The Sun.
London, England, 1860-06-30 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 30, 1860.

INSURRECTION IN SICILY.

A letter from Turin, dated June 27, says :—The
telegraph from Sicily informs us that Garibaldi,
upon being urged by the Municipal Council of
Palermo to proceed to the immediate annexation of
the island to the Italian kingdom, answered " that
such an annexation was indeed his main intent and
desire; that he was full of admiration for King
Victor Emmanuel ; that with him and by him Italy
could best become a nation ; but that he did not for
the present deem the annexation of Sicily alone an
expedient measure; that the Italians should first
become sufficiently strong. Were he to resolve on
immediate annexation, he would have to receive
orders from other persons, when he might be placed
under the necessity to withdraw."
This telegram could not by any possibility be
more full of meaning. Garibaldi's programme is as
clear and consistent as any man's could well be. He
wants to come to no terms—to give no quarter to the
enemies of Italy. He has conquered Sicily. He
will take Naples, take it as he has taken Palermo,
by storm. After that, or even simultaneously with
that, he will settle his accounts with the Pope. He
goes straight to his aim. He will hear of no com-
promise; to the Neapolitan and Roman Govern-
ments he has only one intimation to make—to be
gone. If heaven gives him strength to achieve
his work, he will show the world that he
was only acting for Italy and Victor Em-

manuel ; like Joan of Arc, whose task was
to see Charles VII. annointed at Rheims,
Garibaldi will never rest till he has en-

throned his companion in arms, the good Re Galan-
tuomo, on the Capitol. For his own part, he will
then go back to his rock-bound solitude of Caprera,
and be seen no more on the scene of his exploits.

In order to achieve so much, or at least do his
utmost towards such splendid achievements, Gari-
baldi must have a free hand. Sardinia is bound to
France by a thousand ties of gratitude and hope.
As a recognised Government she is deep in the toils
of diplomacy. Cavour is a great man, he has done
much for Italy, he is able and willing to do much
more; but Cavour is not a free agent; and Gari
baldi, as subordinate to Cavour, would be in a doubly
dependent position. France and England have
thrown out some hopes at non-intervention. Should
that principle hold, Garibaldi feels sufficiently
strong to accomplish his task single-handed. Any
help—overt help, at.least—from Piedmont might be
construed into a violation of the non-intervention
principle, it might provoke hostilities from Powers
which must, or may at least, by that principle be
bound to a system of more or less strict neutrality.
The Privy Council of the Bourbon evidently
meditate a compromise ; they are patching up
a constitution, appointing a so-called Liberal
Ministry, pretending to adopt a national policy.
Were they to bring the stubborn King to their
views, they might come before Count Cavour
with proposals which that deeply involved diplo-
matist might not think it prudent, or might
not be at liberty, to reject. Whatever compact Sar-
dinia may choose, or be compelled to come to, will
not be binding on Garibaldi. When Charles Albert
signed the armistice of Milan in July, 1848,
Garibaldi carried on the war on Lake Maggiore,
and when the Royal officers pleaded the suspen-
sion of hostilities he answered, "La tregua ha
fatta it Re—noi non i •en triamo." (" The armis-
tice has been made by the King ; it is no concern
of ours.") He has hitherto acted out of his own
head, and the world has thriven with him. As a
" Fillibuster" ho conqiaered Sicily, he will subdue
Naples in the same capacity; in the same character
he will one day knock at the doors of the Vatican.
He must follow no lead but his own true, generous
inspiration.
People here are perfectly nlll9-7All at thn Drannna
political tact evinced by that brave chieftain in the
present emergency. It was supremely wise to
oppose the immediate annexation of Sicily alone.
Had the act been consummated, and the Bourbon
formd the means of coming to terms with Sardinia,
or to enlist the aid of the great Powers • in his -de-
fence, what good could come either to Sicily itself,
to North Italy, or to the whole country from such
an annexation ? No ; let King tombicella wriggle
himself out of his present awkward predicament as
he best may; let him arrange matters with all
other sublunary potentates. Garibaldi comes to no
compact with him. Garibaldi has wrenched one
kingdom from him with 900 men; will he not tear
the other from him with 9,000 ?

