The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-05 00:00:00

opinion of nations and Cabinets, which is now opposed:to a
venturous enterprise, will show itself favourable to that
only solution of the Italian question, which will for ever
close the era of wars and revolutions in the south of
Europe. _ _ _

" We are equally convinced that supreme reasons lay
upon us the obligation of respecting the city where the
Supreme Pontiff has his see. The question of Rome is none
of those which can be solved with the sword alone. It meets
on its way moral obstacles only to be overcome by moral
£ orces ; and we are fully confident that sooner or later those
forces will bring into the gates of that glorious metropolis
a change consistent with the wishes of its people, with the
aspirations of all good Italians, with the true principles and
the lasting interests of Catholicism.

" It was a wise and patriotic eounsel to await so salutary
a change from the work of time, and from the great and in-
calculable influence which regenerated Italy will exercise
on the opinions and judgcnents of the Catholic world. But
even were our thought erroneous, the presence of the
French troops in Rome ought alone to make us desist from
any design, however remote, to stand sword in hand before
that city.
" In our present circumstances to confront those French
troops would be not merely unheard of folly; it would be a
grievous fault and guilt. There are generous follies, which,
although they entail enormous sacrifices and sufferings, do
not bring with them the ruin of a nation ; but such a ruin
would certainly befall Italy from any intention to combat
the armies of France. So monstrous an ingratitude would
inflict on the brow of our country a stain which long cen-
turies of suffering would not efface.
" The soldiers of France occupied Rome when other sol-
diers of that nation, led by their generous Emperor, fought
for us at Magenta and Solferino.

"If their presence in that city was deemed altogether in-
compatible with the true interests of Italy, wo ought
neither to ask nor to accept the aid of our powerful neigh-
bour to conquer our freedom and independence. To turn
against her at the present day those very arms which her
victories have placed in the hands of so many Italians,
would be a deed which must seem revolting to the mind of
any of us—any who may not be utterly seduced and carried
away by a sectarian spirit. (A burst of applause.)
"But if we are not for the present in a condition to
exert ourselves in behalf of Venice and Rome, we are not
equally helpless with regard to the other parts of Italy,
which, although risen to liberty, feel the want of imme-
diate, efficient provisions.

"Gentlemen, if the Italian cause at last awakened the
universal sympathy of Europe, if the minds of the most
civilized and educated nations show themselves favourable
to it, this must especially be attributed to the admirable
moderation of ideas, to the calm behaviour of the various
provinces of the Peninsula on their first shaking off the
yoke which the foreigner had laid upon them. Those pro-
vince■ afforded the most signal proof of the truth and depth
of the civilization attained'by the Italian people; by in-
stantly removing all germs of anarchy, by adopting without
delay those principles of sound organization which obtain
among the nations most advanced in the exercise of liberty,
and by evincing their firm will to issue out of a provisional
state, and aspiring to the institution of a Government free
and national, but at the same time strong and opposed to
any excess.

By this moderation and concord, by this unshaken
firmness, the people of Tuscany and Emilia ended by per-
suading diplomacy that the Italians are capable of construct-
ing a vast kingdom, based and organized upon broadly
liberal principles and institutions.

" Matters must proceed in the same manner in Southern
Italy. Woe to us if those people were long to continue in
the uncertainty of a provincial rule. Disturbance and an-
archy, which would soon break up, would be the cause of
immense evils and immense disgrace to the common coun-
try. The great national movement, breaking from the path
which it has hitherto followed with marvellous regularity,
would lead to extreme dangers, as well to the lately enfran-
chised provinces as to those which have been for more than
one year free and independent. This must not be—this
cannot be allowed by the King or the Parliament.
"The generous Sovereign who is hailed by the whole of
Italy as the mover and leader of the national resurrection
has special duties towards the South of Italy. The work
of emancipation began in his name ; round his glorious
standard the freed people crowded and pressed. Before
Europe, before posterity, he is answerable for their fate.
"King Victor Emmanuel does not intend to dispose at
his own pleasure of the people of Southern Italy ; but he is
n duty bound to give them an opportunity of putting an
end to their provisional condition, by most openly, most
freely giving utterance to their wishes.
" What may be the result of their vote P The answer
lies in the electoral urn. As Italians, we ardently wish that
the inhabitants of the provinces not yet united should act
as those of Central Italy have done ; and that with the same
enthusiasm, with the same unanimity they should declare
in favour of that principle of unification which may bring
the whole Peninsula under the constitutional sceptre of
Victor Emmanuel.

"As Ministers of a Sovereign free from personal ambi-
tion, and who consecrated his sword and life to the great
achievement of vindicating Italy to the Italians, we must
firmly pronounce in his name that, whatever may be the
vote of those people, it shall be respected.
" We harbour the best hopes that you will agree with us
on this subject. We all wish to bring to a termination the
great edifice of national unity, but it must rise from the
spontaneous consent of the people, not by any deed of con-
straint and force.

