The Sun.
London, England, 1869-09-07 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, SEPT. 7, 1869.

A skeleton in the cupboard is as nothing to the
ghastly spectacle which a transatlantic pen has en-
deavoured to reveal to our view from the shades of
Newsteacl. 'The graceful, yet vigorous, illustrator
of Tomahawk•, Mr. MATHEW MORGAN, has but just
now indicated, by a most effec ive cartoon, the

growing impression among all reasonable men and i
women in this country as to the character of that
monstrous and wholly unjustifiable attempt, on
the part of a sensational magazine writer, to
blast the reputation of the very greatest, the
second or third greatest, among the poets of England.
The scorn excited by that detestable slander, a scorn
expressed first of all here and there by single voices,
is rising ud spreading, is now echoing and re-echo-
ing in choral emphasis, in all directions. Evidence of
the utter groundlessness cf the accusation is rapidly
accumulating and multiplying. In opposition to the
detestable charge directed against the memory
of Lord BYRON by the author of " Uncle
Tom's Cabin," we have now the most recent
among all these evidencea placed before us—
through a letter addressed to the Times by Lord
LINDSAY, the son and heir of the Premier Earl of
Scotland, JAMES LINDSAY, the twenty-fourth Earl of
Crawford and Balcarres—we have solemn and, as we
cannot but think of itself, perfectly conclusive evi-
dence, adduced from the autograph or holograph
manuscripts of the late venerable and beloved author
of the world-famous ballad of "Auld Robin Gray."
Lady ANNE BARNARD—sacrum ac venerabile nomen—
born in 1750, and dying in her seventy-fifth year,
in 1825, was daughter of another, and long antece-
dent JAMES LINDSAY, an earlier Earl of BALCARRES.
Married to the Librarian of King GEORGE M.—Sir
ANDREW BARNARD—Lady ANNE won immortality
t) her name by one song. Happily she wrote some-
thing else besides " Auld Robin Gray," and that
something else links her name with the poetic glory
of the greatest poet of this last century. Among the
ricordi or private family memoirs of the Ears of
CRAWFORD and BALCARRES are treasured up certain
autograph, or, as we have said, holograph, papers from
the hand of the Lady ANNE BARNARD. From these
manuscripts, Lord LINDSAY has now generously
made some extracts, for the generosity of the publica-
tion of which, so very opportunely at this marnent,
we cannot but at once express our most grateful ap-
preciation. As Lord LINDSAY reminds his readers,
through the limes of this morning, Lady ANNE was
the contemporary an 1 friend of such men as EDMUND
BURKE and WILLIAM WINDHAM. Dying, as she did,
as we have just now said, in 1825, she wrote what
Lord LINDSAY here lays before the public,
very shortly before her own death, at the
age of seventy-five, and almost immediately
after Lord and Lady BYRON'S lamentable separa-
tion. Lord LINDSAY begins by saying—" I have
waited in expectation of a categorical denial of the
horrible charge brought by Mrs. BEECHER STOWE
against Lord Ilvuox and his sister, on the alleged
authority of the late Lady th-nox." And then refer-
ring to the letter addressed by Messrs. WHARTON
and FORDS to ourselves, and several others among
our contemporaries, his lordship speaks of
that communication as a denial of this very
infamous charge only " indirect" in its character.
"That letter," he says, "is sufficient to prove that
Lady BYRON never contemplated the use made of her
name, and that her descendants and representatives
disclaim any countenance of Mrs. B. STOWE'S
article ; but it does not specifically meet Mrs.
STowE's allegation that Lady BYRON in conversing
with her thirteen years ago affirmed the charge
now before 113. It remains open, therefore, to a
scandal-loving world to credit the calumny through
the ad'jantage of this flaw, involuntary, I believe,
in the answer produced against it. My object,"
Lord LINDSAY then goes on to say, " is to supply
that deficiency by proving that what is now stated
ou Lady BYRON'S supposed authority is at variance
in all respects with what she stated immediately after
the separation, when everything was fresh in her
memory in relation to the time during which, accord-
ing to Mrs. B. STOWE, she believed LORD BYRON and
his sister were living together in guilt." After this
we have the extracts from Lady ANNE BARNARD'B
own autograph memorials, including among them an
unpublished letter addressed to her by Lady BYRON
immediately after the lamentable incidents of the
separation. " I publish," writes Lord LINDSAY,
" this evidence with reluctance, but in obedience to
tha's higher obligation of justice to the voiceless and
defenceless dead which bids me break through a re-
serve that otherwise I should have held sacred. The
Lady BYRON of 1818 would, 1 am certain, have
sanctioned my doing so had she foreseen the present
unparalleled occasion, and the bar that the condi-
tions of her will present (as I infer from Messrs.
WHARTON and FORDS' letter) against any fuller
communication. Calumnies such as the present sink
deep and with rapidity into the public mind, and
are not easily eradicated. The fame of one of our
greatest poets, and that of the kindest, and
tructt, and most constant friend that BYRON
ever had [meaning his now infamously maligned
sister, the Hon. AUGUSTA LEIGH, Wife of Colonel
LEIGH] is at stake; and it will not do to wait for
revelations from the fountain-head, which are not
promised, and possibly may never reach us." There-
fore we have the passages thus introduced to our
notice, and transcribed by Lord LINDSAY from Lady
ANNE'S autograph. They are too lengthy for
extract here, in this place, but having read
them through most carefully, and with
scrupulous and searching attention, we cannot but
echo the emphatic comment made upon the whole by
Lord LINDSAY himself, when he says—" In the face
of the evidence now given, positive, negative, and
circumstantial, there can bo but two alternatives in
the case—either Mrs. B. STOWE must have entirely
misunderstood Lady BYRON, and been thus led into
error and misstatement, or we must conclude that,
under the pressure of a lifelong and secret sorrow,
Lady BYRON'S mind bad become clouded with an
hallucination in respect of the particular point in
question." That sentence, we take it, is conclusive.

