The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-15 00:00:00

as 'resolutely and as adroitly even as he spoke at
the close of last week, though in this more recent

instance, it is certainly obvious that the sentiments
delivered by the Prime Minister have been enun-

_
ciated by him under decidedly less delicate
circumstances. Then—it will be remembered—
Lord PALMERSTON had occasion to eulogise in no

stinted terms of praise that Volunteer Movement
which has already brought together in defence of
these islands, in corps thickly clustered through
every shire of the Kingdom, but verylittle short of a
grand aggregate of 200,000 riflemen ! Lord PAL-
MERSTON had occasion, on Friday, to eulogise this
movement, and to insist upon the necessity of in
every way furthering the development of our in•
sular defences, both by sea and by land, against

the possibility of invasion—the Noble Viscount
had to do this on Friday evening last without in
any way wounding the amour propre of that
Ambassador from the Emperor of the FRENCH, M.
le Comte DE PERSIGNY, who, if not in an unpre
cedented, certainly in a most unusual, manner was
invited to attend (for the express purpose, of course,
of listening to these among other remarks), invited
to attend through the agency of the noble lord her
Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
Nothing certainly of this kind tended last night to
enhance the difficulty of the Premier's task in com-
menting in a few flowing words upon a variety of
topics more or less vitally affecting the interests
of the general community.
Around the hospitable board of the Worshipful
Company of the Salters in the old hall of that
ancient company in St. Swithin's-lane, in the city
of London, there were happily for once not present
any of the leading members of the Diplomatic
Corps. So that while foreign affairs were not by
any means altogether overlooked, they did not
upon this one rare occasion monopolise almost ex-
clusively the attention of the principal speakers of
the night—Ministers could in fact for once take
into consideration their policy as it affects ourselves
at home, as well as their policy as it affects our
neighbours abroad. Three at least, and those three
of the chief among the sixteen members of the
Cabinet, were there ',present last night in Salters
Hall to speak for themselves—and one of these
three, the Prime Minister, to speak not only for
himself but for his absent colleagues also
vicariously. In the Ministerial Triumvirate
present, the chief place was awarded as by right
to the noble viscount the First Lord of the Trea-
sury—Lord JOHN RUSSELL, who was there also
with his three brother M.P.'s for the City, Baron
ROTHSCHILD, Sir JAMES DUKE, and Mr. R. W.
CRAWFORD, responding in his capacity as one of
London's four representatives—the Duke of So-
MERSET, who was the third Ministerial guest, re-
sponding for the Royal Navy, over which his grace
presides as chief administrator. The most extraor-
dinary omission of all that we have to note in the
proceedings of yesterday at this banquet
at the old Salters' Hall was the scarcely com-
prehensible fact that in replying to the
toast of the Royal Navy, as First Lord of the Ad-
miralty, his Grace the Duke of SOMERSET did not
at least avail himself, however passingly, of that
opportunity (upon that day !) of uttering some few
words of respectful and reverential allusion to the
g:orious hero who but a few hours previously had
been solemnly buried by his friends—not by the
Government, not by his country—in Westminster
Abbey ! Not a syllable of homage had England's
First Lord of the Admiralty to proffer to the
memory of that dauntless sailor, THOMAS COCHRANE,
Earl of DUNDONALD I Was it shame that sealed
the Duke of SOMERSET upon this head—par-
ticularly in the presence of his two col-
leagues, but more particularly in the presence of
one of them, the chief of them, Lord PALMERSTON ?
It is certainly all of a piece—it is certainly
all in perfect keeping that this great man
should have been borne to his very grave
and deposited there, without any concession in his
regard from " the powers that be" in the way, we
will not say of anything like magnanimity, but in
the way absolutely of common decency and common
gratitude. As it is, the history of Lord DUN-
DONALD'S matchless career is now consistent
throughout. It is the history of a man who did
everything for his country—and for whom, in re-
turn, his country did literally nothing. For we
cannot in reason deem the presentation or the re-
storation to Lord COCHRANE of the insignia of the
Order of the Bath as really anything—remember-
ing the shameful incident of its temporary with•
drawal from him, and of the manner of its tempo-
rary withdrawal from him, between the date of that
original presentation and of that tardy restoration!
No—here in the record of Lord DUNDONALD'S
wonderful career, we repeat, is the history of
a hero for whom his country did nothing,
while he himself throughout his career for that
country did everything. Not a gun fired—as the
great man was lowered into his tomb ! Not a
soldier visible in attendance upon the funeral cor-
tege, bearing his dead body to the place of sepul-
ture! In the tears of Lord BROUGHAM, however,
that fell into the open grave yesterday after the
earth cast into it by the hand of the Dean, the
grief of England at the departure of this great
spirit was most touchingly expressed. He is at
rest at length after eighty-five years of daring
activity, and those who honour his :memory the,
most, can now afford to disdain in his regard the
indifference, the niggardliness, the petty jealousies,
and at last even the contumelious silence of suc-
cessive Governments.