" These considerations induced the King's Government
to ask the Chambers that power should be granted to it to
accomplish the annexation of all those freed provinces of
Italy which, questioned by means of the direct universal
suffrage, should declare that they wish to form a part of
the numerous family of people already sheltered under the
wings of the glorious kingdom of Victor Emmanuel.
" The Ministers do not think that the form of suffrage
may be a subject of discussion. It will be the same already
adopted in the 2Emilia and Tuscany. The people will be
asked to pronounce distinctly whether they wish to be joined
to our State, or not, and no conditional vote shall be ad- ,
mitted : for it is indeed our determination not to impose
the act of annexation upon any part of Italy, but he must
with equal frankness declare that we do not think any an-
nexation should be proposed subject to any special condi-
tion. Gentlemen, this would be tantamount to giving ono
or more provinces the power to impose their will upon the
provinces already constituted, and to fetter down the future
organisation of the nation, introducing a radical vice and a
fatal germ of antagonism and dissension. On the other
hand, we do not hesitate to affirm that the system of an-
nexations bound to conditions, which we reject, is contrary
to the nature of modern communities, which, if they may,
under certain peculiar circumstances, conveniently organise
themselves under federal forms, no longer require or admit
a compact of dedition ; a mere relic of the middle ages, a
mode of union not very worthy of an Italian King and
people.
" After the unthought-of and unlooked-for events, which
we have witnessed in Italy it must be clear to all men that
we are no Federalists. Neither do we mean to be Centre-
lisers, as we prove by our views respecting the adminis•
trative organisation of the State. Nevertheless, we would
always prefer either the Federal or the thoroughly Central-
ised system to a political arrangement by which the pro-
vinces, although joined under the same sceptre, should, in
the most important legislative matters, possess an authority
independent of Parliament and the nation.
" Here we must observe that, although all those who have
contributed to the triumph of the national cause accept in
principle the idea of the annexation of Southern Italy, yet
none, whose love for their country is no matter of doubt
and whose devotion to the sacred person of the King is
usually known, deem it expedient to put off the act of an-
nexation till the work be completed, that is, till the ques-
tions of Rome and Venice be finally solved.

" We think if this design could be carried into practice it
would have the most fatal consequences. Why should we
keep Naples and Sicily in an anomalous state? There can
only be one motive for it, and that is to avail one's-self of
the work of revolution to accomplish the liberation of Italy.
Now, this would bo a most deplorable error. At the point
we have attained, when it is in our power to build up a
State of 22,000,000 of Italians, a strong and unanimous
State,which may dispose of numberless means and resources,
material as well as moral, the revolutionary era must close
for us. Italy must with great security commence her perils('
of internal order and organisation. Europe would otherwise
have reason to believe that revolution is not a means for us,
but an end ; and her benevolence would be withdrawn.
Public opinion, so favourable to us hitherto, would declare
against us, and enlist in the ranks of our enemies. The
accomplishment of our Italian enterprise would become not
only more difficult, but, perhaps, altogether impossible.
ti Revolution and constitutional Government cannot long
co-exist in Italy without producing by their dualism an op-
position and a conflict which would only turn to the benefit
of the common enemy.
"These contingencies
toescaped the attention of that gene-
roushither patriot who
opposed the annexation of Naples
andfollow es
and Sicily.
Bat if ho had good reasons to that system
so long as the Marches and Umbria parted the South from
now t
the Centre and North of the Peninsula,
too
persevere in
that system would have no other effect than oppose
is i
useltess
delays and hindrances to the national cause.
Theren
e
nature of events a logic which triumphs over the stoutesth
will, and agoras • t which the best intentions are powerless.
Let revolution be made permanent in Naples and Palermo,
from
the very shortly the authority and command will
rd,
pass y
' l
the glorious hands of him who wrote on his standard,
a .
into those of men who for this prac-
and Victor Emmanuel,'
tical formula substitute the dark and mystic symbol of sec-
tarianism, God and the people.' (Long and loud applause
and cheering.)
" We repeat,—that provisional and revolutionary order
of things which might have reasons to exist in Naples and
Sicily must come to an end as soon as possible. This is re-
quired by the interest of those provinces for which the pre-
sent state of things is a fertile source of very great disorders ;
and it is required still more by the honour and interest of
the national cause. How could, in fact, without great detri-
ment to the dignity of the Crown—hew could King Victor
Emmanuel consent that Italian provinces should be so long
a time governed in his name as conquered provinces, with-
out appealing to the free expression of the people's wishes,
according to the solemn and legal forms of popular suffrage?
It its upon these growzds, goutlomon, that I hope for