THE change which is now being made in the posi-
tion of Great Brituin towards her dependencies has
apparently given much alarm to the inhabitants of
certain colonies. Tha nature of that change is per-
fectly clear, and the principles on which it is founded
ought, one would think, to prove satisfactory even to
our countryinen beyond seas. Now that most of the
British settlements are rapidly rising to
maturity, the mother country can no longer bear
certain. burdens from which the tax-payer
at home derives no benefit whatever. We are
willing to defend the colonies in time of denier, but
we cannot afford to keep up costly military establish-
mg, is during g period of profound peace, England's

connection with her descendants is in no respect

severed ; were they assailed by any foe, the mother
country would at once take action; but, as a general
rule, the colonists themselves must pay for their own
necessaries of political life. That the Englishman
should be taxed for the protection of Anglo-Saxon
settlers on the other side of the globe, who in most
cases are much better off than their brethren at
home, is altogether an obsolete theory. The
colonists do not apparently deny the justice
of this reasoning; but they are impressed with
the fear that the policy now inaugurated
is merely the beginning of far more extensive
designs—that, in short, England meditates casting
off her dependencies as useless burdens, and leaving
them, young and defenceless as they are, to their
fate. Beyond doubt this fear is groundless. There
is a wide difference between abandoning the colonies
and refusing to supply them with idle regiments of
soldiers. It is, however, not unnatural that
even the latter charge should at first sight appear
alarming, and that it should induce the young
Anglo-Saxon States to seriously consider their future
course. In fact, this fear is to some extent grati-

Eying to Englishmen. It proves that the bond of
union between the old. and the new countries is

one to which the rapidly rising colonies still cling,
and which they are unwiling to break. It is worthy
of note that the excitement which this great question
has created has led to no vapouring talk about inde-
pendence. It is gratifying to find that the colonists
are not desirous either to be left alone or to cast in
their fortunes with the United States. Nor has the
discussion led only to these two negative decisions.
Finding that they are too weak for independence, and
that unionwith America would gain nothing—perhaps
lose much—some of the leading colonists have put
forward a project which, though too vast to pro-
nounce upon hastily, deserves the fullest conside-
ration.

It is suggested that the new policy be accepted,
and that the present dependencies should, as semi
independent States, be united with England in a
Great British Confederation. An alliance at least as
close as that between the States of North Germany
should be proclaimed between Great Britain (with
India), Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the
lesser settlements. This is undoubtedly a great idea
but, unlike most such ideas, it offers many advan-
tages. In the first place all the members
of this Confederation would be upon tolerably equal
terms. We should not be expected to send garrisons
for the sole purpose of profiting the shopkeepers of
colonial towns. But in the case of extremity, Great
Britain would be expected to contribute its share—
and, as the head of the Confederation, this would be
the largest share—towards the defence of any
assailed dependency. On the other hand, the
colonies must in the hour of danger lend
reciprocal assistance to us. It is possible
that for many years to come these benefits of
this alliance, in a military sense, would be reaped
chiefly by the colonists. But their strength is rapidly
increasing ; their power must accumulate in a greater
ratio than ours. Moreover, the settlements have
even now a good deal to offer in return. They can
give us a preferential share in their trade,
which England could not look for if things
follow their natural course, and the colonies
became independent. It would be a prime
stipulation in the agreement that a limit to
commercial tariffs, so far as members of the Con-
federation are concerned, must be strictly observed.
Some of the leading men of the young States express
the belief that in return for fair terms from the old
country the colonies would give up the high duty
policy which they are now adopting. More than this
it may be reasonably inferred that the very know-
ledge of England's being not alone, but supported
by a vast array of allies in all parts of the world
would give the foreign policy of this country an
importance, which it may now be in danger of losing.
The very essence of the Confederate scheme
is a full realisation of the maxim, si vis
apcent Para belluin. The Union would preserve
its members from the necessity of war ; the very
capability to contend with all corners would keep
aggressors back.

