The Sun.
London, England, 1860-01-07 00:00:00

,5r...:.:.:,"*‘'
_ f
('t..././ ,-- • ,_
677
• ,/--._____
~ .
, -
--N.
A i
\' . ' .'"‘,o•7:
•:?' •.,1 t'''
, _ ...
. al • 2lt 01,0414,i4 -4.l,P•Jvitok.4
4 7:::
\'f •
(
,
11. 04,- - . , k, , 4 t••
... .
(4, ,
u______ft
ei. -,
kc,.
......e - _ er: _ ...,
U. .1 .r...,,,, . -
41
'2'44
s,, '
‘IV-4440..'i ii, ' 0 .-,•• ort F, 0,..ti,
~- •,4 A
'?'
, #g- 9-' • f •,. -I,"
___ ... ci•.. ....,.._‘.... .70••;.,• ••,,,,,. •••,i •i •
t.
'_:-:_''' tkl:l'4' 'r , 'C'•,., 4;
..,,
•,....,i':. ni •,:,..:4,,„. -,
ri ' ,', •., --4, ,
ix'
•:.' ' '•• .. ..
,Lit.,,, •,,,e,. +
',!•,i'4,
'-.
'V:4 /- 7 - <''4
K ) _ • N.../.1--••-?,7_,•,,a,,:,..,
~., -.: ikri,; , , • ./,,,,,, h,l, ROIT. 1 11 • ''''.....;,1---
J 7---... ..ew.- ab \ .....:,.„.. ,• ,
•

Pi ICE 41). STAMPED, 51).

