The Sun.
London, England, 1860-01-14 00:00:00

have come to pass that large landed proprietors offered to
resign the entire use of their estates to Government on the
sole condition that they should not be held responsible for
the taxes. In fact, haying 12 shillings in the pound to pay
on a most equitable valuation, if one or another of them has
some debts, he is actually a beggar ; if he has none he must
make some, money is not to be had except at the exorbitant
rate of 20 to 30 per cent. interest; because on account of
the exorbitance and precariouness of taxation, no landed
property is considered to afford security, and at that rate the
wealthiest magnate must go to the dogs in a few years.
That is the fate impending under Austrian rule on the
liberal minded patriotic Hungarian aristocracy, who in
1848 spontaneously resigned all their privileges and immu-
nities, sacrificed the socage and other income derived from
two millions of tenants, and transformed them into free-
holders. In fact, many of the richest landowners have
already acceded to the exactions of the Government. The
middle class landowners, or the other hand, formerly the
bone and marrow of our agricultural country, owning their
200 to 300 acres of laud, who formerly could drive their
own coach and four, and keep an hosipitable house, country
life was so inexpensive and the soil so remunerative, cannot
now afford to send their children to school I Land has so
much fallen in value that as one instance out of thousands,
I know of a landowner who, in 1847, purchased a nice little
estate at £6,000. One-fourth of the sum (L 1,500) was left
on mortgage on the estate ; the term came, and with them
the inability of clearing the mortgage, and the estate was
finally sold by auction at L 1,2001 Fall in value 80 per cent.
All this is heartrending to relate.
A Hungarian nobleman, in a pamphlet just published in
Germany, characterises the Austrian system of taxation in
these words—" It is the most shameful, the most iniquitous
system of plunder and robbery ever..known—a system
which would befit the worse times of the Neros."
Now it is evident that, with this system of plunder car.
ried to such exorbitance, the bankrupt Aritrian Govern-
ment cannot have recourse b raising the taxes still higher.
Taxation no longer falls On revenue; it already affects ca-
pital; therefore any augmentation, instead of yielding
more would yield less—perhaps nothing. This is a trite
axiom of political economy. It is the old story of the goose
which laid the golden eggs. Still vain is the reliance en the
sword, if the purse be empty. Then how and where go
money? Loans ?—impossible I Who in Europe would lend
them a penny, after the recent shameful " escroquerie ?"
Remains the only resource—economy. But there are condi-
tions when oven economy comes too late. Besides, that re-
medy would require both earnestness of purpose and time
—long time. Earnestness of purpose they have none; they
cannot brook the idea of popular control; all their affecta-
tions, of intended economy are mere moonshine. And as
to time. Why, gentlemen, to use the words of Francis
Joseph, " the whole trash will soon have gone to the
devil," before they will have so much as fixed on a pro
gramme of their " economy ;" and, after all, to rely upon
the sword is as much as to exclude the idea of economy.
But never mind that, we are glad of it; it will simplify the
process. Therefore, as far as money fs concerned, there
is no hope for the Empire. Now as to the reliance on the

army, I will just mention a few facts. In the late Italian
war the Croats would not fight. Force and even slaughter
(decimation they call it) had to be resorted to
against some Creation regiments to compel them to march,
and those who had marched showed so little devotion in
fighting for the "young hope of Austria," the wise inventor
of the Germanisation of Croatia, that I could name an Aus-
trian general who, during the battle of Solferino, know no-
thing better to do than amuse himself with shooting at the
"refractory Croats."
As to the Hungarian regiments, you are aware of the fact
that scarcely had the rumour of my and my companion's
presence in Italy reached the Austrian camp, and before
even we had addressed any formal proclamation to our
bravo countrymen, when we had already five battalions
(upwards of 4,000 men) in our camp at Acqui, Asti, and
Alessandria ; and I do not fear to be contradicted when I
say that in six weeks more we should have had 25,000 of
them, and that, had the war reached Hungarian territory,
the world would have seen the Austrian army in a state of
utter dissolution. How far Francis Joseph of Austria may
rely on the sword you may also judge from the fact that not a
few officers of the Austrian army fell by the hands, not of the
enemy, but of their own men on the very battle-•field. Again,
as to the officers, it is notorious that on more than one occa-
sion the Austrian army was so ill led, and on the battle-
field such blunders (not to 'say more) were committed, that
after the battle of Solferino, that army was actually trem-
bling on the brink of military mutiny. Now most of the
generals against whom complaint was loudest and most
general have again been appointed to high command, and
hence so universal has become the indignation of the officers
that general orders had to be published (I say published, an
event unprecedented in the Austrian army on such a sub-
ject), forbidding, under severe penalty, any remarks on the
act of the Emperor.

