The Sun.
London, England, 1869-11-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 2, [869.

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THEATRE-ROYAL DRURY- L ANE.
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This EVENING. at 7, BELLES OF THE KITCHEN. At R,
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LONDON, TUESDAY, NOV. 2, 1869.

Shall we acknowledge it, as a rule oar feelings are
directly antipathetic to the getting up of testimonials.
The endeavour to create anything of the kind is so
painfully liable to result in a fiasco. A Testimonial
in other words, so very seldom, indeed, attains any-
thing like a happy realisation. Shall we ever, can
we ever recall to mind, without a sense of burning
shame, the pitiable spectacle presented to view by
the spasmodic attempt made—here, in the very mids t
of us—a little more than live years ago to commemo
rate in some befitting way (though it was apparen
all through quite superfluously) the date of SHAKS-
PERE'S Tercentenary ? He having need of no " star-
ypointing pyramid"—he having, as well as HORACE,
a monument of his own construction zre perennius
—he, of all men, forsooth, we must needs
do our little utmost towards glorifying, three cen-
turies after his birth, by means of so me
nobody precisely knew what species of memorial
commemoration. The result we all know, we all
bear, yet, in most vivid andpainfulremembrance. The
history of the whole movement was like the title of
one by G. P. R. JAuEs's, later romances—" A Whim
and its Consequences." A little over two thousand
pounds were subscribed. A monster committee list
was industriously published and republished—perpe-
tually growing and eventually including upon it
nearly every name, big or little, among the then
living contributors to our popular literature. No-
thing whatever was done—the tercentenary anniver-
sary came and went and the whole thing collapsed.
It was a fiasco among fiascoes. Recalling it to mind
thus casually, we would gladly at the same time obli-
terate it altogether from our recollection.
Another movement of a lesser, yet of a similar
kind, was only very recently brought, and that so
gracefully, to a successful termination, as it ap-
peared to us, that ifor once, we began to
reconsider and to revise our acknowledged
prejudice against the whole system of Me-
morials or Testimonials. A charming monu-
ment was unveiled during this last October over the
grave of LEIGH HUNT, Poet and Essayist, in a
hitherto unmarked green nook in Mensal Green
Cemetery. An admirable speech, before the un-
veiling, bad been delivered in memory of
SHELLEY'S Friend and Contemporary, by one having
poetic sympathy with both of them, MONCETON
MILNES, Lord HOUGHTON. The relatives as well
as the admirers of LEIGH HUNT, were there
gathered about the spot in which his honoured
dust reposes, and above which now appears the sculp-
tured effigy of the Poet, securely fixed upon a gra-
nite pediment, there, to attest to after times the
affection and respect in which the Man and the
Poet was held by his own immediate fol-
lowers and his own still surviving contemporaries.
Everything went off well on the day of inauguration.
All was seemingly rose-coloured in regard to the
proceedings of the Acting Committee. There was
understood to be a surplus of funds in the hands of
the Honorary Treasurer. But—lo ! and behold, after
all, even here—if the testimonial does not turn
out, according to the manner of testimonials, to be a
fiasco— [nothing can bappilynow make it that, for this
monument tOLEIGH HUNT, has it not been charmingly
completed and paid forl—at any rate, there turns
out to have been all along a fly in the embalming
ointment. The facts are distressing enough to enu-
merate, but fairplay requires at our hands their enu-
meration.

Originally this Memorial to LEIGH HUNT was sug-
gested by Mr. S. C. HALL in the pages of his Monthly
Art Journal. The suggestion was eagerly caught up for
the moment, and some seventy pounds, or thereabouts,
subscribed. Several years then elapsed without any-
thing further being done, or any additional moneys
accumulated. When—in a happy day—Mr. S. R.
TOWNSHEND MAYER took the matter into his
own hands and, to everyone's satisfaction, assumed
the position of Honorary Treasurer and Honorary
Secretary. It is not too much to say that without
Mr. MAYER'S exertions the Testimonial would never
yet have been completed. Throwing his heart and
soul into the project, be collected all the additional
funds that were required, obtainin an aggregate
amount at last that was even more than was
actually necessary. Mr. JOSEPII DURHAM, A.R.A.,
having originally undertaken to produce the
Memorial for the sum of £l2O, thereupon in con-
sideration of the excess of funds (gathered together
solely by the exertions of Mr. TOWNSHEND MAYER)
found voted to him spontaneously by the Acting
Committee, not as had been previously arranged £l2O,
but £l5O altogether. This we repeat was a spontane-
ous proceeding on the part of the Acting Committee.
The Committee finding themselves, so to speak, flush
of money (thanks to Mr. MAYER), thrust upon Mr.
DURHAM, the Sculptor, an additionsal thirty pounds,
increased his £l2O to £l5O. Among the records
I of the Committee there is, under date October 26,

