London, England, 1860-03-05 00:00:00

FRANCE AND ITALY.

M. de Thouvenel, the Fronch Minister of Foreign
Affairs, has addressed the following despatches to

the French Ambassador at Turin and to the French
Ambassador at London :

.‘ To BARON DE TALLEYRAND, MINISTER OF
FRANCE Ar TURIN.

"PARIS, FEB. 24.
" Monsieur le Baron,—l have the honour to send
you herewith copy of the despatch which I have
addressed to the Ambassador of the Emperor at
London, and in which, making known to him the
opinion of the Government of his Majesty on the
reply of the Vienna Cabinet to our last proposals,
I point out to him the best line to be followed,
according to my idea, to relieve all responsibilities
without depriving any one of his legitimate freedom
of action, as also to get out of a situation which
would shortly become as dangerous as it is now
confused, if left to itself and to the chance of inci-
dents. The moment has, then, arrived for every
one to speak out, and I will now give you, without
any reserve, the views of the Emperor's Govern-
ment, so that the Turin Cabinet may form its own
judgment as to how far it may suit to conform
thereunto in presence of such serious—l may say,
such solemn conjunctures.
" The double object, which we have never lost
sight of, and which we ultimately wish to attain,
_ _

with the concurrence of Sardinia, is this—so to

manage that, on the one hand, the results of the
war may not be compromised in Italy itself ; ou
the other hand, to obtain that they may, in a more

or less near future, be consolidated by the official
adhesion of Europe, or, in other words, to prevent
complications which would give up the Italian
Peninsula to anarchy, and to found a durable state
of things by placing it as soon as possible under
the protection of international law.
" The Cabinet of Turin can assist us in the accom-
plishment of this task, and the success would pro-
bably be certain. It is also f:ee to adopt a dif-
ferent line, but the general interests of France
would not allow the Government of the Emperor
to follow in it, and frankness compels us to say
so. It is these two systems, between which the
Government of his Sardinian Majesty has to choose,
that I am now going to consider with you.
" I am convinced, M. le Baron, that if the Turin
Cabinet shows itself resolved to consider and make
every one consider the organisation which a portion
of Italy is called upon to adopt as constituting the
origin of an historical period without a preliminary
term fixed for its duration in the conditions of order
and peace, the very nature of things will overcome
many obstacles. That this organisation should have
such a character in the opinion of all men it is ne-
cessary that it should not contain the elements of
eventual and probable disorder, either within its
own self or in its external relations. The Govern-
ment of the Emperor, for its part, is firmly con-
vinced that one and the sawe cause would produce
either effect, and that it would be unmistakeably
manifest from the day upon which it should under-
take a work out of proportion to its regular means
of influence and of action. If Sardinia extends her
territory too far the work of assimilation would
present obstacles which she ought not to overlook.
She would, in fact, find herself less powerful, and,
especially, less mistress of her resolutions ; she will
be dragged along, she will no longer direct, and the
impulsion which has made the strength and the
success of Piedmont in these latter years will no
longer emanate from Turin.

"It is not at a moment, M. le Baron ,when the
destinies of the Peninsula are on the eve of a final
solution, that the Government of the Emperor
would hesitate to express itself with a frankness
which testifies, however, to the lively interest it
feels in a friendly and allied Court ; let us, then,
frankly say that the sentiment which brought for-
ward in certain parts of Italy the idea of annexa-
tion, and which gave rise to the expression of that
wish, is rather a manifestation directed towards a
great Power than a well considered attraction to-
wards Sardinia. Such a sentiment, if not checked at
the onset; could not fail to fall into errors which it
would be the duty of the Turin Cabinet to oppose.
Could it do so for any length of time without being
violently reproached for denying and betraying
the cause for which it was alone aggran-
dised and armed ? No one can say, and
what is likely is that it would be exposed to two
eventualities equally to be deplored—war and re-
i volution.

