The Sun.
London, England, 1856-07-30 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 30, 1856.

" What are you to do ? Why praise his Lord-
ship to the skies." "But he doesn't deserve it."
" The greater reason you should give it to him.
He stands in more need of it, and will be corres-
pondingly grateful." Such would seem to have
been the logic employed to remove the scruples
we cannot but think our contemporary, the
"Post," must have entertained while about to
review the events of the session. And great has
been its success. To read the laudations show-
ered on his Lordship's head, you would imagine
he had conducted the most glorious session on
record to the happiest possible termination, and
the nation was in ecstasies over his Lordship as a
Heaven-sent Minister ! Instead of which, the fact
is patent and notorious, and removed beyond the
region of successful disputation, that there never
was a session more profitless, or of which, we will
add, an Englishman had more reason to be ashamed.
There never was a Premier who had so many
measures kicked out of Parliament, and whose
alleged triumphs, with one or two exceptions,
would less bear thinking of. Is it a reasonable
ground of praise we ask—the conclusion of an
ignominious peace at a moment when a series of
glorious victories following on a period of frightful
disaster, were within our reach ? A peace that
left Russia so poworful that, to judge by the pre-
sent aspect of affairs, no long time may elapse
before, in her European relations, she is master of
the situation. A peace that cost us a hundred
millions of money, and has left us without one
material advantage, and destitute of a single reli-
able ally ! Credit the Cabinet of the Noble Lord
with the "unwearied application to public affairs"
and " the unceasing vigilance" the Post attributes
to it—certainly the Peace is but a sorry illustra-
tion of its "unexampled sagacity," unless by that
be meant the extremest minimum of common
sense. So much for the greatest event of the
session. Turn to others of a minor description.
Is it a reasonable ground of praise that the
County Police Bill, placing the entire police of the
country in the hands of the Home Minister, has
been framed to the imminent risk of the liberties
of the people ? Or shall we find it in the Cam-
bridge Reform Bill, which leaves that University
almost as ill adapted to the times as the com-
mencement of the session found it ? And what
shall we say of the rejection of the Ecclesiastical
Courts Bill, the London Corporation Reform
Bill, the Local Shipping Dues Bill, and other
measures, by the House of Commons ? It
would surely be hard to find matter of ministerial
congratulation in the fate of any of them. Never
surely had eulogist less excuse for fulsome panel,
gyric. The story of the session is a story of
failure—failure in great things and failure in
small—failure in the Premier, failure in the
Cabinet, and failure in the House,. The only
success achieved has been without, for if the
country is prosperous the people alone are to
thank for it.

Under such circumstances, to talk of the Cabinet
of Lord PALMERSTON " standing forth bright in
honour and high in the estimation of the people '
is to use language which will serve the one as
little as it is likely to conciliate the other.

Every eye is now turned toward Madrid, or
rather to Saragossa. The affairs of Spain consti-
tute the topic of the day. It is the excitement
of the moment, in comparison wherewith all
other topics are stale and flat. There'is still au
ominous silence respeeting the progress of events
at Saragossa, and in such case every sincere ad-
vocate for liberty and constitutional government
must consider "nl news to be good news." The
silence proves that there, at least, the Liberal
party hold their own, and that " order," accord.
ing to the Imperial interpretation, has not as yet
been restored.

The semi-official article in the Moniteur, there-

fore, seems, to use the mildest terms, to have
been premature. The French Government,
or rather the EMPEROR—for he is the Go-
vernment—has too soon expressed sympathy

for O'DONNELL and the cause of abso-

lutism. It is painful to witness the complete
casting aside of disguise by one from whom we
had, up to the beginning of the present year,
hoped better things ; but, according to the time-
honoured adage, " forewarned is forearmed," and
it is well to know from what quarters assistance
may be anticipated, and also the Powers that
must be vigilantly watched. If liberty has occa-

sionally degenerated into licentiousness, we be-
lieve that the name of " order " has been stil

more seriously desecrated, and that the most atro-
cious and unjustifiable abuses have been but too

frequently perpetrated under that sacred name.

There seems to be a similar mistake on the part
of the French Ruler as to the nature and effect o f
what he is pleased to term a coup d'etat. From
the article in the Moniteur, it would appear as if
a coup d'etat meant only something altogether op-
posed to the law, for which the shadow or pretext
of a justification could not be discovered. Louis
NAPOLEON may be well qualified to speak on such
a point. But he can scarcely expect the people
of a free country, who still enjoy at least the ap-

pearance of constitutional government, to coincide
in his peculiar views. If the concentration of
troops on the metropolis of any country in suffi-
cient force to overthrow for the time being any
demonstration that may be excited—if the forcible
suppression of the Parliament of the country, and
the institution of martial law and despotic power
for quasi constitutional government be a " coup
d'etat,' then one has taken place in Spain—
effected, too, by the vilest treachery and duplicity.
The foundations on which the throne rested have
been forcibly uprooted—the very title of Isa-
BELLA 11. has been destroyed, and we are told,

forsooth, by the scribe in the Moniteur, that this
" not a coup d'etat," but " simply a resigna-
tion of Ministers, accepted purely and simply by
the QUEEN after reiterated refusals !! !" It is
needless to refute the ridiculous argument. We
can only regret that the man from whom such
palpable absurdities have emanated should, within
little more than 16 months, have been deemed
worthy of a cordial reception—nay, more, a
triumphant ovation in the British Metropolis.
It only proves the gullitility of the English
people, and how liable they are to become the
dupes of dissimulation and duplicity in high
quarters.

