The Sun.
London, England, 1860-06-30 00:00:00

REVIEWS OF THE WORK.

- -
"Curtis on Manhood.—This is a truly valuable work, and
should be in the hands of young and old."—" Sunday Ttmes,,,
nd March, 18.56.
"'i'he author has conferred a great boon by publishing this
little work, in which is described the source of those diseases
which produce decline in youth or more frequently premature
old age."—" Daily Telegraph," March 27, 1856.
At home for consultation, :daily, from 10 till 3 and 6 to 8.
Sundays, 10 to 1!

[A nvr.wrisintENT.l Holloway's Ointment and Fills.—
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enlargementin
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heals, by cleansing, all animal fluids with which it comes
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securing pure
etpureceomblvoloiles The pills effect generally what the
o

The patriots in Turin, therefore, do not augur any-
thing like misunderstanding between Cavour and
Garibaldi from this important latest news. Nay,
matters are proceeding precisely as they always
did. Garibaldi planned and executed his first ex-
pedition under the weight of a fKmal veto from
the Sardinian Government. Count Cavour, how-
ever, would not have been able to prevent his de-
parture had he been willing, neither would he have
been willing to do it had he been able. In the
same manner he could not now interfere with Gari-
baldi if he would ; and he would not if he could.
These two great men march to the same goal, each
in his own way, each in obedience to his own pecu-
liar instinct and the peculiar circumstances in
which he is situated. They need never clash with,
they may even occasionally help each other ; it
must go hard with both of them and with Italy if
their respective paths are not found to converge
and meet at their journey's end.

Advices from Palermo state that on the 23d the
organisation of the three brigades of the Sicilian
army was almost complete. They consist, in the
first place, of the volunteers of the first, second, and
third expeditions, and comprise a good number of
officers who have seen active service in the Sar-
dinian army. The first five classes of the levy of
recruits from 17 to 22 years of age are to be incor-
porated with them. The command of these brigades
will be confided to Bixio, Malenchini, and Medici.
Garibaldi wants arms, and above all officers. It is
believed that he will soon have several cruisers,
with the help of officers of the Sardinian navy who
have resigned their commissions, in order to place
their services at his disposal.
General Garibaldi, as Dictator of Sicily, has
issued the following decree :—" 1. To declare that
bills of exchange and other commercial securities
falling due since the 4th April shall not be con-
sidered as payable until the Ist August; subject,
however, to the payment of 5 per cent. interest ; 2.
To request charitable establishments to hand over
to the Treasury the sums which they may happen
to hold either as legacies or in trust for others; the
said sums to be employed in relieving patriots in
distress, and a promise being made to restore
them in more prosperous days; 3. To send home
soldiers of the third category, that is those who are
aged from 40 to 50; 4. One appointing two addi-
tional Senators of Palermo ; the six at present in
office not being able to get through the duties de-
volving on them; 5. To decide that officers of the
army shall receive, from June 1, pay at the rate of
one-half of that enjoyed by officers of the correspond-
ing grades in the Sardinian army ; 6. Dismissing
the Archbishop of Monreale from the chair of ethics
appointing
for
rM.
the R
dismissali au ias hisbe
ng thatsuccessor—the
the mo
tives
assigned archbishop
and natural law in the University of Palermo, and
has left Palermo, though his duty as professor re-
quired him to reside there; 7. To continue the levy
of the tax on sulphur; and 8. A decree prohibiting
the purchase of stolen objects."
A letter from Palermo in the Siecle says :
" Alexander Dumas arrived in this city the day
after it was delivered of the Neapolitans, and was
the first person not connected with the belligerents
who climbed over the barricades. Guided byMenotti
he met Garibaldi in the Cathedral square ; and the
author and the soldier threw themselves into each
other's arms, amidst the applause of the spectators.
The same day the Dictator gave his visitor apart-
ments in King Roger's palace, which had been left

