The Sun.
London, England, 1860-02-04 00:00:00

assurance.

The explanation by the Foreign Secretary can-
not fail to rejoice the heart of the maligned British
Consul at Tangiers—making him almost grateful
to those depreciators, or rather calumniators, who
have unwittingly called down upon him so
earnest and gratifying a panegyric. " I have in
the first place," said Lord JOHN, "to state that
Mr. DRUMMOND HAY is a gentleman of the highest
honour and character." Adding, " With other
members of his family, he has been long in the
service of the Crown, and he has much experience,
therefore, in public affairs. Consequently, also,
Mr. DRUMMOND HAY knows too well his duty to
take any course inconsistent with the general policy
of the Government which he represents." Beyond
which the Foreign Secretary went on to say last
evening, " With respect to his particular conduct
in relation to Spain, I should state also that from
his long residence in Morocco—my belief is that
he was born there—and his kindness towards all
who have had any intercourse with him, that he
has come to be held in a high degree of respect
by the people of the country." Nor is even
this all—Lord JOHN remarking yet further, "Not
only is Mr. HAY held in high esteem by the Mi-
nister for Foreign Affairs, but likewise by the hill
tribes who commit incursions upon the neighbour-
ing territory." And then observing—in words
giving the very key to the whole of our Consul's
recent proceedings at Tangiers :—" Having this
character he endeavoured, acting up to the instruc-
tions which he received from her MAJESTY'S Go-
vernment, to prevent, if possible, the breaking out
of war between Spain and Morocco." In effect,
Mr. DRUMMOND HAY went so far in these pacific
efforts as to recommend the Government of Morocco
(by the advice, of course, and in obedience to
the instructions of his own Government),
to make concessions to the Spaniards, with
a view to the maintenance of tranquillity. How
the readiness of the Moors to concede was at length
exhausted by the increasing and still increasing
demands; of their antagonists, we all know—this,
however, it is but reasonable to admit, was no fault
either of the British Consul at Tangiers or of the
British Government.

Looking back to the rise and development of
this miserable war between Spain and Morocco,
we certainly can nowhere recognise cause for
regret as to the policy pursued throughout
by her MAJESTY'S Government. That policy has
from first to last been inflexibly one of the strictest
neutrality. What could be done with a design, if
possible, of preventing the actual outbreak of hos-
tilities, was done, as in the instance of those recom-
mendations to the Moorish Government, through
our Consul at Tangiers, to make all practicable
concessions to the original demands made by
the Madrid Cabinet. While on the other hand
nothing could, in reason, be more fair or more
candid than the course pursued by our Administra-
tion towards Spain through the more direct
agency of her Britannic MAJESTY'S representative
at the Spanish capital. Mr. BUCHANAN, in obe-
dience to Ministerial instructions, requested t•
know the intentions of the Government of her
Most Catholic MAJESTY in the contingency of the
outbreak of hostilities in Morocco. These inqui-
ries had reference solely to the maintenance of
British interests intact in the immediate vicinity
of the straits and of the rocky for-
tress of Gibraltar. And upon every one
of those inquiries the explanations instantly
given in answer by the Spanish Government
were the most complete and the most satisfactory.
England only asked the "intentions," upon this
point and upon that, of the Spanish Govern-
ment. And these intentions being readily
enough explained by the Ministers of Queen
ISABELLA, proved upon examination to coin-
cide exactly with the wishes of her Britannic MA-
JESTY'S Government. Tangiers, for example, if occu-
pied by Spanish troops in the development of the
regular course of military operations in carrying
out the war, would not be occupied by Spain per-
manently—Spain would on the contrary yield up
possession of the place immediately any treaty of
peace should have been signed and ratified. And
so, likewise, in regard to other particulars. It
will be a source of deep gratification to the country
at large if, upon investigation, other diplomatic
blue-books tell a tale of discretion and moderation
in any way comparable to this, thereby reflecting
the highest credit upon the foreign policy of hel
MAJESTY'S Government.

