The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-27 00:00:00

THE AMERICAN PRESS.

The Springfield Republican considers that the
sword of Damocles suspended over England is
working an immense change in the foreign rela-
tions of European Powers. The balance of power
is in the hands of President Grant and the Ameri-
can people. By a, kind of
poetic justice England is
punished by her treason to liberty in the American
Civil War and other acts, and while her hands are
bound by the American complication, the Emperor
of Russia is emboldened to act in the E tat. Mr.
Motley enjoys the advantage of an intimate ac-
quaintance with Bismarck, which may prove of value
in the course in England he may be compelled by
circumstances to take. Mr. Motley is not only
Mr. bunther's cherished friend, but diplomatically
he is an embodiment of Hs speech. " The proper
vindication of our dignity and our rights need not
necessarily be regarded as a provocation of war.
We can afford to wait for some time longer, until,
under the efficient administration of President
Grant, Great Britain and the English people shall
become convinced that we demand only what Eng-
land, if she had been in our position, would have
insisted upon with much greater rigour than we
have as yet seen fit to exercise. Great Britain
having placed herself in the wrong, and the authors
of that wrong—her principal statesmen—having
made a public recantation, so far as they indi-
vidually were concerned, we should think that
England's honour were as much interested as
our own honour, in a comprehensive and equit-
able settlement of this all-important question."
The .spirit of the bites hold 4 that Englandpehanids
awakened to the position by Sumner's speech
the rejection by the Senate of the Convention she
cooked up, and that she will tender the required
redress, not through any dawning Genie of justice,
but because she has diacoyered that the American
people are not to .be humbugged nor put off from
and because she cannot afford to re-
main under the dttresse of this Alabame question
any longer. As the situation leaves Americans
perfectly at peace they are indifferent as to Eng-
land's course, for the pressure of the situation is to
her war enough. " It cripples her frotn hostile
operations against even the movt puny foreign
power, and binds her, through the. overhanging
peace."
dr.?.,,ti of our repris il.=., to keep the general
practically incapable of conducting
Great Britain is
a war on anything like equal terma again
the3t
United States. Sne is no longer a military power,
but if she were she could effect nothing wa3-of inva-
sion. Canada would compensate fortht
°injury inflicted
upon American commerce. When England durina,
the war drove that commerce from the sea, it was
only felt as a slight incident to the condition. [We
thought Mr. Sumner's complaint was that it doubled
the duration of the war, and coat America
£400,000,000.:--ED. A.A. T.] With England, loss
of commerce, which is the breath of her nostrils, is
very different. It would bring stary ation to the A

door of every operative in a month ; therefore Eng-
land cannot go to war ; but, in case war did result,
America has little fear. " Our plan then is, to let
England gnaw the file of this Alabama question to
her heart's content, and allow her journals to rail
at us without reply. Our case is made ; we know
what we intend, and we have nothing to do but to rest.
placidly within our lines, until Engl and comes to
our terms, or until our opportunity arrives. Oar
judgment is, however, that she will curse herself
down to the level of surrender, and when that is
done, and she desires to make,amends, we may pro-
perly accord her such diminished terms as becomes
a generous and superior power." If England be
allowed to delay atonement it is the duty of the
Washington Government to pay the sufferers. The
Spirit learns frotn Washington that the President and
Cabinet are discussing the plan it suggested a month
ago—to audit claiinsfor the damage done by the An-
glo-rebel cruisers, and pay by orders on the Treasury.
"A bill will accompany this measure for the issue
of Alabama bonds, running, say thirty years, at
five or six per cent., in crier that the people may
take them, and thus relieve the Treasury from the
new burden. The bonds will doubtless be the most
popular ever put upon the market; and when the
whole amount is audited and the last of the bonds
iesucd, the Government may probably conclude that
the hour has arrived to close the question with
Great Britain by a demand for immediate restitu-
tion."