General PEEL, iti returning thanks on the part
of the army, said that, looking at the present state
of Europe, it was impossible to predict any day
what the morrow might produce. Our first defence
was our navy ; and if we were to lose the command
of the Channel he would not give 24 hours' pur-
chase for the safety of the country. But the navy,
thanks to Sir J. Pakington's efforts, was now placed
in an efficient state, and he was never more delighted
than in reading the other day the observation of
the First Lord of the Admiralty, that the only duty
of the army would be to fire salutes in honour of
the victories of the (navy. (A laugh.) The
navy, however, could not be everywhere. We had
300 miles of coast on which a hostile army
might land, and this country ought always to
be prepared to resist any attempt of that kind.
(Loud cheers.) He was satisfied that our regular
army, with the assistance of the Yeomanry, the
Militia, and those Volunteer corps of whom every
Englishman had lately so much reason to be proud
—(cheers)—would render the invasion of our shores
by 100,000 or 150,000 men an act of perfect mad-
ness. (Cheers.) He had recently seen it stated
that we had only 30,000 men in this country, and
that they cost us £5OO a-piece. That was one of
thoseingenious fictions which the well-known
writer of the military articles in the Times was so
apt to indulge in. (A laugh.) There was just as
much truth in it as there would be in his offering
to give the fortunate winner of the Derby £5OO for
his saddle and bridle, provided he would throw the
horse into the bargain, and then going and saying
that saddles and bridles cost £5OO apiece. (Laugh-
ter,) The writer appropriated the
whole of the
army estimates to these 30,000 troops, without tak-
ing into his account the Guards, the 10,000 cavalry,
or the 40,000 men stationed in our different colonies.
(Hear, hear.) At the same time, the people of Eng-
land would pay £5OO a-piece for their soldiers
sooner than submit to the degradation of having a
hostile foot for an hour on their shores. (Cheers.)
In conclusion he might, on the part of the army and
navy, guarantee them against ever being subjected
to any such degradation. (Cheers.)
Admiral WALCOTT responded on behalf of the
navy.
Mr. MOWBRAY, M.P., in proposing "the Volun-
teer Corps," dilated on the powerful moral effect
which the sublime and patriotic spectacle of Satur-
day last must produce throughout Europe.
Viscount RANELAGH acknowledged the toast.
Mr. PERRY WATLINGTON, M.p. gave " The
Hertlth of the Members of Lord Derby's Cabinet,"
which was drunk with enthusiasm,
Sir JOIIN PAKINGTON rose amidst loud applause,
and thanked the company most heartily for the
enthusiastic manner in which the toast had been re-
ceived, and he felt confident that there was not one
of his late colleagues who would not have been
present that evening had they not unavoid-
ably been prevented attending. He thought
he might infer from the way in which the toast had
been received that the Conservatives continued to
have the greatest confidence in their talented and
patriotic leader—Lord Derby, and that great and
distinguished man, Mr. Disraeli—(cheers)—and he
hoped and trusted that he did not presume too much
when he stated that he believed those who had served
under those distinguished leaders were not unwor-
thy of being the colleagues of those great men.
(Cheers.) A year had passed away since they were
ejected from office—a year marked by political
events of great interest, and he hoped they would
agree with him that he might congratulate them
on the present position of the Conservative party,
and the increasing influence of Conservative princi-
ples. (Cheers.) This he must say for his col-
leagues and himself that though it was at presont
the fate of the Conservatives to occupy seats on the
Opposition benches, they would rather remain for
ever excluded from place and power than consent
to hold upon such conditions and under such cir-
cumstances as those by whom place was now filled.
(Cheers.) Prompt, signal, and remarkable retribu-
tion followed that factious combination by which
the Government of Lord Derby was overthrown.
They were told when they were ejected from office
that a good reform bill was essential for the coun-
try. Not only so, but Lord John Russell told them
a year ago that they could not wait until February
for such a measure—and that one ought to be
brought forward in November. When the majority
of 13 rendered it necessary for Lord Derby's Go-
vernment, to use a favourite phrase of Lord John
Russell's, to " walk in the paths o the constitu-