1.808, in the handwriting of Mr. ROBERT BROWNING,
the Poet, who happened that day to be Chairman of
the Committee, there is on record, in Mr. ROBERT
BROWNING'S handwriting, this entry--" Moved
by Mr. GEORGE GODWIN, seconded by Mr.
CHARLES KENT, and carried unanimously, " That the
design of Mr. DURHAM be adopted and carried out
within the proposed sum of £150." And after-
wards, at that same meeting, and still in the same
handwriting, this other entry, " Moved by Mr.
GRUNEISEN, seconded by Mr. WATSON DALEY, and
carried nenz con., That the public be informed that
no further subscription is necessary." Observe—
Mr. DURHAM, the sculptor, was present at the com-
mittee meeting when those two resolutions were pro-
posed and passed unanimously. lie was present—and
offered no objection whatever. Yet now, when every-
thing has been done, when the monument has been
completed, has been unveiled, has been inaugurated,
when his own £l5O are his—unexpectedly, sud-
denly (shall wo hope shamefacedly ?) Mr. DUR-
HAM brings forward a little supplementary bill
for extra expenses, amounting altogether to
between forty and fifty pounds additional. En-
deavours are being now made to satisfy these
unlooked for demands on the part of the
sculptor--endeavours not made, however, by Mr.
TOWNSHEND MAYER, who, very naturally, washes
his hands of the matter—now that, as he con-
ceives, the memorial has been as unmistakably paid
foray ithas been (otherwise than in this wretched little
incident) gracefully and brilliantly inaugurated. We
can scarcely say how deeply we regret the incident,
honouring the memory of LEIGH HUNT as we do, and
admiring as, up to this time, we have done, this one
(as we thought) exceptionally graceful and successful
Testimonial. It is as if the Sculptor, instead of
inscribing his name on the pedestal, had, with chisel
and mallet, struck a flaw; deliberately and with malice
prepense, on the very Memorial his artistic skill had
just before so charmingly completed.