Hungary has every encouragement, following the
advice of her great Leader, to be prudent and firm ;
she finds all things co-operating for her, even the
stubbornness and cunning of Austria herself.
Every day the national spirit and the national
hopes are growing ; all accounts tell us that pea-
santry and nobles, ecclesiastics both Protestant and
Catholic, the old and the young, the education and
the illiteracy of the country, are alike in exhibiting
the same temper, and animated by the same ideas.
The youth of the universities will not submit to
literary lectures in the hated tongue of the oppres-
sor, German has to give way to Magyar, and an
Asiatic dialect to become the vehicle of modern
ideas. Nobles refuse the office, equivalent most
nearly to the honourable one of Lord Lieutenant in
this country, because they are nominated to. it by
a Monarch who is not yet legitimately King of
their country, but chiefly because he has not re-
stored to Hungary the historical rights of which
he despoiled her in 1850. They will not accept
office from an illegitimate source, and 'with dimi-
nished powers.

Even the annexed provinces (partes annexce)
themselves, 'who have been represented as tyranni-
cally governed by Hungary, are steadfast in their
desire to be dealt with as part of the Hungarian
Kingdom. Tilts is indeed wisdom on their part ;
but the difficulty was great. Austria had, by
bribery of their leading men—among whom our
readers will remember the infamous Ban of
Crotia, JELLACHICH—set these provinces against
Hungary ; but when the perfidious Hapsburgs
had attained their end they did not scruple to
violate the national sentiments of these provinces
—Transylvania, Croatia, and the Voivodina princi-
as those of Hungary itself.
pally—as imperially

The consequence is, that they all now long for the
good old times when their representatives met on
equal terms with those of Hungary in the Diet,
and when their natural peculiarities were left
wholly, indeed scrupulously, untouched by the
greater kingdom. Austria has, therefore, the
most powerful part of what she calls her em-
pire, but which Hungarians affirm to be '
their kingdom, all united in demanding entire resti-
tution of national rights. Hungary is the military
strength of Austria. Without the aid of her truly
brave sons, the heavy southern Germans would
never make her armies very formidable. Prussia
would be fully her military equal ; France could
make mincemeat of her.
It is striking to notice how firmly the Hun-
garians have stuck to one formula in all their
demands from Austria since the battle of Solferino.
Au endeavour was made a few months after the
battle to detach the Protestants from the agitat-
ing body. Out came the famous patent. It seemed
to confer so much more than was thought likely
to be given, that foreigners at first supposed the
poor oppressed Protestants would gladly accept,
it. Nothing of the sort ; the astonishing sight
presented itself of the Protestants refusing a consi-
derable measure of emancipation, and of the Catholic,
including those of highest ecclesiastical rank, back-
ing the Protestants in doing it, because it was a
patent, not a restoration of " historical rights."
Catholics, as well as Protestants, feel that there
must be no division on that point. The Catholic
Primate of Hungary firmly supported the principle
of a" historical Hungary." It is understood that
the Protestants will ultimately triumph by passive
resistance.