tion"—(cheers and laughter)—and resign their seats
—the hurry for reform seemed to end. They did
expect, after what they had been told by that great
master of reform, Lord John Russell, that at the
very commencement of this session they would
have had a pure and great measure brought in.
(Cheers.) He would not enter into a history of that
unhappy and abortive little bill—(cheers)—but only
remind them of a few facts. It was boT
in March, condemned and repudiated in Apri ,
and abandoned in June—(cheers)—and he could
only add, with pain, that no statesman ever stood
in a position more humiliating on any great ques-
tion than that which Lord John Russell occupied
with regard to the question of reform. (Cheers.)
Another reason why Lord Derby's Government
should be deprived of power they were told was
that it was essential that their foreign relations
should be placed in a better condition, and that the
influence of the English Government abroad would
be increased if those affairs were in other hands
than those of Lord Malmesbury. What followed ?
The influence of the present Government had been
exerted, and failed to have any effect. The Go-
vernment of England had interfered, but without
sufficient influence and vigour, to avert that unfor-
tunate measure, he would not call it the cession
but the seizure of Savoy—(cheers)—a measure
which reflected the utmost discredit upon both so-
vereigns concerned, whilst it showed the respect
which was paid to the remonstances of England
through her present Ministers. (Hear.) The Go-
vernment of Lord Derby were not afraid of com-
parison of the position of their foreign relations
and of the influence of these realms in 1859 with
that of the present time. How was it that the
Government of Lord Derby had been ejected from
office ? If he were to turn to his experience at
quarter session—an experience which he knew was
sometimes used again him_ to raise- a—laugh..—And-
zny-mairhad been --brought before him, charged
with DOssissing hinuie/f of survlhing -through the
meanfirby which the present tiovertiment had ob-
tained their offices,_ he would have directed him to
be indicted for :obtaining goods under false pre-
tences: (Cheers and laughter.) How came it that
they were enabled to succeed in their objects by
those false pretences ? Through a meeting held in
the very room in which they were then assembled ;
to do what ?—to unite the great Liberal party !
There were not a few who at the time prophesied
that that union wouldjprove but a hollow truce be-
tween two sections of politicians, for there was
nothing in the simple word liberal which could not
equally apply to every right-minded Englishman—
(cheers)—and could be maintained only by a pro-
longed system of concession to the more democratic
section; and be could appeal to what had since
taken place as to whether that prophecy bad
not been fulfilled. (Cheers.) He thought they
would agree with him that it was due to that sec-
tion that the abortive commercial treaty with France
was entered into; and in every step our Govern-
ment had to give way—proving, in the expressive
phrase of a leading newspaper a few days since,
that the amateur negotiator and the 'Government
of England had been supremely diddled. (Cheers
and laughter.) In July it was announced that
everything had been settled with regard to the
treaty, but after that Mr. Bright sent his own ne-
gotiator to arrange it, and Lord Palmerston and
Lord John were obliged to eat their own words.
Then, again, it was to the same influence that they
could trace the rash and improvident budget, which
had been universally condemned by every financier
of eminence. It had been adopted on the sugges-
tions of Mr. Bright, Mr. Cobden, and the Finan-
cial Reform Association of Liverpool, whose object
was to do away with the whole system of indirect
taxation, and substitute direct taxation instead ;
and the system being thus recommended to him,
Mr. Gladstone, with a fickleness and tergiversa-
tion unparalleled in political history, came down
to the House of Commons and attempted to double
the income tax. The influence could be traced in
the Government democratic Reform Bill, which
attempted to hand over all power to one party—
they could trace it again in the defection of the
leading liberals from the interests of the Church,
and their unhappy madness to abandon those inte-
rests to the great Liberal party. But here again
retribution followed them,' and they abandoned
their principles just as popular feeling had taken
an opposite turn, and he hoped and trusted that
the Church was now once more in safe hands.
Those were the effects of the alliance-entered into
