The Sun.
London, England, 1856-10-31 00:00:00

E Y MARKET

CRITvIIITAL CO RT.---(This Day.)

Tvmal servitude, and directed the authorities of the gaol
to ascertain if either of the juvenile reformatories was
applicable to his case.

tNI+

OLD COURT.

47 0 NIMERCIAL INTELLICIEN.O

(Before Mr. Baron M:327':,ia and Mr. Jus.ticß Erle.)
THE CRYSTAL PALACE FRAUDS.

EMBEZZLEMENT.

011`Y; Two

The Liverpool Cotton Market yesterday closed
with a quiet, yet steady aspect, compared with the
current rates of last week. The sales were esti-
mated at 8,000 bales, 2,500 cf which were taken
by the exporters, and 500 by the speculators. The
Railway Share Market manifested an active ap-
pearance, and prices of all the leading stocks ad-
vanced from 1, to 1 per cent. on Wednesday's rates.
The Colonial Produce Markets this week have
been rather quieter, but a fair demand has never-
theless existed for most of the principal staples.
Sugar has been dull, purchasers having refused to
give the full prices demanded by importers. Coffee
has been in steady request, but plantation Ceylon
13 rather cheaper. Cocoa has been heavy. Tea
has been quiet, and rice at slightly reduced quota-
tions. Saltpetre is dull at a decline of 6d. per
Cwt., and for Cochineal there has been very little
inquiry. In Spices there has not been much ac-
tivity, and prices have remained without variation.
Tallow has realised former values. The Indigo
sales, consisting of 67,633 chests, terminated yes-
terday.
Accounts from Berlin of the 28th inst. state that
the recent treaty entered into by Prussia and Aus-
tria, for the purpose of facilitating the business of
the customs' on the frontiers of the two countries,
has been completely annulled by the unwillingness
of the Austrian officials to carry out the spirit of
the treaty ; and it is considered that the only way of
effectually assisting the trade between Prussia and
Austria is to admit the latter State into the Zoll-
vereiu Union. The Prussian Minister of Finance
has recommended to the municipalities to choose
officers of the first class to form the commissions
for calculating the impost dues.
Letters from Hamburg mention that the failure
of one of the principal commercial houses at Mag-
deburg has created much inquietude amongst the
Banks and the credit establishments which have
been created during the current year in most of the
petty German States. It appears that many of
the new banks are creditors of the firm alluded to.
The amount of their liabilities is about 80,0001.,
and the assets consist of extensive sugar refineries.
There has been an increased buoyancy in the
market for Public Securities to-day, a rise of about
to 2 per cent. having taken place. The dealings
have been numerous, and stimulated in some
degree by the reported arrival of the James Baines
from Victoria, with a large amount of specie. Al-
though that vessel has been 84 days out, however, no
Special notification of her arrival has yet been given.
The public are buying, and the disposition to spe-
culate for a rise increases. Consols have been
924 I, 024 and 92,i 7;. For the 6th proximo
there have been dealings at 921 3, and 923 ; and
for December 4, 93 1. The New 3 per Cents.
have been 912- to 921 ; and the Reduced 933 t
Exchequer Bills are par to 4s. premium. Bank
Stock is 214.

William James Robson was again placed at the bar,
the case being set down in the ordinary course for trial

to. day.
Mr. Gifford applied to their lordships to postpone the
trial till next sessions, on an affidavit that had been sup-
plied to the solicitor for the prosecution. That affidavit,
sworn to by Mr. J. G. Lewis, of Ely-plae, Holborn,
the prisoner's attorney, stated that the prisoner was
committed on 13th October last on two cases of larceny,
and that he (Mr. Lewis) bad only been retained fur the
defence within the last ten or twelve days. Hearing it
rumoured that other indictments were to be preferred
against the prisoner, he wrote on Friday last to the
solicitor for the prosecution to be furnished with
the particulars of the charges. Late on Satur-
day night he received an answer i❑ reply, and
on Monday at an interview with the prisoner he
informed him of tire nature of the o)rnmunication.
Want of information on the multiplicity of charges to be
preferred against the prisoner, and the number of cases
the deponent had to attend to this session, prevented
him from making the necessary inquiries, and the effect
of pressing on the trial this session would be that the
prisoner would be undefended. The letter received from
the prosecutor's solicitor enumerated the charges which
were to be preferred against the prisoner for stealing
eight certificate shares, belonging to Mr. Robertson, of
Leith ; five do., belonging to John Bond and Jonathan
Dun, and the various charges of forgery, amongst which
was one for forging the name of " G. Grove," at the
back of a check for 3611. 142,. 6d. These charges were
to be supported by 20 witnesses, and probably more,
the names of whom were communicated to Mr. Lewis
in the same letter. The late hour at which that com-
munication was received on Saturday night had pre-
cluded him from making the necessary inquiry into
the nature of the charges and the evidence by which
they were to. be supported. He (Mr. Gifford) hoped
their lordships would not allow this trial to be forced on
under the circumstances, and the prisoner deprived of

