The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-02 00:00:00

ring to the relations of the several States of Italy before
the recent war, and characterising the Government of
Naples as an infernal one, he continued, in reference to the
present revolution—They had all watched the career of the
extraordinary man who seemed to have been raised up ex-
pressly for the purpose of liberating his countrymen from
the grinding oppression under which they groaned. (Ap-
plause.) He would not have supposed, looking at the
chances of things—what cool man sitting in his study,
what statesman reflecting over the ordinary chances of hu-
man affairs, could have supposed that Garibaldi, with a
few hundrds or little more of irregular volunteer troops,
would have been sufficient to have revolutionised the whole
of the south of Italy, to have practically destroyed the do-
minion of a powerful Sovereign, and t 9 have asserted those
great principles of liberty which, though they had been
long quenched in the breast of the Italian people, would
burn as brightly in the course of a few years as they burned
in the breasts of the people of this country ? It was curi-
ous what a practical refutation that which had been going
on in Italy afforded of an axiom which he believed Dr.
Johnson was the father of, and which many people believed.
to be true. It was in Goldsmith's poems, but he believed
Dr. Johnson was the father of the lines. He said—
' "Of all the ills that human kind endure,

How small the part that kings can cause or cure."
After alluding to the past freedom of Italy and the decline
of its commerce, he said he believed that before many gene-
rations had passed away the same results as had already
been witnessed in the history of Italy would ensue, and that
the great Italian people, numbering something like 20 or 22
millions would stand amongst the foremost in all that die
tinguishes the human race. Merely personal and commer-
cial advantages were not to be raised in the same breath
with the general results of such a change ; but instead of
Italy being the battle-field of the Germans or the French,
as it had been for three centuries and a half. if the Italians
became ono united people under one powerful government,
nobody would venture to attack them. They had a climate
the finest in Europe, a soil much of it the finest in Europe,
a people ingenious, industrious, and economical, and com-
mercial in their habits; and who could tell how great might
be the results in the course of a few years if they had the bless-
ings of a free and stable government, and free development
of the resources of their industry? Who could tell what
amount of intercourse might take place betwixt this country
and Italy. After remarking on the advantages of having the
foreign affairs of this country administered in this crisis by
Lord Palmerston and Lord J. Russell, he said, in reference to
the Reform Bill of last session, that if another of a similar
nature were introduced he would support it. He did not
expect that anybody would introduce 'such a bill next ses-
sion. He alluded to the harm that had been done by the
speeches of Mr. Bright and by the strike which had taken
place, and which had frightened many people from consent-
ing to give the franchise to whose who managed their own
personal affairs in such a way. Alluding to the army esti.•
mates of last session, under which a sum of 234,000,000
was voted, he said that ten years ago the expenditure un-
der that branch was only £15,392,000, and that if the
latter sum only had been voted this year, it would hay.
enabled government to take off the duties on tea, sugar,
coffee, currants, and raisins. The necessity of such a large
vote was attributable to France, and he contended that the
only way of securing peace between France and England
was by making them a commercial nation like ourselves,
when it would be their interest equally with our own to
maintain peace.

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