The patriots in Turin, therefore, do not augur any-
thing like misunderstanding between Cavour and
Garibaldi from this important latest news; Nay,
matters are proceeding precisely as they always
did. Garibaldi planned and executed his first ex-
pedition under the weight of a formal veto from
the Sardinian Government. Count Cavour, how-
ever, would not have been able to prevent his de-
parture had ho been willing, neither would he have
been willing to do it had he been able. In the
same manner he could not now interfere with Gari-
baldi if he would; and he would not if he could.
These two great men march to the same goal, each
in his own way, each in obedience to his own pecu-
liar instinct and the peculiar circumstances in
which he is situated. They need never clash with,
they may even occasionally help each other ; it
must go hard with both of them and with Italy if
their respective paths are not found to converge
and meet at their journey's end.

Advices from Palermo state that on the 23d the
organisation of the three brigades of the Sicilian
army was almost complete. They consist, in the
first place, of the volunteers of the first, second, and
third expeditions, and comprise a good number of
officers who have seen active service in the Sar-
dinian army. The first five classes of the levy of
recruits from 17 to 22 years of age are to be incor-
porated with them. The command of these brigades
will be confided to Bixio, Malenchini, and Medici.
Garibaldi wants arms, and above all officers. It is
believed that he will soon have several cruisers,
with the help of officers of the Sardinian navy who
have resigned their commissions, in order to place
their services at his disposal.
General Garibaldi, as Dictator of Sicily, has
issued the following decree :—" 1. To declare that
bills of exchange and other commercial securities
falling due since the 4th April shall not be con-
sidered as payable until the Ist August; subject,
however, to the payment of 5 per cent. interest ; 2.
To request charitable establishments to hand over
to the Treasury the sums which they may happen
to hold either as legacies or in trust for others; the
said sums to be employed in relieving patriots in
distress, and a promise being made to restore
them in more prosperous days; 3. To send home
soldiers of the third category, that is those who are
aged from 40 to 50 ; 4. One appointing two addi-
tional Senators of Palermo ; the six at present in
office not being able to get through the duties de-
volving on them; 5.- To decide that officers of the
army shall receive, from June 1, pay at the rate of
one-half of that enjoyed by officers of the correspond-
ing grades in the Sardinian army ; 6. Dismissing
the Archbishop of Monreale from the chair of ethics
and natural law in the University of Palermo, and
au ias hisbei
being
successor—the
archbishop motives
aassigned
i n
Mt
h. Re
idismissalb
fgor
has left Palermo, though his duty as professor re-
quired him to reside there; 7. To continue the
levy
of the tax on sulphur; and 8. A decree prohibiting
the purchase of stolen objects."

A letter from Palermo in the Siecle says :
" Alexander Dumas arrived in this city the day
after it was delivered of the Neapolitan; and was
the first person not connected with the belligerents
who climbed over the barricades. Guided byMenotti
he met Garibaldi in the Cathedral square ; and the
author and the soldier threw themselves into each
other's arms, amidst the applause of the spectators.
The same day the Dictator gave his visitor apart-
ments in King Roger's palace, which had been left

vacant by the flight of the Viceroy; After passing
a week in the city, and having obtained from the
lips of the soldiers and eye-witnesses full details of
the combat and bombardment, Alexander Dumas
and his friends left on the 18th, each with a
musket on his shoulder to accompany Colonel
Turn's expedition.
• A letter from Naples of the 21st in the Sic cle,
says :—" There is in circulation a short address
which Garibaldi is said to have addressed to some
of the King's officers whom he had occasion to see
at Palermo. He said—Gentlemen, we have to
create an army of 200,000 men, I highly appreci-
ate the volunteers, but, notwithstanding, I would
rather appoint as colonel a good captain, who un-
derstands his business, than an advocate; and I
would prefer to have for captain a sergeant rather
than a medical man. If you are Royalists, so am
I ; but for king, I prefer Victor Emmanuel, who
will one day lead us all against the Austrians, to
Francis of Bourbon, who brings Italians against
one another. Gentlemen, you have your choice
we shall conquer without you, but I should be
proud to do so with you." The generals and su-
perior officers at present detained in the island of
Ischia, awaiting their appearance before a council
of war, with which they are threatened, are : the
Commander-in-chief, General Lanza; Lieut.-Gene-
rals Salzano, Cataldo, and Pasquale Marra; Bri-
gadier-Generals Bartolo Marra, de Sury (ex-Swiss),
de Wittembach (ex Swiss), Landi,:leetizia, and.
Colonel Brionopane."