" Taking everything into consideration, M, le
Baron, with the firm intention of selecting that
solution best suited to the pressing circumstances
of the moment and of a calmer future, it will be
admitted that it is high time to come to a settle-
ment that may be offered to Europe with some
chance of being accepted, and 'which would con-
serve to Sardinia the full exercise of the normal
influence which she has a right to hold in the
Peninsula.
" Such a combination, maturely considered by
the Government of the Emperor, is as follows :—_
" 1. Complete annexation Of the Duchies of
Parma and Modena to Sardinia,
" 2. Temporal admisistration of the Legations
of the Romagna, of Ferrara, and of Bologna,under
the form of a vicariat (lieutenancy) exercised by
his Sardinian Majesty, in the name of the Holy See.
" 3. Re-establishment of the Grand Duohy of
Tuscany in its political and territorial independ-
ence (autonimie.)
" In this arrangement, the assimilation confined
to Lombardy and to the Duchies of Parma and
Modena would no longer be a work to which Sar-
dis would be bound to devote all her efforts exclu-
sively ; the Turin Cabinet would preserve its liberty
of action and might exercise it in establishing
tranquillity in Italy, while organising in a com-
pact kingdom the territories added to the heredi-
tary possessions of King Victor Emmanuel. The
Vieoriat would be in harmonr:yrith the municipal

" What I have said, M. le Baron, of the necessity
of anticipating the dangers to which Sardinia might
be exposed if she looked for further aggrandise-
ments is more particularly applicable to Tuscany.
The idea of the annexation of the Grand Duchy,
that is to say the absorption in another State of a
laud gifted with so beautiful and so noble a his-
tory and so attached, hitherto, to its traditions,
cannot assuredly emanate except from an aspira-
tion, the danger of which it is impossible for the
Government of the Emperor to disown, and which
it is far from believing that it is shared by the mass
of the population. That aspiration, there must be
no delusion, whatever may be at the present
moment, I doubt not, the correct intentions of th•
Sardinian Government, reveals on the part of those
whom it carries along with it an arriere pensee of
a war against Aastria for the conquest of Venetia,
and an arrierelsensee, if not of revolution, at least
of menace for the tranquillity of the States of the
Holy See and the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. It
is impossible to deceive public opinion in Italy or
elsewhere, and the questions which it is our object
to settle, would only be re-opened more embittered
than ever.

" The Government of the Emperor, without over-
looking the difficulties which would remain to be
overcome to secure the tt iumph of the solution to
which if the Turin Cabinet would assent, it would
devote its most energetic and persevering efforts,
entertains the confidence that those difficulties
would not be insurmountable. Certain, moreover,
of operating upon a basis of a nature to satisfy
completely France and Sardinia, to pacify Italy
for a long period, and not to hurt in too absolute
a manner any of the interests which Europe
has the right and duty morally to watch oyer, the
Government of his Majesty would not only hesitate
to promise to take in a Conference or Congress the
defence of such an arrangement; but it would pro-
claim it as unattackable, in its opinion, by foreign
intervention. In this hypothesis, then, Sardinia
would be sure of having us with her and behind
her. You are authorised to declare this formally
to Count Cavour.

" Do I need now, M. le Baron, long details to
explain what would be our attitude if the Turin
Cabinet, free in its option, should prefer to run all
the risks which I have pointed out while advising
it to avoid them ? The hypothesis in the Govern-
ment of his Sardinian Majesty would have to rely
only on its own forces developes itself, so to say,
naturally, and it would be painful for me to dwell
upon it.

" I therefore confine myself to say, by the Em • I
peror's orders, that we will not consent at any price
to take upon ourselves the responsibility of such a
situation. Whatever may be his sympathies for
Italy, and especially for Sardinia, which has min-
gled its blood with ours, his Majesty would not
hesitate to evince his firm and decided resolve to
take the interests of France as his sole guidance.
As I have observed to Count de Persigny, to dissi-
pate dangerous illusions is not an abusive restric-
tion of the use which Sardinia and Italy may wish
to make of the liberty which we are proud of having
assisted them in obtaining, and which is finally con-
firmed by the declarations which the Government
of the Emperor has recently obtained from the Court
of Vienna; it is simply, I repeat it, making good
the independence of our policy, and placing it in
safety of complications which we shall not have to
resolve, should our counsels have been powerless in
preventing them.
" I shall not conclude this despatch, M. le Baron,
without saying a few words to you respecting Savoy
and the county of Nice. The Government of the
Emperer has regretted the premature and out-of-
place discussion of this question in the public jour-
nals ; but it cannot refrain from taking it as the
expression of an opinion which daily gains
in strength and weight. Historical traditions,
which it is needless to recall, have accredited the
idea, that the formation of a more powerful State at
the foot of the Alps would be unfavourable to our
interests, and, although, in the arrangement deve-
loped in this despatch, the annexation of all the
States of Central Italy to Sardinia should not be
complete, it is certain that in the point of view of
external relations it would be equivalent, in
reality, to an analogous result. The same provi-
sions, however distinct they may be, claim the same
guarantees ; and the possession of Savoy and of
the County of Nice, excepting the interests of
Switzerland, which we always desire to take into
account, also presents itself to us in that hypothesis
as a geographical necessity for the safety of our
rontiers.