THE defeat of the Republican insurrection has by
no means secured peace to Spain. The various sec-
tions of the governing party readily united against a
common foe ; but their rivalries and jealousies are as
effective as ever in preventing a settlement of the
national difficulties. No sooner do the revo-
lutionary leaders sheath their swords, and
reopen their deliberations as to the choice
of a king, than the conflicting interests which
have kept Europe in uncertainty for the space
of a year are found as hopeless as ever. The Pro-
gressists, the strongest of the diyisions which form
the monarchical party, desire the Duke of GENOA as
a king, apparently because he is but 15 years old,
and, therefore, the Progressist leader, Pnrm,
will in case of his election be the vir-
tual ruler until the monarch attains the age of
18. The minority, on the other hand, wish
to elect the Duke of MONTPENSIER, who, of
all other persons, is most distasteful to the Progres-
sists. In fact his elevation to the throne would bring
about the ruin of PRIM and his party. The hostility
they have displayed to the Bourbon Prince has been
too rancorous to be forgotten on either side. Third
and weakest amongst the ruling factions are the
Democrats, who incline now to Republicanism, now
to the Progressists, but who have little in
common with the Unionists—the Conservatives of
Spain. Thus the latter, left alone in a minority, have
no chance of securing the election of the Bourbon
Duke, except by the aid of some other party, or by
an appeal to force. But neither, on the other hand,
have the Progressists yet been able to win
as many votes as would suffice to bring
about the return of their youthful candidate
in the Spanish Parliament. Though stronger than
any other party, they muster only about 130 out of
the 360 deputies who form the Cortes. The Repub-
licans are absent, some of them being liable to appre-
hension for taking part in the late rising ; the Demo-
crats yet hang back doubtfully; and the Unionists are,
of course, almost to a man against the Progressists.
Such is the deadlock to which the revolution has
been brought. Neither of the three suc-
cessful parties could overturn queen IsA-
BELLA alone. United, they accomplished their
task with ease, but the division of the spoil has
proved far more difficult than its acquisition. flow
the Gordian knot will be loosed remains to be seen,
but there is only too much reason to fear that, like
the knot of old, it will be cut by the sword. There
is a rumour to the effect that the Progressists hope
to raise their votes to a clear majority of the Parlia-
ment, and thus elect the young Duke of GENOA. But
should they prove successful, it is not at all certain
that the KING of ITALY will allow his relative to
accept so dangerous a throne ; and even if this diffi-
culty be overcome, will the Unionists remain inactive ?
They are weakest in numbers; but they represent the
wealth of the country. The respectable classes, as
they are called, and the officers of the army,
are mostly on their side. Is it probable that
they will quietly accept a settlement which would
deprive them of all power, when, by defeating PRIM
and his followers, they could elect what Prince they
pleased ? On the other hand, if the Progressists
wish to successfully oppose the Unionists, they will
seek the aid of the Republicans, who are not likely
to give their assistance without reward. It would
seem, then, that the troubles of the unhappy penin-
sula disposing of their
c om ia roen b u
ft jetsts7t btehg ie nn i
twon g.
great parties in the
State are now arrayed against each other in a contest
to which a pacific end is far from certain. To
complete the general ruin, the Finance Minister
announces that money matters are becoming more
and more hopeless, and that the only hope of getting
supplies is to tax the interest of the National Debt
20 per cent.—a measure which will destroy the
last vestige of confidence which the revolution had
awakened.

Mn. W. S. LINDSAY, an old member of the House
of Commons, has opportunely emerged from his
retirement to call attention to the unsatisfac-
tory state of international law respecting the
risks to which private property is subject during
war. No time could be more suitable for the
settlement of this long-pending difficulty than the
present period of profound peace. It has long been felt
that some agreement was much needed, and that the
difficulties of a final decision were not insuperable ;
but the question has been left open, partly because
it is a troublesome procedure to bring
different nations into accord upon even
simple matters, partly because no naval wars
made the deficiency felt until the American contest
raised so many disputes. The Peace Congress of
1856 unsuccessfully attempted a solution, and since
that date nothing has been done. Before 1856,
a war between maritime powers was accom-
panied by an indiscriminate onslaught upon
private property. Any person who owned
and could arm a vessel, and who could obtain a letter
of marque from his Government—such authorisation
being freely granted—might go forth to capture and
destroy at will the merchant shipping of an enemy.
This legalised piracy embittered the antagonism
of war without in any way shortening its
duration. The privateers did nothing to weaken
the naval force of a State, for the first duty of their
commanders was to keep out of the way of armed
ships. Nor did the destruction of private resources
tend, in a perceptible manner, to exhaust
either combatant ; for those rations which
had most merchant shipping to lose always
possessed the strongest force to defend it, and
those which were weakest on the sea depended less
on maritime commerce for their prosperity. The
Paris Congress of 1856 made a praiseworthy attempt
to end a practice which ruined many innocent
persons without rendering assistance to the purposes
of war. Always excepting contraband of war, it
was agreed that the property of an enemy should
be safe under a neutral flag, and that neutral
property should not be captured under an enemy's
flag. Lastly, it was resolved to abolish privateering.
These decisions reduced the law respecting private
property to a narrow compass : the goods of an enemy.

under his own flag might be taken by regular war

ships.

