The Sun.
London, England, 1856-12-19 00:00:00

ir it B SUN, 14010014, fitiDAY :e v.- .18 N 1 N G, DEC-EMBER AD, 0054.1.

nation. What we have to look to at the period
of the preposterous renewal of the Paris Confe-
rences, arc—not the miserable little mo-
narchical intrigues brewing at Naples and
Berlin—but the daring designs, the hereditary
policy, the implacable ambition, the insatiable
lust of political, commercial, and territorial ag-
grandisement which, together, constitute the secret
motive power of the Dread Russian Autocracy !
That gigantic and terrible Autocracy which,
during two hundreed years, has proved to the
surrounding nations what to the idolaters of
Asia, Moloch and Juggernaut, ware wont to be of
old, the pitiless Devourers, the wholesale and
inexorable Destroyers. Sweden, Persia, Turkey,
each in turn has been
Poland, Tartary
ploughed up by the grinding wheels of the Rus-
sian Car of Destruction. Finland has been
absorbed (from tileaborg to Helsingfors) into
the immensity of the Muscovite dominions.
Circassia (from the northernmost extremity of
the Caucasus to the southernmost limits of
Chirvar, from the western frontier-line of Georgia
to the eastern shores of Daghestan) has been
added to the vast aggregate of Russia. Bess-
arabia, Nicholaev, and Taurida, have (in one mag-
nificent sweep of the sword) secured to the rule of
the CzAR the whole of the northern coast of the
Caspian. From Warsaw to Cracow, from Thorn
to Tomaszow, the bulk of the spoil of Poland has
fallen to the share of the robber-house of Ro-
mA.NoFr. Astrachan, too, has entirely been se-
cured, as it were, under the heel of the Rus-
sian Despotism, from the region of the
Calmucks to the mouths of the great river flowing
down from the remote acclivities of the Ural
Mountains. Thus has Russia ravaged the con-
tiguous frontier provinces of Sweden, of Persia,
of Turkey, of Poland, of Tartary, in turn. Until
we find her now, in 1856, at the Close of the
Crimean War, unscathed, uncurbed, undiminished,
bent openly upon the realisation of her one
great design of beating smooth, and straight, and
clear before her the broad pathway from her own
territories to those of the British Empire in Hin-
dostan. Such is literally and undeniably the secret
source, the hidden meaning, the latent object of
the recent seizure of Herat, and, with the capture
of that important fortress, the inauguration of the
conflict now actually begun between Persia and
England.
The Russian Autocracy is at the bottom
of it all. The CzAR is really and truly the
originator of this new war, and that too at the
very time when he is affecting such purely pacific
intentions. The fact is notorious. It is alto-
gether undeniable. As for the emergency through
which it has come to light, that was foreseen long
sinc3; it was distinctly and explicitly foretold years
ago by Sir JOHN M`NEILL, when he described the
principal aim kept in view by Russia, through all
the mazes of her southern conquests, as being the
gradual diminution of the difficulties standing in
the way of the invasion of British India ! He
recognised, moreover, in this very stronghold of
Herat, the readiest means through which the
Muscovite-despotism might arrive at the goal of
lits ambition in this direction. For, observed this
distinguished and far-seeing diplomatist, in
a very notable passage, which we gladly
transfer to our columns from those of an

tself.