yont must do so completely and effectually." Of course,
so far as his own sentiments were concerned, it was a sort
of penitential declaration just before he was being expelled
from office, and when he wanted to get a few simple-
minded gentlemen from our side of the house to vote with
him in the division ; but the words were spoken in the
House of Commons—l heard them myself—and I say
that we should be entitled to call or} him, and those who
believe in him, to give their support to a measure
at least as extensive as a£6 rental franchise. (Cheers.) A
friend of mine who is not very enthusiastic in favour of
Reform but who still believes that Reform must be granted,
says this is a coarse manner of doing it—that if you drop
from £lO to £6 you will take in all men, whether industrious
or stupid, or idle or profligate—that if you cast your nets
into the sea you cannot expect that all the largo fish will
come up; but men do not give up putting their nets into
seas and rivers because they do not catch fish that are the
finest for the table or the market. So in this case I main-
tain that there is no other test which can be compared with
the test of residence when you wish to elect a constituency.
It is the old franchise of the kingdom. It is asked, why do
you net like what is old ? We do when it is good. When
any borough was charged in old times to return members,
unless they were under restrictions, every householder was
directed to return members ; and the Reform Bill went on
the same principle, and intended that every person down-
wards should have the franchise. Why should we depart
from the system of our ancestors for the sake of fancy fran-
chises, which Governments who do not want reform are so
fond of. (Rear.) Why should we say of having stopped at
£lo—if you or* down to or £5, it will include a greater
proportion of that which is real than heretofore ? Or why
will you say, with regard to these local boroughs of which
I have spoken, it is quite clear there is no remedy for them
except the oxe which surgeons take when a limb becomes
incurable, and when the life of the patient is at stake—that
is, amputation—(cheers and laughter)—an unpleasant re-
medy for some gentlemen that I know who have bought
estates close upon some little borough—estates that pay but
a very small interest, but which pay a political interest
which satisfies the proprietors for their outlay—it is a very
unpleasant thing for them, but I do not think it a very un-
pleasant thing for the electors in those boroughs. Ido not
knowif any of you are acquainted with those intelligent,
honest men, especially if they happen to be liberal in small
boroughs. So far as I have seen they, generally speaking,
rather wish the good of the country than the permanence of
local or corrupt interests in the town. They are generally
of opinion that it would be a great advantage if these email
boroughs were disfranchised. (Hear, hear.) These old
boroughs are ruined by elections. Not long ago I mat a
nobleman connected with one of them, who said that if it
had not been for the franchise the town would have heen
twice as large and ten times as prosperous, and its ruin was
to be traced entirely to the profligacy and corruption arising
from elections. (Cheers.) I now come to the question will
the Government propose a bill, and if they do so, will they
be able to carry it. I think they wilt propose a bill. I know
no more than what every one knows who reads the news-
papers and reflects on current events. Lord Derby, before
he went out of office and his party with him would, I have
no doubt, have consented to an £8 rental as the franchise
for the boroughs. Ido not know that they would not have
gone further if they had thought such a proceeding would
have given them an additional lease of power, for it is asto-
nishing to witness the elasticity of consciences of statesmen,
notwithstanding the pledges given by them when a political
course rendered them necessary. I have seen it alike with
respect to Whig and Tory! I have seen two of the most emi-
nent members of the Cabinet come round within the last two
years, and who have unsaid everything they had previously
said respecting Church-rates ; and lam sure if they should
turn on the question of the Ballot we should not reject their
aid and assistance. (Cheers and laughter.) Lord Derby's
party would, I believe, have given the £8 franchise in bo-
roughs. What will the present Government give? £7 ? Is
there to he a difference of only 20s? The thing is impossible.
I have seen very idle and very foolish men, but I do not think
I ever saw anybody so idle ant so foolish as to be a party to
forcing upon a country a general election, getting up a meet-
ing at Willis's Rooms, moving a resolution for an address
to the Queen, carrying it, after many days' debate, and than
after ejecting their opponents and taking their places, corn- ,
ing forward aid offering a bill only 20s. in advance of those
whom they have succeeded. (Cheers.) If I might offer a
word of warning to the present Government, I would say
to them. Remember this. At thismoment there is no great
majority in your favour in the House of Commons. Let
them remember that the policy they have pursued ever since
the Reform Bill has been to damp the ardour of the people
in every part of the country with regard to this question,
and that they have so successfully managed to influence a
certain class—those most connected with themselves—that
they have found the Tories, their ancient opponents, whom
they thought they had destroyed as a party, voting within a
dozen of themselves after a general election upon this very
question. Now, what the Government and what our poli-
ticians ought to do is this—they ought to try in the first
place to be right, and having found out what is right, they
ought to nerve themselves with the responsibility of carry-
ing out the right. (Loud cheers.) And I believe there
never was a time when a Ministry would derive more
advantage from fairlyand resolutely dealing with this clues-
and staking their existence upon carrying it through
both houses of Parliament. Ido not think it will require
much to persuade you that the proposition of Lord J. Rus-
sell is a very moderate one. I think you are already per-
suaded of that. (Laughter.) And I want to show those who
think we are extreme men, that we are really very moderate
men. In England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, if every
man voted, you would not find a million amongst them. I
will assume, for the sake of argument, that they will repre-
sent a million of families—which, however, they do not,
because in many cases there are two persons in one family
having a vote—supposing one million of electors to represent
one million families, and each party to consist of five per-
sons, five millions of the population will be represented. But
the population of this country is 30 millions. And what
follows ? That there are five millions of men who have no
votes ; five millions of families in which not one person has
a vote. Twenty-five millions of the population are as totally
unrepresented as if they lived in a country in which Parlia-
ment had never been heard of. Our unrepresented popula-
tion outside the constitution is greater than the population
of any country in Europe, except Russia, Austria, and
France ; as great as the whale population of the United •
States at the last census. What is it that Lord J. Russell
proposes to do ? To add half a millionto that million. And
what will ho leave when he has done that ? He will still
leave four millions and a half of men without votes—four
millions end a half of families, in which neither father, bro-
ther, nor son has a vote, and 221 millions of population as
entirely unrepresented as if they lived in the kingdom of
Naples. (Hear, hear.) I ask, is such a state of things as
that to be allowed to remain? (No, no, and cheers.) A few
weeks ago I made a speech at a meeting at Liverpool on
tho subject of direct and indirect taxation, and stated that
the indirect taxes annually raised amounted to 42 millions
sterling, and I stated that 25 millions of unrepresented
people paid by far the largest portion of these items oftaxa-
tion—the customs and excise. A gentleman in this neigh-
bourhood has taken exception to what I said, and not in a
manner particularly courteous, considering that he was vice-
president, or something cf that sort, at the Council of Edu-
cation—an office wholly unnecessary. (Laughter.) As you
did not choose the candidate he provided for you, it is not
beefy I should stand very high in his Devour, (Laughter.)
Mr. Adderley the other day, speaking of some argument
with which ho was going to overwhelm me, said he was
surprised that the Times had not hit upon that very
argument. I am surprised too, but you cannot expect
even ale Times, with all its capital and staff, to mono-
polise every bad argument. (CheenS and laughter.) If
the Times had proclaimed to the country and to the
world, which it did in effect, that if the working men
would keep carriages and horses for their w1V6.5 to ride
out on Sundays like the wives of noblemen and .Ench
people at the West-end of London, their employers would
be obliged to pay them wages to enable them to support that
expenditure. Mr. Adderley thinks that the Times, having
used an argument like this, ought to have used an argu-
ment like that which he was about to nee. Mr. Adderley
says he had seen the point well met in a letter to the editor
of Aria's Gazette. "Mr. Bright's:argurnott was simply this
—The working classes consumed the greatest quantityof
excisable articles, and were the greatest payers of
excise.
But they were not so per head." Mr. AdderlldeyargrTvees ona to
t an
say—" If they take them per head theil: Nis,Vior Adderley u•
exactly opposite conclusion."
ex-
pected that a working man receNivinv, e
905. or 30s. per week
was to pay as much as that g
entleman himself, that was a
view which never entered into my mind at all. Mr. Adder-
leyswent on to say that I would give to the working men
the absolute command of the elections. Hotaxes, admits
and he
that
they, as a body, pay the great bulk of the
knows quit the great body are entirely excluded from the
representation, and that there is not a single member of the
ilouse of Commons who can be said to be returned by that
body. This only shows the line of argument that a man
may take who busies himself in finding reasons why power
should be concentrated in his own class, and why the great
body of his own countrymen should be excluded from that
which he so highly prizes. (Hear, hear.) My bill of last
year would have left a large mass of the working classes
unrepresented. To show how moderate was my proposi-
tion, and how anxious I am to obtain something substan-
tial and useful, I will state the extent to which I proposed
to go, which will justify me in giving my assistance to the
Government if they adhere to their measure and courage-
ously press it on Parliament. 1 believe the bill which I pro-
posed would not have done much more than the Govern-
mentbill. It would not have done more than double the num-
ber of electors, generally speaking, because although it might
have done so in boroughs, it would not have added more
than 200,000 to the county constituencies, My bill