The same question is now the one in discussion
between Hungary and her faithless oppressors.
Austria has offered them a provincial, a local
Government, leaving them but a province of an
empire, Hungary replies—" Restore our king-
dom as it stood in 1848." The difference is indeed
vast, and one well worthy of all the firmness of
patriots. Under its old Constitution, the country
cannot be oppressed by an Emperor of VIENNA, and
by his foreign troops, except by gross and open
violation of his coronation engagements. German
soldiers would be sent back to take care of Germans,
and Hungarian soldiers would guard Hungary,
and the King and Kingdom of Hungary would be
co-ordinate with the Emperor and Empire of
Austria, properly so called. Taxation and the
levy of troops in Hungary would be a Hungarian,
not a Viennese business. The Hungarians would
be in fact a kingdom and a people. They would
adopt their own commercial policy also. A point
most important to them, and we may add to us.
For the policy of Austria has been to make them-
selves the purchasers at a cheap rate of the vast
raw produce of Hungary, by allowing her no other
market, and to sell in exchange to Hungary at the
dearest rate the bad manufactures of Austria, by
excluding those of other countries from her. The
prosperity therefore of both nobles and peasants,
who constitute the great bulk of the Hungarian
population, depends on their kingdom having power
to enforce its own commercial code. During his
short presidency KOSSUTH well understood this,
and inaugurated free trade without delay.
At present the Hungarians seem to be taking the
right course. There is no precipitancy; on the
other hand, with insignificant individual excep-
tions, there is no yielding. The few, indeed, who
seem to yield, nearly all do so with the idea of
making the Diploma a fulcrum to force the
oppressing Government to yet further concessions.
Even the newly-appointed Chancellor of Hungary
finds his acceptance of office under the circumstances
so unpopular that he has resigned, and only holds on
temporarily ; and but one solitary exile of note has
thought the scheme even workable. Hungary's
strength lies in delay. She need not hasten.
Ven etia is draining Austria of men and money ;
and either the completion of the Italian Kingdom,
by the conquest of Venetia, or a war there, will
equally be an opportunity for the Hungarians.
Meantime no other Powers of Europe will now
help the distressed despot. They do not wish to
mingle themselves up with a falling cause; while
England, and the French people, perhaps the
French EMPEROR himself, look with satis-
faction on Hungary's determination to be
free. We may naturally, under all the
circumstances, anticipate some important
changes in the spring. By that time it will be seen
what Italy is likely to do. And by that time also,
probably, the pecuniary distress of Austria will
have become intolerable. If she does not bend she
must break ; and England would see her break,
and into a hundred fragments, with not a little
pleasure. Though the pet of our Court, she is the
detestation of our people.

MR BRIGHT, M.P., AND " STRIKES."

A writer in a contemporary says :—I have pe-
rused with some attention a letter from Mr. Bright,
M.P., to a friend in Blackburn, on the subject of
" Strikes," and observe his strong expression of
opinion that an extension of the franchise is the
only hopeful remedy for this economic heresy.
Now, 1 , happened to visit Melbourne last year,
where the population is in the full enjoyment of
universal suffrage and vote by ballot, and it
grieved me to find that the building trades, as
well as others, were absolutely blinder to
their own interests than if they lived in
England and couldn't pay for a house at the
rate of 4s. a week. Their nominal rate of wages
is 14s. to 16s. per day of eight working hours,
which, from the altered circumstances of the colony,
positively forbids the employment of more than
one-half, if so many, of their numbers, and only for
the lavish expenditure of Government hitherto in
public buildings not one-third of them would be at
work. Out of this sum a large weekly allowance
is paid into the club fund for distribution among
the unemployed, and this absurd system has been
prosecuted for years by virtue of the influence of
the leaders in the union, who talk down all remon-
strances after the most Napoleonic fashion.
Many of the poor fellows complained, in terms
of sincere regret, of the condition of their bondage,
but none had the courage to break it, and the at-
tempted enzeute of which we have heard by this
mail no doubt arises from the anomalous condition
of the labour market. My own sympathies are by
no means reactionary; but I confess that it shakes
one's confidence in the propriety of an extension of
the franchise when we find, by such experience as
I have referred to, that instead of its working out
the political regeneration of the working classes,
it plunges them more deeply into the slough of
misrule, and is giving them a taste for that most
cursed of all mistaken remedies in such a case—
physical force.

Lord Stanley has left Knowsley for Hughenden
Manor, Bucks, on a visit to the Right Hon. B. Disraeli.
We understand that the banner of the late Ear]
of Dundonald was, by command of her Majesty and his
Royal Highness the Prince Consort, Great Master of the
Order of the Bath, restored to its place in Henry Vll.'s
Chapel on the day previous to the funeral.

THE LATE SIR HARRY SMITII.—By his own re-
swst the remains of the late General Sir Harry Smith were
interred at his native place, Whittlesea, in the Isle of Ely.
The funeral was scarcely a public one, though it was at-
tended by the principal gentlemen of the town, and the
several corps of Volunteer Rifles belonging to the isle. As
the Church of St Mary's, in which the family vault lies, is
closed against burials, a vault in the town cemetery was
constructed for the deceased General. A very natural de-
sire exists upon the part of the inhabitants of Whittlesea to
perpetuate the memory of the only distinguished man the
town has yet produced by a local memorial, and steps have
already been taken to secure one.

PORTSMOUTH, WEDNESDAY EVENING.—The fog
cleared off from here soon after the Himalaya's sailing yes-
terday, and a considerable quantity of rain fell during the
night, the wind at the same time becoming very light, and
shifting to the northward. This morning the wind was
round to N.W., bright and clear. During the day the wind
veered round to south, still light; but as the day closed in
it freshened from S.W., with a threatening appearance of
rain squalls to windward,