" You must, therefore, call the attention of Count

Cavour to this point; but yowwill,state to him, at
the same time, that it is not our wish to constrain
the expression of the popular will, and that the

Government of the Emperor, moreover, would not
fail, when the moment shall appear to him to have
arrived, to consult first the great Powers of Europe,
so as to prevent a false interpretation of the reasons
that would direct his conduct.

" You will please read this despatch to Count
Cavour, and leave him a copy.
" THOUVENEL."

" To COUNT PERSIGNY, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE

AT LONDON.

" PARIS, FEB. 24.

"Monsieur, Le Comte,—l have already had the
honour of transmitting to you the two despatches
which M. Le Comtc de Rechberg has addressed to
Princh Metternich, and which contain the reply
of the Cabinet of Vienna to the explanations which
the Emperor had commanded to accompany the
propositions which emanated from the Government
of her Britannic Majesty. I have abstained from
returning with the Ambassador of Austria to judg-
ments, the sincerity of which I in nowise contest,
but which are too far removed from our manner of
viewing the matter to render it useful to attempt
to rectify them.

I have preferred at once to pay homage to the
sentiments of moderation which have animated
Count Rechberg when, wishing even to repro-
duce the very terms which I had employed, he has
declared that if he deplored the divergence of
opinion of our two Courts as to the practical value
of the combination suggested by Lord John Rus-
sell, he clung, nevertheless to the hope of which
had made myself the interpreter when I laid it
down that if the difference of principles could and
in some ewes ought to lead to different judgments,
it was not necessary that the result should be, when
the honour of either side was safe, disastrous con-
flicts and these so far removed from the intentions
both of France and Austria.' Although it was cou-
pled with the assurance that Austria would do jus-
tice to the motives which command the two Powers
to abstain from an armed intervention in central
Italy, that declaration I admit shuts out all
adhesion on the part of the Cabinet of Vienna to
the use which we may make of the latitude which

" What, then, in this state of things, is the aim,
or, rather, what would be the result of the propesi-
tions of the Cabinet of London ? To call forth a
fresh expression of this wish with the assent
of France and England, in such a manner that this
manifestation would receive from the previous ad-
hesion of these two Powers a force in some sort
legalised and regular. The Government of the
Emperor has deliberately examined the situation
which would be made for it in this eventuality, and
it has remained convinced that it could not succeed
in setting free its moral responsibility, unless the
principle of universal suffrage, which constitutes it
own legitimacy, became also the foundation of tin.
new order of things in Italy. On quite another
field the participation of France would be a mani-
festinconsequence to which its Government could
not expose itself. Now, what we are forced to con-
sider as an absolute necessity, England, without
opposing what the Governments actually established
in Central Italy equally acknowledged with us, ab-
stains from advising them to adopt. We know,
besides, that these Governments would not lend
themseves, except with a sort of repugnance, to a
fresh manifestation which they consider to be use-
less, and of a nature to throw suspicion on the value
and the sincerity of preceding manifestations. The
considerations which I have just pointed out place
us in the necessity of carefully weighing the conse-
quences to which our unreserved acquiescence in
the proposition of England might conduct us. To
our eyes one certain method alone can have the right
to substitute a new principle of stability and order
for another principle hallowed by time and the re-
spect of peoples ; but if we have the right and the
duty to claim for ourselves the free exercise of our
doctrines, we do not recognise it as our right to im-
pose them on others ; and we hold it, on the con-
trary, to be no less imperative a duty to leave them
the liberty as well as the responsibility of their
own opinions and their own actions.
" I will add, M. le Comte, that the harmony
which it is our lively desire to maintain between
ourselves and the Government of her Britannic
Majesty could not neverthelesss prevent us from
establishing the fact that our respective positions
are not exactly she same. In fact, the
course of events during the past year has
thrown us into the necessity of sustaining the
weight of a war. England, on the contrary, has
been able' without harm to her interests,to remain in
an attitude of expectation. God forbid that I should
pretend that England ought to show herself indif-
ferent to the happy or unhappy results of the ex-
perience to which she invites U 9 to associate our-
selves! But I shall say nothing but what is con-
formable to the nature of things in admitting that
if this experience happened either to be wrecked in
Italy itself or to provoke a European crisis, England
would always be free to withdraw into the post of
simple observation. This task assuredly would be
less easy for France, and we have the right, with-
out wishing to oppose ourselves to the wishes of
Central Italy, and still less to dictate a solution
after consulting nothing but our own convenience—
we have the right, I say, to take into our previous
consideration, much more than England has any
need to do, the elements of internal order and of
external peace contained in the different solutions
which may be offered for the great problem which
holds at the present day all minds in suspense.
" The Government of the Emperor, M. le Comte,
in the name of the services which it has rendered,
as well as in the name of the interests which are not
exclusively personal to it, thinks it has some claim
to give some advice to Sardinia, and its honesty
commands it to prescribe in some degree the amount
of support which it would be possible for it to give
under this or that combination. Illusions in so
serious a matter would be dangerous for Italy and
compromising for France ; to dissipate them, there-
fore, is not an intention to restrain the liberty of
Italy, it is simply to uphold that of France and
free her action preliminarily in anticipation of even-
tualities in which her interests would imperiously
command her to keep away from complications from
which she would have vainly endeavoured to guard
a friendly nation. The Government of the Emperor
thinks it therefore necessary to explain itself frankly
with the Turin Cabinet, to call its most serious
attention to the consequences of the line of conduct,
which, however, it is its own master to adopt, and
to leave it in some measure a choice between two
systems. It is with this object I address to M. le
Baron de Talleyrand the despatch of which I annex
a copy, and which I authorise you to read to Lord
John Russell at the same time as this one.