It' is a great merit of the new scheme that
perfect flexibility is preserved. The colonies
would gain in strength and stature without re-
striction. They could either preserve their present
connection with Britain or could become formally in-
dependent, their position as members of the Confede-
ration remaining quite unchanged. As the power of
each increased, it is natural to conclude that the inter-
ference of the home Government in their domestic
affairs would proportionately decrease. But this change
could have no effect upon the principles of the Con-
federation, which would be a " Bund," as the
Germans call it, for the promotion of trade, and a
security against foreign aggression. It may be
urged that the co-operation of the military resources
of States scattered all over the, world could not be
looked for. This objection would apply only to
armies, not to fleets. And it may be answered that
in the case of small difficulties the obligations of
any State could be discharged by the payment
of a subsidy instead of despatching a force.
It would be only in the direst extremities that the
actual military aid of every member would be called
upon ; and then, if the scheme is to be worth any-
thing, it must be given. It may, again, be pleaded
that such an alliance will render it impossible for us
to go to war without consulting our numerous allies.
This is true, but only to a certain eltent. In the
case of great enterprises it would be necessary
to consult the Confederation ; but we
anyfe undertaking of mag-
rring to the opinion of
ic ai
tnundoet nee nwt erw t
hu upon
deferring
somebody. In the Crimean war England was in
great measure dependent on the good-will of France.
The principal difficulty would be to establish an
agreement upon terms perfectly equal to all parties.
But it is clear that the advantages of such a Confedera-
tion are so great that the idea ought not to be aban-
doned without grave deliberation. One merit of the
scheme would alone counterbalance many objections.
It would give Britain and her subordinates a supre-
macy on the sea which no other State, not even
America, could hope to rival.

TIIE speech of Prince NAPOLEON in the French
Senate has come opportunely to signal the downfall
of personal government and the establishment of
constitutional rule in its place. The recent outburst
of Liberal ideas languished, as might have been ex-
pected, when that Conservative body, the Senate,
got the EMPEROR'S reforms into its hands. The
Senators are all old Imperialists, nominated
by the Sovereign, and have clearly nothing to gain
by destroying a form of government under which
they derived all their importance. Some impetus
was needed to rouse these reluctant legislators to
their task, and this the Prince has undoubtedly
supplied. After a long period of silence, the
EMPEROR'S cousin has, in a daring speech,
once more proclaimed himself the champion of
Liberal principles in France. This character, indeed,

has always consistently maintained. He has
upheld the government of his relative ; but he has
claimed that it should conform to the spirit of the
age. Prince NAPOLEON has always regarded personal
rule with disfavour; lie has supported a con-
sistent foreign policy, anclh as unflinchingly denounced
the course of attempting to prop up the Porn by ,
French bayonets. Now the tide seems turning in
his favour. The Empire is rapidly becoming a con-
stitutional monarchy ; but the transition is yet far
from complete, and the Prince thinks it ought to
be accelerated. Great as are the concessions
recently made, they are not great enough. The.
Prtnw z would complete and extend them, would
refrain from intervention in the elections, would
grant uncontrolled local government, and would
repeal the power of arbitrary arrest now held by the
oxecutiva. In short he holds to the belief that if the
so\ erei ;a put mo trust in France, France would
have greater confidence in the sovereign. It may
be that the French nation is not fitted for con-
stitutional government; and that English institu-
tions trauraplaated urea,' the elianue would speedily

wither. Put what evidence is there in' favour of
this presumption ? Notwithstanding all that has been
said against fastening the institutions of one country
upon another, -it is certain that a modified
form of the English constitutional system has
of late been established in almost every
country of Europe with good results. And why not
in France ? Prince NAPOLEON seems to have confi-
dence in the experiment, and it is now likely that his
advice will prevail. The recent illness of the
EMPEROR has brought a great danger home to
all men. If the EMPEROR should die, what would
become of France ? If the people ruled
with the EMPEROR at their head, few persons would
wish to destroy a system which might prosper with-
out him. If the sovereign died the rule of the peo-
ple would still be left, and there would be little to
be gained by setting aside his dynasty. But under
personal government the removal of NAPOLEON
would leave a blank, which the people might be
tempted to fill up by the establishment of a Govern-
ment in which the family now ruling would have no
share.

(774 tpiTh
Ze) 7

HER MAJESTY.

IN VERTR OSSAC lIS, Sept. 5.

Her Majesty, accompanied by Princess Louise
and Princess Beatrice, has made several excursions
in the neighbourhood.

LA.TEST INTELLIGENCE

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)

AMERICA.

NEW YORK, Sept. G.
The Guion steamship Minnesota arrived out

yesterday.

COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.
CLOSING PRICES.

Gold closed at 1371 ; the highest quotation due-
mg the day was 1371 ; the lowest, 1361.
Sterling Exchange on London lOBl.
5-20 U. S. Bonds, 1882 1221,
cc " 1885 l2ll.
14 " 1867 l2Ol.
10-40 is,
Illinois

Erie 33g.
Cotton—Mill. upland 3sc.
Petroleum—Standard White 32lc.
Flour, extra state, $6.45c. to $7.5c. Corn, old
mixed, $1.20c.

ROUMANIA .

BUCHAREST, Sept. 6.

Prince Charles leaves for Vienna to-morrow on
a visit to the Emperor of Austria, and will proceed
thence to Switzerland to visit his family. His
Highness will afterwards go to Paris, Brussels, and
Berlin, to the Sovereigns representing the protect-
ing Powers of Roumania.