The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 4, 1860.

SENATOR DOUGLAS AGAINST SECESSION.

The New Orleans Picayune, of Nov. 14, publishes
the following letter from Mr. Douglas, written in
reply to an invitation from the citizens of New
Orleans, irrespective of party, to address them on
the subject of the present condition of national
affairs

" Gentlemen,—Your request to address the citi •
zens of New Orleans on the present condition of
affairs of our country,' has just been placed in
my
ye
hands.m o
smost
e mAi
nn invitation s
business
o menn umoef rtohuisl y
s greatsigned by
co m
mercial city implies a compliment which I duly
appreciate, and am exceedingly reluctant to decline.
" These are not the times for patriotic men to
affect indifference, or to degenerate into despon-
dency, or to rush madly into violent and extreme
measures. Just in proportion as our common coun-
try is environed with peril, it becomes the impera-
tive duty of every patriot in the land to increase
his efforts and exert his utmost powers and energies
to rescue the Republic from the disasters which
threaten its integrity.
" No man in America regrets the election of Mr.
Lincoln more than I do; none made more strenuous
exertions to defeat him ; none differ from him more
radically and irreconcilably upon all the great
issues involved in the contest. No man living is
more prepared to resist, by all the legitimate means
sanctioned by the constitution and laws of our
country, the aggressive policy which he and his
party are understood to represent ; but while I
say this, I am bound, as a good citizen and law-
abiding man, to declare my conscientious convic-
tion that the mere election of any man to the Pre-
sidency by the American people, in accordance with
the constitution and laws, does not of itself furnish
any just cause or reasonable ground for dissolving
the Federal Union.
" It is not pretended, so far as I am informed,
that any provision of the constitution has been
violated in the recent election. No act has been
done which impairs or destroys the constitutional
rights of any State or citizen. Nothing has yet
occurred to release any citizen from his oath of
fidelity to the constitution of the United States,
which is the supreme law of every State and of
every citizen. But while it is conceded that no act
has yet been done which impairs the rights or
endangers the peace and safety of any portion of
our country, it is apprehended that the election of
Mr. Lincoln carries with it the assurance that the
policy and principles of the party by which he
was elected will prevail and he carried into practi-
cal effect in every department of the Federal Go-
vernment, and thereby will endanger the peace and
safety of the slaveholding states. Is this apprehen-
sion well founded ? Do the results of the recent
election justify this apprehension ? The President
can do nothing except what the law authorises.
His duty is to see the law faithfully executed. If
he fail to perform this duty he will soon find him-
self a prisoner before the high court of impeach-
ment. Fortunately, that tribunal is so constituted
as to command the confidence of the people of the
entire South as well as of the Conservative men of
the North. We have this security that the existing
laws will be faithfully executed. I have yet to learn
that the people of the South complain of the acts of
Congress now on the statute book upon the subject
of slavery, as applicable to the states or territories,
or to the district of Columbia. These laws were
enacted mainly, if not entirely, by the joint action
of the Conservative members of North and South,
in opposition to the Abolitionists and Freesoilers,
and have been acquiesced in by the southern people
as well as by their senators and representatives,
under the present and preceding Administration of
the Federal Government. Consequently, it is fair
to presume that the south, so far from demanding
the repeal of the existing laws on the subject of
slavery, as essential to her safety and equality
in the Union, will insist upon their being retained
upon the statute-book and faithfully executed. Nor
are we permitted to infer that the Southern people
require any additional legislation by Congress on
this subject, for the reason that the Southern
senators and representatives have not introduced
and advocated any changes in the existing legisla-
tion upon the slavery question under the present
Administration, and that of Mr. Pierce, when the
Abolitionists and Freesoilers were in the minority
in both Houses of Congress.
" Assuming, therefore, that the Southern people
and their senators and representatives deem their
rights and institutions entirely safe under the con-
stitution and laws as they now stand, and only
desire to be let alone, without any interference
by Congress with their domestic concerns, the
question arises whether Mr. Lincoln and his party
will have the power, even if they have the dispo-
sition, to disturb or impair the rights and institu-
tions of the South, either in the States or the ter-
ritories or in the district of Columbia ? They cer-
tainly cannot do it under the existing laws. Will
they have the power to repeal or change those
laws, or to enact others ? It is well known that
they will be in a minority in both Houses of Con-
gress, with the Supreme Court against them. In
the Northern States there have been elected already
a sufficient number of Democratic members of Con-
gress, bold and true national men, pledged to the
Cincinnati platform and the doctrine of non-inter-
vention by Congress with the question of slavery
in the States and territories and the district of
Columbia, who, added to the Southern repre-
sentatives, will give at least 20 majority
against Mr. Lincoln and his party on all these
questions. In the Senate there is also a decided and
reliable majority. Hence no bill can pass either
House of Congress impairing or disturbing the
rights or institutions of the Southern people, in any
manner whatever, unless a portion of the Southern
senators and representatives absent themselves, 33
as to give an abolition majority in consequence of
their absence.
" In a minority in both Houses of Congress, with
the Supreme Court to expound the laws and restrain
all illegal and unconstitutional acts, the President
will be utterly powerless for evil, if he should have
the disposition to do wrong. Even in the distribu-
tion of his patronage he would be dependent upon
the Senate for the confirmation of his nominees to
office, so that he cannot appoint a bad man to office
without the consent of those in whom the South
confide. A partisan President, thus tied hand
and foot, powerless for good or evil, without
the consent and support of his political opponents,
should be the object of pity and commiseration
rather than of fear and apprehension to a brave and
chivalrous people. What good or harm can he do
to anybody, except to humble the pride and wound
the sensibilities of a large portion of the American
people by occupying the chair once filled by Wash-
ington, Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson ? Does
this fact furnish sufficient cause for destroying the
best Government of which the history of the world
gives an example ? Four years will soon pass away,
when the ballot-box will furnish a peaceful, legal,
and constitutional remedy for all the evils and griev-
ances with which the country may be afflicted.
" If in the meantime any act shall be perpetrated
which shall violate or impair the rights of any
citizen or State, or shall endanger the peace and
safety of any portion of our people, for which the
constitution or laws shall fail to provide adequate
and efficient remedies, the time will then have
arrived for those who think the constitution has
been disregarded and the Federal power perverted
to purposes inconsistent with their safety, honour,
and equality, to cons Ult and deliberate upon the
nature, extent, and mode of redress.