being defended.
Mr. Sergeant Ballantine said the prosecution bad no
unjust desire to press on the charges for trial against the
prisoner, and he (Mr. Sergeant Baliantine) had no wish
to press charges against persons in the unhappy position
' of the prisoner. It was, however, his imperative duty
to do so on this occasion, in consequence of the nature
of the charge and the great number of persons who bad
been brought from all parts of the country to give
evidence on the trial, at a great expense to all concerned.
The witnesses and the company feel that a postpone
meat of the trial would be of great injury and annoy-
ance to them, and the latter that they bad an extra
ground of complaint from the prisoner's conduct on the
present occasion. He would call the attention of the
court to two letters that had been forwarded to the
company by Mr. Robson, and he thought their
lordships would concur with him in thinking that
the present course was adopted in an endeavour
vexatiously to annoy the company, and to put them to
further inconvenience and expense than be has already
done. It was well known that Mr. Robson was taken
into custody in another country, and when brought be-
fore a magistrate he was prosecuted by the Crystal
Palace Company. At the last hearing Mr. Hawkins,
barrister, who attended for the prosecution, expressed
his willingness to adjourn the case for further investi-
gation, in order that the whole of the charges to be
preferred against the prisoner might be first investigated
befora a magistrate, whereby the prisoner would be in
possession of all the facts; but Mr. Robson, wishing to
save as much publicity as possible, stated his desire
that the charges should be got rid of as shortly as
possible, because he intended to plead guilty, and in con-
sequence of that two charges only were entered into, just
sufficient to warrant the prisoner's committal, it being
intimated to him at the time that others would be preferred
against him at the Old Bailey. His answer to the affidavits
put in was contained in two letters forwarded by the
prisoner to the directors of the Crystal Palace Company.
In the first letter he said—" May I ask, as I intend to
plead guilty, and make every reparation in my power,
whether it is not possible for me to be charged with one
large offence, instead of many small ones v' In conse-
quence the company, instead of indicting him on a num-
ber of charges of larceny as a servant, charged him with
the committal of forgery, and it appeared rather extra-
ordinary that now, after they had complied with the
prisoner's request, he should complain at their proceed-
ing with the trial this session. In the other letter the
prisoner said—" I intend to make no defence, but plead
guilty. I shall pray for an immediate committal, as it
will save the company much expense, and anxiety to
those few left who still love me." He thought it must
be obvious to all who had heard the discussion on the
application for the postponement of the trial, and who
knew anything of the case, that no injury could by
possibility be done to the prisoner by the trial proceeding
in the ordinary course at the present sessions. He was
ready to give prisoner's counsel every information con-
nected with the charges of forgery. He, therefore, felt
bound, under all the circumstances, to object to the ap-
plication.

The Foreign market is quiet, but prices are
generally firmer. Turkish 6 per Cents. have ad-
vanced to 91i, and the 4 per Cents. 1001 with a
further upward tendency. Venezuela 4J per Cents.
are 34i. Spanish Deferred 23. Sardinian 5 per
Cents. 89, and Russian 4i per Cents. 96L
The follbwing are the nominal prices of Foreign
Stocks :—Grenada Deferred Bonds, 6 ; Mexi-
can, 21i ; Peruvian 41 per Cents., 75 7 ; ditto
3 per Cents., 54 6 ; Portuguese 3 per Cents.,
413 5 ; Russian 5 per Cents., 106 8 ; ditto 41 per
Cents., 95 7; Spanish 3 per Cents., 411 ; ditto
Deferred, 231 24; ditto Certificates, 51 ; ditto
Passive, 6
Messrs. D. Bell, Son, and Co. report that in
the market for American Securities during the last
week there has been less business doing, and the
few transactions both in State stocks and railroad
bonds have been at somewhat lower prices.

