The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-22 00:00:00

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pJCL 41). STAMPED, sn.

rce
ot: :roy questionsativ es
seemed A l r ,
d Gibsoneterm i said
d
be his duty, whether in office or out of office, to give
aadv,opcat t e
for the ballot. As to the
effect as far as possible to all the principles which he
bhhoaetdhwp,Lirtsoitexfsetsisit:eidas.nanl In
Menu hill which the Government introduced
to talk out the bill. The measure was one dealing
more with the question of the extension of the suf.-
frage than'with the enfranchisement or disfranchise-
ment of boroughs. ,At the
and every-
present moment nobody
body was willing to quarrel
seemed willing to support a Refs' Bill,
&iced. He stood where he did upon the. question
if mo bill was intro-
of reform. -
A vote of confidence in the right hot/.
terminated the proceedings. gentleman
, __

•
TEE :EMPEROR NAPOLEON Ala TB
POPE..

o.
Of all the projects attributed to the Eniperer
the French not one will impress Englishmen With
greater interest than the design now offered to p0)-
lie discussion by the Parisian journals. It has been
boldly maintained in a political pamphlet that the
Emperor ought to be his own Pope ; that it would
be greatly to the advantage of France to be made
independent of Rome, and that the supremacy of the
Gailican Church ought, in the true interests of the
nation, to be vested in the Crown. Short of doc-
trinal changes, in fact, the project thus mooted
amounts to a French Reformation, and we are in-
vited to contemplate Napoleon 111. proceeding in
the steps of our own Henry VIII. Of the degree
of authenticity to be ascribed to this singular report
we can say nothing. All that is known is that the
scheme has been undoubtedly put forward in a
publication which has been widely circulated, and
that it.has. been contradicted in a contemptuous
tone liy a journal of some authority. This may he
nothing at all, or it may be the beginning of an
end ; but, at any rate, the, subject is broached, and
and the idea will certainly not lack attention. On
this side of the Channel there will, of course, be but
one opinion on the advantage of national indepen-
dence. We are never tired of asserting that
foreign priest, prince, or potentate path, or ouglit
to have, any power or authority within this reedit;
of England."' We observe and mark that wherever
the Pope pretends to divide the dominions of a
country with its Sovereign political evils invariably
follow. If the Sovereign assumes an attitude of
independence, his prelates are in a state of revolt ;
if he cringes obsequiously to the power of Rome,
his people are in a state of servitude; and the best
that can happen is: that the Pope may be in-
duced by what is termed a Concordat to put a
definite limitation to his meddling on reasonable
terms. On the principle at stake, therefore, we
can entertain but one opinion. We are also aware,
though the statement may create surprise, that a
Sovereign of France would, in (2eclaring the inde-
pendence of the Gallican Church, be only consum-
mating a traditional policy of the French Crown.
Whether such an act, however, couid be success-
fully accomplished without an innovation of theolo-
gical doctrine is a question on which histtiry gives
us little means of speaking.
It is a notable and instructive fact that the first
impulse of every European nation at the awakenleig
of human intellect in the 16th century was to shako'
off the the thraldom which had been imposed by
the Bishops of Rome. It is another striking fact,
that the country which caught these views first of
all was France. That great kingdom, always pro-
fessing, and often with reason, to be at the head of
civilisation, discerned its national interest in this
respect long before the truth flashed upon the rest
of Christendom. It made a demonstration in the
matter by the light of its own instincts before the
actual Reformation of religion had so much as com-
menced. Twenty years at least before Henry VIII.
began to threaten Clement, and five full years
before Luther nailed his propositions to the church
door at Wittenberg, France had been on the point
of asserting her ecclesiastical independence. It
was not until a later period that the other ruling
Powers took up the question, but then they were
all of one mind. Europe was virtually divided
between three great Monarchs ; Charles V., the
head of the house of Austria, was Emperor of Ger-1
many and King of Spain ; Francis I, was King of
France, and Henry of England, and the ag-
gregate dominion of these potentates left little other
territory to be accounted for. Nothing is now more
certain than that Charles, Henry, and Francis
together were all ready to discard the Pope, and only
hesitated from corteiderations of political interest.