" t do Lot anticipate, nor do I deem it possible in
the present condition of the country that under the
administration of Mr. Lincoln any act eon be per-
petrated that Would destroy or impair the constitu-
tional rights of the citizen, or invade the reserved
rights of the States upon the nubleet of slavery ;
but, if I should find myself painfully mistaken on
this point, t have no hesitation in expressing thq
deliberate conviction that such an outrage would
not only make the Southern people a unit, but
Would arouse and consolidate all the Conservative
elements of the North in firm and determibed
resistance by overwhelming majorities. In such an
event the South vt.otild ocotipy an impregnable
position. With her own people united and animated
by one sentiment—the unfaltering resolve to Main-
tain and defend their rights and liberties as won by
the blood of their fathers and guaranteed by the
constitution of their country, they Could Sa&ly ably
upon the .justice of their taiise, and confidently
expect the sympathy of the civilised world, and
the choicest blessings of Divine Providenee
while struggling for the light. Under these
circumstances, / can perceive no just cause, no
reasonable ground for such rash and precipitate
action as would plunge into the horrors of revolu-
tion, anarchy, and bankruptcy the happiest people,
the most prosperous country, and the best Govern-
ment the sun of heaven ever shed his genial rays
upon. To those, if any such there may be, who look
upon disunion and a Southern confederacy as a
think desirable in itself, and are only waiting for
an opportunity to accomplish that which had been
previously resolved upon, the election of Mr.
Lincoln may furnish a pretext for precipitating the
Southern States into revolution. But to those who
regard the Union under the constitution as our
fathers made it, the most precious legacy ever
bequeathed to a free people by a patriotic ancestry,
and are determined to maintain it as long as their
rights
xaaavennui
dnds
0:0 llfiaodbbrie rdtiiseusdisunion.
equality and honour, are pro-
tected by it, the election of Mr. Lincoln, in my
humble presentsopinionos,cruats:elydt no just cause, no reason-
ale
the rem anl
my
ythe
addresses questions
tot
the
et
people
during
t canvass, I du not perceive that

any patriotic object can be advanced by any further
public discussions on my part prior to resuming
my seat in the Senate. That the passions and
animosities engendered by recent contests may soon
give place to reason and patriotism ; that calm and
wise counsels may prevail, and fraternal feeling be
restored ; that the constitution may be preserved
inviolate, and the Union maintained for ever, is the
ardent hope and fervent prayer of your friend and
fellow-citizen, S. A. DOUGLAS.
"New Orleans, Nov. 13."

