The Sun.
London, England, 1860-01-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 20, 1860.

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ENGLISH PHRASEOLOGY : a Series of
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----------
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MR. ALDERMAN NALOMONS, M.P., AT

D.LTTFORD.

Last night Mr. Alderman Salomons, M.P., met
his constituents in the Lecture-room, Deptford, to
give an account of his Parliamentary conduct, and
to confer with them on the state of public affairs.
The room was crowded in every part, and on the
platform were several of Mr. Salomons' leading
supporters and friends.
Mr. L. Taylor was called to the chair, and intro-
duced the hon. gentleman to the meeting.
Mr. SALOMONS, having expressed the gratifica-
tion which he felt at meeting so many of his con-
stituents, said, the report which every member of
Parliament had to make of the amount of business
done during the last session might almost be sum-
med up is the little word nil. They did something
towards the national defences, and increased for
that purpose the income-tax, but they did little
more. The men in the dockyards had been kept
well employed, and we had now as fine a fleet as
ever sailed ; but no one, he was sure, grudged the
heavy taxation which had been imposed when it
was known that it went to maintain the national,

honour. Another session of Parliament was now at
hand, which would probably be the busiest we had
seen for many years, and it was desirable that
members representing large constituencies should
take every opportunity of conferring with them on
public questions. He would very briefly allude to
three topics—foreign affairs, home affairs, and

local affairs. As to foreign questions, he might
observe that Europe was at this moment in a pecu-
liar position. They had seen an unexpected war
break out in Italy, from which this country had the
good sense to stand aloof. (Cheers.) They had also
seen an unexpected peace, and were surprised to
find that, after a vast expenditure of money and a
great waste of human life, the affairs of Italy seemed
to be left in a state of greaterdmbarrassment than
they were before the war. (Hear.) The great and
powerful empire of France played an important and
distinguished part in that war, and it was impossi-
ble not to admire the bravery of her troops, but
it was, after all, difficult to see what great and
wise object had been gained by it. (Hear, hear.)
He was not one of those who thought that this
country ought at all times to stand aloof from Con-
tinental politics. It was neither consistent with
the interests nor would it be agreeable to the wishes
of the great majority of the people of this country
that we should conduct ourselves in regard to foreign
affairs merely as weavers of calico and makers of
iron, and be utterly indifferent to all that concerned
other nations. (Hear, hear.) He thought we
might interfere on many occasions by advice and
counsel, and, accordingly, it was his opinion that if
a European Congress was t• be held this country
should not stand aloof from it, but should take part
in it, with the view, if possible, of bringing about
a peaceable solution of the perplexities of Italy.
(Hear.) At the same time, looking at the peculiar
position of the Papacy, and considering that the
sympathies of a large portion of the people of this
country were with the Papacy, he thought it was
desirable that we should as far as possible abstain
from any interference with a question like that.
(Hear, hear.) It was not desirable to do anything
that would. excite religious antagonism, or to lead
any portion of our fellow subjects to think that we
were acting with unnecessary harshness upon a ques-
tion in which it was really unnecessary for us to
interfere. (Hear, hear.) If, however, the Catho-
lic Powers of Europe asked us to join them in de-
liberating upon the existing state of affairs in Italy
it would unquestionably be our duty to do so, and
to endeavour to bring them to a harmonious con-
clusion. He deprecated foreign intervention in the
affairs of other nations such as they had too often
witnessed ; but if we were able by our counsels, by
co-operation with Franco or any other Power, to
produce some new combinations by which Italy
might be set free, we should act wisely in doing so.
(Hear, hoar.) There was no other foreign question
of any importance except the hositilities with China.
They could not but regret the war with that ancient
empire ; and he thought that the unhappy affair of
the Peiho might have been avoided had there been
a little more sagacity and forbearance shown by our
ambassador. He would say nothing of the course
taken by the Admiral, who undoubtedly had shown
very great gallantry. When this question came be-
fore Parliament, as no doubt it would, he should feel