The Public Ledge? of Philadelphia, remarking on
the effect produced upon the newspaper press of
England by the rejection of the treaty and Senator
Sumner'sspeech, sees through the various comments,
the uniform assumption that the Senator's expres-
sions embody the demands of the Government and
people. This is an error; and the Ledger thinks
there is reason for the belief " that neither the Go-
vernment, nor the journals, nor the ruling classes
of the people of Great Britain, have ever correctly
understood or estimate.? American feeling on this
question. There is no general desire in America
to make exorbitant demands upon Great Britain ;
there is no such desire to press that Government
to the verge of national humiliation ;' nor is there
any wish among those thoughtful men who move
and control the great industrial, trading, commer-
cial, and influential interests of the United St rtes,
and whose views are always respected by our Go-
vernment in international affairs, to indulge in the
luxury' of a war with England." The feeling in
America is that at the outset of the rebellion the
then existing British Government acted in a most
unfriendly spirit towards the United States, en-
couraging the fitting out of hostile vessels to destroy
American commerce, which caused in indirect de-
struction millions of dollars and indirectly millions
more. "The two peints,.in their estimation, go to-
gether; they-should be considered together, and they
should be considered independently and apart from
any other matters of dispute or negotiation between
Great Britain and. the United States." The weak point
of the late treaty watt that it did not provide a sepa-
rate, distinct, and specific mode of settlement, and
no one could see through it the end of the Alabama
controversy, while its obscurity made the people
and Government afraid to trust it. The Ledger
considers the unfriendly course of Lord Russell's
Government in 1861-62, so clear to Americans that
they believe the common sense of Europe to be
with them, and that the English are convinced of
the error of their Government, regret its acts, and
believe some clear, frank, manly form of contri-
tion should be expressed, instead of the subtleties
and finesse of diplomatic conventionalities. " When-
ever the British Government approaches the settle-
ment of the Alabama controversy in this spirit,
the end will not be far off. Till then there is
danger in it, though we believe our people prefer
to wait rather than to seek fora settlement by war.'

The Nation asserts that calm consideration
begets much dissent from and dissatisfaction with
Mr. Sumner's speech, as a statement of the Ame-
Hem cause against England. His plan of making
England apologise for the neutrality proclamation
is assailed as both unnecessary and certain to fail,
while even its legal position is attacked. The na-
ture of England's offence is not presented in a dis•
tinct theory. In one place she is charged with
giving Confederate ships the rank of lawful
gerents by her proclamation. He then calls these
lawful ships " pirates," showing that the procla-
mation gave them no lawful status. Further on
he alludes to them as English ships engaged in war
against the United States. They ctnnot be all :
" If the proclamation gave the Confederates a law-
ful status, their cruisers were not ' pirates.' If it
gave them no status, and they were pirates,' Eng-
land is not responsible for the proclamation ; while,
if they were English war vessels assailing the com-
merce of a friendly nation, all talk about the pro-
elamatiou is a mere waste of breath. Any intelli-
gent reader may satisfy himself, by looking care-
fully at the speech, that it is really marked by the
confusion we have here described, and we are
therefore sorry that somebody did not undertake
the work who had firmly grasped some one of these
doctrines, and could present it clearly and vigour-
, ously. Mr. Sumner has supported all three vigour-
ously by turns, but none of them long." His sen-
timental charge for the want of sympathy was out
of place in a legal argument, especially wbere it
took the form of damages. If such a rule is to be
introduced into national law it ought not to be
confined to questions of slavery. It would then be
proper " To bring England to book for the indiffe-
rence or hostility of her aristocracy to the temper-
ance movement, and her neglect of popular educa-
tion, and the low condition of her almshouses.
Grotius and Puffendorf would probably be asto-
nished to hear of Admiral Farragut burning the
shipping at Liverpool, or shelling the fortifications
at Portsmouth, because the House of Commons
was not ' sound' with regard to the proper treat-
ment of the insane, or was obdurate on the eight-
hour question, or deaf to woman's claim to the
ballot ; but Grotius and Puffendorf, poor old
fellows, wrote according to their light, which was
small, and are now dead, which is well for them."
The Tribune, in announcing Mr. Motley's in-
structions concerning the Alabama claims, considers
them to exhibit " the consciousness of an impreg-
nable position felt alike by the Government and
people of this country, and our entire readiness to
await a more convenient season, or a better temper
on the part of our British cousins, before passing
the settlement of a matter which we can very well
afford to leave open as long as they can." There
is no menace of war, no threat of hostilities ; no
fillibustering raid upon Canada is meditated. "Mr.
Motley has simply to tell the British Secretary for
Foreign Affairs that we are assured in our position,
and can afford to wait. That is all."