eminent morning contemporary :
the moment she occupies this position
it will become necessary to augment our army in
India, especially the European part of it, as to be
prepared for the contingencies that may arise out
of her proximity. This would be a large addi-
tion to our national expenditure, which would
become permanent ; because, if Russia were at
Herat, we could no longer send troops out by
iea as quickly as she could march them by
land. . . Were Russia established at Herat,
the influence she would exert in India, even in
time of peace, would be such as to render the
Government of that country much more delicate
and difficult than it now is. Those who know
India, not merely the presidencies, but the
provinces, will comprehend the change that would
be effected in our position there by the preserve se,
within such a distance as to make a collision p ro-
bable, of any Power equal to our own. Rebellit ms
would become more frequent and more form id-
able. The revenue would, in many places, Ile
collected with difficulty, and in some the full
amount would not be paid. The minds of all naen
would be unsettled, and every disturbance in the
north-western provinces, every movement on the
Indus, and beyond it, would assume a new :•.1.)2.-
racter front the connection it would or m ight
have 'with the new and powerful neighbour to
whorrl all the disaffected would have recours e."
Years ago these deductions were drawn by •the
s?.gacious judgment of Sir JOHNAPNEILL from, the
purely hypothetical possibility of the seizure of
Herat. And—lo ! Herat is now actually in the
possession of our enemies—the notion of its cap-
, ture being no longer a merely idle hypothesis.. It
is in the possession of our enemies through, the
sudden and treacherous violation of the Treaty of
1853—and our reply to the outrage has bee n the
formal declaration of war against Persia ou the
Ist of November at Calcutta. Already the Porsian
Gulph is in the possession of the British fleet,
our forces being directed against the foe (in re-
taliation for the surprise of Herat) through. their
chief Persian seaport—the seaport which is
to the dominions of the Shah NASR-0010-DEEM
much more than Trieste is to th ose of
the Emperor FRANCIS-JOSEPH the C Pity of
Bushile, the great mart of the Caspian, where
Indian and European commodities are ex( ;hanged
principally for silk and for bullion. ' rhat, it
appears, is the course taken by our milit au and
maritime, our political and diplomatic stri ctegisis.
Wore it not-advisable, let us ask, that a simulta-
neous effort were made against Persia by • way of
Caubul and Candahar? Might not the pr owess of
the Affghuans be directly enlisted to the end that
some more straightforward, right-onw, trd blow
might be aimed at the Persian capital of Teheran?
' BY Way of Astrabad rather than by that of :Ispahan.
At any rate, in whatever direction we a et against
r eraia, and,
through Persia, against I tussia, let
us
act (in the name of common sense and right
Not tow
reaB(m)Proniptly and decisively. Not : hesitating.
ee •
p rising. Not hair-splitting, as to the
choice of some more obvious scheme of a cam-
paign than the
sbncadagbesbpaaorcfdious one alone , calculated
grand
to lead our forces to victory. B 1 it--having
flung down the ~,.
,baatuticie, 1
eaan:.
„a drawni
nt
o the
sword from the
iarena—let us " strike hom- $,
aggressive antagonist 1 u to the l wart of our

." From

Russia is alike astonished and .
Judi gnant at the
refusal of the French and English
capitalists to
invest their superfluous cash in the construction
of an extensive system of military ra
ilways. This
as it was
is the more provoking,
cualy very re-
cently that the old Muscovite, o ,t war party,
gave in their adhesion to the projt: tt, and it was
then fondly imagined that every difficulty
was
removed. Indeed, as we have already explained,
a double object was contemplated . It was not
merely to obtain the much-requ ired means of
transporting safely, cheaply, an( I expeditiously
the troops and stores—the persons tel and materiel,
of war—to any locality where they might be

required, but also to drain France and England of

their specie, and replenish the treasury of
Russia at the expense of their late opponents.
And all those agreeable plans are frustrated

by the obstinacy of the Western unbelievers. The
CZIR cannot get his pretty plaything at other

people's expense. He must either do without it,
or supply the cost out of his own pocket. And
even if he accepted the latter branch of the
alternative, he could not, for a considerable time
at least, carry into execution his cherished plan
of Cossackising Europe ; and all this from the
perversity of the fancied gudgeons, who will not

even nibble at the hook, although skilfully baited

by the experienced hands of PEREIRA, HOPE,
BARING, and Co., and even by the Credit Mobilier

This is, indeed, too bad. France and

England are not, it appears, sufficiently
grateful for the leniency of the Czar, who so
greatly condescended to overlook their opposi-
tion to the Imperial will in preventing
him from helping himself to a handsome slice of
Turkey.

