The Sun.
London, England, 1856-07-15 00:00:00

ry_P 15, 1856;

that if this part of the Pope's manifesto were carried
into execution, eVerything which my noble and learned
friend himself would requ're to insure the better ad-
ministration of justice would be accomplished. (Hear,
hear.) But, as I have sail, ray lords, a 3 yet the exhibi-
tion of confidence in the Italian people hac never been
attempted. There has never been tried a system of ad,
.ninistration founded cn the policy of depending for Secu-
rity on the affections of the peop'.e' and the determine.-
tien to promote their welfare. The policy hitherto
adopted has always been the policy of fear, founded upon
the expectation of immediate revolution, without any
attempt being made to analyse the cause of the fear,
or whether the apprehensions entertained by the Go-
vernment are justified or not. But, my lords, this is not
a natural state of things. It is not natural for men to re-
bel against their Government. Hatred of a Government
that does all in its power to secure the we!fare of its peo-
ple was never a national feeling. I am convinced that
the people of Italy are as accessible to kindness as those
of other countries. It will not be found that they have
any objection to have their wrongs redressed, or that
they are more difficult to govern than other people; if
their rulers will but attempt the work of reform in good
faith and in good earnest, and under a different sense of
the responsibility which attaches to them than they have
hitherto shown. Ido not know that any object of prac-
tical utili y would be attained by any attempts to fol-
low my noble and learned friend further through the

' various topics touched upon in his speech. He has
himself pointed out some of the great difficulties
that must attend any interference on our part—he has
' stated in plain terms the difficulty we should have to
' encounter in acting alone in such a case, and he has also
stated in plain terms why it is necessary that the pres-
sure should come from France and England together ;
and I believe that until we can apply that j Ant pressure
in all its force we shall not obtain the result we all de-
sire. I can only add that the question of I, aly--the
question of the amelioration of the condition of the Italian
people—her Majesty's Government have as much at
heart as the Parliament or the people of this country,
and that in every way they can, by their good offices, by
all the moral influence, and by ail the efforts they can
use, they will endeavour to effect its accomplishment.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE denounced the po-
licy he understood to have been enunciated by his noble
friend, that under lie circumstances could :the applica-
tion of force be justified in Italian affairs.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE (Lord Clarendon
having left the house) intimated dissent.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE was happy to find
tbat he had miscnderstood the.noble lord, and that it was
admitted that circumstances might arise in which the
application of actual force might become necessary. He
trusted that no attempts would be made to excite revo-
lution in Italy, which could only result in faction and
bloodshed. When it was said that there must be no
armed intervention, he wanted to know what it was that
maintained the King of Naples on the throne at this
moment ? NVas it not well known that if to-morrow
there was an outbreak at Naples against the reigning
monarch, an Austrian army would be brought to put it
down? He spoke without Government responsibility,
and he might therefore speak openly, Let there be
open speaking in the British Parliament, for the opinion
expressed there, when open speaking was prohibited i❑
every other country, might possibly have some weight.
There was no reason, he thought, why they Rbould not
know the facts which had been reports f do the Go-
vernment by our Minister at Parma. They ought to
be informed of the grounds upon which Austria had
taken military possession of that duchy, and held it in
direct opposition to the treaty of 1815. There was
nothing but military occupation almost throughout the,
whole laud of Italy—foreign soldiers 'on the one hand,
and brigands on the other. In regard to the'etate of the
north of Italy we had a right to interfere, seeing that it
affected the balance of power in Europe ; but be ad-
mitted the difficulty of doing so without the concurrence
of the continental powers. His noble friend said all that
was required in the I alien States was good government;
but what hope was there of good government while the
foreign occupation continued, seeing that the foreign
troops were there to maintain bad government ? (Hear.)
He trusted that the Parliament of England would make
such a declaratio❑ of its sentiments as would prevent
any doubt or delusion as to the determination of this
country to exercise all her influence, and, if necessary,
her power, to prevent the occupation by foreign armies
of States that ought to be independent, for the purpose
of maintaining tyrannieal governments which were a dis-
grace to the age. (Hear.)
The Marquis of LA.NSDOWNE, after expressing his
doubts of the practical utility of continuing the
discussion, remarked that in the momentary absence of
his noble friend (Lord Clarendon) he had ventured to
interrupt the noble marquis with a sign of dissent, when
he said that his noble friend had declared that under no
circumstances could interference by force in the affairs
of Italy be justified. He begged to remark that he con-
sidered the noble marquis had been in error as to what
fell from his noble friend. His noble friend limited his
statement to this—that in the present state of things in
reference to Italy, and in the present state of negotia-
tions, the. application of force would be inexpedient,
but his 'noble friend by no means laid it down as an
absolute rule that the affairs of Italy were in that satin•
factory state that is was impossible under any circum•
stances force could be had recourse to. Oa the contrary,
what his noble.friend did say, concurring with the noble
and learned lord atthe table, was that circumstances might
arise under which interference by force might not only he
a right, but might absolutely become a duty. But before
force was resorted to every other means must be exhaust.
ed, and they must take care [to have with them such
a general concurrence as would obviate any danger of a
disturbance of theigeneral peace of Europe. They should
recollect, too, that they were, while discussing the pro-
priety of armed interference, protesting against that in-
terference on the part of other powers. With regard to
Parma there was, he understood, an intention to with-
draw the Austrian troops, and, in the case of Rome, it
appeared that all parties were anxious to put an end to
the foreign occupation. Under these circumstances, he
trusted the house would not allow themselves to be car-
ried away by their feelings so far as to commit any act
that might occasion difficulties and embarrassment in
carrying out that intention.
The subject then dropped.
REGISTRATION OF VOTERS(SCOTLAND) BILL
This bill was read a third time and passed.
PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
The house went into committee on this bill, and
clauses to 11 inclusive were agreed to.
On clause 12,