The fact was that the particular Sovereign who
remained in communion with Rome could employ
the power of that Cone, such as it was, against
his heretical rivals, and nt., one of the players liked
to throw away such a possible card. It, is curious
enough that the Prince least sileposed to break with
the Pope was he who actually consummated the
rupture. Henry was the most eilocere Catholic of
the three—the very "Defender of tile Faith," and
it seemed far more probable 330 years ago that
France would repudiate the Papal
,jurisdiction than
that such a step would be taken by Engle:id.
In
fact, the French kings never actually lost the idea.
Francis would probably have allied himself with
Henry:in the spiritual revolt, if he had not b 6.01
seduced by an offer of the Pope to promote French
interests in Italy. Henry IV. and Sully, of course,
balanced the considerations for and against the
measure ; even Louis XIV. had his glimpses of
doubt, and Voltaire tells us plainly that in Louis
XV.'s time, when the quarrels between Jesuits and
Jansenists were at their worst, people had begun
to declare outright that if the Pope made his autho-
rity so onerous France would know how to dispense
with it, as so many other countries had done before.
As far, therefore, as political traditions are con-
cerned, there is no question but that Louis Napoleon
might supersede Pius IX. with ample warrant;
and thought the maxims of the great Gallican
divines would require rather arbitrary extension
before their could be made to justify such an "in-
dependent: .?." as is now talked of, the scheme would
still expres ei only a favourite idea of French states-
men in all ages. ' We are compelled, however, to
observe that France is a Catholic country, and that
there is no i nstance of a Catholic country subsisting
in independence of the Pope. Doubtless it was the
theory of I:l.enry VIII.'s councillors, and especially
so of that ..Monarch himself, that the question of
religious o rthodoxy might be kept entirely separate
from that of spiritual jurisdiction, but the event
proved th, contrary, and the idea with which the
original a stors in the matter had consoled them-
selves was ; soon scattered to the winds. The Church
of Englan el became a new, as well as an indepen-
dent com munion, and, though it escaped certain
extreme c,pinions, it was a Reformed Church still.
When the e Pope was east off the Protestants became
supreme. If the Pope were cast off in France,
would the, French clergy remain where they are ?
We are perhaps discussing the question too seri-
ously, they ugh it is impossible to say what realities
may not lurk under the very lightest essays of
Parisian pamphleteering. One assertion, however,
we ventu t e to make, and that is that the Emperor
Napoleorr could hardly entertain a project more
conduciv e to his popularity in this country than
that wh Ech, whether with or without reason, is
now ascr i bed to him. All our ideas of misgovern-
ment, ate ii;nation, and debasement are included in
the idea cif Papal predominance ; all our notions of
freedom ;and progress are represented in that of
enfranchisement from this degrading yoke. In our
view to rescue a kingdom from the clutches of
Rome would be like getting an estate out of Chan-
cery—the first step to genuine improvement. 'We
cannot imagine how a country can be governed so
long as as foreign priest with a policy always and
necessaritly inimical to freedom can obtrude his ill-
defined tend aggressive domination into its domestic
We shall be told that France herself is ,
concerns:.
an exansple to the contrary—that she, a State in
strict communion with Rome, is and has ever been,
nevertheless, one of the most intellectual and en-
lightenktt States of Europe. We answer that France
has doubless been all this, but that she has been
proportion as she has treated the Papal
farms in
speculative rather than real. The Court
l
e._ -oome did little harm to France because it was
of 1- 'th little opportunities of doing so, and was
left NVI. •ntent itself with the shadow, instead of
fain to cc._ ~e, of Hower.Sinstance So it
ithas always been in
the substans Tn the
such cases. a hitherto present the French
Louis Napoleon's very.
prelates have bee
humble servants. They are now disposed to be-
come in preference tie" servants of their other mas-
ter—the Pope, and it is thus that the crisis has ar-
rived. Wherever the Papal Comet has the power
of meddling it will either meddle or have its for-
bearance dearly bought. 'Will it try its strength
in France? And, if it does, how will it be encoun-
tered? These perhaps are the qt, esti ons which
suggested the argument we have reviewed this
morning.— Times.