himself obliged to ♦ote in favour of those hostilities

which the Government had advised the Queen to

commence. (Hoar.) With regard to the rifle
volunteer movement, he thought that whatever
might hays been the cause of it was of very little
moment. The experience we had acquired in the
Crimea and what had occurred in the late Italian

war led us to consider our position and in what our
defences ought to be. The policy of this country
was peace, and, above all, it was our interest to be
at peace with France. We ought rather to be ex-
changing commercial products with that country
than exchanging threats and blows, and they would
all be glad to see that the French Emperor had de-
clared in favour of a policy which was likely to pro-
mote the trade of both countries. (Hear.) If he
succeeded in establishing that policy he would be
considered not only a great Sovereign but a great
benefactor to mankind, and would do much to give

men confidence in the peace of the world. (Hear.)
At the same time, experience had taught us the ne-
cessity of looking to our defences ; and the first and
foremost of those was the navy. General Codring-
ton, he remembered, once said that they ought to
look upon the Channel as tho ditch of a fortifica-
tion, and if they took care to have the ditch well
defended no enemy could came near us. (Hear.)
He trusted, therefore, they would always have a
fleet powerful enough to guard the Channel, but
that should not prevent them having also their rifle
corps. As Germany had its landwehr and America
its militia—where every second or third man was a
captain or colonel—(a laugh)—so we should have
our rifle corps. This would not make us more war-
like, but it would make us more confident when we
knew that we were always ready to defend our
homes and our firesides. (Hear, hear.) The rifle
movement was essentially a peace movement, and
he was sure Parliament would be ready to give it
the fullest recognition. He was afraid that our
national defences would have the effect of running
up a considerable bill ; but our trade was good,
employment was increasing, and nobody would
grudga the expense. On the subject of home
affairs he would first mention church-rates. He

had already voted, and would again vote for Sir
J. Trelawny'B Bill, believing that it would be for
the interest of the church itself to have those
rates abolished. He had also voted for the ballot

and would do so again whenever the opportunity
occurred. On the question of the Reform Bill
Ministers had kept very close. Thera were no
whispers, and members of the Cabinet could not be
got to talk about it. He believed, however, that
Lord John Russell would not bring forward any
bill that would not greatly enlarge the franchise
and redistribute seats, probably annulling some of
the very small boroughs. There would probably
be a great struggle between the Liberal and Con-
servative parties on some points. The former
would endeavour to extend the franchise as much
as possible, and the latter to prevent it. It would
be a matter very much to be deplored if the Reform
Bill were again checkmated, and he believed it
would cause great disappointment among the work-
ing classes. Whether the franchise would be

lowered to £6, £7, or £B, he did not know, but he
trusted that a good bill would be passed, and that
Lord J. Russell would take care to insert many of
the smaller boroughs in Schedule A. He thought
it desirable to take what they could get in the way
of reform, and he thought the moderate men of all
parties would agree in thinking that a bill of some
sort should be passed this year. (Hear.) He would
not be disposed to vote for a mere sham, but he
hoped an improved bill would be passed, such as
would save the country from the scandals that had
occurred at Wakefield and Gloucester. (Hear,
hear.) The hon. gentleman then referred to local
affairs, referring in the first place to the non-rating
of the Government establishments, an evil which
was strongly felt in the borough of Greenwich.
No doubt the Government manufactories carried on
there were a great advantage to the district ; but
what would they say if such men as Penn and
Maudslay were to establish great works in a dis-
trict, and then plead exemption from rates olt the
ground that they conferred great benefits on it by
employing
the people? (Hear, hear.) He would
endeavour to eorrect this evil, and would support
any bill that was brought in for the purpose.
The next local matter to which ho would rarer
was that of the Metropolitan Board of Works.
This body meant to promote a bill in Parliament
for extending their powers, and he believed it
was intended to apply, among other things, for
the removal of the coal-tax. The Board would
have the power of taxing the inhabitants of
the metropolis to an enormous extent, and would
be able to send their own clllectors for that pur-
pose to all parts of London. He had nothing to say
against the members of the Metropolitan Board of
Works, of whom their chairman was one, but he
contended that a body which had the power of tax-
ing the people to so great an extent ought to be
elected directly by the rate-payers, and not through