" Accept, M. le Comte, the assurance of my high
consideration, " TH. OUVENEL."

ELECTION INTELLIGENOR

WORCESTER.

There is likely to be a strong contest here accord-
ing to present appearances, the second candidate,
Mr. Hardy, brother of Mr. Gathorne Hardy,
M.P. for Leominster, and Under-Secretary
of State under Lord Derby's Government,
having received considerable promises of success
from the moderate liberal party, with whom Mr.
Padmore's extreme Radical views are not popular.
Mr. Hardy, in his address to the electors, states
that he is an " independent man" sincerly attached
to our " constitution in Church and State," and he
goes on to say
" I am prepared to support a Reform Bill for an exten-
sion of the franchise, and, that its operation may be fairly
tested, I shall oppose the introduction of the ballot, or se-
cret voting, as contrary to the spirit of our institutions and
the independence of our national character. lam an advo-
cate for improvement in every branch of the public servcie,
and .shall on all occasiocs I 3 anxious to promote such an
industry
and arrangement of taxation as will relieve
and encourage profitable employment. Every measure
which has for its object the advancement of the moral and
social condition of the labouring classes shall have my
hearty support. Believing that the strengthof our army and
navy is a necessary means for insuring peace, I shall be
ready to maintain the efficiency of both services at such a
point as befits the position which England should always
hold among the nations of the world. Althoughrny connec-
tions are more particularly with the commercial interests, I
am a landed proprietor cif some extent, and I can therefore,
without jealousy, support each, and shall ever rejoice to see
them advancing hand in hand in prosperity."
Mr. Hardy addressed a public meeting of the
electors this evening and on Wednesday. When
asked whether he would vote for universal suffrage
he said he would not vote for the ballot, but he
would extend the franchise so that every class
might be represented, and be believed that under
the present system there wasno.skilled artisan that
might not acquire the franchise in 12 months. He
should not like to make the extension of the
it fran-
chise like the giving of a bone to a dog ; was
either worth having or it was not. As to the paper
duties, he was not for taking them off, unless
some efficient substitute for them could be supplied.
If a deficiency were occasioned by the removed of
taxes they would have to consider how that defici-
ency could be best made up in the imposition of
fresh taxes. On that re-imposition he wished to see
it apportioned to the classes most able to bell. it.
Ho would rather the income tax pressed on him
than on the necessities of the poor man, but he ob-
jected to its inquisitorial character.