Redeemae. Per Cent.
United States 6 per Cents. 1867-1868... bllo4i 1051
tTnited States 6 per Cent. Bonds 1868...104 1051.
Alabama 5 per Cent
SECURITIES.
Kentucky 6 per Cent. Bonds 1869-1872._ 90
Maryland 5 per Cent. (Sterling Bonds) ... 89 91
Massachusetts 5 per Cent. (Sterl. Bonds) ... 93
Mississippi 6 per Cent. Pl. Bk
Bonds lB4l-1871... 40 42
Mississippi 6 per Cent. Union Bk Bonds ... 15 16
Pennsylvania 5 per Cent. Stock
Pennsylvania 5 per Cent. Bonds '877. 78 80
Virginia 6 per Cent. Bonds 1886... 82 84

LOANS OF CITIES.
Boston 5 per Cent. Bonds 1883... 85 86
Montreal 6 per Cent. Bonds 1856-1865... 83 85
New Orleans 6 per Cent. Stock 1883... 78 80

RAILROAD BONDS.
Illinois Central 7 per Cent. Ist Mortgage, _ _
81
not Convertible lB7 5.- 8°
Illinois Central 6 per Cent 1873... 77 79
Illinois Central 7 per Cent. Freeland
Bonds 1860... l 2 93
Illinois Central (Shares), $25 paid
Michigan Central Sp. Cent., Convert ] 860—
I. do. do. l 869... 89 91
New York Central 7p. Cent., Convert 1864... 91 93
New York Central 6 per Cent., not
Convertible 1883... 80 82
New York and Erie 7 per Cent. 3d Mort-
gage
1883... 83 84
N. York and Erie 7p. Cent. Convertible 1862... 80 82
N. York and Erie 7 per Cent. Sinking
Fund
1875... 81 83
Panama 7 per Cent., let Mortgage (Ster-
ling Bonds), not convertible 1859... 90 92
Panama. 7 per Cent., Ist Mortgage 1864... 90 92
Pennsylvania Central 6p. Cent., I stMort 1880... 87 89
Railway Shares are all firmer, the rise, in most
eases, being ss. to 10s. on the principal lines.
Midland, NOrth-Western, and South-Western have
been in moderate demand. Foreign and Colonial
are quiet.

Mr. Gifford said that the letters which had been read
by Mr. Sergeant Ballantine had reference to the charges
of larceny, and not those of forgery ; and had the charges
of larceny only been proceeded with, the prisoner would
have pleaded guilty to them, but he had always pleaded
not guilty to the charges of forgery. The objection to
the postponement of the trial had varied since yesterday.
Then it was founded on the illness of a material witness,
but now it was based on the inconvenience of the direc-
tors and the witnesses. The guilt or innocence of the
prisoner was not to be assumed by either side in this
application—their only question for consideration now
being, whether the prisoner had bad sufficient time al-
lowed him to prepare his defence to the charge of forgery
that bad been preferred against him, and to inquire into
the conduct and circumstances of the facts which up-
wards of 20 persons were to depose to. He thought he
was entitled (not knowing the facts to which these wit-
nesses would depose) that the postponement of the trial
till next sessions should be granted.

BRITISH FUNDS THIS DAY.—CLOSING PRICES.
(Front the Official List.)

Bank Stock ,-,Tkineb, done.
3 per Cant. Reduced Annuities ..
91 1, 214
..
1 i I
/
3 per Cent Consols Allmuties
'2,i
3, 2 siiii
Net, 3 per Pent. Annnitip,
New ,‘A 91; 2 ;
per Cent. Annuities
5 per Cent. Annuities.
...
Long Annuities, expire sth .tan 1861)
IDitto 30 Years, expire sth April, 1885 l7l
ndia }low's, 41060 . ..... . .
.......
Con Ditto,
-or undAc er 21000
........
sols onnnt
LEzehequer Bills, 2icl.
21000 ........... ... ....... ..
5ma112560
. ................ .
Ditto Bonds, 1858, 3i per Cent.
Bra-PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY.
-P
Bonds, 5 per Cent. ...............
Russian Ronda, 1g22, V, St., 5 per •Cent ,
Ditto 4i per Cent.
.. ...................... 961
Sardinian Ronde, 5 per Cant. ... ..... ....
Ditto Account, 5
......
Bp,loo I.ioi.ls, 3 per Cent . ................
DittDitto New Deferred, 3 per Cent.
Irkio Account ... ................. , .......... 231
kh Bonds, 6 per cent ~... •..
Ditto account, November 14 ... .......91 901 li 90/ 1 x d
Ditto Guaranteed, 4 per Cont. ............ 99i 100
VenDitto Account ................. , . 1001 *
ezuela Bonds, 41 per Cent ...... ... ...... 34',
trench Rentes,
litleen s on the above payable in London.
d4i per Cent. .....
Ditto 3 per Cent. .... .............
........ ... ........ 66f. 50c. ex 251. 25e.
TABLE 0' CV, uCI C.
.......... 92 i
Cnn,ls, money ....................1
Ditto, account, November 6 ............... 92t
UNION SCREW COLLIER STEAM
COMP ANY.

