The Sun.
London, England, 1860-04-25 00:00:00

CORN EXCHANGE.

Our market to-day was very scantily supplied with Eng-
lish wheat, coastwise and by land carriage. The trade was
by no means brisk, yet it ruled steady, and Monday's prices
were well supported. The general quality of the samples
was only middling.
There was a moderate inquiry for foreign wheat, but the
business doing in it was by no means extensive at late
rates.
Floating cargoes of grain were inquired for on Irish ac-
count, consequently prices ruled firm.
The few samples of barley on show were disposed of at
extreme rates, and the demand was decidedly healthy.
There was very little doing in malt ; prices, however,
were supported.

Oats, beans, and peas ruled firm in price.
The flour trade was steady at the late advance.

ARRIVALS THIS WEEK
Wheat. Barley Malt. Oats.
English 650 (90 i 400 ' 20
Irish
Foreign 1,5:50 I 5,530 I 1,250 i 10 sks.
I bls.

Flour.
SSO

BOROUGH HOP.
Weald of Kent and Sussex pockets are in fair request, at
full prices. Other kinds are a slow inquiry.

WHITECHAPEL.

The supplies of meaTaientoderato on the whole, and the
trade is steady, as follows:—
Beef, from 2s 10d to 4s 4d ; mutton, 3s Sd to 46 10d ;
lamb, 5s Od to 6s Od ; veal, 4s Od to 5s Od ; pork, 3s 8d to
53 Od per 81bs.

THE MORTARA CASE.—The Tribunal Criminal
and Civil of Bologna has acquitted Father Feletti, of the
Order of St. Dominick, Inquisitor of the Holy Office at.
Bologna, charged with having carried off by force the child
of the Jewish couple Mortara. The rev, father, in answer
to the charge, represented that in " sequestrating" the child
(so ho designated the abduction) he had only obeyed the
orders of the supreme Holy Office at Rome, whose agent he
was, and could not, therefore, be held personally respopasible,

DEBATE IN MEP .RUSSIAN 011ADIBEE.

The debate in the Prussian Chamber of Repre-
sentatives on the Hesse question was brought to a
conclusion in the sitting of the 21st inst.
On the previous day M. de Vincke brought for-
ward his motion approving the course followed by
the Government.
"M. Duneker, member for Berlin, declared that
the articles of the final act of Vienna, which pro-
mised constitutional government, had been delibe-
rately and systematically violated, and that the
policy of M. Metternich had made the Diet a mere
police institution. Since 1848, he said, when the
legal authority of the Diet-was buried with the
hatred and contempt of the whole German people
and with the consent of the Princes, Austria had
incessantly attempted to drag Prussia into compli-
city with her system of politics. It was now to be
seen whether this attempt, which had succeeded
during the unhappy ten years of the Manteuffel
Administration, would equally succeed under that
of Prince Hohenzollern. To give way now would
be to submit to a defeat more shameful than that of
Olmutz in 1850. I shall perhaps be told (he said)
that I am exposing the weakness and divisions of
Germany at a moment when the common enemy is
at the gate. (Great excitement.) Gentlemen, Ido
not lose sight of these dangers ; I know what those
words mean—' L'empire c'est la paix.' Europe
has been divided ; thereupon the mask is dropped,
and the theory of natural frontiers has been sub-
stituted for 'ideas.' It is of no importance that
this theory has been taken up in some cases
and repudiated in others. Every document
which come from France is stamped with the
same indifference to the rights of others,
the same determination to take account of no in-
terests but those of France. Have the European
Powers found anywhere the strength necessary to
resist this encroaching policy ? Are they taking
care to safeguard the common law of Europe in
Switzerland, and to defend the rights which were
conferred on that State for the good of all ? It
cannot be said that they are. Russia has her own
internal difficulties, and is thinking how she can
make good her designs in the East. Austria is
meditating vengeance on the Italian parvenu, and
perhaps also on the German parvenu. England,
formerly so proud—England, which in the time of
the great Prince of Orange could rally Europe
around her—has almost made up her mind to sell
her birthright for that mess of pottage, a treaty of
commerce and navigation. Is it not, then, time for
the monarchy of Frederick the Great to take in
hand the task which formerly devolved on Eng-
land, and to render all other alliances superfluous
by a close and intimate union with the German
people ? (Loud applause.) This necessary union,
so imperiously demanded by the dangers of the
future, would be gravely compromised by signs of
feebleness in dealing with the Hessian question,
and thus the course pursued by the Government is
one not only of honour but of prudence. To aban-
don it and sacrifice the interests of Germany to a
fallacious agreement with the Governments of
Germany and Austria, would be to augment, and
not to avert, the dangers which hang over us.
(Loud cheers.) M. Duneker went on to say that
he felt sure that the Government would persevere
in the course on which it had entered, and that the
Chambers of Germany would imitate the example
of the Prussian Parliament. He hoped the motion
of M. Vincke would be carried by an imposing ma-
jority.