tri that, room ; but now let him return to the
bright side of the question. He believed that
the effect of these measures had been to raise
the conservative feeling throughout the country,
and he used the term in its widest sense.
fie rejoiced to think that that cause was mak-
ing strides throughout the breadth and length
of the country without regard to party—that
conservative opinions were being expressed by
mon having no connection with Lord Derby
or his party—uninfluenced by the Carlton or
any other club. And how had he arrived at
that conclusion ? By watching what had taken
place. He saw in the Reform Bill being rejected,
in the church-rate question resuming its proper
position, and, lastly, in that remarkable event which
occupied all men's minds, the overwhelming majo-
rity in the House of Lords rejecting one of the
most objectionable features in the Budget, a majo-
rity composed of members of both sides of the
house, and thereby earning the gratitude of the
people of England. He believed there was no
subject of the present day that demanded the more
anxious consideration of Conservatives. (Cheers.)
The Radical party had inveighed against the House
of Lords because it had ventured to put forward its
just power and influence in legislation. The result
of that vote led to the appointment of a committee
of the House of Commons to inquire into prece-
dents. He (Sir J. Pakington) had had the honour
of being a member of that committee, which had
presented their report that day. In two or three
days more that report would be in the hands of the
members of the two Houses of Parliament, and
open to the whole British empire. (Hear, hear.)
They had found repeated instances in which the
House of Lords had rejected bills for the imposi-
tion and the repeal of taxation—and repeated in-
stances in which the House of Commons had
acknowledged the existence of that power in the
House of Lords—but he was sorry to be obliged to
add that the Radical party, who were so deeply
concerned in the measure, were not content to
accept any settlement founded on constitutional
principles or precedents ; for he had heard that the
Radical party, led on by that friend of Radicalism,
Lord John Russell—(cheers)—and seconded by
that equally radical, though once Conservative
statesman, Mr. Gladstone, were about to make an
attempt to prevent the 'precedents having their due
force. One thing this inquiry had done. It had
made evident to every man who had attended to
what had taken place that there were two sections
in the Cabinet—who were divided against eaeh
other as wide as possible upon important constitu-
tional questions. He hoped that moderate coun-
sels would prevail, and that the House of Commons
be spared any such discussion as that to which he
had alluded, and that it might be very long
before the day should come when, instead of
upholding the privileges of the House of Lords,
the House of Commons should endeavour to prevent
that house from exercising its functions and power
which up to the present moment had never been
disputed or denied. (Cheers.) He hoped that mo-
derate counsels would prevail in the Cabinet, and
he should be glad if his anticipations were falsified
of any attempt being made to interfere with the
privileges of the House of Lords. If such an at-
tempt were made, a heavy responsibility would rest
on the shoulders of the Conservative party, and it
would be their duty to support the more moderate
section in her Majesty's Government. It would be
their duty to act with moderation, but he hoped
and trusted with firmness, decision, and unanimity,
in upholding and guarding the privileges of the
House of Commons, upon which their constitutional
liberty was based, whilst they were no less unani-
mous in their determination not to invade or trench
upon the just privileges of the House of Peers.
(Cheers.) He hoped that, irrespective of this great
question, the Conservative party would continue to
act as it had hitherto done, in cordial union, reso-
lutely maintaining its principles, not seeking offiee
by any factious manoeuvres, but ready and willing
at any moment to assume any responsibility which
it might be its duty to undertake in furtherance of
the welfare of the country and the defence of its in-
stitutions. (Loud cheers.) The right hon. gentle-
man, having repeated the celebrated watchword—
" Register, register!" concluded by proposing the
health of the Earl of Shrewsbury and Talbot, the
President of the Association, under whose auspices
they were assembled.
This toast was duly honoured, and the compli-
ment was afterwards acknowledged by the Chair-
man.