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WEATITZIt IN THE NORTH.—Wintar has set in
round Edinburgh in earnest. The Pentlands have been
covered with snow some days, and at Portobollcr the sharp
frost of Saturrday, when the thermometer (Fahrenheit) fell
to 2s;degree s, was succeeded by a heavy fall of snow iiPon
Sunday, and a brilliant aurora borealis in the evening.
Yesterday n iorning the glass ranged at 30 degrew, with
the snow hard frozen, and every prospect of the coti con-
, gulp g, Tile winds most prevalent are west.

BRIGII7 A T IL AX
Mr. Bright, after a somewhat unusual silentes
has been addressing the Mechanics' Institute at
Wakefield, and, with him, we should be very glad,
to see the rising generation early imbued with
sound principles of political and economical science.
There arises the question, however, " How is the
thine; to be done ?" and Mr. Bright's awn attempts
are not so encouraging as might be. We fear we
must acid that in at least one important respect his
example s',,s at variance with his teaching. Ere tells
us, or rather our working classes, that one reason,
"A by the coadition of artisans, labourers, and heuse-
hole servants hses improved even more in the United
States than liereeesaal that there does not exist there
the vast mass of poverty which we have to deplore,
here, is the very litr.rit taxation of that country..
Twenty millions of people pay £60,000,000 less
than we do. That vast f3,um of money, instead oC
bring wasted, eater, and sleek by army and es.vy,
otTicials, and creditors, is eviOyed by the comma-,
~.ey at large, or invested in pyofitable enterprises.
i his if true, would be a veree, great fact. By the
arulelree every .
of Cocker each head of the ceenmunity has .e,3
s
year to spend in p Ysonal comforts,
irestead of eeing
it glittering --on ,the back of a
eoon, or
< gull:ages and fashionable. tossed on the ocean, or eentertainm-a'ant in park
e. nts. here
is a pesctical consideration, level to capacity
aof p; ;renough .rich' schoolboy old
to .caeow the
meaning ,of a shilling a week ail (IA
t
man's eami;y. Who will hold up roundhis hand
el)a-e'osaoer,
s' -
when he knows that it, and the
expensive institu-
tions
express
eohseil—cle' ee nv,
tins which it entails,. can only be maintained by
;31.siniogs.evaeryw:kan
fworiththais
wife and
rather, £3O a yearwhich is more that 1.15. cad..•
a week for the whole family ? Can it be said,
that this is a too abstract and high-flown argu-
ment ? Tell the labourer that if he likes war, with
all its apparatus of field marshals, generals, and
colonels, its costly artillery and commissariat, its
lavish weste at home aced sinful destruction
abroad, he teust pay a poll-tale of more than a shil-
-1 y .
ling a week for every soul of &e. famil towards
the amount, and. he will count the cost, says Mr.
Bright, and consider whether it is worth that to
slay thousands of our fellow-creel:Ares, and so ex-
tort from them what they may yerhapa
_be per- .
auaded to give up for love or for .reSett:'''.' eloresseeeesseareeseesee
Unfortunately, this argument, so sfariple, so trium-
phant, does not weigh a feather with Mr. Bright
himself—it has not, and it will not. We believe this
gentleman to care quite as much for the working
man as the working man cares for himself ; and, if
Mr. 13right himself does not care a fig for as reason,
we hold it to be a certain proof that no working
man will care for it either. There is no statesman
in this country who puts cost out of the question so
-utterly in a matter of national dignity and influence
a 6. Lord Palmerston ; and yet Mr. Bright, having
helped to bring him into power, contributed largely
to tern him out simply and solely for not showing
sufficient fight to the Emperor of the French; and
having turned him out for that reason, helped to
bring hial in again on his genera merits as a man
to maintaits the honour of his country. At this mo-
ment Mr. Bright we are happy to see, is a supporter
of Lord Palmerston, and pretty sure, to render him
substantial assistance, so long as his Cabinet takes
the Liberal line, eehich is now the warlike and ag-
gressive line in Eueope. We will suppose a case,
which is not, indeed, likely, but as likely as many
that may be imagined.. What if Austria, aidead by
Russia, were to secure her present footing in Italy,
and perhaps something more, and were to purchase
the favour of France by winking at a movement on
the Rhine; would Mr. Briglet support Ministers a
day after they had announce:,
I. their intention to
see this game played out to the .end ? No, he cer-
tainly would not. Even at a vaost indefinite cost
er head of the whole population, :Cie would insist on
au' armed remonstrance, that could only result in
an ,armed interference. Mr. Bright would show
as seerlike a front as Cromwell ever did. He
would think it of vastly more importance that
Eng,land should not stand by while Italy was
sold in be market for a bond slave than that
the English labourer should have more .meat in
his pot sand ,stouter cloth on his back, or fleet his
wife should leave a better Sunday dress, •a wasener
bed to lie on, or es carpet on her parlour floor. tip' hat
then would be the value of his Lessons on Politica.l.
