The Sun.
London, England, 1869-02-02 00:00:00

BFLECIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Times is not without hope that we may after all yet
solve the problem how to gratify the general public by
11,4jng more money for metropolitan improvements, and
at the same time pacify the ratepayers by falling in with
theirlheory as to the urgent necessity of paying less. The
difference in results between such a yearly sum as
£3,000,000 spent well and spent ill would effect this
solution. As the worst feature of the present system
is its confusion, so the best, perhaps, of the
system suggested would be its simplicity. We
assume that the seven or nine municipalities into
which it is proposed to divide London would be
on the whole, of uniform pattern, with similar powers,
privileges, and forms of procedure, and separated on some
simple principle, such as that suggested by one of the
deputation. It is further proposed to establish, ns soon
as the various municipalities had got into good working
order, a " General Municipal Council, composed of one
representiktive for each of the separate municipalities,
and formed something after the pattern exhibited in
the United States." This plan, if it succeeds, will add
something of the unity and comprehensiveness belonging
to centralisation to the vastly•increased flexibility and
energy which we may hope to get from a judicious system
of localisation. If any proof were necessary of the want
of flexibility in our present cumbrous and overgrown
system, we need only consider the difficulty which the
Metropolitan Board of Works has found in giving London
a proper supply of gas, and, we may add, of water. There
1 has been no want of will, but the mere magnitude of the
task has made it too much for them. And as Loudon grows
the evils we have been discussing grow with it. More
and more money is wanted, while, owing to waste and
confusion, less is forthcoming. The prospect is not a
pleasant one for Londoners, but, happily, this condition
of things does not seem likely to last much longer. The
Home Secretary has declared himself in general accord-
ance with the views put forward by the deputation, and
has promised that Government shall take them under its
consideration without further delay. •
The Standard thinks that the New Zealand colonists
would be no more anxious to have another European
army in their midst than we should be to send one. In
other ways it is possible to give them material assistance.
What the colonists may fairly ask for--what we believe
that they have a right to ask for and to expect without
any derogation from their independence, or any
injury to their sense of self-reliance—is simply one
or two disciplined regiments to meet the present
emergency, to serve as the nucleus of a colonial
system of defence. If only to garrison the
larger centres of population, suchas Auckland, Taranaki,
and Wanganui, while the colonial levies are acting in
the field against the insurgents, the presence of one regi-
ment skilled in Maori warfare—say, for instance, the old
58th, or the 14th, now distributed, for no purpose what-
ever, through the Australian capitals—would be a most
material help to the colony. It would undoubtedly tend
to save many valuable and innocent lives of those who
have settled in the island upon the faith of the gua-
rantee of the Crown, as implied in the British supre-
macy. It is idle to remind us that the English settlers
capable of bearing arms iu the Northern Island are
as numerous as the Maories. Ultimately there can be no
doubt that they will be able to overpower the Hau-hau
savages. In the meantime, it is certain that they are not
their " superiors in military power," and that the attempt
to meet the insurgents in the field and at the same time
to garrison the towns will be attended with much
disaster and loss of life. For reasons which will be
obvious to all those who know what life in a colonial
settlement is, the mass of the colonists have neither the
inclination nor the capacity for bush-fighting. There
is, besides, a financial as well as a military aspect
of the case. Although it is not right that the colonists
should be left entirely without military protection, and
although they have a clear right to help, even in the shape
of a regiment or two of English soldiers, it is unquestion-
ably true that the best permanent help we can give them
is in the shape of money --that is, in helping them to raise
money. While the credit of the mother country stands so
much higher than that of the colony, there is no good
reason why we should not make use of it to relieve the
necessities of the New Zealand Government and to
relieve ourselves as well of our imperial obligation. Let
the home country guarantee a New Zealand loan, to be
raised in England, at the ordinary rate of Imperial secu-
rities. This would be, perhaps, the most effective, as well
as the cheapest way of helping the colonists in their
present troubles; and that it is a legitimate way no one
can deny.
The Daily News supposes that very few English member
of Parliament have any traceable resemblance to Corio-
lanus, but we may presume that most of them have at
least one sentiment in common with the noble Roman.
lle Lad a rooted objection to canvassing, and he certain.y
made a very lame hand at it. Canvassing has always
been disagreeable, and is now becoming dangerous. But
ono of the most remarkable phenomena which the
late trials have brought to light is the pure and
unsuspecting character of the gentlemen who aspire
to seats in the House of Commons. The white robe in
which the Roman candidate solicited the most sweet voices
of his fellow-citizens is but a poor symbol of the spotless
innocency in which English politicians are clad
As With a garment. These gentlemen care very little
fur their money—they give it with a profuse and unin-
gttiring generosity which makes no conditions and asks
fur no-information; but they are jealous of their reputations.