The two Reform organisations have done wisely
and well in giving their cordial and active support
to Mr. THOMAS DuNCOMBE, in his motion for leave
to bring in a Bill to enable the electors of Gloucester
and Wakefield to give their votes henceforth by
Ballot. The Parliamentary Reform Committee
have specially adverted to it in their circular ad-
dressed to their friends, which we inserted yester-
day, and they will, we are given to understand,
render Mr. DUNCOMBE all the assistance they can.
Yesterday afternoon the Council of the Ballot
Society also met at the Whittington Club, and, con-
sidering the object to be especially their own, de-
termined to co-operate with and to aid the
honourable member to the best of their power.
Mr. DUNCOMBE and Mr. BERKELEY, with
some other staunch supporters of the Ballot in
the House of Commons, were present;atnhdetchoeuntwe
job
leaders, and the other members, with
agreed most cordially both to do theirutmw
utmost for
°err
the success of Mr. DUNCOMBE'S bill, and,
they succeeded or failed in that, to press with
equal vigour the adoption of the Ballot for the
whole kingdom, which is the object of Mr. BER-
KELEY'S bill.

They could not have done more wisely. It would
be absurd, indeed, to relax in the national effort,
because an attempt was to be made to obtain the
object in two constituencies ; it would be equally
absurd not to make the best of any strategical ad-
vantages offered by circumstances. We all remember
it was by Mr. DUNCOMBE'S admirable tact in availing
himself of the opening which enabled him to place
Baron ItoniscHlLD on the committee appointed to
coder with the Lords, and by thus compelling their
Lordships, Bishops included, to meet a Jew member
of the House, that Jewish Emancipation was car-
ried. We should not be surprised if the same tact
proves to be the triumph of the Ballot. Old sea-
S Whigs cud Tories, are, it is true, audacious
enoughrecordtAt forlhaheni
r the
dying
anything; fifty-three were found to
protcetionist votes when Lord
Ni
voice of
Mr. D s RtAhEeL lc
country
r y;
and
m rs
eu r re
thann-
twice fifty-three will doubtless be hardened enough
to vote that the Ballot is not needed at Gloucester
and its younger sister of Northern fame. Yet
the case is one of the strongest—one against

which it may be easy to vote, but very difficult to
speak. Indeed, to vote against it without blushing

must require a good share of political hardihood, or
of political drill. Mr. DIINCOMBE will convict all
who- vote against him of complicity with bribery—
since, if they had the least wish to put it down,
they could not refuse to try in two only of the most
corrupt constituencies of England a measure recom-
mended by the experience of free nations ancient
and modern, of our own colonies largely peopled
by emigrants of the present generation, and by the
judgment of a whole band of our most distinguished
modern statesmen.

As advocates of the Ballot, we perceive, indeed, I
that a trial in two boroughs only, and in two such
boroughs, is a very severe:ordeal. The corrupters
and corrupted on the spot, irritated at the spoiling
of their trade, may attempt to make the first
elections by Ballot scenes of disturbance, and even
to try a well-known mode of bribery itself to show
that the medicine they dread cannot care them.
But the eyes of many will be upon them. While,
on the one hand, the detection of bribery, and its
punishment, therefore, we hope, is almost certain,
if the large numbers be bribed whom, under the I
Ballot, it would be requisite to purchase; and, on
the other, the disappointing results of bribing
under secret voting would soon sicken candidates
of paying persons to turn them out. As to paying
head• money after the lapse of a certain time,
we trust the House will enact that, in future,
no length of time shall enable any per-
son who has been a candidate for any borough
to pay money directly or indirectly to its electors.
The Clubs, too, in London, who have money at dig-
possil, may attempt to disgrace the first and few
elections by ballot. Well, let them try it on.
They may be very clever, but they may be too
clever. If their attempts be detected, as they
almost certainly would be, it would only prove that
nothing could daunt political burglars ; while the
utility of the bolts and bars of secret voting would,
we are confident, be illustrated by their very
attempt. Every constituency would demand them.
For our part, we thank Mr. DuNcommt most
cordially for his seasonable intervention, and we
call on every supporter of the Ballot to be present
when his motion comes on. It is fixed for next
Wednesday, though it is quite possible that the
Church-rate discussion may prevent it from coming
forward that day. We hope, however, it will
be introduced. Indeed, as the motion will only be
for leave to bring in a bill, so that discussion on
the principle would take place most properly on
the second reading, we almost hope the Govern-
ment will not oppose the motion. If they do, we
shall know where to class them as reformers. If
they refuse to concede to the vast majority of
their Liberal friends but two of the corruptest
boroughs to make trial of the anti-corruption plan
which the latter have so long demanded, then such
leaders no longer deserve the confidence of Libe-
rals and their representatives. Let them be
ejected. The matter may seem trivial—a dispute
about two corrupt boroughs—but the party
principle is a serious business. If the leaders
of a great party are to pay no attention to the
votes of the majority of their supporters ; if they
are not merely to withhold adoption of their policy
for all constituencies, but to treat them worse than
dogs—kicking them away from any crumbs which
fall from their masters'tables—then we demand, in
the name of the Liberals of England, that their re-
presentatives combine to oust such leaders.