Mr. Justice Erie said the application ought to be re-
fused. It appeared to him that the ground of complaint
on which the application was founded was brought about
by the conduct of the prisoner himself. So far as he
(Mr. Justice Erle) could gather from what had been
stated, the whole of these charges would tve been pre-
ferred agaicst the prisoner at the police court, where he
would have heard the whole of the facts connected with
them, had he not wished to avoid publicity, and asked to
be committed.

Mr. Gifford said the prosecutors had not filed affidavits
to that effect.
Mr. Baron Martin—But there are the letters written
by the prisoner, the authenticity of which can be proved.
Mr. Gifford—Yts.

Mr. Baron Martin—You should have objected to the
non-production of affidavits by the prosecutors before the
letters were read.

Mr. Justice Erie said that what the prisoner now
complained of was the result of his own conduct.
He could not allow the consideration of the multiplicity
of the, engagements of an attorney engaged to defend a
prisoner to be placed against the inconvenience of a
number of persons summoned from different parts of
the country, and compelled to attend here to carry on
this prosecution. He did not apprehend the least in-
jury to public justice from the decision he had come to.
A conversation took place between the learned coun-
sel when the trial should take place, and to-morrow
(Saturday) was named, Mr. Gifford still protesting that
by such a course the prisoner would virtually be un-
defended. ft was then suggested by the prosecution,
and assented to by the court, that the trial should be
proceeded with at once, and agaia that it should take
place to-morrow (Saturday).

At a meeting of this company, held Yesterday, a
qividend of 11. per share was declared, and the re-
Port and accounts were unanimously adopted. It
l'asstated that large profits had been realised during
e
Ath War, and that the vessels will in future be ern-
°led in the cargo trade with the Brazilian po.
thorit rts
y was given to the directors to
to organise the company under the title of
the Union. Steam Company, with the view of
aVailing themselves of limited liability. Annexed
is an abstract of the report "The :
profit and loss account shows a profit on the
earnings of the vessels for the year commencing the let
of September, 1855, and ending the 31st of August,
t 856, of 15,6081., after making due provision for wear,
ear, depreciation, and contingencies, out of which
12,0001. has already been appropriated to the dividend
n!,4/ per share, paid in April last, leaving a balance of
:'6°B/. From this balance the directors recommend
,nvida dividend of 1/. per share be declared, makini4 a
tend leaving per share, or 95 per cent. for the past
ea,r, and a balance of 608/. to be carried forward
!Ileo the credit of nest year's account. The cessation of
fro war, and the consequent discharge of the vessels
turn te the transport service, has caused the directors to
A r!atheir attention to the best means of employing them
7tue more profitable manner than in the coal trade.
1 iliter due inquiry they have been led to conclude that a
aidve_e_ of auxiliary screw vessels, chiefly adapted as these
are to cargo conveyance, bets
field
Southampton
do the Brazilian ports, would yield a fair remunera-
tri ~ anl tl-tey have, theref, re, determined to make a
'': of the ling, the communication to ho monthly. The
of Norman_ proceeded on the first monthly trip on the 23d
23,r1?!Eltpber, and the Union on the second trip on the
be ;I October. The whole of the vessels continue to
. 4F4 trod against all risks."

Mr. Gifford asked if he understood rightly that the
trial was then to proceed ?

The youth Pratt, who pleaded guilty on Wednesday to
an indictment, charging him with embezzling 981. 10s.,
the property of his employers, the directors of the Bank
of Australia, was placed at the bar to receive sentence.
It will be recollected that the prisoner had the money
intrusted to him to procure stamps from Somerset-hoese,
and that in the evening he was induced to enter a brothel
in the City-road with the money in his possession, and
was then robbed.

His Lordship said that the prosecutors Lad pressed
much in favour of the prisoner, and he was willi❑g to
believe that public justice would be satisfied, although
he had taken a considerable sum of money, the property
of his employers, by the sentence he would pass on him.
The company believed he had formed no preconcerted
intention of taking the money, but that he yielded to
circumstances at the time. He sentenced him to nice
months' imprisonment, with hard labour.

Mr. Justice Erie said he declined to proceed then
With the trial.