They are ready to cry out that he who takes their purse
takes trash ; but the man who filches from them their
good name commits a robbery at which they raise the
shout of " Stop thief." Honest Ingo was, if we recollect
aright, the author of the virtuous comparison to which we
have alluded. But it is strikingly suitable in the mouths
of those candidates who have spent their £7,000 or
£lO,OOO in contesting elections on purity prin-
ciples. They declared over and over again that
they would not countenance corrupt or illegal pro.
ceedings ; and what more could they do? If their
agents did not believe them, whose fault was that? They
protested that if they heard of anything unlawful they
would retire from the contest, and they did not hear of
anything unlawful until petitions were presented against
them. Since the time of King Herod there has been no
such massacre of the innocents as that which is taking
place under the ruthless eyes of Mr. Justice Blackburn,
Mr. Justice Willes, and Mr. Baron Martin. But the
victims have one consolation, that of conscious virtue ; and
they may gain something by their disasters, namely, ex-
perience.
The Herald refers to the charges of conspiracy against
the Overend and Gurney directors, which came before the
grand jury at the Central Criminal Court on Monday,
and were commented upon by the learned Recorder of
London. The facts which his lordship sketched in outline
were of course identical with those of which the public
have heard so much already, nor was any single adverse
feature in the sad and sorrowful story withdrawn from the
consideration of the assembled jurymen. Butfor the first
time since the inquiry began the public have been informed,
on high judicial authority, what the charge against the ex-
directors really is, and what the substantiation of that charge
involves. The enormous business the old firm did, the high
reputation it bore, and the unlimited public confidence
which it enjoyed, were told in a few well-chosen words, as
was also its unhappy entrance upon business of a new and
dangerous character, with the consequent lock-up of four
millions and its ever-augmenting embarrassments. That
the introduction of new capital had become an absolute
necessity was stated without reserve or qualification, and
that to this feeling the formation of the limited company
was due is an obvious inference. Again, the jury were
told that whether it was a fraudulent act to appropriate
half a million for the goodwill of a concern involved it
unfortunate circumstances was of itself an important
sum. • consideration. In short, the leading features
point tos tor the prosecution were brought forward
Of the case ..
its conductors could have desired.
as prominently
Recorder particularly impressed
But what the learnerl
upon the grand jury was' precisely that of which the
applauding crowd at Guildh....ll were probably unaware,
and which not a few among temporaries have been
but too ready to ignore. It is that b. he charge is one in
which intent is everything. The defent..ll4.B may have
been over-sanguine ; may have believed too 1,-npbcitly in
the power of a great name, and the recuperative e,.!'s7 of
a discount business which bad no superior. But this is not
enough. The charge is not of erroneous judgment, or
carelessness, or even of recklessness. The defendants are
accussed of critne, and hence the grand jury were toldes that
before they could find -a bill, " they must be
l s 3
l
affirmatively that ti,,z directors had been actuated a
fraudulent intention.'
The Star makes some remarks upon the discussion that
took place the other day at Sion U
Church question, and declares that th:ilspe o on the Irish
ai.:
d
ers addressed
themselves to the subject as if it had not been Pubmitte
n by them. Any
to the people and deermined..
departure from the progtramme
to the country would not be inu widt‘lPi which the party went
.
.
ation It would be
°would never
rank treason and cowardice. Mr.
commit It to bolster up a k
wea
f it wth a great
Gladstone
and
is not likely to be guiltyveo
Administration,
had a memorable
majority at his back,
example of the effect of. policy_ of moderation in
Did the studied parsimony
1830, on the Reform questiou
of the measure then offeredt lavbattehco, the
s.
contrary, repelled
while
The interestit seemed to offiettltieo Tieblcioc
n‘fweerrreed,
by the smallness of the benefit
faction throve upon that could not nourish opinion
out of doors. The Conservatives, inflamed with eagerness
r office,• 'tlted successfully the attitudes and actions of
patriots fearful of change, and the Liberal leaders lost the
control of a majority which could only have been bound to-
gether by the ties of principle and progress. The same
result would follow if the Minister were now to hesitate
fur a moment at the threshold of the new policy. If Mr.
Gladstone were to deliver on the first night of the session
such a speech on the propriety of continued endowment as
Sir Charles Trevelyan is reported to have made at Sion
College, the heart of Mr. Disraeli would rejoice. He would
at once see his opening for sowing tares among thewheat.
With a less skilful pilot we might have felt some fears, as
the participators of unjust privileges are sleepless in their
efforts to thwart justice, while the people confide their
cause to their chosen champions, and resume wish veils!
ze§lll3tWakSittYerY-clas , • -- • -