The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-29 00:00:00

THE PERMISSIVE BILL.

The Alliance Weekly News states that upwards of
8,700 petitions in behalf of the Permissive Bill,
bearing nearly half a million signatures, have been
presented to the House of Commons this session.
The same paper states, by way of showing the diroc-
cion which public opinion is taking, that the guar-
dians of St. Marylebone have agreed to petition
Parliament to close places of amusements and
refreshment at eleven o'clock on Saturday night,
and at twelve on other nights. Mr. Verey, a pub-
lican, is said to have made "an able and argumen-
tative speech "in moving the resolution. "He
fully believed the working classes were fore-
most in desiring a change." Mr. Tucker, C. 8.,
seconded the motion on general grounds, as he felt
sure that nine-tenths of pauperism and crime were
produced by drink. Sir J. Hamilton, Bart., said he
would be glad to assist in any way in his power in
carrying out the object desired; and though one
member of the board heroically fell back on the
objection of " not wishing any infringement on the
lilierty of the well-conducted part of the community,
because of the follies and wickedness of another
portion," he was left in a minority of one when the
resolution was put.

THE WORKSHOP REGULATIONS ACT.
The Factories Act proved such an undoubted
success that there was little opposition to the passing
of an Act regulating the workshops in the same way.
But this measure, intended principally to relieve the
overworked sewing-women in the metropolis, does
not in all cases work so satisfactorily. A letter
appears in the Telegraph from " A Mantle Maker."
It appears from this that not the employers
only are displeased with it, but those whom
it is intended to benefit find it rather
add to their privations. The employers evade it ;
the employed and not their mistresses have to suffer
for the change. If less hours are to be worked in,
less wages are given. If a holiday from the work-
room is provided on Saturdays, it must be spent
by the seamstress working at home. In the work-
shop the fire and the light and the refreshment are
provided by the employer, but at home the expense
of these falls en the worker. Parliament can hardly
alter this. It has provided against collective oppres-
sion in the workshop ; it cannot follow the woman
to her home, and protect her there against herself.
Nor can it regulate the rate of wages. It can only
set up the Factory Act as the standard whereby
those who will do well may learn how to do it. It
can but hope that the education may be speedy.

MR. FORSTER'S SPEECH AT BRADFORD.

A correspondent of the Telegraph, who describes
himself as " An English Eye-Witness of the Ameri-
can War," is pained at the manner in which Mr.
Forster has spoken of the English sympathisers with
the South. He claims credit for a honest convic-
tion that the great point at issue between
North and South was not slavery, but Southern
independence. Most of the Southerns disliked
immediate emancipation, but some of the warmest
opponents of the principle of slavery were. among the
Southern officers. This writer recalls a conversation
held in 1862 by Stonewall Jackson's staff. One
officer from Alabama urged the re-opening
of the African slave-trade, when General
Jackson struck in with the remark, " Then
the first sword that will be drawn against you
will be mine." The "English Eye-Witness" has often
heard General Lee repudiate the allegation that he was
.fighting for slavery. Mr. Forster would be naturally
indignant if any doubt were thrown on the sincerity of
his Northern friends. Why then should he be doubt-
ful of the sincerity of such men as Lee and Jackson ?
The unfortunate assertion of Vice-President Stephens
that " slavery was the corner stone of the new
poli-
tical edifice," has given rise to much misappre-
hension ; but this correspondent asserts that Mr.
Stephens had little weight in the confederation
for which he did little and suffered less.
Mr. Benjamin, at a public meeting after the ineffec-
tual conference at Hampton Roads, said that his
Government had sent by their commissioners a
sheet of paper to President Lincoln and Mr.
Seward, bearing at its head the words
" Southern Independence," leaving Mr. Lincoln
to fill in what terms he would. No terms were
offered. The writer concludes by expressing the
anxiety with which he regards the present aspect of
affairs in America, and. the angry feeling which
exists among the Irish-Americans against this
country.