In his despach to M. le Comte de Persignr, the
French Ambassador to Eogland, M. Thouvenel de-
clines, on behalf of France, to join with England
in Lord John Russell's programme. Re points
out that, while England has been a spectator of
the events which have led to the present situation,
France has been an active belligerenr ; and he 0b.,.
serves, that while England is still `ire: to resume
her position as a- mere looker oni the Emperor is
burdened with the resper.sibility of the conse-
quences which may ensue from his armed action.
M. Thouvenel, therefore, with great politeness, in-
forms. onr Government that.theEmperor has taken
upon himself to inform the Court of Turin whathiS
views and wishes are upon thi; question. From
this gentle snubbing we turn Kith a bat appetite
we may to the despatch of the same date which is
addressed to M. le Baron de Tall,yrand, the Minis-
tor of France at Turin. This is a much more
lengthy and expl,inatory document. M. Thou-
et l by informing Europe, in tae person
of M. de Talleyi and, that the time is now come
when it is proper to make known to Sardinia
what is the exact idea of the Emperor's Govern-
ment upon the present grave and even solemn con-
juncture of affairs. Sardinia may do as she pleases.
England, also, may do as she pleases. nate°
desires to compel no one to follow her. But this
is the way France intends to walk. Sardinia is
warned, however, that if she departs from the foot-
steps'of France she will fall upon very treacherous
ground. The Emperor of Ihe French tells the
King of Sardinia that the popular feeling in Italy
is not to be trusted by him—that it does not mean
loyalty to Sardinia, but hostility to Austria. The
aspirations of the Italians, says Napoleon 111., in-
volve the conquest of Venetia, and menace the
States of the Church and the kingdom of the Two
Sicilies. They involve also two probabilities equally
to be avoided—war and revolution. If Sardinia
should go alone onwards she must be prepared for
the consequences into which these popular desires
must force her; she must undertake a work out of
proportion with her ordinary tot ans, and she must
become the agent of a policy which will no longer
receive its impulse from Turin. This is what must
happen to Sardinia if she does not accept what im-
undiately follows. The Emperor has pondered
upon all these matters, and from his cogitations ho
has evolved the following plan :—The first propo-
sition is that Sardinia shall have Lombardy,
Parma, and Modena, with full power to weld them
into one compact sovereignty, and to take no note
of any former political divisions. The second pro-.
position is, that the King of Sardinia shall be the
temporal administrator of the Legations of the
Romagna, Ferrara, and Bologna, exercising his
functions in the name of the Pope, and respecting
those municipal institutions which are traditionary
in the Legations. The third proposition is, that
Tuscany shall retain her political and territorial
individuality.
Such is the French programme for the ultimate
settlement of this long-pending Italian question.
Sardinia is ready to accept this, the Emperor
promises her that France will stand by her and back
her up,—" La Sardaigne serait sur de nous avoir
avec elle, et derriere elle ;"—if she should refuse it
she will be left alone, to rely on her own army.
That is to say, she will be left alone to fight Naples
and. Austria. France will not any further prose-

cute the war for her " idea." That ;' idea," like the
peau de chagrin of Pigault le Brun, has contracted
with every victory. At first it was Italian liberty
tram the Alps to the Ariatic ; then it receded from
Venetia; now it has fallen away frcrn Tuscany.
The Italians bad better make haste and fix it, or
no one can tell to what it may dwindle. As it now
stands it has not a great appearance of durability
about it. Tuscany may choose to make a free use
of her sovereign independence by annexing herself
to Sardinia, and may require the intervention of a
foreign army to compel her to continue her inde-
pendent isolation. It is not imi.ossible that the
Pope may excommunicate the Royal Vicar who is
to be intruded upon kim so soon as he enters upon
his functions. The position assigned to the Pope
by this programme is certainly somewhat humiliat-
ing, and it will be edifying to Christendom to see
how the Pope and his Vicar will conduct themselves
towards each other.

The end is not quite equal to the preface ; but,
after all, the Italians have had a great deal done for
them, and if they cannot now, after a little time
for consolidation, do the rest for themselves they
deserve but. small sympathy. M. Thouvenel does
not finish his programme without saying his little
word about Savoy and Nice. We have spoken of
this subject in another article; but so has M.
Thouvenel spoken of it in other despatches. It
evidently has just now entire possession of the mind
of the French Emperor, and it crops up-everywhere
in the French Foreign-office. Here it no longer
assumes the form of a demand for the French slopes
of the Alps. M. Thouvenel tells Count Cavour
plainly that "the possession of Savoy and the
Comte of Nice (saving the interests of Switzerland)
presents itself as a geographical necessity for the
security of the French frontitrs." What the saving
clause in favour of Switzerland means we can only
vaguely guess ; but we may safely infer that the
promise not to coerce the will of the people means
nothing at all ; and, as to the promise to consult the
Great Powers, M. Thouvenel does not pretend that
this is to have any other purport than to explain
the Emperor's " conduct." We suppose, therefore,
that we must now take all this as un fait accompli,
and restrict our curiosity to the inquiries—Who is
to be the new Grand Duke of Tuscany ? What are
to be the securities vouchsafed to Switzerland
against a French flotilla upon the Lake of Geneva ?
And how is it proposed to muffle the thunderbolts
of Rome, and prevent Pie Nono from doing mischief
to his unwelcome and uninvited Vicar ?