We, however, rejoice to find that there is an
almost unparalleled unanimity amongst English
journalists as to the real cLaracter of the affair.
All are agreed as to the true nature and
effects of the proceedings, and show that there
is but little reason to suppose that public opinion
in this country, or any influential section of
politicians, will acquiesce in the judgment of the
Tuileries. Even the Tines speaks out boldly and
unequivocally. There can be no possible mistake
respecting the following graphic description
of the actual state of facts, which we ex-
tract from its leading columns. It says :
"We find that O'DONNELL, taking advantage of
his position as Minister of War, had concentrated
20,000 men on the capital. His first step was
to surround himself with colleagues who had two
years before, when for a few hours in office, turned
the cannon of the army against the people. The
first act of the new Ministry was the proclamation
of martial law. The Legislative Assembly was dis-
persed by force, fired upon when proceeding in
deputation to the presence of the SOVEREIGN, and
driven from their legal place of meeting by grape-
shot. We find the capital in arms to resist this
treasonable violation of public law, and we hear of
a desperate contest, in which the National Guard,
after several hours' fighting, are crushed by the
large forces concentrated on Madrid. The next
intelligence is that the Cortes have fled to a pro-
vincial town. Arragon receives the National
Assembly, which declares that it has been dispersed
by a monstrous act of military violence. Barce-
' lona is soon in revolt, and the flame spreads. At
the present moment Saragossa is held by an insur-
gent army, and we learn that in the south Malaga
and Granada have not yet submitted. The Minis-
try is intent on crushing all resistance to its power,
and everything is postponed until after the paci-
fication of the country.' "
The Cortes, then, are sitting at Saragossa—
" Malaga and Granada have not yet submitted.'
Surely there is still hope, under such circum-
stances. O'DONNELL has had a temporary triumph
at Madrid. But NARTAEZ, who hastened to the
frontier, has not been allowed to participate in
the attempt, and has been sent back with scant
ceremony to his old quarters at Paris. This seems
to show that O'DONNELL still hopes to conciliate
the Constitutionalists. He bas certainly not wooed
with great tenderness, nor appeared very chary
of the blood of those for whose support he is bid
ding in his own rough manner. But it shows
that he still feels that he is "leaning on a broken
reed" in reposing the slightest confidenee in the
pledges of the Court. He has had too striking
proofs of their worthlessness, to rely on any pro-
mises of ISABELLA 11. She has deliberately
sacrificed ESPARTERO, to whom she owes
her crown. She has shown that she is in-
capable of gratitude in its ordinary sense—that
she is ready to enter into any conspiracy against
the liberties of the People which she had sworn
to respect, and even the instrument of her ambi-
tious projects cannot hope that she will deal dif-
ferently with him when he ceases to be useful or
even necessary. O'DONNELL is a bold and un-
scrupulous soldier. He must be fully aware of
his actual position, and the knowledge will
be turned to the best advantage. We have ar-
rived at " the beginning of the end," and shall
watch the next proceedings with great anxiety.
We cannot, however, "hail the movement with
sympathy !" or believe that " it is a change of a
nature to. consolidate the Throne of ISABELLA."
That may be the opinion of the EMPEROR, but it
is not shared in by any true-hearted Englishman,
or any real Liberal in any part of Europe.

The " Limited Liability Bill" promises to be
of immense advantage to Ireland—advantage
respecting which the most ardent Irishman and
the most resolute upholder of the Union can have
no valid ground for difference of opinion. That
hitherto unhappy country, which has suffered all
the evils the absence of capital and the exhausting
influences of penury and famine could dovetail
into misgovernment and intestinal division, is
almost without a parallel in natural resources.
To one of the most fertile soils in the world, and
an intelligent population, she adds, without re-
ferring to other sources of wealth, a mine of
riches in the deep seas that flow around her great
and inexhaustible. Every description almost of fish
that finds its way to the Eaglish market, and com-
mends itself to the palate of the gourmand,' is to be
had for the seeking off her coasts—many th ron g-
ing, as if eager to be brought to market, her mag
nificent bays. The starving peasant has but to
stand on the shore, and look beneath his feet to
witness shoals of the choicest fish sporting
in the waters. Fishermen, at once hardy,
industrious, and versed in all the mysteries of