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.

HOME CIRCUIT.-MAIDSTONE, DEC. 3.

The commission for the county of Kent was opened
on Saturday by Mr. Justice Byles, and business was
proceeded with this morning. There are 46 pri-
soners for trial, and out of this number 23 are sol-
diers belonging to different regiments, and it would
seem that their principal object for the commission
of the crimes imputed to them was that they might
be discharged from the military service.
Mr. Justice Byles adverted to this fact at some
length in his charge to the grand jury. His lordship
said that never having had the honour of meeting
them before in that county it was impossible for
him to say whether the calendar in the number and
magnitude of its crimes was heavier than usual, but
there was one circumstance in it which, in his short
experience, was entirely novel, and that was the
fact that more than half the offenders were soldiers
in her Majesty's service; and he was also sorry to
add that the offences laid to their charge were
crimes of the deepest dye, amongst which he ob-
served the crime of arson was very common. The
circumstance of so many soldiers being charged
with offences naturally led to the reflection, How
could this be? Some, it was true, were set down
in the calendar as imperfectly educated, but others
as being able to read and write, and some as being
able to read and write well. Time was when
education was looked upon as some security against
crime, but recent experience would seem to show
that this was a very ineffectual preventive. What
then wore the special reasons for this crime in the
present calendar ? It seemed to him—and it was
a remark that he should not have made but for the
large number of soldiers about to be brought before
them, and which he would now refrain from making
if he did not think that to gentlemen of their weight
and position it would not be thrown away—it
seemed to him that these crimes by soldiers were
simply from want of employment, and that it was
from this cause that soldiers wandered about and
committed crimes. It proved indeed the old pro-
verb that employment was but another name for
happiness. Indeed a celebrated writer more
remarkable perhaps for his brilliancy than his
soundness—said that "employment is the happiness
of nine-tenths of the human race, who thus have
no time to consider and to know how unhappy they
really are." It was unnecessary to remind them of
what they had. learned as schoolboys, that the
greatest military power that ever existed, and that
he hoped ever would exist—one that held the world
in subjection for 12 centuries—always took care in
times of peace to employ its army on works of
physical exertion, which made the soldiers stronger,
sounder, hardier, and better men when war again
made its appearance. The memorials of those
peaceful labours of soldiers remained until the pre-
sent day in those solid walls and straight and
admirable Roman roads which extended and radi-
ated from the metropolis to the extremities of the
then known earth. It was therefore a very serious
question whether on a frontier county like this the
superfluous energy of their soldiers might not be
employed in erecting works of defence, so that if
the fears which now existed in some quarters that
the blasts of war, silent on these shores for so many
centuries, should be again heard, they should be in
a firm position to meet the foe.
Jas. Hill, 27, and John Payne, 30, pleaded guilty
to a charge of burglary at Gravesend:
Mr. Russell was instructed to prosecute.
It appeared that the prosecutor was a solicitor,
who resided in Darnley-terrace, Gravesend, and his
house was broken open, and a good deal of property
stolen, the robbery having evidently been effected
by experienced burglars. On the same morning one
of the Kent constabulary, named Cleddish, who was
on duty at Greenhithe, several miles from Gravesend,
met the prisoners going towards London, and having
suspicion that they had been committing some rob-
bery, he procured the assistance of a brother con-
stable, named Jarvis, and these two, with a third
named Kettlend, endeavoured to apprehend the
prisoners. They, however, made a most desperate
resistance, but although the constables were severely
beaten and injured they stuck to their men, and
eventually succeeded in securing them, and on being
searched a crowbar and other housebreaking imple-
ments were found upon them, as well as all the pro-
perty that had been stolen from the house of the
prosecutor.
Mr. Justice Byles. sentenced the prisoners to be
kept in penal servitude for three years.
Mr. Russell said he was instructed to lay before
the Court a certificate of the magistrates by whom
the prisoners were committed, testifying to the good
conduct of the constables in this affair, and recom-
mending his lordship to exercise the power given
him by the statute, of ordering them a reward out
of the county funds.
Mr. Justice Byles said the magistrates were not
justified in making such a recommendation, as it
placed the judge in rather an invidious position if
he should differ in opinion with the magistrates,
and should be of opinion that the circumstances
were such as did not justify him in applying the
county funds to the payment of a reward. His first
impression was that he should not attend to the
recommendation of the magistrates; but upon con-
sideration, believing that the police officers had
behaved very well, and that if any one was to blame
it was not they, he would not do an injustice so far
as they were concerned, because the proceedings o.
other parties had been irregular. He should there
fore order them each to receive a reward of £2.

