The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-01 00:00:00

PIeUS,SIAN POLIO'.

German newspapers are affecting ii.epriso that
the English people should allow themselves to be
provoked by the incident on the Bonn Railway
into finding fault with everything Prussian, and
t judging the acts of a first-rate Power and a friendly,
nation
a under. the influence of petty, remitment.
As the same. _charge is made by a portikin ,Qt ,our,
own press, it is worth while to contradict it, and
to say that, though the insolence of the Prussian
officials will not be easily-forgotien here, it has in
no way affected the judgment which we as a free
people have passed on the political acts of the
Government. If an Englishman has been ill. used
and his country deliberately insulted by,a judicial
functionary in open court about the same time
that a retrograde foreign policy has been avowed
by the Regent's Cabinet, the concurrence of the
two events must rather be looked upon as showing
that they proceed from the same impulse, and that
,the antipathy to 'liberal institutions which is
expressed decorously by the statesman takes tlat
form of vulgar abuse in the mouth of the pro-
vincial pettifogger. ' ' We are, he*ever, disposed
still more to regret that the scandalous affair ever
took place if it leads the German people to believe
that the discontent which is felt at the policy of
Prussia springs from no other source than tempo-
rary pique. The fact is -very different, as the writer
in the Ration'al Zeitung plainly sees. For many
years therehasbeen a smouldering dissatisfaction at
the manner in which Prussia has fulfilled her inter-:
national duties, and in this. crisis of European
history the dissatisfaction has broken out into .
anger. We need not now dwell on the Russian
War, and the part which the Court of Berlin
played during that time. We are now told by the
apologists of the Regent's policy that Baron Man-
teuffelis no longer in power, and that, though his
creatures still cling to the bureaux where he placed
them, the spirit of the Government is wholly
edianged. lt would give us much pleasure to be
convinced of this. We would gladly learn that the
Prussia of to-day was something different tyorn the
State which allowed itself to be reduced to insigni-
ficance six years ago.
But no proof of this change is afforded us. Prussia
is evidently as weak in purpose and as wavering in
counsel as when King Frederick William listened
to every piece of pious sentimentality with, which
Russian agents plied his infirm mind. The policy of
Berlin was then neutrality—it is neutrality now ' •
and yet the demands of a manly policy are much
smaller now than then. In the late war Prussia
was asked to fight; now she is called upon only to
give her moral support to a people struggling for
freedom. But she could not decide then, and she
cannot decide ' now. In 1554 -Prussia perfectly
i agreed with the Western Powers, and two years
after she became a party .to the Treaty of Paris.
She was a steadfast opponent, on paper, of Russian
aggression. She desired the independence of
Turkey, the freedom of the Danube—all, in fact;
for which these who asked for her alliance con-
tended. But she would take no part in supporting
what she approved and. in carrying out what she
desired. Her first appearance wits when the victory
had been won, and then she came unbidden to the
Council-table to join in discussions when all had
been practically. decided. The present position of
Prussia is scarcely less undignified. True, for the
present, non-intervention is the order of the day,
and no practical "result follows, whether the views
of the Court be for or against Italy. But .no one
can say how long this state of,things will last, and
Prussia has no right to count upon it, andto fancy
that she can conciliate despotism and liberty by an
equivocal note. She was asked by, public opinion to
give such a countenance to the efforts of Italy as
should prove the sincerity of her alliaiice with Eng-
land, should discourage Austria from any military
folly, should check the agitation of the Germaxi.re
' -
actionists should take • away from Franco all pre-
text for hostility to the Federation, and should
secure the peace of the world by' making it p lain
that at Feast, one strong and wise Government ruied
in Central Europe, and might be depended upon to
think with ability and act with vigour. Thecourse,
taken by Baron Schleinitz• or his deputy has dis-
appoLnted these hopes. Although Prussia was
asked 01;ly to express an opinion, :yet that opi-
nion is the test of her progress and of her weight
in Europe. We now know that in this Italian
question, which looks so threatening to the
general peace, Prussia may be drawn to either
party. Austria need not despa it of winning the
Regent's support, for is not her , enemy condemned
as a violator of treaties and fosterer of revolutions P
, Italy may expect that ta he decisic will be on. her
I own side, for she is fighting for nationality, a prin-