The Sun.
London, England, 1860-03-14 00:00:00

upon our relations with our near neighbour, and the noble
lord has *denetinced these inquiries as prejudicial to the

public interests, and that it would be more statesmanlike to
inquire into the subject in a more formal manner. (Hear,
hear.) If the noble lord had got up in his place and had
_ _

said that a discussion on this-annexation could not take

place without serious injury to the public interests, and if
he had appealed to the patriotic forbearance of the Opposi-
tion, then, so far at least as I am concerned, not a word

from that time would have issued from my lips. (Hear,
hear.) But the noble lord laid the papers upon the table,
and he thereby solicited the opinion of the house. There

may be gentlemen in this house who consider the conduct

of the French Emperor as alarming to Europe, and that it
ought to be resisted by the Great Powers of Europe, but
those hon. gentlemen did not sit on that (the Opposition)
side of the house. Well, the noble lord has placed the

papers upon the table of the house, and I never knew that
there was any other meaning in that other than that it

was intended to invite inquiry into the conduct of the Go
vernment, but not necessarily to pass a censure upon the
Government. It seems now that the taste of the present
Government is always in the extreme, they desire our ap-
proval or our censure. (Hear.) But the House of Com-
mons have a duty to fulfil ; if upon reading the papers
placed before them they find them imperfect, obscure, or
involved in mystery, and if any part required explanation,
they were bound to take the usual parliamentary means of
making the inquiry suflicient—(hear, hear)—and I am not
aware that any other means have been taken up to this time
than those which the custom of Parliament allows in en-
deavouring to obtain more accurate information than yet
placed on the table of the house. (Hear.) Well, then, sir,
let us look at our relations with France, and see whether
there is any danger of those relations being prejudiced in
consequence of this apprehended annexation of Savoy and
Nice. I• said the other night, and I repeat it to-night, that
.so far from the conduct of the French Government to-
wards the English Government and the English nation
on this matter of annexation is concerned, it has been a
frank, candid, and a sincere policy—(hear, hear)—nothing
to complain of as regards the cauluct of France ; and I
cannot see that there is any cause of quarrel with
France. (Hear, hear.) The French Government have
given timely and repeated notice of their Emperor's
policy, and they have told our Government that if Sar-
dinia were aggrandised, Ptance must annex Savoy and
Nice. There was a notion prevalent after the treaty of Zurich
that that aggrandisement would not take place, and then
France said she would renounce her policy. Among the
latest documents we find that France expressed her inten
tion, if the settlement of Italy as then contemplated should
take place in the spirit of that treaty, viz., that if the duchies
should be annexed, to renounce the policy to which she had
previously referred. I want to know then what cause of quar-
rel we have with France ? May all powers, I say, behave
towards us with the same frankness and candour. France
said distinctly that if Sardinia were aggrandised it would be
inevitable that she should not be restricted ,to her present
frontier ; and yet with that knowledge the Foreign Minister
of this country favoured the policy which he knew would
inevitably lead to that result. (Hear, hear.) It might be
better for England that Sardinia should be a more powerful
state, and that France should have her frontier extended,
but the Government could not now turn round and denounce
France for annexing the Sardinian provinces, when she had
month after month told them that their policy would inevit-
ably lead to this result if an addition of ierritory were made.
to Sardinia. (Hear.) Therefore I say, sir, these aro not dis-
cussions which will tend to irritate the French Emperor or
the French nation, but they will tend to injure somel?ody
else. (Hear.) I think we ought to remove this bugbear from
our minds. Do not let us be thwarted by the Government from
expressing our opinion on the subject, which is one of unpa-
ralleled importance to this country, and a discussion upon it
ought not to be stifled by the Government.' (Hear.) The
noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs has been brood-
ing over the affairs of Italy ever since his first visit to that
country, and he should, therefore, have matured his arrange-
ments with more facility. He might say that it is a very
serious thing that Savoy and Nice should belong to France;
but on the other hand we might add that we are in the hands
of eminent statesmen, who by their ceaseless labours, by their
happy vigilance, and by their blending of courage and dis-
cretion, have secured a free and independent Italy. But
no, said the noble lord, we have nothing to do with it. Then
was the noble lord justified in sending his proposals to
France and all the other great Powers, in the hope that he
could influence the conduct of those Governments ? (Hear,
hear.) I say, then, that it is not the English Government
that can complain of the want of candour of the French Go-
vernment, or of the policy which the Emperor has pursued.
But what is this policy ? The noble lord the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs is astonished that the House of Commons
should notice this point, and he says the questions are irri-
tating, and that repeated discussions are perilous to the
peace of Europe, and the noble lord did that which is cer-
tainly peculiar to him—he lost his temper, and he tells us
that these discussions are not to be tolerated L-that the
House of Commons should not inquire into the policy which
has been so strongly described by the Government. There
is nothing in the records of England which could convey to
the country that something is pending—that there is some-