James Baker, 28, a private in the Royal Engi-
neers, a smart, soldierly-looking man, who was de-
corated with several medals, was charged with
uttering counterfeit coin.
Mr. Russell prosecuted.
The jury returned a verdict of Guilty, and the
prisoner was sentenced to nine months' imprison-
ment and hard labour.

George Barnett, a respectable-looking man, sur-
rendered to take his trial for misdemeanour, he
having unlawfully published a paper purporting to
be a copy of a summons issued from the county
court at Rochester, with intent to defraud.
Mr. Russell appeared in support of the prosecu-
tion ; Mr. Ribton was counsel for the defendant.
Mr. Ribton stated that the defendant was willing
to plead guilty upon the understanding that a cer-
tain course would be adopted, because he really did
not intend to commit any offence, or to do any-
thing wrong. The fact was that the defendant's
wife and the wife of the prosecutor were continually
quarrelling, and he never could get any peace, and
in order to put an end to such a state of things he
procured one of the printed forms of a county court
summons, -which could be procured at almost any
stationer's shop, and foolishly filled it up and sent
it to the prosecutor. His object, however, was not
to obtain money, or anything of the sort, for when
the prosecutor offered to give him money to settle
the matter, after the receipt of the supposed sum-
mons, he refused to take it, and said all he wanted
Was peace.
Mr. Russell said he believed the facts were pretty
much as stated by his learned friend, and he was
not instructed to press for any punishment.
The defendant then pleaded guilty, and the
learned judge ordered him to enter into his own
recognizance to appear and receive the judgment
of the court, if he should be called upon to do so.

MIDLAND CIRCUIT.—LEICESTER, DEC. 3.
A winter assize having been appointed to be held
in this town and eounty, Mr. Baron Bramwell ar-
rived here about noon, atld opened his commission
at the Town-haii. After attending' divine service
at St. Martin's Church,
try the borough prisoners, For the
borough there
his I.2rdship proceeded to
are but two cases and four prisoners,
-
Joseph Booth, 43, Post-office clerk, was indicted
for stealing a post letter containing two half-sove-
reigns and five receipt stamps, the property of her
Majesty's Postmaster-General, on the 6th of August;
184:

Mr. Cockle and Mr. Mereweather prosecuted ;
Mr. O'Brien defended. _ _

The jury returned a verdict of guilty, and the
prisoner was sentenced to four years' penal servi-
tude.

Ile had bean in the postal service for 15 years,
and had been recommended by several of the prin-
cipal inhabitants to the postmastership recently
vacant in this town.

A POSER.—The other day as a gentleman was
standing at the railway station at Keith, he overheard an
individual accosting another, Oats ;—" Deere;e, fa yaas a'
the oo ?" On inquiry, he found that the person was accost-
ing a girl in charge of a quantity of wo)1, and was asking
her who was the owner.—Aberdeen Herald. _

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THE NEW YORK MONEY MARKET.