Economy, teaching little boys and girls that they-
must not countenance war, because every year of it
was a shilling a•weelc Out of everybody's pocket,
when it was known the great Professor himself
had abandoned his own deetrine But, were this
known, or not, we may be sere that the generous
influence that had demolished the Professor's owate,
stronger reason and card-cast ie economy wool
have just the same effect on the .weaker and more
excitable
,judgment of the workine; classes. The
first picture of an alleged Austrian teutchery on tho
beaks of the Po would have ten thousand times more
effect than all the dogmatic and arithmetecal wisdom
of the " First Lessons on Taxation aro-
-1 Political
Economy."
But may not something be done with 1): :other
social error of almost equal importance— with
Trades' Unions ? On this point Mr. Bright asks.
very shrewdly, how it is that the wages of domes: is
service have increased so much of late years, whin:
it gives no opportunity of ;union. A servant gets a
good footing and a good understanding, is appre-
ciated, and asks for an advairee, which the master
or mistress knows it to be worth while to make.
We are not sure that the artisan .s and factory people
will feel it to be a parallel case ; but, if any consi-
deration has weight with unionists and turnouts,
this will. Mr. Bright, however, is of opinion that
much may be done by school instruction. This inest,
of course, be by abstract principles and sentiments,
expressed simply, and with familiar illustrations,
No demonstration, however, except the fact, wilt
ever persuade 20,000 unionists, constituting the
mejority of a town, that they cannot obtain better
ternes from their employers if they go, the right
way at, work. All that can be hoped for is, that
they way be imbued from their childhood with
principles' and sentiments adverse to excessive
and uureasoemble demands. For example, let it
he inculcated chat one class is not likely to have
an interest conflicting with that of another ; let it'
be established that we are all one family, that a
conspiracy is itself ais Act of violence, as unjust to
individual workpeople as, it is to the employers and
capitalists, who are not to be allowed to use their
own judgment in the matter ; let it be shown that
the right principle is competition--that is, a com-
petition of industry and skill on the part of the
men, and a competition of enterinise and skill on.
the part of the employer. No doubt,• all this and
more may be put into very simple langnagene, illus-
trated by examples, and recommended by generous
sentiments. Well, let it be tried. A geed book
on the subject will be worth many. good speeet,evs.
Yet we ',remember that the Christian morawl
rightly Interpreted, includes all this and
.metoerset, t
prin-
only partial success. The ascetic, embraced with
ciples of the iospel, are not on
ly
exaggerated. Its
much eagerness ; ehe y are.
take deep
root in the heart
preternatural doctrinelg a
eople. Sects vie with
and understanding of th:
Q thel)- severest form of
one another which shall shoa,
st into
Divine my-
godliness, or intrude the d.eepes..
se the m • 1.4
stories. It is far otherwise wise. morality o.
the Bible, its domestic and social teeederneee, its
relative duties, and mutual consideratiCres. Hew
shall the relations of master and man, as taught by
sound political economy, stand a better chanceet
than
the duties of parents and children, husbands and
wives, brothers and sisters, neighbours and
friends,
elders and youngers, as we find them tenderly but
emphatically urged and again in ^
urged
Let the experiment be made, by all means, for
there never will be too many reasons for a good
thing ; but we do not expect a higher .degree of
success than is sure t
in the right direction,- • to attend any ordinary' effort
ectiore...-Titnes.