Mr. Gifford said ho hoped his lordship would express
an opinion that the prisoner should be supplied with
the nature of the evidence to be brought against him.
Mr. Sergeant Ballantine said he had no objection to do
so, or, if the learned counsel wished it,
his brief. (Laughter.) he might read
Mr. Justice Er
that satisfy you, Mr. Gifford?
Mr. Gifford—
Fes, my lord. (Laughter.)
The trial was accordingly filed for to-morrow, to be
taken by the Lord Chief Baron.

POST LETTER STEALING.
Timothy Jones, Joseph. Jones, and George ITall lict2l4°ll
convicted of stealing post letters containing money
The former, being the keeper of a receiving house, v,733
sentenced to six years' penal servitude, the other two to
four years' penal servitude each.

FORGERY, &C.
Thomas Clerk, a youth 15 years of age, but just high
enough to look over the dock, was convicted of felo-
niously forging and uttering an order for 101. 105., with
intent to defrsud Robert Cooper Lee Bevan, and others.
The prisoner has been previously convicted of a similar
offence. After forging the document in question he
gave it to another boy to get cashed.
His Lordship sentenced the prisoner to four years'

THE SUN; LONDON; FRIDAY E'V'ENING OCTOBER si, iese.

tiavvi aud Mibcary irtteiligence.

HE "NONITTUR" AND TRE ZNGLISH PRESS,

H.M.S. Hannibal, 91, screw two-decker, Cape. C. J.
D. Hay, at Spitbead, is ordered to complete her arma-
ment (she left some of her guns at Malta), and send her
pay books to Setnerset-house. She will most probably
be "paid down" and sent on further service.
The hired-sailing transports Typhoon, Capt. Morris,
with commissariat stores ; Lady Valiant, Capt. Mont-
gomery, with- anchors, chains, and machinery ; and
Cc.eur de Lion, Capt. Clendon, with sundry stores, all
from Constantinople, arrived at Spithead yesterday
morning.

(From thc Timm)

The lifoniteur of yesterday translates at consider-
able length articles from our contemporaries the
Morning Post, the Standard, and the Morning
Chronicle, of the Tith inst. It is not, perhaps,
wonderful that our foreign contemporary should
avail itself of these exceptions to the general indig-
nation with which its silly rebuke has been received
by the free press of a great country to delude the
people of France, where liberty of the press does
not exist, as to the real feeling of the British peo-
ple on this question. The true cause for wonder
is the fact that three British newspapers should be
ready to excuse, applaud, or defend—whether
from perversity, stupidity, or interest—so gross an
attack on the most sacred rights of their own coun-
trymen. We have already laid before our French
readers some extracts from English journals which
indicate the true feeling of the country ; and, it
the Moniteur should ever have the courage to
favour its readers with both sides of the question,
it may add the three excellent articles given below
to the number o its translations from the English
press.

Among the Crimean troops who were yesterday dis-
charged at St. Mary's barracks, Chatham, cn account
of wounds or injuries received during the Russia❑
war, was Colour-Serjeant Timothy Murphy, of the Ist
battalion of the Rifle Brigade. He served in the
Caffre wars of 1846 and 1847, and 1852 and 1853, for
which he received a medal. He was also present at
the action against the insurgent Boers, at Boem-Plaits,
on the 29th Aug., 1849, where his conduct was brought
under the notice of the Cornmauder.in•Chief. He was
present at the action against the Basouta chief, Mo-
shesb, at Berea, on the 20th Dec., 1852. On the
brc•aliing out of the Russian war he was sent with the
Rifle Brigade to the Crimea, where he served during
the whole of the campaign, having been presentat the bat-
tlesof Alma, Balaklava, and Inkerman, and also at the
final assault on Sebastopol, for which he is decorated with
the Crimean medal with four clasps. He has also been
granted a silver medal for distinguished conduct in the
field, and more especially for his remarkable gallantry
at the tattle of Inkerman. On his extraordinary bravery
being brought under the notice of the Emperor of the
French, his Majesty immediately nominated him a
Knight of the Legion of Honour, in addition to which
he received the sum of 51. from the Emperor and Lord
Raglan for distinguished gallantry in the field. His case
has also been represented to her Majesty, who has ap-
pointed him to a situation at the Tower. In addition to
his pension, he has been presented with a gratuity of
151., and it is understood that ho will also receive an
annuity as one of the Knights of the Legion of Honour.
The troops belonging to the Corps of Royal Engineers
and the East India Company's Sappers and Miners at
Chatham are undergoing a course of instruction in the
use of the Lancaster rifle under Lieutenant G. R.
Lenapriere.
Yesterday the largest draught of troops ever dis-
charged at Chatham left St. Mary's Barracks, an order
having arrived' fur the immediate discharge from the ser-
vice of those non-commissioned officers and men who
had been recommended by the board of commissioners
from Chelsea Hospital, which recently assembled at
Chatham. The number who were yesterday discharged
amounted to 237 non-commissioned officers and men.