With these few facts (which I could considerably multi-
ply), I will leave you to judge whether I was justified in
telling the people of Glasgow, in my lecture above alluded
to, that "the power of the Austrian dynasty is like a house
built without foundation on tho loose sand, because it rests
neither on the love of any nation, nor even on the attach-
ment of the army, but merely on the brute force of military
discipline—a force which may go a good distance in smooth
and easy times, but will break like brittle glass by the very
hands it means to bind, when the rallying et y of•esurging
freedom shall have removed the torpor from those silent,
but not thoughtless, bayonets."

No, the sword-trusting Emperor has no money, and his
army will not save him.

Then, what is there within the range of imagination that
might yet possibly save him for a little while longer ? If
foreign intervention does not, nothing will. That is the
practical point of the question, gentlemen 1 Now it is cer-
tainly very gratifying to see the progress which has of late
been made in the acknowledgment of the principle that in-
terference by foreign force is inadmissible with the right of
nations to regulate their own domestic affairs, including form
and manner of government.

You, gentlemen, had a conspicuous share in eliciting of
late an emphatic corroboration of that principle. The ac-
knowledgment of it has become so universal, that as the
Times (Dec. 30) accurately remarked, "Government and
the people—all sides, high and low, with an unanimity never
before known, are committed to the duty of upholding that
fundamental principle of national independence." Com-
pared with 1848, this is a most auspicious progress. 'The
principle thus universally acknowledged is so intimately
connected with the best interests of England, that I trust
it will long continue to constitute one of the leading max-
ims of British foreign policy ; and I trust, occasion recur-
ring, it will receive a practical application in the case of
Hungary, not less than in the case of Central Italy now.
I would, however, beg leave to state that expressions of
public opinion, to the effect that the people of Great Britain
do not mean to allow of any acquiescence in an intervention
of foreign force against Hungary--I say such manifesta-
tions of public opinion would go far towards reassuring the
Hungarian nation, would nerve their energies, and would
leave no doubt in their mjnds as to the ultimate issue. Be
this as it may, there is, I dare say, much in the cause of
Hungary to recommend it to the approbation and sym-
pathy of all classes and parties.

Those with whom religious sentiments ate paramount
should not remain indifferent to the tyrannical encroach-
ments on the rights of the protestant church in Hungary
—rights sanctioned by law and by solemn European trea-
ties. It would be strange, indeed, if those who noblyraised
their voice and catered their protest in the case of tho boy
Mortara had no word of sympathy for the Hungarian pro-
testants suffering persecution and prison for the sake of re-
ligion, and this, too, in a couutry than which none has bettor
deserved of Christendom.

Men of conservative principles should remember that the
cause of Hungary is the most legitimate on earth, even in
the diplomatic acceptance of the word; historical rights,
sworn compacts, diplomatic stipulations, and the sanctity
of treaties, unite in condemning the usnrpation of Francis
Joseph of Austria, who has no title' to appeal to in support
of his rule—neither inheritanee, nor election, nnr even con-
pest. He is no sovereign of Hungaly, but a mere :lawless
intruder, set up by foreign armed intervention, the very
principle of which is now generally condemned both by the
people and the Government of Great Britain. Conservative
men ought to remember that not the Hungarian nation, but
Francis Joseph of Austria, is the wild, reckless, anarchist
who trampled down the time-hallowed institutions and his-
torical rights of Hungary, for the sake of shallow innova-
tions and foolhardy experiments which morality, justice,
common sense, and experience, alike condemn.

The friends of freedom should remember that the cause of
Hungary is the cause of civil and religious liberty, of justice,
and of civilisation.

Statesmen of comprehensive mind should remember that,
whatsoever the power of the House of Austria may or may
not have been in former times, at present it is tho great
nuisance of Europe, the source of ever-recurring troubles,
disturbances, and wars; a nuisance without the removal of
which no great pending European question can receive its
definitive solution, and a settled peace and tranquility in
Europe is utterly impossible. They should, besides, reflect
on the perspective that again to frustrate Hungary in her
aspirations to independence by any ill-advised combination
of antiquated policy would be likely to drive her into the
arms of Russia.