But, seriously speaking, if the CZAR hoped to
merit the confidence indispensable where an
advance of more than forty-two millions of pounds
sterling was required, he should have exhibited
less trickery in the performance of the stipulations
contained in the Treaty of Paris. He should
have shown himself incapable of taking any unfair
and petty advantage of those who trusted his
plighted word. But, when it was gravely put
for ward by his Government that the Russian
Plenipotentiaries were not responsible for in-
accurate maps that they might justly be-
nefit by the letter of an agreement,
however strongly opposed to its spirit and
the belief of all the parties by whom
it was executed, he must have known that the
terms of the late contract would be strictly inves-
tigated, so that there should be no loophole for
evasion. It is one thing to deal with a high-
minded person, whose word is as good as his
bond, but it is a very different transaction where
the customer is one who will, if possible, wriggle
out of his obligations, and who takes care that
the judges, by whom any differences shall be de-
cided, are wholly under his own influence and
control.

Five per cent. is a very pleasing return for
capital. Notwithstanding the enormous rate of
discount still charged, capitalists would be glad to
insure it fcr a permanency, or even a protracted
period. But it can be obtained in English
securities of an unexceptionable character, with-
out the provision that they shall be annihilated
at the end of 85 years. It is not, therefore, so
extraordinary a catch that the parties must jump
at it without closely scrutinising the soundness
of the security. Prom what we have already
stated, it is obvious that the railways themselves
cannot by any possibility pay a reasonable divi-
dend. Even the Grand Trunk Line from
Petersburg to Moscow did not return from
profits more than 1 per cent, to the share-
holders, notwithstanding the stimulating incident
of a coronation, and the mass of wealthy
foreigners thereby attracted. There is nothing,
then, to depend on, save the Imperial guarantee
of 5 per cent., out of which all expenses for ma-
nagement,
maintenance of way, replacement of
material, accidents, &c., tis,e., must first be de-
frayed. These numerous items will make a
serious inroad on the gross amount ! And then,
supposing that the traffic is insufficient to pay
the working expenses—no very extravagant notion
when the scanty population and impediments
to locomotion in the shape of the passport system,
the difficulties of obtaining wood and water, and
other acknowledged obstacles are taken into con-
sideration. What will be the result The CZAR
cannot, under any circumstances, be required to
pay more than 5 per cent., and that may in a
great degree, if not altogether, be absorbed in
matters not thought of by the promoters.
Besides, we may reasonably inquire on what
is the 5 per cent. to be paid—simply on the ac-
count of the original estimate, and should that be
exceeded, as has been invariably the case in
every French and English railway, what return
will be made for the e3dra capital ? The
CZAR will be entitled to have that for which he
bargains provided in good working order. H•
will not relinquish a single point of his bargain.
In fact, if he keeps faith even in what he has
stipulated, the parties may be well contented.
An excess of ten, fifteen, or twenty millions in
the expenditure will grievously reduce the divi-
dends, so that in place of five, three, or two,
possibly one per cent. may be all that can be ob-
tained ! This will be a just retribution on those
who send their money to benefit an implacable
opponent. None will sympathise with their losses.
" Sarved. them right" will be all but the unani-
mous verdict. If their money is indeed " burn-
ing their pockets" so that a way of escape must
be discovered, they may easily find snore promis-
ing schemes to reduce the superfluity. The
chariness of the Russians themselves to take shares
in the undertaking should teach a salutary lesson
of caution even to the most reckless speculators.