From the Scotsman.)

•
The-dozen lines in which the French Moniteur makes
reference to "different organs of the English press" com-
prise, perhaps, as great an amount of indiscretion as was
ever before crammed into so small a space. ft is an ill
thing exceedingly ill done, and an exceedingly petty
thing done by the Government of a mighty country.
That the French Government should feel dissatisfied
with comments which were never meant for its satisfac-
tion is natural enough ; but that it should show that its
annoyance is greater than can be endured in silence,
and that it should formally speak only to cause the world
to understand that if it had the power or the opporfk-
nity it would resort to weapons against free discussion
only used by the most tyrannical of governments and
the meanest and basest of individuals, are facts which
are only to be believed because they are seen, but which
must remain unaccountable even on the lowest ground of
prudence or expediency. Not to bark till you can bite
is a piece of homely wisdom, even more applicable to
great governments than to the humblest of men or in-
stitutions; but the French Government barks not only
when it can do no More, but when the mere fact of being
angry, which it thus exposes, is in itself a discredit, an
encouragement to its enemies, and an offence to its
friends. Look at it as you may, it is impossible to find
any adequate cause or excuse for this act, either in prin-
ciple, policy, or even provocation. A foolish thing to do
at any time, it is peculiarly foolish at this time, when
"calumnies against the French Government," of which
the Moniteur is made to complain, are rarer and milder
than at almost any former period, or at the least are
receiving no share of public attention ; 99 people in a
100 in this country will learn for the first time from the
Moniteur that any appreciable portion of the British
press is engaged in " calumniating" or indeed of speak-
ing either good or evil of the French Government ; and
when they do learn the accusation they will be puzzled
where to look for the offending matter. And, as that
matter, since it is not popularly known, must be small
in amount and obscure in its source, the inevitable infe-
rence is that great must be the weakness of that Govern.
ment which is enraged and terrified by so small a hurt.
The Moniteur is instructed to say that the calumnies in
question "can only be answered by contempt." But this
angry appeal by the French Government, through its
formal organ, is the opposite of contempt—it is one of
the most memorable acts of homage ever paid to the
power of a free press. What is too contemptible for re-
ply ought to be too contemptible for notice-- still more,
for angry and unwonted appeal. And that appeal is all the
more remarkable and unwise that it is utterly hopeless.
The British Government can no more stop or moderate
the comments of the British press upon French affairs
than can the French Government itself. " The English
people"—to whose " common sense and good faith" the
appeal is specially addressed—neither can nor will do
anything in the matter ; those papers that really offend
in the way complained of they punish already by neglect,
and this case of " foreign intervention" will oiwity tend
towards lessening that neglect and gaining for the o end-
ers not only a greater, but a more favourable a n.
As for the press itself, those members of it who he
eyes of the French Government have been sinning hereto-
fore will go on to sin with greater ze d than before, flat-
tered and encouraged by such signal proof that their
blows are felt ; while those members who have hitherto
been friendly, or respectful, or silent, will feel the safety
and honour of the craft, the interests of freedom, and the
sentiment of nationality calling on them to protest and
resent. An instance of this latter fact has been furnished
on the moment by the Times, whisk, having for a long
time past been peculiarly abstinent from all such topics,
replied to the Moniteur's appeal by a statement that
while the Emperor and his system might be spoken of
respectfully as the-apparent choice of the French people
it is not necessary, nor desirable, to extend the same
lenient views to some of his Ministers, who, it is broadly
hinted, are not only faithless in politics, but dishonest
in commerce or speculation, turning the power, or at
least the knowledge, belonging to their official position
to the purposes of stockjobbing for their own profit. It
appears to us, however, that the Times does not do
justice to the case of the British press, and does more
than justice to, the unhappy step of the French Govern.
ment, by making a parallel between this case and that
of the Belgian press, which Count Walevvski brought
before the Paris Conference. The complaint against the
Brussels press was unwise enough, but it had this pallia-
tion—it was directed only against certain newspapers
designed not for Belgian, but for French circulation, and ,
devoted less to the discussion of principles and measures
than to the instigation of rebellion, and especially assas-
sination. No such grounds of complaint exist against
the British press, which writes for the British people, '
and does not, even in the extreme cases, say more against
the French Government than is or may be said any day
against our own—condemns the arbitrariness of the sys-
tem, and censures the policy or questions the motives of
the men, but calls neither for barricades nor daggers.
As if the mere complaint were not sufficiently
.absurd and
offensive, the French Government backs it with a J.
threat—the comments of the British press on French
affairs may "destroy the confidence between the two '
Governments," and "disunite the two nations." The
instant answer of every man will be that the moment
OUT alliance with France becomes incompatible with the
entire preservation of our own liberties the alliance is of '
course at an end. All this is so exceedingly plain that
me belief is due to the rumour that the document has !
come
the sanction of the Emperor, but has been put forth
by his Ministers, partly in resentment of their own hurts,
partly in erroneous and exaggerated interpretation of
the privately expressed impatience of their master.
" It is the curse of kings to be attended
" By slaves that take their humour for a warrant."