And, lastly, there is ono feature in the Hungarian move-
ment which strongly appeals to the sympathies of every
sensible man. It is the mature ripeness for freedom as
manifested in the unanimity of the movement, while is
truly glorious. The Austrian Government exhausted every
means to fan the flame of discard, and to keep alive mut'aal
jealousy, between the various races, yet we see them bury-
ing their animosities in the grave of the past, we see them
—all of them—united in heart and mind, united in will and
act for common right, for common liberty. Formerly there

were parties divided 'from one another by sharp landmarks
of principles and policy. There is but one party now, the
party of patriots, embracing the whole nation; every dis-
tinction, every difference has been merged into the love of
the common country. The progress is so.grcat in this re-
gard that Mr. Zsedenyi, one of the most prominent mem-
bers of the former Government party, is now in the same
predicament in which I found myself in 1839. He suffers
imprisonment, as I and Wesselenyi suffered. lin the cause
of liberty of the press, 'Wesselenyi in the cause of liberty of
speech, Zsedenyi in the cause of liberty of conscience—all
of us equally for adhering to right and law.
The aristocracy goes with the people, and the people
goes with the aristocracy. To introduce divisions amongst
them, the Government is re-offering to the aristocracy the
privilege of patrimonial jurisdiction. The aristocracy
repudiates it. They will hear of no privileges—no immuni-
ties. Equal freedom or equal oppression, equal weal, equal
woe, is their motto. The people, on the other hand, does
not grudge to the aristocracy its social pre-eminence—it
trusts them and honours them as an elder brother, the prop

and lustre of the national household. But if there is one

class rather than another to which I should bow with ad-
miring veneration, it is the Roman Catholic clergy of Hun-
gal y, from the humble village priest up to the mitred prince
of the church.

They support almost to a man the national cause ; many
of them (as the Roman Catholic laymen in general) oven
encourage and support the Protestants in maintaining the
rights of their religion.

Jealous of their own liberty of conscience they defend the
liberty of conscience of their Protestant brethren. Firmly
attached to their own creed, they honour the Protestants

For their attachment to theirs.

Concordats have been devised to entrap them into mak-
ing their religion subservient to despotism, by holding out
to them the enticement that the church shall rule over the
state. They indignantly repudiated the insidious sugges-
tion—they reject the idea to make a tool of policy. They
are priests in the church, but are citizens without—patriots
e varywhere.
It is a glorious sight. There is none on earth more glo-
rious. I close with renewing the opinion, that expressions
of approbation and sympathy would be highly conducive to
the good of my country.—l have the honour to remain,

with particular regards, gentlemen, your obedient humble
servant, KOSSUTH.
Messrs. Wm. M'Adam, Messrs. James Moir,
J. W. M'Gregor, Robert Rae,
W. G. Langdon, Robt. M'Tear,
Mr. John M'Adam.
12, Regent's-park-terrace, London, Jan., 1860.

METROPOLITAN BOARD OF WORKS.

The usual weekly meeting of the Metropolitan
Board of Works was held yesterday in the Council
Chamber, Guildhall—Mr. J. Thwaites in the chair.
The financial statement was presented, which
showed a total general balance of 1:55,460 17s. 6d.
THE FINANCE COMMITTEE.
Mr. LESLIE renewed his motion—" That the
finance committee of the Metropolitan Board of
Works be a committee of the whole board, whereby
every representative of the ratepayers will have a
printed business paper of the financial subjects to
be discussed."