There are private and personal reasons, in addi-
tion to those of public policy, that should induce
the French EMPEROR to hesitate, before entering
on a crusade against the Liberties of Switzer-
land, in favour of the obsolete and ima-
ginary claims of Clicquot. He should not
altogether forget the chivalrous hospitality
displayed in favour of a certain Louis
NAPOLEON, once designated as a mere political
adventurer, an unauthorised " Pretender to the
throne of France," which called forth some
eighteen years since the cordial expression
of grateful thanks, " exalted esteem, and
distinguished sentiments" from the party
concerned. He then hoped to prove to the Swiss
people that he was "worthy of the marks of esteem
and affection they lavished on him," and declared
that he should " never forget the noble con-
duct of the Cantons, who declared so couragesly
in his favour, and particularly the recollection of
the generous hospitality accorded to him by the Can-
ton of Thurgooen," which would, he assured them,
" remain profoundly engraved on his heart !"
Had the Confederation yielded to French menaces
in 1838, Louis NAPOLEON might not have had
the opportunity of writing that " Switzer Land
should not be astonished, if, in the course of
events, she should no longer find that good-wi,ll
which she might so easily have obtained at
trifling sacrifice 1" The career of the adventurer
would have been brought to a summary conclusion.
The celebrated carpet-bag experiment would never
have been tried—the quondam prisoner of Ham
would never have occupied the French throne, or
founded an Imperial dynasty on the ruins of the
Republic.
W e are told, on high authority, to " place not
our faith in Princes," and most assuredly the Swiss.
Cantons have ample reason to acknowledge the
efficiency of the salutary caution. What in 1835
was a noble independence is now designated as-
" a lamentable obstinacy, an exaggerated suscep-
tibility, and a complete indifference to French
counsels !" But Switzerland will maintain the
even tenour of her way despite the praises or the
threats of Louis DTAPOLISON. She acts on a just and

unalterable principle. Under any circumstances the I
cherished independence, so long asserted, will be i
steadfastly maintained. Prussia may growl,
France may threaten, but she will not yield a
single point. The rebels who rose against the
established laws of the community must be
brought to justice. That justice will be tempered
with mercy, for she is too magnanimous to treat
their abortive efforts with severity. England could
afford to display clemency to political offenders.
So can Switzerland. If a similar demonstration
had taken place against the Austrian, Russian, or
Prussian Government, the gallows and the fusil-
lade would be placed in requisition—or, even if
in France, Cayenne might have received an addi-
tion to its population. But, as we stated, the
authorities of the Confederation may be lenient.
They must assert their own dignity by bringing
the offenders to trial, and then they may show
their clemency by discharging them from the
penal consequences of their ill-advised and reck-
less attempt.

LATEST NEWS.

TIIE "OBSTINACY" OF SWITZERLAND.

PARIS, Wednesday, 6 p.m.—The Emperor,
lrongh the channel of the Monitegr, reads a lee-
:uro today to the Swiss, and a rather severe lee-
:ure it is. It was first intended for that ordinary

reservoir of eemi-official outpourings, the Constitzt-
tionnel. It was then withdrawn and prepared to

suit the regular Government organ. It was again
withdrawn, and this second withdrawal led some
to suppose that an arrangement between the Fede-
ration and Prussia was not improbable. Its pub-
lication this morning shows that that chance is for
the present postponed.
Some curious thoughts are suggested by a perusal
of this document, which is certainly less subdued

than if it had to be addressed to a Power like
Russia, and it is the more remarkable from the old
and friendly associations between Switzerland and
the Emperor of the French. Considerable stress
is laid on the fact, that the Imperial Govern-
ment of France cannot, in spite of the interest
which it feels towards Switzerland, disregard the
faith of treaties. One would suppose that the
Moniteur is not the best authority to lecture people
on the immorality of violating solemn engage-
ments, whatever form they may take, whether
treaties or otherwise. The crown the Emperor
Napoleon wears is in defiance of treaties as solemn
as any on record, so far as relates to foreign
policy ; and the obligations incurred on the 10th

December, 1848, are historically too recent, and the
coup d'etat still more so, for the display of exces-
sive puritanism on the violation of solemn obliga-
tions. The sans facon manner in which the Revo-
lution of 1848 is alluded to savours a little of

ingratitude. But for the catastrophe of 1848 where
would the Emperor of the French now be, or what

would he be ?
If Prussia, as the lloniteur implies, is justified in
employing intimidation to prevent men from tieing
legally tried who had unfurled the Royal standard
against the de facto Government, on the ground
of their having fought for " right and for legality,"
a Legitimist or Orleanist insurrection should not be
condemned. True, the King of Prussia, as the
I%lanitevr states, has protested against the Revolu-
tion of 1848, but Louis XVIII. protested with no
less solemnity against the first Empire, and his
protest did not save the Vendeans or Bretons from
the doom of rebels when taken in arms. Charles X.
, protested against the "usurpation" of 1830, but
that protest did not prevent Louis Philippe from
detaining in captivity his own niece, nor from ex-
posing that Princess to the scoffs and derision of
the world.