(From the Manchester Examiner and Timm)
We are getting slowly to the dregs of the loving cup
which diplomacy filled for us at Paris. Russia took the
first draught ;while it was sparkling and effervescent;
Belgium got the next ; a deMser and less agreeable
"pull" fell to the share of Naples; and, lastly, we are
politely requested to drink the rest. Perhaps, in strict
truth, the only fault we are authorised to find with this
invitation is that it was not given sooner. When the
plenipotentiaries remonstrated with Belgium on the
" excessive freedom permitted to the Belgian press, and
hinted at the possibility of severe measures if some steps
were not taken to restrain it, everybody, felt that the
principles which warranted this interference applied to
England as much as to Belgium. The experiment of
repression was first tried on a small scale in corpore viii ;
but it would argue total blindness not to see that if it
was just in one case it would be equally just in another
precisely similar case, and that, after Lord Clarendon
had acquiesced without a protest in the threat against
Belgium, the retort was perfectly natural, " Physician
heal thyself."
Louis Napoleon ought to be the last man in the world
to complain of the English press. It is true that, when
he fires established his throne on the ruins of the Republic,
our sense of justice and morality led us to exclaim
against the measure by which he secured his elevation.
It is also true that many foolish things were said in the
heat of the hour which all parties have agreed to forget.
We have outlived our fears of a Franch invasion, and
for three or four years past the inhabitants of Brighton
have slept comfortably in their beds. But, when the
tide once turned, the Eaglish press atoned for its candour
by plunging into the opposite extreme. Louis Napoleon
all at once became argreat man. The arts of rhetoric
were exhausted in order to find ont new ways of adminis-
tering flattery. Every journalist became the high priest
of a new system of hero-worship, and every journal an
altar of incense sending its fragrant fumes in the face
of a new divinity. The atmosphere grew so redolent
of intoxicating odours that honest men could hardly
stand it, and were forced to hold their noses. Even now,
when the illusion is partly dissipated, all that is noble
and beneficial in the Imperial regime is appreciated bet
ter in England than it is in any other country in the world.
We are not blinded by prejudices. We do not insist upon
applying our ideas of constitutional government to the
political exigencies of France. Not only are we penetrated
with the most sincere admiration of and friendship for
the French people, but we have liberally acted out the
maxim that we have no right to find fault with a mode
of government with which they are contented. We re-
peat it, no potentate who had mounted to power by
modes so very repugnant to the ideas which exist among
free communities ever received more generous treatment
than Louis Napoleon has received from the English
press, and if the independence which constitutes its
vitality did not spurn the idea of a recompense in any
form we might retort with a heavy charge of forgetful.
ness and ingratitude.
The Aloniteur charges "various organs of the English
press" with "circulating calumnies upon the French
Government." The word which is here used to desig-
nate our offence is often used with some latitude. Men
are disposed to regard everything as a calumny which
touches their character. Probably, the day before Sir
John Dean Paul closed his bank be would have branded
as calumnious the charge of having embezzled the pro-
perty of his customers. In such cases the question is,
are the charges true? for, if true, the persons concerned
must accommodate them to their characters and con-
sciences as they best can. Public institutions and public
men are the property of the public. Their eminence is
enjoyed on this condition. They are trustees on behalf
of the communities they represent ; the whole nation are
their clients. In a certain sphere of action a Govern-
ment may become morally responsible beyond its own
territory. Europe and the United States form one great
commercial family. We all prosper or suffer together.
, Some writers would be disposed to extend this responsi-
bility W actions purely political, but there can 4e no