the trebly distilled medium now in use. At present
the ratepayers elected the vestry, the vestry elected
the local board, and the local board elected the
gentlemen who were to sit at the Metropolitan
Board of Works. These gentlemen had most
im-
portant duties to discharge and ought to be elected
by those who paid the taxes whtch they imposed,
not by a new-fangled plan unknown to our
ancestors and to the parochial system of the coun-
try. (Hear, hear.) He hoped the sentiments he
had expressed were in harmony with those of his
constituents, and in conclusion he begged to state
that if on the introduction of the Reform Bill any
question arose on which it was difficult to arrive at
a conclusion, he—and he was sure Mr. Angerstein
also—would come before the constituency with the
view of learning their wishes, so that if possible
there might be harmony of opinion between them.
(Chews.)
Mr. MARLIN put some questions to the hon.
member with reference to the Metropolitan Board
of Works which he strongly condemned ; the
operation of the Poor Law ; and the conduct of the
gas companies, to which Mr. Salomons gave satis-
factory replies.
The following resolutions were then put to the
meeting and carried unanimously.
" That this meeting reviewing with satisfaction the con-
duct of Mr. Alderman Salomons during the past session of
Parliament. desires to express its sense of the efficient
manner in which he has discharged his duties as one of the
representatives of the borough."
" That the meeting anticipating the many important
measures likely to be considered in the approaching session
of Parliament would express its perfect confidence in Mr.
Alderman Salomons a member for the borough at this
juncture of political affairs."

Mr. SALOMONS thanked the meeting for the con-
fidence they had thus reposed in him, and moved a
vote of thanks to the chairman, who in reply
answered some of the charges brought by Mr.
Maelin against the Metropolitan Board of Works.
The proceedings then terminated.

TILE MEMBERS FOR GLASGOW AND

THEIR CONSTITUE.STS.

Messrs. Buchanan and Dalglish, the representa-
tives of the city of Glasgow, addressed their con-
stituents ii the City-hall on Wednesday evening,
the Lord Provost presiding.
Mr. DALGLISII, on coming forward, was received
with cheering. He said,—With regard to the last
session, it was a very short one. Almost the only
matter of importance done was the turning out of
one Ministry, and the forming of another. There
were some measures passed, and the reason that so
few measures were brought forward was evidently
the necessary shortness of the session. The coming
session is called at an earlier period than usual by
about a week. I presume, therefore, that the Mi-
nistry have determined to make it a truly working
session, and that we shall have a great many im-
portant questions brought before us, and perhaps
the most important of all—the great question of
Parliamentary Reform. Not having been admitted
behind the scenes, I can give you no account of what
is likely to be brought forward in the shape of a
Reform Bill ; but I do trust that, since Lord John
Russell has had great experienee in making Re-
form Bills, and as he has before him,the very re-
cent experience of the Reform Bill introduced by
Lord Derby's Ministry—l do trust that the Re-
form Bill he will bring forward will be one, not
certainly likely to satisfy all the inhabitants of the
empire, but which will set the question of reform
at rest for a considerable time. I trust that it
will be a liberal and enlightened measure of re-
form, that it will be free from the defects of the