The Orleans Princes would,.no doubt, protest
against the Revolution of 1818, did that protest
afford a chance of success to their cause, and a
collective protest did not prevent the confiscation
of the Orleans property.
The Legitimists regard Henry V., and none
other, as their King, and in him alone are centred
" right and legality." Supposing the Marquis de
Pastoret and the Marquis de Larochejacquelin,
under some sudden inspiration from former con-
victions, rising to-morrow in their places as mem-
bers of the Imperial Senate, unfurling the white
flag, and shouting, instead of as now " Vive _Napo-
leon 111. !"—" Vive Henri V. !" I wonder whe-
ther the consciousness of their having proclaimed
" right and legality" would save them from im-
prisonment and trial ? And, if it did not, would
the Emperor Napoleon admit the right of Henry
V. to interfere ?
The liberation of the prisoners on demand is, in
point of fact, the whole question. The eagerness to
sate them cannot arise from any apprehension on
the part of Prussia that they will be treated with in-
humanity ; if they had a " right," as the Moniteur
all but declares, to revolt for the overthrow of the
de facto Government, the de facto Government
has surely a right to put them on their trial.
The concluding passages are still more harsh
than the opening. All is compliment and flattery to
the King of Prussia, the heir presumptive to whose
crown is now feasted at the Tuileries, and whose own
long desired visit to Paris is not yet despaired
of ; but all is cold and harsh to Switzerland.
" On one side," says the Paris Moniteur, "France
has met with a sincere desire to terminate a delicate
question;on the other, on the contrary, an obstinacy
which is to be regretted, an exaggerated suscepti-
bility, and a complete indifference to counsels."
From this crime of obstinacy (writes the corres-
pondent of the Times) I fear there is no way of
defending poor Switzerland. The reproach of the
Monitcur, is, alas, too true. Switzerland has
before now displayed her obstinacy on other mat-
ters. That characteristic fault of hers has brought
her into trouble more than once. It is proved by
the following letter addressed by the Duke of
Montebello to the Federal Directory in January,
1838 :
After the events of Strasburg and the act of generous
clemency of which Louis Napoleon Bonaparte had been the
object, the King of the French could not expect that
a friendly country like Switzerland, and with which
the ancient relations of friendly neighbours had lately
been so fortunately re-established, would suffer that Louis
Bonaparte should return to its territory, and, with a con-
tempt of all the obligations imposed on him by gratitude,
should dare to resume their criminal intrigues and avow
loudly insensate pretensions, of which their very folly cannot
absolve him since the attempt at Strasburg. It is notorious
that Arnenberg is the centre of intrigues which it is
the right and duty of the King's Government not to tole-
rate. Vainly would Louis Bonaparte deny the pamphlet
he has published both in Germany and France—that which
the Court of Peers had recently condemned—to which it
is proved ho had given his assent, and had distri-
buted it. Facts exist, which prove that the object of his
return from America was not only to pay the last duty to
a dying mother, but likewise to recommence plans and
announce pretensions which, it is now demonstrated, he
never renounced. Switzerland is too honourable and
faithful an ally to permit that Louis Bonaparte shall
call himself one of her citizens, and the pretender
to the throne of France—that he shall call himself a
Frenchman whenever he may conceive a hope of convuls-
ing his country for the furtherance of his plans, and a citi-
zen of Thurgovia, when the Government of his country
wishes to prevent a repetition of his criminal attempts,
How Prince Louis Bonaparte felt on that occasion
may be seen by the following :
Arenenberg, Sept. 22, 1838.
Monsieur le Landamann,—When the noteldonf
otthseuDhumllet
of
of
Montebello was addressed to the Diet, I won .
that I had re-
the exigencies of the French Government,. for it was neces-
sary for me to prove, by my refusal to retire,
turned to Switzerland without violating any engagement ;
that I had a right to reside there, and that I should find
there aid and protection. heaert
h
Switzerland has denionstratettedudreicnigsioaums
oonf ththe great
energetic protests, and now yp
neatest sacr Councils which have resembled uto the presentes fort h
the
at
she was prepared to Inak has done e the g
r
maintenance of her dignity and her right. She
her duty as an independent nation. I shall perform mine,
and remain faithful to the
h voice of honour• may be per-
secuted, but I shall never e dishonoured.
The French Government having declared that the refusal
of the Diet to comply with its demand would be the signal
of a conflagration of which Switzerland might become the
victim, it only remains for me to quit a country wheremy
presence is the subject of such unjust pretensions—where
it would be the pretence for such great calamities.
I request you, therefore, M. de Landamann, to announce
to the Federal Directory that I shall leave as soon as i
shall have obtained from the Ambassadors of the different
f.wers passports necessary for me to proceed to a place
whore I may find a secure asylum.
In voluntarily quitting to-day the only country in Europe
in which I found support and protection—in withdrawing
from places which had become dear to ma in so many
e
!Teets, I hope to prove to the Swiss people that I. wasworr:
thy of the marks of esteem and affection they lavished on
me. I shall never forget the noble conduct of the cantons
who declared so courageously in my favour, and particu-
larly the recollection of the generous hospitality accorded
me by the Canton of Thurgovia will remain profoundly e:
graved in my heart.
I trust that this separation may not be eternal, and that
a day may come when I shall, without compromising the
interests of two nations which ought to remain friends, re-
cover the asylum where a residence of twenty years and
acquired rights had created for me a second country.
Be, Monsieur lo Landamann, the interpreter of my
grateful feelings to the Councils, and believe that the idea
of sparing Switzerland from trouble can alone assuage the
regret I experience in quitting it.
Accept the expression of my exalted esteem and of my
distinguished sentiments.
NAPOLEON LOUIS BONAPARTE.
To his Excellency the Landamann Anderwert, President
of the Lower Council of the Canton of Thurgovia.