The Right. Hon. JOSEPH RAPIER next proposed
" The House of Peers," and in doing so took occa-
sion to state that he had always thought that our
constitution had its moveables in the House of
Commons and its fixtures in the monarchy and the
House of Lords. The Lords were the representa-
tiTes of the fized property of the country; and in

(From the Times.)
The British Constitution is built up of prece-
dents. This is its great beauty in the eyes of
writers upon government. This is, in the opinion
of philosophical inquirers, the secret of its stability.
In other countries when a hitch occurs in the work-
ing of the State the whole machine is thrown out
of gear, citizens turn out into the streets, barri-
cades spring up, blood runs rife in the kennels,
and a revolu tiou is consummated. In England. when
a difficulty happens, grave men meet and search,
not for arms but for precedents. It has been so
with us from all times. You will find this cus-
tom even in the old chronicles ; you will see it
active in the reign of Richard 11. When we
last changed our ruling dynasty the debates were
all of the driest and most technical character.
All our history is a cautious onward course from
one steppingstone to another, and all those step-
pingstones are precedents. Passions vary with the
time, violence passes away, and leaves nothing
behind it but a tendency to reaction ; but when
we calmly and patiently dig where we suspect
some old constitutional landmark to lie buried,
and find it and raise it up and renovate it, it re-
mains as a boundary stone respectable from its age
and safe in the common recognition of the nation.
They say this habit has been the salvation of air
liberties. Whether this be so or not, it is our habit,
and we are not now departing from it. When the
Lords intimated their intention to reject the Paper
Duties Repeal Bill, people generally were a little
startled. We had all a general knowledge that
the granting of taxes is entirely the province of
the Commons, and the impression was strong that
between imposing a tax and preventing the re-
moval of a tax the distinction is little more than
technical. As to the special matter in question, the
public thought that the Lords, if they had the dis-
cretion, had exercised it favourably to the interests
of the country; and the event has abundantly
proved that the public was right in that opinion ;
but the constitutional jealousy remained. Any
danger to the balance of the Constitution, any con-
fusion in the sphere of action of the Three Estates,
is of infinitely greater importance than a mere
financial arrangement, At the instance, there-
fore, of the Government, whose measure has been
rejected, the House of Commons at once deputed
to a Committee the task of searching for pre-
cedents. They were instructed to look back
and ascertain whether in this act the Lords
had done anything which they had not been accus-
tomed. to do upon previous similar occasions.
This committee has now made its report, and all
the archives of Parliament, so far as they bear upon
the question upon which we desire information, lie
open before us. As a history of the constitutional
practice of granting supplies, and of the rules which
regulate the action of the two Chambers in dealing
with these questions, it is a very valuable docu-
ment ; but we think the public will be disappointed
at the very small amount of authority which the
industry of the committee, aided by the facilities for
reference possessed by the officers of the house, has
been able to bring together on the question imme-
diately in hand. Commencing their search with
the year 1628, which is the year in which the pre-
sent form of granting supplies was practically esta-
blished, and the preamble now in use was settled
under the eye of those great lawyers Coke, Glan-
ville, and Selden, the committee proceed to adduce
instances wherein it was distinctly laid down that
the office of Commons is to grant, and that of the
Lords is to assent. They quote the declaration of
the Lords at a conference held in 1640, that " My
lords would not meddle with matters of subsidy,
which belong naturally and properly to you—no,
not to give you advice therein ; and they show
the establishment of the practice of returning the
supply act to the House of Commons in order
that, having been assented to by the Lords,
it may be presented for the Royal assent by the
Speaker. All this is plain sailing. So, also, is the
practice of the Commons when the Lords amend
a Supply or Tax Bill. The instances in which the
Commons have refused to entertain such amend-
ments will not greatly further us in our inquiries
as to the exact limits of the constitutional province
of Lords and Commons in the case before us. The
only precedent under this heading cited by the
committee which bears at all upon the present in-
quiry is a warning given by the Commons to the
Lords in 1678. '• The Commons, therefore, leave
the bills and the amendments with your lordships,
together with the ill consequences that attend the
not passing this bill." We have not got half-way
through this report without finding anything to our
immediate purpose. The heading "Practice of the
Commons, when the Lords do not pass the bill,,
seems to promise something of more interest.
The The results, however, is still disappointment.
amend-
ing five precedents three are lather cases of .
than of rejecting, and all we. learn is that in 1408
duty upon
thee Lords rejected a Supply Bill to la
foreign woollens, and that in 1752 aybaill to- fix a
license tax upon brokers was lost upon a proroga-
tion.
None of these precedents touch ther repealingpres a tag.
It potint:
which is the rejection of a bill f
It is not until we arrive at the
last, and almost the
shortest heading. in the report, that we find gathered
in a bunch all the precedents which are of the least
'alue for the object for which the search was corn-