tion"—(cheers and laughter)—and resign their seats
—the hurry for reform seemed to end. They did
expect, after what they had been told by that great
master of reform, Lord John Russell, that at the
very commencement of this session they would
have had a pure and great measure brought in.
(Cheers.) He would not enter into a history of that
unhappy and abortive little bill—(cheers)—but only
remind them of a few facts. It was born
in 'March, condemned and repudiated in April,
and abandoned in June—(cheers)—and he could
only add, with pain, that no statesman ever stood
in a position more humiliating on any great ques-
tion than that which Lord John Russell occupied
with regard to the question of reforni. (Cheers.)
Another reason why Lord Derby's Government
should be deprived of power they were told was
that it was essential that their foreign relations
should be placed in a better condition, and that the
influence of the English Government abroad would
be increased if those affairs were in other hands

than those of Lord Malmesbury. What followed ?
The influence of the present Government had been
exerted, and failed to have any effect. The Go-
vernment of England had interfered, but without
sufficient influence and vigoUr, to -avert that unfor-
tunate measure, he would not call it the cession
but the seizure of Savoy—(cheers)—a measure
which reflected the utmost discredit upon both so-
vereigns concerned,- whilst it showed the respect
which was paid to the remonstances of England
through her present Ministers. (Hear.) The Go-
vernment of Lord Derby were not afraid of com-
parison of the position of their foreign relations
and of the influence of these realms in 1859 with
that of the present time. How was it that the
Government of Lord Derby had been ejected from
office ? If he were to turn to his experience at
quarter session—an experience which he knew was
sometimes used against him to raise a laugh—and
any man had been brought before him, charged
with possessing himself of anything through the
means by which the present Government had ob-
tained their offices, he would have directed him to
be indicted for obtaining goods under false pre-
tences. (Cheers and laughter.) How came it that
they were enabled to succeed in their objects by
those false pretences ? Through a meeting held in
1114 very room in which they were then assembled ;
to do what ?—to unite the great Liberal party !
There were not a few who at the time prophesied
that that union wouldfprove but a hollow truce be-
tween two sections of politicians, for there was
nothing in the simple word liberal which could not
equally apply to every right-minded Englishman—
(cheers)—and could be maintained only by a pro-
longed system of concession to the more democratic
section ; and he could appeal to what had since
taken place as to whether that prophecy had
not been fulfilled. (Cheers.) He thought they
would agree with him that it was due to that sec•
tion that the abortive commercial treaty with France
was entered into ; and in every step our Govern-
ment had to give way—proving, in the expressive
phraso of a leading newspaper a few days since,
that the amateur negotiator and the Government
of England had been supremely diddled. (Cheers
and laughter.) In July it was announced that
everything had been settled with regard to the
treaty, but after that Mr. Bright sent his own ne-
gotiator to arrange it, and Lord Palmerston and
Lord John were obliged to eat their own words.
Then, again, it was to the same influence that they
could trace the rash and improvident budget, which
had been universally condemned by every financier
of eminence. It had been adopted on the sugges-
tions of Mr. Bright, Mr. Cobden, and the Finan-
cial Reform Association of Liverpool, whose object
was to do away with the whole system of indirect
taxation, and substitute direct taxation instead ;
and the system being thus recommended to him,
Mr. Gladstone, with a fickleness and tergiversa-
tion unparalleled in political history, came down
to the House of Commons and attempted to double
the income tax. The influence could be traced in
the Government democratic Reform Bill, which
attempted to hand over all power to one party—
they could trace it again in the defection of the
leading liberals from the interests of the Church,
and their unhappy madness to abandon those inte-
rests to the great Liberal party. But here again
retribution followed them, and they abandoned
their principles just as popular feeling had taken
an opposite turn, and he hoped and trusted that
the Church was now once more in safe hands.
T hoe° were the effects of the alliance entered into
in that room ; but now let him return to the
bright side of the question. He believed that
the effect of these measures had been to raise
