The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-05 00:00:00

It is, however,•Rome's turn just now ; and it is
al
interesting to see how the old gentleman through
whom ANTONELLI rules, comports himself. Sar-
dinia and France, notwithstanding the ostentatious
withdrawal of ambassadors, have plainly come to
an understanding. This is shown, perhaps, as de-
eisively as by anything, in the fact that Count
Cavoult feels at perfect liberty to repudiate uncon-
ditionally the EMPEROR'S Villafranca scheme of a ii
Confederation. After the unthought-of and
unhoped-for events," he says, " which we have
witnessed in Italy, it must be clear to all men that
we are no Federalista." And not only that, but the
Count argues strongly for the necessity of the
emancipated provinces joining Piedmont, if they
see fit to join her, as an "integral part of the king-
dom." The praises of the French, and the rather
strong declaration on the gratitude due from Ita-
lians to them, we might have expected. But the
explicit declarations against Federation, and in
favour of forming a strong Italian kingdom of
twenty-two millions . of people, are all a re-
versal of the formerly avowed policy of the
EMPEROR. It iroula acorn prAlanhle that, in-
fluenced by circumstances, by the very strong

opinion of this country, and by its tendency to re

duce the POPE, or to elevate him to the position
of a princely spiritual ruler, the EMPEROR now
concurs in the creation of a Kingdom of Italy.
Certain it is that the POPE now ands himself but a
purely puppet Prince. The French, his military
masters, hinting to him to look out for new
quarters ; and the Sardinians, after having swal-
lowed up all his other territories, standing open-
mouthed, and ready to swallow up Rome also.
The " summary of the POPE'S allocution" is of a

somewhat sad, yet unavoidably an amusing thing.
It is the old policy of the ecclesiastics to tell us that
the " Church in danger," means the State in
danger. But statesmen have become, we fear, very
sceptical on this point of faith. They distinguish
between the Church and ecclesiastics, and do not
think their subjects in danger of irreligion,
because the secular wealth and rank of Church
dignitaries sustain a few rough shocks.
They look back to the days of the fishermen,

and around them to States whose clergy are very
poor, and seeing the latter religious and orderly,
they think religion has got on quite as well
when unaided by worldly grandeur and dignity.
Hence the poor POPE delivers himself in vain of
plaintive appeals to all the Powers of Europe, telling

them that their thrones will totter with his own ;
that the doctrine of non-intervention is detestable
—that it is especially so applied to the estates of
the Church—that they ought all to come to his
rescue when " attacked by the parricidal arms of a
degenerate son," that all the acts of that dege-
nerate son ar• " null and of no effect," and that he
will never cease to protcst in order " to maintain

_
entire the civil power enjoyed by the Roman
Church." Poor man ! Can he not perceive that
it is just that civil power which the " degenerate
sons" of the present day will not think it " sacrile-
gious to attack," and that by clutching its
last remnants and rags, he only makes himself
ridiculous.
These " degenerate sons" themselves
leave him willingly
supreme authority in matters
of faith. He may declare an ancestor, per annum,
of our LOR.D, if he pleases, to have sprung from an
immaculate conception, till he comes to ADAM him.
self ; or he may adopt Lord PALMERSTON'S theology
and declare all of us born immaculate, and his sons
will not question his decrees. Why can't ho be
content, from his Vatican, to rule over the winds of
doctrines, and not pro rok. the modern Neptunes to
remind him that ho has no business to interfere
with the elements which they have in their own
charge and can manage better than he.

However, all things are now closing him in.
Again GARIBALDI sends the shout of victory over
one of his few faithful sons, which yet
remain, from the South. The King of SAR-
DINIA, meanwhile, meets his volunteer General,
and himself takes the command of the
army which is to join GARIBALDI'S, and finish the
work begun and all but completed by the latter.
CAVOUR himself speaks of GARIBALDI, while op-
posing his policy, in language which does honour
to his Italian heart, and which GARIBALDI seems
already, by his actions, to reciprocate ; and all bids
fair to the early formation of Italy into one fine
kingdom, the Eternal City and its Pope being the
only little break into one of its boundaries. GARI-
BALDI need not be impatient. That position can-
not last. Rome is no more a political than a mili-
tary Gibraltar. It will become the capital of the
Italian kingdom. The energies of a freed people
will soon drain its deadly marshes, and the former
mistress of the world will become again the mistress
of the land to which she belongs, Couut C.lvovit's4