doubt that it covers the Whole ground which is occupied
by commerce. Now, the French Government bee not
confined its activities within a purely political sphere.
It has not been sausfleil with laying an embargo •;13
the press, and repressing the liberty of priva:c
It has been as active in commerce a; in
politics ; and, unless grave mistakes have gut abroad
about the simplest matters of fact, or the establi -tied
maxims of political economy are wrong, we are now
suffering, in the stringency of the money market,
for the policy of the French Government. In such
circumstances have we no right to speak ? Are we to be
prevented from criticising actions performed in the face
of day, with all the pretences of philanthropy and sound
statesmanship, but which we believe to be only less in-
jurious to ourselves than they are to France ? If it is
true that members of the French Government have lent
themselves to a system of excessive speculation, to a
wholesale tampering with public credit, and have con-
descended to use this policy as an instrument la. building
up their own fortunes, aro we to bedeuounced as calum•
nistors because we trace these tortuous deeds to their
source, and exaciee their true character by confronting
them with the maxims of science and the dictates of
public morality 2 The Emperor of the French is not
nice about measures when his own interests are con-
cerned ; surely he will not refuse us permission to take
care of ours.
But why this sensitiveness to the comments of the
English press ? We were not aware that they ever
penetrated farther than the French Post-office. Uuless
the French Government allows itself a liberty which it
refuses to Frenchmen in general, it must he profoundly
ignorant of any unfriendly sentiments which find their
way into English newspapers. If truth is so disagreeable
it would be easy to carry the system of repression a little
further. Let the members of the Government place
themselves on the common hoodwinked level, and our
severest strictures will not harm their nerves. Perhaps
we have sometimes sp ken more freely than We might
have done if we had not known that the French Govern.
ment knew too well how to protect itself, and that the
censor's scissors supplied a ready antidote to the bane of
free discussion .If we are to understand that/every French-
man who knows English will in future be permitted to
read what we write, and that French journals will
not be prevented from translating into their columns
those pungent observations which may be thought
likely to prove acceptable to their readers, English
journalists may be induced to be more scrupulously
guarded in their expressions. This would be
something like "an appeal to the good sense
and loyalty of the English people." Happily we are
not menaced, as Belgium was menaced, with an armed
intervention in case of non-compliance, We are simply
"forewarned "- of the "dangers of a system which de-
stroys confidence between the two Governments." Why
this avowed moderation ? We confess the principle on
which it is adopted is not quite satisfactory. The Moni-
teur says :—" We know the respect which surrounds the
liberty of the press in England, and therefore in pointing
out its errors we confine ourselves to making an appeal,"
&c. The liberty of the press is surrounded with quite as
much respect in Belgium as in this country, yet this did
not prevent Count Walewski from intimating that un-
less some restrictions were placed upon it an armed in-
tervention would follow. We are in precisely the same
predicament, if we are not the greater sinners of the two.
Why, then, is not the same remedy threatened ? It may,
of course, be said that England is able to defend herself.
We have a well-appointed army and a powerful fleet,
which are quite able to guard our printing offices against
an invasion of imperial censors. We can see no other
reason for the difference between Count Walewski's
language to Belgium and the language just addressed to
ourselves in the Moniteur, and it leaves an impression
by no means comfortable. It is another illustration of
the policy which we are assisting to carry out against
Naples—a policy which makes up by astuteness for what
it wants in honesty, which adopts one rule for the weak
and another for the strong, and reduces a so-called
system of moral influence to a mere calcalation of physics
ability to resist attack.

We do not pretend to be alarmists. We believe the
Emperor of the French is desirous of remaining in
alliance with this country, and if that alliance is re-
stricted to legitimate objects we have no wish to see
it severed. At the same time, this manifesto in the
Moniteur makes its appearance at an awkward mo-
ment. The previous acts of the alliance have placed
us in the midst of complications which make it
difficult to ascertain how we stand. Causes of jealousy
are rife on all sides. A mischievous rivalry is going
on at Constantinople. The question of the principa-
lities, involving the mode of government to be adopted
in those provinces and the continuance of Austria's occu-
pation, is yet unsettled. The recent demand of the Porte
for the recall of our ships from the Black, supported, as
is alleged, by the influence of M. Thoivenel, may furnish
a new occasion of difference. To crown all, there is
the Protean intervention in the affairs of Italy, which
has already assumed so many shapes, and is on the point
of making us look so supremely ridiculous. Whither
will these things lead ? Assuredly it behoves us to hold
the reins of our foreign policy with firm hands, and,
above all, to hold them in our own. As for the press,
we know our province, and we mean to retain it, come
what may. We have, doubtless, certain sins of our
own to answer for, but they are not such as our impe-
rial censor has a right to condemn, and, with whatever
other trophy he may adorn his marvellous career, be
must not hope to intimidate or stifle the free voice of
the English people.