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THE FRENCH PAMPHLET; " TLIB.POPE

AND THE CONGRESS."

(Rom the Times.)
Mr. Bow 3 er has sent us from Rome a long
.etter, or rather manifesto, which we publish is
another column. Mr. Bowyer is, as our readers
know, the avowed representative in the British
House of Commons of the Roman Catholic hier-
archy. He exercises in the Commons, and with
greater activity, the same functions' which the
Duke of Norfolk discharges in the Lords. Mr.
Bowyer and the Duke of Norfolk are, indeed, the
only English laymen of any prominence who are
identified with the Papal—as distinguished from
the Roman Catholic—body in the realm. Mr.
Bowyer seems to have been sent for to Rome to
advise the Pope and his Cardinals !hiring their
present difficulty. He dates from "the Palace of
the Order of Malta, at Rome." His paper has been
written in conference with the Papal Government,
and_ we have urged it as an act of justice to a Go-
vernment which could riot commit itself to an offi-
cial answer to an anonymous paper. This appeal
loses some of its force when we find that the Pope
has himself poured forth `the vials of his wrath
against this "opuscule ;" but we are content to
ascept the fact that Mr. Bowyer is doing for the
Pope what M. Laguerroniere has.done for the Em-
peror of the French. • We are obliged to state these
facts as our excuse for obtruding so long a state-
ment on our readers ; but, as Mr. Bowyer says,
"Time, place, and supposed origin give to this
paper an importance undeserved by its arguments."
We trust that this answer of the Papal Govern-
ment to the French Emperor will be universally
read in England. So long as no answer was before
the world it was not only reasonable, but it was
just in any man to doubt whether the case was so
bad as all lay Roman Catholic: who' have any
value for the rights of themselves and their fellow-
men more or less silently believed, and as all
Protestants loudly declared. The suggestion
was arising that wo could not have heard the
whole facts of the case. There might be
—for what may not be hidden in the Vatican ?-