Let Mr. DUNCOMBE but be firm, and he must,
through very shame, win. He may tell all cavil-
lers to their faces, and before the nation,
that if they dare to reject his bill, their consti-
tuents will reject them. The whole country will
exclaim that the obstinates who deny the Ballot
to Gloucester and Wakefield, do it solely and
simply in the interest of bribery and intimidation.
That they " believe and tremble"—" believe" the
Ballot would convert the model boroughs of
corruption into models of purity, and "tremble" at
the sentence which wouldr;then await open voting.

We have just received a pamphlet, whose title—
" American Securities" cause a smile on
many a face. It did on ours at first, as we ex-
pected something pretty strong in its special pleas
for transatlantic share property. We are bound to
acknowledge that the pamphlet is nothing of the
kind. Its object is, indeed, to suggest to those who
cannot well maintain their position upon the in-
terest paid on Consols, that it is worth inquiring
whether some of the six, seven, eight, and nine per
cent. investments of America are sound or not. It
is the fact that many are undoubted securities, such
as the United States Federal Debt, which is so small
that it could be paid off with little effort any year,
and pays six per cent. Its stock, paying that interest,
is barely at par ! This must be owing to the greater
profit attending the employment of money in
America, as compared with England. Even were
the North and South to explode and separate, the
Federal Debt would be secure ; yet, paying six per
cent, it is to be purchased nearly at the price of
English Consols.

Our author gives his tests, however, of the value
of American railway securities—Aid he does so
clearly and cleverly. The pamphlet is well worth
its shilling to all intending purchasers of American
stocks or securities, especially railway investments.
It shows very lucidly the conditions under which
railways must, except under gross mismanagement,
be profitable—the possession of productive landed
property, mineral or agricultural, or both, but the
former, especially, being the chief. We miss one
thing—some test of the honour and capacity of
Ameriean Railway Boards. In connection with
Indian, Australian, or Canadian investments, we
have generally some means of learning something
about our men. We are utterly at a loss in regard
to the whole genus of railway board men, managers,
and contractors in America. Can our " Anglo-
American" furnish us with the most necessary test
of all—a test of the honesty and capacity of our
Yankee cousins ?

* American Securities. Practical Hints on the Tests of
Stability and Profit ; for the Guidance and Warning of
British Investors. By an Anglo-American.

vishilt its.
tßho:walelHliniggthonnecssoltlleigeeP. rime Consort will leave
Windsor Castle at an early hour this morning, to pay a
The Duke and Duchess of Roxburghe and Lady
Charlotte Lines Ker have arrived at Grillion's Clarendon
hHaosterlecfreoivneidFolrodorearsCnaosttlteo,
The A venir de Nice says :—"
accordN.l3 any further ' leave of ab-
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Besancon Groat Industry, which is to
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Journal
Bow-
ring intends to offer his services to a liberal constituency at
an early date as a candidate for a seat in parliament.
The adjourned meeting of the Great Ship Com-
pany is to be hold on Tuesday next, to receive the report of
the committee of investigation.
A notification has appeared from seven share-
holders In the Equitable Fire Insurance Company, inviting
a special meeting for the 28th inst., to consider the pro-
priety of dissolving the company.
We understand that the delay which has oc-
curred in calling the meeting of the Royal Swedish Railway
Company is occasioned by delay in the receipt of the ac-
counts from Sweden. The traffic is steadily increasing, and
the board propose to publish the weekly receipts regularly
as soon as the forthcoming meeting shall have been held.