Reform Bill of the late Ministry, that it will sweep
away a great many of what we call rotten bo-
roughs, that it will amalgamate others, and group
them so as to give a great number of voters to each
constituency, and thereby prove to some extent a
redistribution of electoral districts. I trust, also,
that the Reform Bill will contain some provision
for the prevention of bribery and corruption. (Ap.
plause.) I am sure you must all have felt disgusted
with the recent investigation into the cases of
bribery which took place at the last election. I
myself do not see very well how this is to be pre-
vented, unless we have the ballot, or, failing the
ballot, that we have it made a penal offence to bribe
any voter at an election. (Hear.) Gentlemen, while
expressing my hopes that the Reform Bill shall be
something satisfactory to the great body of the
country. Tat the same time mutt bpg ynu to bear in
mind that Parliamentary Reform has long been the
stock-in-trade of the Whigs—that it has always
been their stand-by when they were out of office,
but when they were in they ceased to be such good
Reformers. (Hear, hear.) I therefore think they are
not likely to spend their whole stock-in-trade in
their present efforts, but leave a little to stand by if
they should unfortunately be again turned out of
office. (Laughter.) Since, I may say, we were
returned to Parliament very great events have
taken place in Europe. We have had the Emperor
of the French making war against Austria on the
ground that he wished to see the Italians freed from
the domination of Austria in Lombardy, and per-
haps also with the view to free them from the domi-
nation of the Dukes in the States. We know that
he marched the French army into Italy, and that
they fought various successful battles—battles cele-
brated for the importance of their results and the
gallantry of the soldiers engaged upon both sides.
'F he French were no doubt successful in these bat-
tles; and we saw the peace at Villafranca concluded,
but that peace unfortunately did not appear to the
lovers of Italian liberty likely to lead towards
Italian freedom. Whether that peace was brought
about by the fact that the Italians had set them-
selves free in the meantime, and that constitutional
liberty was coming too near to the French soldiers,
I know not ; but still it is true that th 3 peace of
Villafranca was concluded. We had then the meet-
ing at Zurich, and we have since had a violent ex-
citement in France against England. While I was
in Spain I saw there symptoms of the feeling of
the French and Spaniards being hostile to Eng-
land, and every letter I received from England
told me there was a violent excitement in France.
But on a sudden this was entirely changed.
A new order went out from head-quarters, the
papers that had been most violent were admonished,
and when I arrived at Oporto in the middle of De-
cember I found there that the people who I believed,
and had reason to believe, were furious against Eng-
land a month before, were now all in love with the
English race. Now, gentlemen, when the peace of
Europe is so changed by the simple stroke of the
pen of one man, I hold that it will be dangerous for
us to trust in t hecontinuance of that peace. (Cheers.)
But while I say that we should not have confidence
in the preservation of peace, I have no wish what-
ever that we should go to war. All that I wish is
that we should not relax in our endeavours to place
the country in the best possible state of defence.
(Applause.) And to place this country in a state of
defence it will be necessary that we also make up
our minds to pay the taxes necessary for that pur-
-1 pose. (A laugh.) It will not do for you to expect
Mr. Buchanan and myself to represent you in Par-
liament, and to be economical in the extreme. We
have a great duty to perform, and a duty which, I
believe, you will admire us for performing—it is to
see this country placed in a proper state of defence.
(Loud cheering.) Then, with regard to how that is
to be done. There are proposals—l cannot give you
any history exactly of what the proposal is—but
there is a proposal to expend £10,000,000 in the
defence of our coasts. If that is to be frittered away
in putting up batteries similar to the one near Gou-
rock--(laughter)—l think the money might as well
be thrown into the sea. (Hear, and applause.) If,
on the other hand, that sum of money is required to
defend our great naval arsenals—and I believe that
it may be necessary—it should be freely granted.
Then comes the question of our navy. We are
enlarging our nevy. The Government of Lord
Derby first called the attention of the country to
the deplorable state of the navy. Sir John Paking-
ton made great exertions to improve and increase
it, and I am glad to say that his successors in office
seem to have proceeded in the same course. It must
be gratifying to us all to see every day—at least
very frequently—a notice of the launch of some
large vessel of war, proving that steps are taking
to make our navy as strong as we possibly can
in a given period of time. lam glad also to
be able to inform you, on what I believe to be very
good authority, that the Admiralty never felt them-
selves more comfortable than at the present mo-
ment in respect of what has always been the great
difficulty with our navy—the supply of seamen. I
have reason to believe, from a letter which 1 have
received within the last few days, that we are in
an admirable position in that respect—that the
large number of vessels that we have recently had
employed has produced, in consequence of the ne-
cessary evolutions and practice, a very large body
of admirable seamen. It is very well for us, then,
to know that such is the fact ; and I can assure you
of another thing, and I think it right to do so—
that we have now a Secretary to our Admiralty,
one not only of our most intelligent members of the
House of Commons, but also one of the very best
officers in the naval service—l allude to Admiral
Lord Clarence Paget. (Applause.) I should have
been more pleased had his lordship been at the