an overwhelming mass of evidence to show that
the facts which the civilised world has so long ac-
cepted as confirmed truths are, in reality, but
wicked inventions. The wrongs of the subjects of
the Sovereign Pontiff might, after all, be but ima-
ginary. The massacres of Perugia might be but a
fable. The discontent of the Romans might be
exaggerated, or without reason. M. About might
have been but a calumniator, and Cardinal Anto-
nelli a saint. Furtive baptism, and, "by inexo-
rable sequence of facts," subsequent kidnapping, of
Jew boys might be capable of denial. The Papal
army might be composed entirely of loyal native
Italians, and not a congregation of cutthroats
gathered from the refuse of the populations of
Switzerland and Austria. The lay citizens of the
Papal States might have a career of honour and
emulation before them, and not be cramped and
confined within the subterranean passages of so-
ciety, while every upper road to honour and im-
portance was held jealously barred to all but eccle-
siastics. All this might be—by a species of mi-
racle, it must be owned—and yet Europe might not
know it. So far as England and the policy of Eng-
land are concerned this, whether this be so or be
not so, was the whole matter. We have nothing to
do with the Pope • we have only to do with the
Sovereign of the Roman States. If that Sovereign
is a good King, if his people are happy under his
sway, if life and liberty are secure in his domi-
nions, we English need have no desire to see him
disturbed. But, if the contrary of all this
should be true ; if our common feelings of huma-
nity are outraged by the cries of women and chil-
dren murdered in hot blood by hireling foreign sol-
diers ; if tales of pillage pass frequently through
Europe; if such deeds as those of Perugia are
avowed and publicly rewarded ; if the rights of
fathers to their children are denied ; if family af-
fections are set at nought by a governing class
systematically educated not to know what family
affections may mean ; if the people, goaded by in-
tolerable oppression, are in open insurrection ; and
if the capital can only be kept down by a foreign
army, then we say that England, although
she does not arrogate to herself the office of an
active redresser of all wrongs, will Wes: any hand
that may be stretched forth to restrain such a scan-
dal to humanity, and such a satire upon religion.
How is this, Mr. Bowyer? Which of these two
views is that we ought to accept as historical truth ?
Alas ! we look in vain throughout this manifesto
for one fact, one tittle of proof, to help us in our en-
deavour to disbelieve in all that About has asserted
and in all that Perugia has shrieked. The Roman
Government denies nothing, explains nothing, pal-
liates nothing, regrets nothing. With a simple in-
solence which is a childish anachronism in 1860,
the Pope starts with the assumption that his Go-
vernment is, and has been, the practical perfection
of all government. He asks indignantly why it is
inconsistent with the character of a Pontiff to
punish the " guilty," and to administer " justice
tempered with mercy." He declares emphatically
that " the Government of the Holy See persecutes
no one, and protects all in the enjoyment of their
civil rights." Ho scouts the idea of "human inte-
rests and social wants" as vague generalities, but
he suggests that he is " a Prince exercising his
regal power in the practice of every Christian vir-
tue, and according to the spirit and precepts of the
Gospel." This is what is called a penile principii.
If half of it were true there would be an end of the
question. These phrases, however, suggest nothing
to the reader's mind except astonishment and hope-
lessness—astonishment at the boldness with which
all the public facts of modern days can be quietly
denied by a Government which is more than any
other bound.to accuracy of assertion, and hopeless-
ness of any sovereignty which can thus impudently
speculate upon the blindness of all mankind. As
the eye ranges down those columns which the
manifesto occupies, there is scarcely a. phrase
which does not occur to the reader as an invita-
tion to join with the Roman Government in be-
lieving the exact contrary of all the best known
facts of history. " The dogmas of the Church
we are, for instance, told, "are not opposed to
the progress of science, industry, civilisation,
and social improvement. On the contrary, the
Catholic Church has greatly favoured and encou-
raged them." Again we read, that "if the Ponti-
fical forces marched on Bologna there would be an
immediate return of the Legations to their allegi-
ance. But," it is added, with a simplicity which
may be either childish innocence or vacant folly,
" the revolutionary army commanded by PiednAon-
tese officers, and supported by Piedmont, prevents
the Pope from relieving his subjects from the des-
potism under which thy suffer." Probably this is
the paragraph of this manifesto which Europe will
have the least difficulty in believing. If the Ponti-
fical forces marched on Bologna, and there were no
Italian army there to meet them, the Pope would
certainly recover the Legations. We may.believe,
also, that there is some small minority in these
provinces who are attached to the old system. There
must, indeed, be several classes of trades which
depended entirely upon the clerical magnates now
expelled. But beyond these two assertions we can-
not point out any proposition in this long paper to
which an educated man of any creed may accord
his honest belief. Haying thus " proved his case,"
the Roman Government winds up with a command
and a promise :—" Let the Congress assert and
enforce the undoubted rights of the Holy See.
When this is done the Government of the Holy
Father will no doubt resume its authority with that
mildness and clemency which belong both to the
Holy See and the reigning Pontiff." Such has been
the answer of the Roman Government to the
pamphlet which has united the educated classes of
every country in approval of the moderate and
humane policy which it marked out. Mr. Bowyer,
as an Englishman well versed in our public affairs,
cannot be ignorant of the effects which such an
answer must produce in this country, and we con-
dole with him upon not being allowed to put his
name to a more satisfactory paper.

The following is the letter alluded to above:
TO THE EDITOR OF TII3 TIMES.

Sir,—Time, place, and supposed origin give to this pam-
phlet an importance which demands an answer, undeserved
by its views, arguments, and morality. Commencing by lay-
ing down the undeniable principle that the temporal power
of the Pope is necessary for the exercise of his spiritual
power, the writer proceeds to propose the destruction of
everything that is indispensable for the very existence of
that temporal power. There is scarcely a paragraph in
the whole work that is not refuted by some part of tke re-
mainder. And with expressions of attachment to the Churoh
and to the Holy See, she directly or indirectly sanctions
every calumny that has been levelled against it, and by the
most specious pretences supports all the hopes and plane of