The New York Herald, in its usual peremptory
style, brings the question to the alternative of a
prompt settlement or war ; but the New York 7 imes
takes an opposite view, discussing the question with
temper and conciliation.

There is an able article in the New York indepen-
dent, written by Win. Lloyd Garrison, " Our Rela-
tions with England." He considers Mr. Sumner's
speech to be a model in clearness of statement, force
of reasoning, dignity of treatment, and calmness of
temper. At the same time he notices and dwel's at
length on what he holds to be aflaw—the partwherein
Mr.-Sumner invokes the memaryofWilberforceagainst
England. His argument is' precisely that of the
English press, that England could not consider it
a war against slavery, while Mr. Lincoln and Mr.
Seward did all in their power during its early
stages to deprive it of such a character, the one
being the official head of the nation, and the other
its mouthpiece with foreign States. IVhen the
character of the war did change, and the blows were
struck directly against slavery, the writer asserts a
"great change to have been immediately wrought in
England. Pamphlets were scattered broadcast
throngh;. the Lind, and everywhere the Northern
cause found earnest champions.

The New York Nation has an article on the news-
paper scandal, the Young-Dana affair, which is
treats as of a serious nature. The New York Sun
asserted that it only affected Mr. Young himself, a
statement which, if correct, would leave that paper
without a shadow of excuse for devoting four of its
columns to the publication of his private letters,
and the exposure of his private • affdirs.— • "What
makes his doings and those of his friends in Phila.-

delphia of the least importance to the world at large
is that he has, during the Piet three eventful years,
had almost entire control of one of the most impor'
taut instruments for the moulding of public opinion
in this country and that the gentleman in Phila'
delphia who now acknowledges that he paid a man
for whole months to steal despatches from another
newspaper office, to be used for his own pecuniary
benefit, was at the time he did it engaged in edit'
eating the party' up to higher moral ground abOut
the negro. Considering the kind of people sonle
of the ' educators' of the party during the last five
years have been, the wonder is that it should be
even as decent and well-behaved as it is." It ill
almost impossible to over-estimate the influence
erected by a daily paper on the fortunes of public
men and affairs, as the editor, by simple iteration,
can do more than talent, learning, and logic can
undo. Even apart from his editorial coca'
meets, in supplying and arranging news he
makes or mars a politician's career, consigning
one to obscurity by silence, by treating his sayings
or doings as of slio,ht importance, or, by inuendoes
about them, by spreading falie reports or attribut'
ing base motives. On the other hand, he may push
a worthless adventurer into the place of an honest
man. The character of the men who control, such
machinery is of the first importance to the coming'
nity, and ought to be taken from the hands of those
who forfeit public confidence, or the country will
lose almost its sole remaining instrument of re'
form. " The influence of all other agencies on
public affairs is comparatively slight. The periodi'
cal, and, above all, the daily press, is engrossing
more and more of public attention ; and unless WI
morality grows with its strength, and the men NO°
manage it, having so much to sell, are not respect'
able men, we might as well ask the knaves, without
more ado, to divide our substance between them'
Politicians nobody trusts; the judiciary fewer
trust every day ; the pulpit has greatly declined in
influence; and if the newspapers go over to the
enemy, and sit at his orgies, what is to become of
us ? It is therefore greatly to be regretted that
Mr. Young has not been able to deny the genuine'
ness of the letters, or else offer a satisfactory or"
planation of them. The bringing of a libel snit
against the Sun does not meet the difficulty, because
the libel suit cannot he tried for two years to comet
and because we observe by Mr. YOung's affidavit,
on which the order of arrest was obtained, that 110
does not meet any of the serious points raised by the
letters themselves."