THE GUANO EXPEDITION TO THE
KURIA MURIA ISLANDS.

ADEN, Nov. 25.

It is with extreme regret that we have to report the
temporary failure of Captain Ord's expedition to the
Kuria Muria Islands, whither he proceeded from this
place with the vessels Bleng and Philip Dean about two
months ago, for the purpose of working the guano which
is to be found in large quantities on three of those
islands.
After making those islands in safety and landing most
of his implements, &c., and commencing operations, it
appears that his tent was surrounded, at 6 a.m. of the
22d of October, by a body of 150 armed Arabs, who,
having first demanded what his object was, and learning
from him, through the interpreter, that it was to collect
guano from such of the islands as had been ceded to her
Majesty by the Imaum of Muscat, and that he possessed
an exclusive right to that privilege, immediately, and in
the most pereniptory and insulting manner, ordered him
quit the islands within one hour. The islands, they
averred, were never a dependency of the Iruaum, but
belonged to their chief. who resided at Marbat, on the
mainland adjacent, without whose authority no person
had any right to set foot on his territory.
Captain Ord at the time had only one Earopean (his
second assistant) and 10 men with him, but was subse-
quently joined by his first assistant (Mr. Smith) and 20
more of his own men, chiefly natives of India. Even
with this force it would have Leen the height of rashness
to attempt any opposition, and Captain Ord seems t
have acted with equal.determination and prudence in the
difficult position in which he was placed. Ho warned
the Arabs of the certain retribution which would follow
any attempt at further violence, and succeeded in
obtaining a respite for 48 hours to abandon the islands.
This he effected, and was prepared to sail with the
Bleng and Philip Dean to Bombay, on the 29th of
Octot or. Mr. Smith, accompanied by the hired coolies
taken from this, started on the same day, in two boats,
and reached Aden in safety on the 18th of November.,