TILE F..I2AL TVRE(K OF TilE NIMJ2OD
STEAMER.

Considerable feeling was manifested at Lloyd's
on Saturday by the receipt of an announcement
alleging a very serious want of humanity on the
part of those in charge of the City of Paris, one of
the Milford and Waterford line of steamers, on the
occasion of the mishap to the ill-fated Nimrod,
steamer, which ended in her total loss at St. David's
Head, on Tuesday. Mr. Williams, Lloyd's agent
at St. David's, forwarded a letter to Captain Hal-
stead, the secretary at Lloyd's, from which we take
the following extract :

" St. David's, March 3.
" The Nimrod steamer was spoken with on the
27th ult. (Monday), 15 miles off the Smalls, by the
City of Paris, which refused to render assistance to
the Nimrod under £l,OOO salvage."
That the City of Paris eventually went on with-
out rendering assistance to the disabled ship is
and Ur machinery
almost beyond a doubt, although there seems sc:nemi‘siotnodbai
some difference as to the sum demanded. for giving
under sail. TI C. -
the aid. It is stated that the Nimrod was fallen in
off the Smalls, about ten o.clo
of Paris gPvii'antrgs isbbhryooktvheeent o(C1,oi INaNy'int dosfhi tePi Wsa statedas,i offered
Cv pt. .4 all, of the Nimrod,
e
of tilt. City' of Paris x;100 to
otoffetrbeeddithsaebeloemd
inveasisidele.r
Milford 'bseintg abouti,h some three.
tow him into port,
the City of Paris,etoemapatkasmanof
or four hours' run from the
it is alleged,pdoeclined
bargain, and the result was that the vessels parted,y
the City of Paris continuing her voyage to Water-
ford, and, ten hours afterwards, the Nimrod was
cast on the rocks and immediately went to pieces,
not a soul on board being spared. The whole of
the circumstances, however, are to be investigated
by the Board of Trade, who will direct an official
inquiry, under the Merchant Shipping Act, into the.
loss. The agent for the Cork Steam Navigation
Company bas arrived at the scene of the wreck with
a view of seeing that proper respect is paid to the
bodies of the sufferers, and taking chf.rge of such
of the property as is cast up. Nothing is to be seen
of the wreck, which, after breaking in three pieces
disappeared in deep water. The Nimrod had
rather a valuable cargo of Merchandise on board,
and the Mayor of Cork had some £2,000 worth of
1
goods shipped in her. The value of the vessel is
estimated at £17,000.

CHRISTY'S MINSTRELS, Polygraphic Hall,
King William-street, Strand.—Farewell Season in Lon-
don.—Every Evening at 8, and every Saturday Morning at
3 o clock. Tickets and places may be secured at the Hall
from 11 till 4, and at Mr. Austin's West-end_Box-office, St.
James's Hall, Piccadilly.—Sole Proprietor and Manager,
Mr. J. W. RAYNOR.

BENSON'S WATCHES.
" Perfection of mechanism."—Morning Post.
Gold Watches 4 to 100 guineas.
Silver Watches
33 and 34, Ludgate-hill, London, E.C.
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ROYAL ENGLISH OPERA.
COVENT-GARDEN.
ndeethc management of Miss L. Pync and Mr.W. Harrison.
r THIS EVENING, will be repeated the grand Opera, en-
titled LURLINE, by W. Vincent Wallace. Messrs. W. Har
rison, Santley, Corr', and G. Honey ; Misses Louisa Pyne,
Pilling, and F. Cruise,
Conductor, Alfred Mellon.
To conclude with the new grand pantomime, called PUSS
IN BOOTS; or, Harlequin and the Fairy ot the Golden
Pal m . Messrs. W. H.
Morgan. H. FrenchF Payne, Barnes,
Tallien, and Miss Clara
Lequine, Pasquale, Plerron, and Mons. Vandris.
Doors open at half-past 6—Commence at 7.