The Duke of ARGYLL defended the bill, and depre-
cated the opposition of his noble friend opposite (the
Duke of Buccleuch) who had given notice of an amend-
ment, the object of which was to strike out this act! the
two succeeding clauses. He said the bill was a compro
raise, had been approved of by the majority of the Scotch
members of the House of Commons, and would afford
facilities for religious instruction, in which all Protestant
dissenters might participate. He strongly urged upon
their lordship to accept the bill as a final settlement.

The Duke of BUCdLEUCH then rose to move the
omission of clausel2, declaring that he had heard nothing
to alter his opinion respecting the bill. If it had not
been that the salaries of schoolmasters ha I been reduced
one-third he believed that their lordships would never
have heard of this bill. He maintained that the present
school system of Scotland had the support and worked
for the benefit of the country at large. Under these cir-
cumstances, and with the concurrence of many persons
whom he had consulted, he should move the omission of
this clause.

Lord PANMURE supported the clause. It it were
expunged from the bill he believed that the other house
would not accept the bill from their lordships' hands.
Such he thought was not an advisable po-ition for that
house to place itself in. He urged that though the main
object of the bill was to obviate the necessity of the tak•
ing of religious tests by schoolmasters, the God-fearing
character of the people of Scotland was such that they
would scout any system of education in which religion
did not play a most important part.

The Earl of HADDINGToN added a few words in
opposition to the clause. If the House of Commons de-
clined to receive the bill without this clause, upon that
house and upon the Government the responsibility of the
rejection would fall.

'The committee divided—
For the clause 2O
Against it 5O
Majority —SO
. _

The clause was accordingly struck out of the bill.
- -

The Duke of BUCCLEtion moved an amendment in
clause 12 by omitting a portion of it, and inserting words
to require the schoolmasters to have a certificate from the
inspector of the Privy Council, or a diplcma of the Edu
cational Institute of Scotland ; but, arter some discus-
sion, he, on the suggestion of the Duke of Argyll, agreed
to withdraw the amendment, on the understanding that
the clause should be amended on bringing up the report.
The clause was then agreed to.
Clause 14 was struck out.

The other clauses were then agreed to.
The Duke of ARGYLL said, before the house re-
sumed, that, after the alterations which had been made
in the bill, it was no longer the bill of Government, and
the noble duke must henceforth take charge of the bill.
The Duke of BUCCLEUCH said the bill was brought
in under the responsibility of Government, and they
must not desert their own child.
The house then resumed.
The Oxford College Estates Bill passed through com-
mittee.
The Aldershot Camp Bill, the Drainage (Ireland)
Bill, the Grand Juries (Ireland) Bill, the Church Build-
ing Commission Bill, and the Dulwich College Bill, were
severally read a third time, and passed.
The Revenue Transfer of Charges Bill, the Encntnbered
Estates (Ireland) Bill, and the Court of Chancery (Ire-
land) Bill, were severally read a second time.
Their lordships then adjourned, at a quarter-past nine
o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONA
—ESTERDA.Y.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The Lords' amendments to the Castle Douglas and
Dumfries Railway were considered and agreed to.
The Perth Burgh and Harbour 73.11 and the Boston,
Sleaford, and Midland Counties Railway Bill were con-
sidered and ordered to be read a third time.
MALT DUTY.

Mr. BASS moved for returns of the member of bushels
of malt brought to charge in each of the three years end-
ing the sth or Ist of July, 1854-55, and 1856, as the
years may end on ono or other of those days ; of the
number of bushels of malt in stock on which additional
duty was charged in May 1854, and the amount received
therefrom ; of the number of bushels of malt in stock on
the sth day of July 1856, and the amount to be returned
thereon ; of the average price of barley for each of the
three years before named ; of the amount in " old duty"
charged on English hops for each of the before•named

three years; and of the number of cwts. of foreign hop,
imported in each of the'same three years.—Ordered.
Mr. BLACK moved for a return of the number of
bushels of malt in the hands f maltsters, brewers, vie.
tuallers, dealers, or in the hands of any other person,
for which there has been claimed the repayment of the
war duty of Is. 31.1. per bushel, ace )rding to the pro-
visions of the act of 19 and 20 Victoria, chap. 34,
distinguishing the amount of money claimed by each
ciass respectively.—Ordered.
COLLECTORS' FINES.

Mr. J. EWART moved for returns of all persons,
with their names and occupations in full, on whom fines
have been levied from the Ist day of January, 1850, to
the 23d day of June, 1856, in the Prescot Division of the
County Palatine of Lancaster, for refusing to act as
Collectors or Assessors of Government Taxes.—Ordered.