thing which is likely to endanger the peace of Europe—
than the description given by the Secretary of State as to
this intended policy of France. The noble lord's description
of it has beenheard to-night from that celebrated despatch
which is fresh in everybody's mind, and tho noble lord has
expressed the view of the Government upon the subject,
and the noble lord the First Minister has expressed himself
in language calculhted to impress Parliament and the coun-
try that a crisis might be at hand. Is it to be expected,
then, that the House of Commons should be silent ? The
noble lord having denounceid the policy of the Emperor
members would come down to the house and put questions
to him; and 1-look forward to Friday with great alarm, in
consequence of the notices which will be placed on the
paper, to inquire whether affairs are less alarming. In
conclusion I think the policy of the Emperor of the French,
in reference to the natural boundaries of empires requires
the constant attention of the country. I think it is a policy
of very great danger, and if this principle of natural boun-
daries be countenanced there will be despair and distrust in
Europe, and if there should be sanguinary war—if empires
should be overthrown, and if dynasties should be subverted
her Majesty's Government, which had assisted that policy,
will be responsible to the country and. to history.
Mr. KINGLAKE said he did not intend to trouble the
house.but with a few observations. He agreed with the
right hon. gentleman in thinking that the tendency of this
discussion had been not to increase the venom which seemed
to be infused in former discussions upon the subject, but to
remove it. (Hear, hear.) Much of what had fallen from the
noble viscount was extremely gratifying. He understood
the noble viscount to say that be understood that when the
Emperor promised to consult the great Powers of Europe
it was made in its natural sense, and therefore they might
hope that the annexation of the provinces was an event
which would not take place without the assent of the
Powers which were interested in them. If that were the
case there was an end of all discussion on the subject.
What they had maintained was, that this annexation would
be extremely dangerous if made without the consent of the
great Powers. He could not help saying that the noble
lord at the head of the Government seethed inclined to put
a more favourable construction upon the conduct of the
Emperor of the French than upon that of members of that
house. The Government had taken upon themselves to
impute to members that they were in favour of a war po-
licy. For his part he indignantly repelled an accusation of
that kind. No man would feel more than he did the hor-
rors of war. (Hear, hear.) The noble viscount told them
the policy of the Emperor was the policy of peace, and then
he proceeded to say that the war which took place*last year
was no exception to that policy of peace. He had waited
with great curiosity to know how the noble lord would kis..
tify that statement; it was by asserting that the war which
did take place was a noble enterprise. He supposed the
meaning was that that aggression on the part of the Emperor
of the French was a lawful idea, and that therefore it de-
served the applause of England. He (Mr. Kiiaglake) did not
agree with that view. Rethought that ifever there was a war
which began in cold blood the war which was commenced last
year by the Emperor of the French deserved that descrip-
tion. Tho noble lord had treated, this question as if we were
bound at the outset of any discussion with a foreign power
to make up our minds whether or no the discussion was to
end in war, a doctrine which he (Mr. Kinglake) contended
was contrary not only to diplomatic usage but also to the
general habits of mankind. He most emphatically pro-
tested against such a doctrine. To put thus the alternative
of war• to a foreign country was offensive and inadmissible,
whereas if you did not mean it your negotiations were de-
prived of all power. Ho must say that although ho ap-
proved of much of the language of the noble lord the Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs, ho could not but observe that when
he came to compare the published correspondence with
events he was struck with the want of reality in that cor-
respondence, as presented to the house. What he meant
was this, that the language used by our Secretary of State
had not produced its natural results. (Hear.) The noble
lord had, it was true, remonstrated in strong and vigorous
language, and from, that it might have been hoped that
there would be concession to his demands, or else counter-
arguments, or at all events irritation. Bat in this corre-
spondence there was neither acquiescence, nor counter-ar-
gument, nor irritation. It was treated, in short, as null,
and did not seem to have been noticed by the French Go-
vernment. The only observation the French Government
seemed to have made was that there was a great deal, of
force in the arguments, but he thought they might be an-
swered. Subsequently the Emperor addressed his Cham-
bers, and announced, without comment, his intention of an
nexation. Some explanation of this singular circumstance
was, however, given by the discussion of that evening, as he
now understood from both noble lords that the result of the
transaction was that in July the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs strongly protested against the annexation of Savoy
and Nice, and was told that the project had been abandoned,
but that afterwards, when it became probable that Central
Italy would be annexed to Piedmont, it seemed to base been
fairly enough intimated to him that ix that case the Emperor
would revert to the annexation idea. But then the noble
lord had said that as the accession of these provinces was
only a contingency, he thought it his duty to abstain from
making any protest. The result was completely to alter
our position with regard to France. The Emperor said he
had all elm declared bits intention, and that wader these