the conservative feeling throughout the country,
and he used the term in its widest sense.
He rejoiced to think that that cause was mak-
ing strides throughout the breadth and length
of the country without regard to party—that
conservative opinions were being expressed by
mei} having no connection with Lord Derby
or his party—uninfluenced by the Carlton or
any other club. And how had he arrived at
that conclusion ? By watching what had taken
place. He saw in the Reform Bill being rejected,
in the church-rate question resuming its proper
position, and, lastly, in that remarkable event which
occupied all men's minds, the overwhelming majo-
rity in the House of Lords rejecting one of the
most objectionable features in the Budget, a majo-
rity composed of members of both sides of the
house, and thereby earning the gratitude of the
people of England. He believed there was no
subject of the present day that demanded the more
anxious consideration of Conservatives. (Cheers.)
The Radical party had inveighed against the House
of Lords because it had ventured to put forward its
just power and influence in legislation. The result
of that vote led to the appointment of a committee
of the House of Commons to inquire into prece-
dents. He (Sir J.- Pakington) had had the honour
of being a member of that committee, which had
presented their report that day. In two or three
days more that report would be in the hands of the
members of the two Houses of Parliament, and
open to the whole British empire. (Hear, hear.)
They had found repeated instances in which the
House of Lords had rejected bills for the imposi-
tion and the repeal of taxation—and repeated in-
stances in which the House of Commons had
acknowledged the existence of that power in the
House of Lords—but he was sorry to be obliged to
add that the Radical party, who were so deeply
concerned in the measure, were not content to
accept any settlement founded on constitutional
principles or precedents ; for he had heard that the
Radical party, led on by that friend of Radicalism,
Lord John Russell—(cheers)—and seconded by
that equally radical, though once Conservative
statesman, Mr. Gladstone, were about to make an
attempt to prevent the 'precedents having their due
force. One thing this inquiry had done. It had
made evident to.every man who had attended to
what had taken place that there were two sections
in the Cabinet—who were divided against each
other as wide as possible upon important constitu-
tional questions. Ho hoped that moderate coun-
sels would prevail, and that the House of Commons
be spared any such discussion as that to which he
had alluded, and that it might be very long
before the day should come when, instead of
upholding the privileges of the House of Lords,
the House of Commons should endeavour to prevent
that house from exercising its functions and power
which up to the present moment had never been
disputed or denied. (Cheers.) He hoped that mo-
derate counsels would prevail in the Cabinet, and
he should be glad if his anticipations were falsified
of any attempt being made to interfere with the
privileges of the House of Lords. If such an at-
tempt were made, a heavy responsibility would rest
on the shoulders of the Conservative party, and it
would be their duty to support the more moderate
section in her Majesty's Government. It would be
their duty to act with moderation, but he hoped
and trusted with firmness, decision, and unanimity,
in upholding and guarding the privileges of the
House of Commons, upon which their constitutional
liberty was based, whilst they were no less unani-
mous in their determination not to invade or trench
upon the just privileges of the House of Peers.
(Cheers.) Ho hoped that, irrespective of this great
question, the Conservative party would continue to
act as it had hitherto done, in cordial union, reso‘
lately maintaining its principles, not seeking office
by any factious manoeuvres, but ready andwilling
at any moment to assume any responsibility which
it might be its duty to undertake in furtherance
of
the welfare of the country and the defence of its in-
stitutions. (Loud cheers.) The right hon. gentle-
man, having repeated the celebrated watchword—
" Register, register !" concluded by proposing the
health of the Earl of Shrewsbury and Talbot, the
President of the Association, under whose auspices

they were assembled.
This toast was duly honoured, and the compli-
Ment was afterwards acknowledged by the Chair-
man.
The Right. Hon. JOSEPH NAPIER next proposed
"The House of Peers," and in doing so took occa-
sion to state that he had always thought that our
constitution had its moveables in the House of
Commons and its fixtures in the monarchy and the
House of Lords. The Lords were the representa-
tives of the fixed property of the country; and in