The New York advices yesterday show that in
the three days from the 17th to the 20th of Novem-
ber the panic had reached its climax, and that a
reaction had apparently commenced just before the
departure of the mail. The favourable turn had
been brought about by .a Joint measure of 16 of the
principal banks, these institutions having at length
become sufficiently alarmed to consent to act toge-
ther for the common safety. Any further delay
would have resulted in a general suspension in
some of the principal branches of business, and espe-
cially in the grain trade. The New York exporters
were in this position :—They were liable for draughts
made upon them by the Western houses for grain and
other produce transmitted to New York, and their
legitimate means of meeting these draughts con-
sisted in the sale of bills upon the European houses
to whom this produce is consigned. But such bills
had at length become totally unsaleable, and a stop-
page of payment therefore seemed inevitable. In
that case the break-up of the New York export
houses would have been followed by that of the
Western produce dealers, and these in turn would
have brought down all the Western banks to which
they are indebted for advances. In this emergency
the majority of the New York banks agreed to hold
a meeting at the Bank of Commerce. The total
banking capital of the city is .£13,800,000, and
about £9,000,000 of that amount was repre-
sented on the occasion. The conference re-
sulted in a resolution to purchase bills of exchange
on England in the open market to an amount
equal to £500,000, each bank contributing pro rata
to the payment. A committee was formed to carry
out the measure, Messrs. Stevens, Tileston, and T.
Taylor, the respective Presidents of the Bank of
Commerce, the Phoenix Bank, and the City Bank,
being the parties selected. On the following day,
Nov. 20, this committee met at one o'clock, but, of
course, it was then found that other buyers had
come into the market. Although the committee
offered to purchase largely at the rates current a
few hours previously, scarcely any applications
were made to them. This was on the afternoon
preceding the departure of the present mail, and
they were to continue their sittings from day to
day. Meanwhile, the transactions had been large
in the open market at 100 to 102 for merchants' and
103 to 104 for bankers' bills, and it will probably be
found that the public have subsequently continued
to keep up with the bank biddings. At the same
time, there was a general understanding on the part
of the banks, although it was not formally adopted
as a resolution, that they should extend their dis-
counts, and, acting upon this, some of them had
doubled their scale of accommodation. These move-
ments had already caused violent fluctuations in the
stock-market, and an average rebound had been
established of about 3or 4 per cent. Illinois Cen-
tral had gone from 52 to 55 ; Erie from 261 to 28,
and New York Central from 70,1 to 73. The ques-
tion arises, "How will the proposed purchase of
£500,000 bills of exchange affect this country ?"
Some impression prevailed that it 'was the inten-
tion of the banks to remit the bills forthwith to
Baring's, with orders to have them discounted, and
for the amount to be sent back in gold. Other
letters, however, affirm positively that they do not
contemplate any summary proceeding of this kind,
but will simply send the bills for collection at
maturity, and meanwhile, from time to time, as the
exchange rises, sell their own draughts against
them. If the latter course be pursued, the result
will be that no gold movement will take place, be-
cause the bank draughts would be sold to persons
having to make payments to this country. If
however, the rate of interest, which had just
ranged between 1 and 2 per cent. per month,
should be maintained at a high point, the banks
possibly will be disposed to order some amounts in
gold to be sent to them forthwith. In any case
the affair is not likely to have a very important
influence on our market, while the effect of the
arrival in New York of £200,000 or £300,000
from this side, coupled with the steady receipts
from California, may be estimated not only by the
experience of 1857, but by the fact that the drain
from the north to the south, which has caused all
the present confusion, is believed not to have
greatly exceeded half a million sterling. With
regard to the political question, there had been no
material change, but the probability is that before
the close of the year the people in both sections of
the country will be looking for new sources of ex-
citement, and eager to get rid of the present diffi-
culty by any dexterous compromise that may be
offered.
The Farmers' Bank of Richmond, Virginia, is
stated to have stopped payment, and several of the
other southern establishments are expected to
follow. In New Orleans, however, the bank usually
hold a good specie reserve, and it is thought they
will ride through the present difficulty. The capital
of the Farmers' Bank of Richmond is £160,000.
Later reports from Mexico, received at New York
by way of Havannah and New Orleans, allege that
Miramon has resigned and been succeeded by Gen.
Robles. The Reactionists, it is added, had eva-
cuated Puebla, and the greatest alarm prevailed
at the capital. Mr. Maclane, the American Minis-
ter, had given up his appointment.