The New York Citizen has another long leader e!
impending Imperialism. The establishment of sae'
a paper as the Imperialist not only without molestir
tion, but almost without a remonstrance, the Citil
regards as a startling fact. On the contrary, lee':
ing Republican journals have seized this opportuolll
to ventilate their own views for a more central'
and stronger form of Government. " When a jean"'
like the Round Table," says the Citizen,"gravely dd
dares that we are drifting into Imperialism, all
the Cincinnati Commercial talks of the coining oelv
tralization which Ls to absorb and govern the Cell;
tinent, we may well wake up to what seems near ,s
hand." Some assert the impossibility of a change 10
the present form of Government, or even in its so',
den and violent overthrow, but the Citizen declarel
the Radicals have effected this change alreoq;
having overturned States, robbed millions of their
right to representation, tore the national constite:
tion to pieces, and pasted it together with par,. 'e/
patches, so that the fundamental law should to
made to follow a party, and not the people made
conform to the law. These Radicals have beeeof
law to themselves, ruling the land with a r0d...,
iron, making it suffer the terrors of a despot
without the paternal care such despotisms usoll7f
extend. After enumerating the unlawful acts
the party it adds, "All this time, behind Cortgr';
we have seen the drawn sword." The road bell).
thus smoothed from such despotism to actual It
perialism is an easy step. The danger must uot_.,7,
disguised nor ignored, nor must the presumed vie:6
ness or incompetency of "the man on horseback' L'
held in disdain. The Citizen points its retuarv,
with a striking illustration. The Radical party 10
ing exhausted the means which placed it in poWeri
the issues which made it having passed away, it
a desperate resort to continue in power having
ti
come necessary, the Administration which star
with the cry, " Let us have peace," is enlistiugto
formidable standing army to prop peace with 10°.
bayonets, and the military believe that all measure
.„s
must be conducted by military means. The Cita(
considers the most alarming feature to be the utte
•
apthy of the people, who, like the great tulddle•
class of France, want to make money, and O
let alone. " Our own quiet submission to agw 0,
dual but persistent usurpation of what we once Id
sidered sacred rights ; the growing love for 10,8
and extravagance so prevalent throughout
country; the forced feeling everywhere thatEßPttb'
licanism, at least as Radicalism has administers.,
and and construed it, is a failure; and that fatal fuewof
we have for change, and the ready acceptsoce
change, without considering whether it is a chs oge
for the better—these are the dangers of the dal;
A respectable newspaper in New Jersey dolo,
that the Imperialist, the organ established to ou„
.'oes
cate Imperialism, is " edited under the stlely.
and at the cost of the Secretary of the NOY, &Jo,
Adolph Bork," and still further, that " Grant no
self lends countenance to the scheme by aiding ',l';,"
money and means its circulation among his frieo"