everything considered, quite as deserving
of admiration. It was the same, however
—with a difference. And the difference notice•
able is one alike of kind and of magnitude.
For example, the movement now witnessed in
this country is proportionably extended by
reason of the increase of the population, by reason
of the increase of the national wealth, by reason of
extraordinary advances made during the interval
of half a century which has elapsed since the
former movement of a like kind was manifested,
the enormous and astonishing advances made since
then in the general development of all
the marvellous forces, moral and physical,
scientific and political, of modern civilisation, As
indicative of the larger scale upon which nations
and Governments have to act nowadays, it would
be almost sufficient to direct attention for a
moment to the one simple fact that the aggregate
of the French army then in 1803, under the
greatest military adventurer that, perhaps,
in the history of this world (certainly in the annals
of modern times) ever agitated the destinies of the
human race—the aggregate of the French army in
1803, under the First Consul, NAPOLEON BONA-
PARTE, amounted, as we have already iuticutted,
to a force of 300,000 men—exactly one-half
of the total of the French army now
owing allegiance in a tin," of peace to
his nephew and successor, the present NAPO-
LEON BONAPARTE. Again, as indicative of
the advanced scone of things in 1860 (amongst our-
selves), as compared with what they were (amongst
ourselves) in 1803—let it be remembered that
whereas then, in a time of war, our total
war expenditure amounted to £23,590,757
upon army, navy, and ordnance—now, in a
time of peace, we have, during the present
twelvemonth, been expending upon our maritime
and military armaments upwards of thirty millions
sterling ! Nay, the total amount of our, expendi-
ture, during that warlike year of 1803,
reached an aggregate of precisely £48,998,230
—while we know but too wall nowa-
days that, during the current peaceful
year of 1860 the aggregate of the national expen-
diture has exceeded seventy millions sterling ! Yet,
recollecting the difference referred to, therefore, we
maintain it is still instructive to remember the con-
trast presented to view by the nature and extent of
the preparations made in England for the national
defence in 1803 and 1860. Fifty.seven years ago then
—our predecessors prepared against the probabilities
of a threatened invasion as vigorously as in their
way, according to their means, as we have very re-
cently been preparing against the possibilities of
any such imperilment of our independence—as

vigorously, but, we repeat, v,ith a difference

Beyond a militia force of 80,000 men Ccalled out on
the 25th of March, 1803)—beyond the regular
army of 130,000 men—the Hoase of Commons on
the 28th of June, 1803, agreed to the unwonted ex•
pedient of raising 50,000 men additional by pro-
scription This extraordinary measure being
adopted with a view to raise the aggregate of the
regular troops in Great Britain to a total of
112,000 men, exclusive of the troops scattered far
and wide over the globe in our distant colonies.
The 50,000 additional soldiers obtained thus by
proscription being raised in the proportion of
34,000 for England, 10,000 for Ireland, and 6,000
for Scotland. Added to which there was intro-
duced in the Legislature on the 18th of
July, 1803, the memorable bill enabling the
KING to call out the levy en masse, and authorising
the lords-lieutenant of the shires to enlist all the

male adults in the United Kingdom between the
Whereupon,
age of seventeen and fifty-seven— a proceeding that
resulted in the enrolment, within a few weeks, of
3%00,e0 eoup menon,
fully armed and rapidly disciplined !
1h
in the presence of that majestic move-
ment—not
betoG
a word merewaad
was heard,
unusualeardt heenxpoefdtihenatt
(thanks
of a compulsory proscription ! Recollect the Volun-
teers of the metropolis alone amounted to a total of
nearly 50,000, namely to 46,000! Recollect, too, that
in the October of 1803 King GEORGE 111. reviewed
in Hyde Park—(it read:: like the record
of a more recent incident under his royal grand-
daughter)-27,000 of these patriotic Volunteers.
But—in the remembrance of all that enthusiasm of
fifty-seven years ago—let it be borne in mind that
the reply of the people was then given to the visible
threat of a most formidable invasion prepared
against these islands by NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.
Now—all that we have been doing is in answer to
vague rumours of the mere possibilities of invasion.
T et the war-trumpet but actually sound against us,
and we may rest assured that our 150,000 Volun-
teers would soon enough be multiplied to an
aggregate of half-a-million. Under any circum-
stance, we may confidently assert that the peculiar
1803, is
difference discernible between what has been done
nowadays in 1860 and what was done formerly in
the fact that the movement of 1803 died
out with the di*appearance of the danger threatened,