Mr. DIFFANGER seconded the motion, and said
several other committees which were open to the
' whole of the members of the board worked most
satisfactorily.
Mr. BIDGOOD moved the " previous question,"
which was immediately put and carried by a ma-
jority of 19 to 5.
Mr. LESLIE gave notice that he would next week
renew his motion.
THE COAL TAX LEVIED BY THE CITY OF LONDON.
The chairman has addressed a letter to the different
metropolitan members of Parliament and vestries
of the metropolis in reference to the coal tax, in
which he states that the estimated cost of the works
ordered by the board, and now in progress, for the
formation of new thoroughfares and other objects,
in addition to the main. drainage, for which the
board are empowered to raise £3,000,000, exceeds
£500,000. Besides this, the board have either paid
or agreed to contribute various sums, amounting in
the whole to upwards of £lO,OOO, towards the cost
of widening existing thoroughfares in various dis-
tricts of the metropolis, and they are constantly
called upon to make contributions to other improve-
ments of a similar character, on the application of
the heal authorities. The estimated cost for forming
a park at Finsbury, for which an act of Parliament
has been obtained, but which cannot be carried
into effect until fresh sources of revenue become
available to the board, is £216,820. The total esti-
mated cost of improvements is £16,346,245, and
the net cost £12,205,675. To this must be added
the sum of £439,752 for the repair of maia sewers,
the covering of open sewers, and the construction
of subsidiary works, and the mortgage debts left by
the former sewer commissioners for works executed,
amounting to £309,902 125., and a further sum bor-
rowed of £lOB,OOO, and applied by the board in
execution of the Metropolis Local Management Act.
The board was also charged with the duty of pay-
ing to former officers of the Sewers Commission and
Metropolitan Buildings Office, by way of compen-
sation for loss of office, or retiring allowance, an
annual sum of £2,301 15s. 7d. The position of the
board, therefore, was this—they have vast obliga-
tions cast upon them by recent changes in the law,
and they possess no corporate funds, and it remained
for them to urge their claim to those amongst ex-
isting imposts which might be made available for
the objects which have been described, with the
least detriment to the ratepayers and the public in
general. The duties which appear to the board to
represent this characteristic are those on hackney
carriages, and the whole or a part of those levied on
coals in the metropolitan district. As regards the
former it is obvious that the great cost of maintain-
ing the roadways in the metropolis is largely due to
the wear and tear occasioned by this portion of the
street traffic, and the consequent duties of the parishes
are greatly in excess of those which would devolve
upon them under their common law obligation to
maintain their roads, and are such as to fairly en-
title them to additional sources of revenue; and the
fact that the hackney carriage duty is practically
confined to the metropolis seems to point to this as
its proper application. That this duty is peculiar
to the metropolis is proved by a return of the House
of Commons, dated 14th Feb., 1859, which shows
that the amount of duty for the year ending April,
1858, charged in the metropolitan districts on hack-
ney carriages was £80,368 65., whilst under the
same head nothing was charged on the rest of Eng-
land and Wales. It is not necessary that the board
should express any opinion on the policy of this
tax, but they simply contend that so long as it
continues to be levied according to the present
mode it should ,in justice be applied to municipal
and not to imperial purposes. As regards the coal
dues, the whole course of legislation for a consider-
able time past, with respect to the larger proportion
of them, has marked them as an especial fund, whe-
ther in the hands of the civic authorities or those of
the executive Government, out of which the cost of.
public improvements should be defrayed. The duties
which are levied on seaborne and inland coals within
a radius of 20 miles from the Post office amount to

13d. a ton—comprising three duties of Bd., 4d., and
Id. In furtherance of the objects set forth, the
board propose at an early period respectfully to
press their claims on the attention of her Majesty's
Government, with a view to prompt and efficacious
legislative measures upon the subject; and they
trust to secure the benefit of your co-operation in
this step, as well as in such consequent proceedings
as may resultlrom it. They believe this to be the
fitting time for dealing with these questions, and
that to be dealt with effectually they must be dealt
with separately, and not in connection with and as
a part of other and largerquestions which will come
before the Legislature in due course at the appointed
time ; and further, they consider tbat to defer legi-
slation on the subject until some anticipated gene-
ral revision of the entire system of taxation shall
have taken place, will be not only to perpetuate
the injustice which this board as well as vestries and
district boards are now suffering, but to oppose a
formidable, if not an insurmountable, obstacle to the
entire course of public improvement in the metro-
polis. The evils of delay are but imperfectly :
appre-
ciated by the public, and cannot be over-estimat ed
The chief difficulties against which the board have
to struggle are in a great measure due to the fact
that they have not only to provide for
mischief
future re-
quirements, but they have to remedy
the
consequent upon past shortcomings.
upon their functions they had to On entering
deal with a vast
accumulation of arrears in every department of
public works—chiefly arising from former delays.
This result was no doubt partly owing to the ab-
sence of any central authority constituted for carry-
ing out works commensurate with the growing
wants of the capital, and to the desultory and local
character of those improvements which were actu-
ally effected ; and, further, to the fact that it has
only been at a comparatively recent period that the
public attention has been effectually directed to the
absolute necessity of making more adequate provi-
sion for the convenience and health of a population
which has nearly doubled within the last 45 years.
One thing is undoubted, and that is, that the longer
the task is delayed the greater will be the difficul-
ties attending its execution; and those incur a