.4 M. Reichensperger (Catholic) exhorted hon.
members to preserve unity in Germany. The eyes
of the man who watches over the pulsations of
Europe were turned upon them, and he would act
when he thought Germany was divided. If Prussia
sowed disunion she would reap a mournful harvest.
" M. Mathis reviewed the history of the Hessian
controversy. He said it was Prussia which Austria
really sought to strike in Hesse. He recollected
Schwarzcnberg's words, ' We must degrade Prussia
in order to destroy her.' Unhappily, in 1850, there
was a Prussian coterie to aid the Austrian Minister
in that work; but it was not so .now. Let us,'
said the speaker,' keep a good conscience towards
the German nation, and God will protect Prussia
whatever may happen."
The debate was resumed on the 21st by M. de
Berg (a liberal Catholic, and ex-Member of the
National Assembly of Prussia in 1818). He first
replied to M. de Biankenbourg's attacks in the pre-
vious sitting against the democrats. He attributed
the defeat at Olmutz to the feudal party. M. de
Blankenbourg now disavowed the policy of 1850,
which humiliated Prussia before victorious Austria.
Passing to the calling of Prussia, M. do_ Berg re-
minded the Chamber that when the King-of Prussia
declined the Crown of Germany he said that the
election of the National Assembly of Frankfort gave
him a claim. Now, every right implies duties and
obligations. Prussia has thus assumed the duty
and the obligations of defending the rights not only
of the German Princes, but also those of the German
nation, the duty of replacing the National Assem-
bly, of not allowing faith and hope in German
unity to be despaired of. (Loud applause.) The
late Government failed in that mission, and caused
Prussia to lose the sympathies of the nation.. That
fault had now to be remedied.

"We hear (continued the speaker) of the dan-
gers that would arise from a schism in Germany.
I can only see one danger—that is, that Prussia
should not advance with sufficient boldness.
Should Austria be excluded from Germany, it
would be no great evil. Dangers from abroad
have been spoken of. Gentlemen, dangers increase
in proportion to the fears they inspire. (Applause.)
Confidence, not fear, ought to be inspired. Hope of
victory and contempt for defeat are the sentiments
which make it possible to overcome every obftacle."
I. de Puttkammer did not think the report of
th 6 committee went far enough. He should like to
see the dissolution of the Diet in consequence of the
Hesse question. He concluded by expressing the
-Nish that the brave people of Hesse should finally
be delivered from their unhappy position by the
voice and, if necessary, by the sword of Prussia.
(Applause.) _ .

AL de Schleiuitz (Minister of Foreign Affairs)
made a sarcastic reply to M. de Blaukenbourg's
speech of the former sitting. Despite the opposi-.
titan of the hon, member, he believed the Govern-
ment was quite strong enough to hold its ground.
The discussion having been declared closed,
M. de Vincke, the proposer of the motion, ad-
dressed the Chamber. He replied to the Poles who
had declared their intention to abstain from • )ting.
He reminded them that, since the Treaty of
Vienna, the Poles of the Grand-Duchy of Posen
were Prussians, and that, if they took no interest
in Prussian affairs, no interest could be taken in
them. In reply to the arguments of 31. de Reichen-
sperger, M. de Vincke developed the idea that the
German Diet had no legal existence. It had been
said that it supported the people of Brunswick
against the Duke Charles in 1830 - But on that
occasion, when the Brunswickers had already done
themselves justice, had the Diet attempted to de-
fend the Duke it would have had England against
it. It gave proofs of weakness instead of strength.
We may, therefore, should you deem it advisable.
gentlemen, take conge of the Diet. (Laughter.)
The Diet is dead by law recognised by all Go-
vernments. Invited, purposely, by M. de Schmer-
ling, I was present in 1848 at the solemn sitting in
which the Diet decreed its awn fate. I moreover,
remember a note addressed on the 25th of August,
1850, by the actual Minister of Foreign Affairs to
our Envoy at Vienna, and in which it is said that
the Prussian Government has never doubted that
the German Diet has legally and for ever ceased
to exist. Well, gentlemen, that which is dead
irretrievably cannot be supported. (Laughter.)
Coming to the Hesse question, M. de Vincke did
not think the moment had arrived for Prussia to
withdraw altogether from the Diet. She would be
forced to do so if the Diet went further—if it showed
an intention to subject Hesse by force of arms. It
woui‘lid.
dsueffii.cteeiefohrenthspeeprro.ecsren,s present for
motion
Prussia to hold her
Europe,
ground.
M. de Vincke then declaimed against any alliance
with Austria. If, he said, during the last war, Prus-
sia had been allied to Austria, she would have made
peace with France by guaranteeing to the Emperor
Napoleon the left bank of the Rhine. We must not
rely upon Austria, who has learnt nothing and
forgotten nothing, and who is bankrupt. We are
asked, what do we, then, want ? We want, gen-
tlemen, a very simple thing. We want the unity
of Germany, and of the German races under the
hegemony of Prussia and to the exclusion of Aus-
tria ; that is what we want, neither more nor less.
(Loud applause.)
The chief opponents of this unity are the smaller
States, which are too great to wish to be extinguished,
and too little to be able to live. I should advise no
coquetting with those States. The Government
must look to the nation for sympathy, and it will
attain it by a frank and manly policy.
Should the Government adopt such a policy with
all its consequences we would willingly grant the
estimates for the increase of the army. But it is
not by increasing the army alone, it is by obtaining
the sympathies of the whole nation and of the militia
that the Government will be able to resist France.
(Loud applause.) On such a path we may do great
things. Let the motto on our flag be ' Prussia's
rights,' and victory will be our reward."
M. de Vincke sat down amidst loud applause.
The Chamber then proceeded to vote.
" Considering the. actual political state of
the safety of the common country depends
upon the union of all German States. The
Chamber expresses the confidence that the Go-
vernment will effect a reconciliation orL 0,9 glib.