..a
,
MADLLE. ILMA DE MURSKA. —A. promised .4
,kts.
appearance in the musical world will not at a very ‘"-eft
date be the talk of the country circles as presented et IPog
own doors. There are no more spirited enterpreneti
all the world is aware, than the directors of the 11"0.0.'
Italian Opera, Covent-garden, and Of her Majesty's Thee
It is to these gentlemen's indefatigable determination
make the Italian Opera in this country the nl P 1 of
Amite
of attraction (now that the union of the operas Ss--
the fact), that we shall owe a great appearance for .4.
hidem
country opera lovers are little preparsd. Dramatic se.
and musical artistes of no common note, have 01
before this, heard in number in the country. Bute sPO
far
feature of Mr. Mapleson's usual operatic tour this f°, the
coming time will be the presence in his company 10
celebrated singer and artiste, Madlle. Ilma de Murske*
°Ø
01
many respects she is the most remarkable and the
tot
admirable vocal actress and dramatic vocalist that lists 001
hoard in an opera house. Her line of art is peculiar' •
her operatic heroines are sympathetic and surprisiDg 0 l
degree that is beyond belief by those who have not jot
her. London is crowding, at present, to the Boys-
-1 101
Opera, Covent-garden, drawn by her brilliant taientgiobig
LAD VERTISEBIENT.I—Henceforth no oue will doubt the 'TOO,
properties of Du Barry's health-restoring Revalenta
Invalids' and Infants' Food, since to the thousands of blepee'
it has already received from Invalids whose position 11„ roffi
deemed hopeless, we may now add that of his Holiness t ',Ars
whose health has been perfectly restored by it after thirl9s'ette,:i
unsuccessful medical treatment. We quote from the " a!t„, Se
Midi," July 25th :—" Rome, July 21,1866. The health of retie,
Father is, excellent, especially since, abandoning all othercaleo
dies, he has colciflhed himself entirely to Du Barry's Ile,/ 0:4
Arabica Food, of which he consumes a plateful at sveotOtca
It has produced a surprisingly beneficial effect on his be,„:,
his Holiness cannot praise this excellent food too hig114,216,."0
extract a few out ofmore than 68.000 cures :—Cure No. ~,„31A:1,
the Marchioness de Brehan, of seven years' liver c(4t:ibtit';',
wasting away, debility, nervousness, with a nervous Pailot
ae
all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, and theZiort4o,
tolerable nervous agitation. Cure No 1.771: Lord oe7io,
Decies, Lord-Lieutenant of Waterford, of many years'
No. 49,832: "Fifty years' indescribable agony from "Yoaol,lr,
nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, ,o,
sickness, and vomiting —Maria Joly." Cure No. 4,6,!a° itifiaor
James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of 30 years' disease 6.
spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deali-o .
re
portent Caution—Beware of the many unsavoury and /AO
sloppy imitations to which, without authority, Baron 16;
name is most
In audaciously attached. lbeAo
tins, at Is Ild; 1 lb 2s 9d; 2lbs 4s 6d; 5 lbs lie;rgoC
24 Ibs 40e.—Also DII BARRY'S REVALENTA ARABICA `•;;;. C", 5,50
POWDER is packed in tin canisters: for 12 cups at 18, 01,0
at 38 6d, for 48 cups at 6s, for 288 cups at 30s, fur 576 cu are e',
—being about one penny per cup. The 30s and 555 till'order'
free of carriage in England on receipt of Post-oflce,,,doo; $P
BARRY DL- BARRY and Co., No. 77, Regent-street,
all Grocers and Chemists.

BIRTLIB. Wald'
Gooch— On the 25th inst., at Bettws-y-Coed, North
the wife of H. D. Gooch, Esq,, of a son and heir' WO
TATTERSALL—On tho 26th inst. at at Coleherne Coot
Brompton, Mrs. Edmund Tattersall, of a daughte

211..41?111AGE5. 13 err*
FERGUSON—nonous—On the 25th inat atrltalb,a- ger
William Ferguson, of Reading, to Louisa" eldest --
ter of Samna Nicholls, of Bunt. ffentl'
FRlTH—Lownns—On the 25th inst , at 11011'A --,,,,ttec°
second son of the late Hy. Frith, Esq.., of the urTer of
Of ee, Dnhlin, to Mary, second surviving dauh,33.
the late Wm. Lowndes, Esq., of The Bury, Chesil'

DEATES. '
FREMANTLE—On the 25th inst., at 57,
licl3'
Groscenor-steiree6td.
.H Admiral Sir Charles owe Fremantle, G.C.8., age
HALLIDAY—On the 22d inst., at Lee, sent, John gal
Esq., aged 36. 1i5123
Wwituesr.LEit—On the 24th inst at 58 Flee-Are°,
p sv/v•
London: Printed and Published by WILLLAY
of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE Sul; Office, N'0.112 ,0/„..•
in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county of fai—
Tbarglay, May 27, 1869,