The conclusions of the Congress, however, though
good as far as they extended, have altogether failed
to secure a permanent settlement, because they did
not go far enough. When the three propositions
were submitted to the United States, the two respect-

ing the capture of property under neutral flags and the
capture of neutral property under an enemy's flag were
accepted, but the representative of the great Republic
properly refused to abolish privateering upon the condi-
tions offered. lle urged that it was merely mock justice
to permit the capture of private property by ships of
war and to forbid the depreciations of privateers. In
the case of America such a distinction would be
specially unfair ; for the United States did not keep
up a large navy. " Their policy has been to trust to
the private resources and patriotism of the people
to supplement their small standing navy with
their merchant vessels, which they licensed with
letters of marque or as privateers, so that these
vessels became practically their ships of war." To forbid
to such cruisers as these the right of making prizes,
whilst regular men-of-war had full licence to " burn,
plunder, and destroy," would be unjust. The United
States Government were willing to abolish altogether
the capture of private property at sea, but refused to
draw the line as laid down by the Paris Congress.
In this condition the question has remained. Priva-
teering is not abolished, for the United States would
undoubtedly send forth cruisers in time of war, and
the example set by one must be followed by the rest.
It was, perhaps, natural that the Congress should.
hesitate to make a change so foreign to all
preconceived notions of hostilities ; but few
persons now dispute that it would have been better
if the American:offer had been accepted, and maritime
strife in future confined to combats between the
armed ships of the contending parties. It was
obviously illogical to abolish privateers without
at the same time decreeing the complete im-
munity of private property, because it could
not be expected that a State which fought chiefly
by the aid of such vessels would place itself in a posi-
tion of inferiority. Besides, where is the difference
between the capture of merchandise by one vessel or
another, provided the injury be done ? But how
great, on the other hand, would be the gain to
humanity and civilisation by allowing lawful com-
merce to go free, and confining operations to armed
foes ! War cannot indeed be made pleasant or
harmless, but there is no reason why it should be
rendered needlessly horrible by the wanton
ruin of private persons. In military con-
tests it is a now generally accepted rule
that property should be respected, except so far
as is necessary for the purposes of war. England
would be the gainer too, from the self-interest point
of view, if the American proposal were adopted.
Our commerce has grown in far greater pro-
portion than our naval strength, whilst the
warlike power of other States at sea has materially
advanced. As Mr. LINDSAY points out, a war with
even a weak nation would so raise the rate of insurance
upon British ships that the carrying trade of the world
would in great measure pass from us. Our commercial
competitors are far more formidable than of yore.
And the depredations of the Alabama upon the trade
of an antagonist against whom the South could not
keep the sea, are a lesson which ought never to be
forgotten.

LATEST INTELL IGENCE

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)

AMERICA.
(Per French Atlantic Cable.)
WASHINGTON, Nov. 1.

The monthly statement of the Public Debt is
expected to show a reduction of over $7,500,000,
effected during October.

Mr. Boutwell has announced to-day that the
Government will cootiuue the usual purchases of
bonds and sales of gold during November.
NEW YORK, Nov. 1.
The Inman steamship City of Paris arrived
here tc-day at 2 a.m.

The steamship Colorado (of the Guiou line), ar-
rived out to-say.

COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.
CLOSING PI:ICES.

Gold closed at 1284; the highest quotation dur-
ing the day was 1281 ; the lowest, 1278.
Sterling Exchange on London lOBB.

5-20 U. S. Bonds, 1882 1154.
44 " 1885 ll3i.
44 " 1867 ll6.

10-40 l 4
Illinois 1374..

Erie 29.
Cotton—Mid. upland 26le.
Petroleum—Standard White
Flour, extra state, $5.6.5c. to $6.25c. Corn, old
mixed, sl.3c.
QUEBEC, Nov. 1.
The Allan (Glasgow) steamship Moravian ar-
rived out to-day.

INDIA AND CHINA MAILS.

GIBRALTAR, Nov. 1.

The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steamer
Ripon left for Southampton at ten a.m. to-day,
where she may be looked for about the evening
of the sth inst.

TUE INSURRECTION IN DALMATIA.
CATTARO, Nov. 1.

The Imperial troops have occupied several im-
portant strategical points, the result of which has
been that a deputation from the Zuppa has al-
ready 'arrived from the insurgents offering to
capitulate, and it is hoped that the whole of that
district will peacefully submit to the Government.