The Sun.
London, England, 1856-08-02 00:00:00

concluded at Paris ?

In every instance tile same

slavish subserviency to Germanism and Imperial-
ism, the twin curses of Great Britain, were dis-

played. Our honour and interests were altogether
disregarded. Our Government suffered itself to
be made the tool of the French EMPEROR—ready

to patch up a peace whenever it suited his pur
pose to do so. Our enormous sacrifices of men
and money were rendered fruitless and unavail-
ing. The blood of our brethren, uselessly shed,
cried in vain from the earth. The honour and power
of the AUTOCRAT was preserved intact, although
he was, at the moment, comparatively at our
mercy. He was left at liberty to pursue the tra-
ditional policy of his House, and the nefarious
designs against Turkey, by which his father was
actuated when he ordered his cohorts to cross the
Pruth, and invade the territories of a friendly
neighbour. And this is what the Noble Lord
facetiously terms " accomplishing all the legiti-
mate objects for which the War was undertaken !"
Creclat Judeetts Apella! He must have thought
that he was addressing a company of that gallant,
but proverbially credulous, corps, whose very
names have passed into a proverb for gullibility.
The only matter apparently accomplished was the
tame and unnecessary surrender, at the dictation
of France, of the principles on which our mari-
time supremacy was founded, and which a true-
hearted and high-minded Englishman declared
that we would expend our last man, our last ship,
and our last shilling, rather than see in any de-
gree impaired or forfeited.
Was an alteration of the Maritime Law respect-
ing neutral flags and neutral goods one of the
" legitimate objects of the War" ? If so, we must
indeed have suffered greatly to concede the utmost
that could be demanded by a triumphant foe !
Let Lord PALMERSTON, if he wishes to pre-
serve his position, look more to popular support
and less to Court favour. He must be well
aware that he is only tolerated by an influential
person, who once before achieved his ignominious
dismissal from office on account of his manly de-
claration that "England had no cousins." A similar
experiment may again be tried when he has no
longer the voice of public opinion in his favour.
A bold and manly, as well as an active and ener-
getic policy can alone sustain him. He will re.
ceive the support of the people if he merit it ;
but if, blind to the signs of the times, he permits
himself to be made the iastrument of Germanism,
ho may rest assured that he himself will be one
of its earliest victims, and compelled to give way
o more accommodating Ministers.

Seven years ago, on the testimony of Lord
PALMERSTON, " Order" reigned in Rome. Society
was content, and crime was almost unknown, but
in the eyes of the aspirant to the autocracy of

France, that was not order. The inhabitants
there had chosen a republic, just as, if the Ballot
boxes spoke truth, France in 1853 chose an
Empire. They kept such a civil order as was
never known before, certainly not within livingme-
mory, but they kept it without, indeed by getting
rid of, Pope and Cardinals, to whom, however,
they were willing to leave all their spiritual func-

tions intact. But the triumvirs, with JOSEPH MAz-
ZINI at their head, showed a capacity for civil ad-

ministration fully equal to anything seen in
France since the coup d'etat. This was doubtless
their great crime. They proved thereby the
capability of Italians for Republican, or self-
' government, an example odious at the Tuileries,
at Vienna, and, we are sorry to say, at certain
places nearer home. The French P - ESIDEN
needed, moreover, the 'aelp of his Catholic clergy,
who only a year or two before had been busy
planting trees of liberty ; they might be pur-
chased, and the noxious example of a well
governed republic annihilated, if the POPE could
but be restored ; while French vanity would be
flattered by placing an army at Rome as a
counterpoise to an Austrian one at Ancona. Lord
JOHN RUSSELL was quite content, for a republic
was not his pet "Constitution." Prince ALBERT
was content, for though he could not hinder
" Constitutional Government" from being " on its
trial" in England, yet the idea of trying a repub-
lic in the face of Europe must have been nauseous
indeed to a Coburg. Our secret diplomatists here,
therefore, were but too glad to use the PRESIDENT
as a willing tool for what they dared
not have done themselves, and with the
heart and good-will of English Autocrats
the POPE was again, by French cannon and bayo-
nets, made Lord both of the bodies and the souls
of the unfortunate Romans. MA ZZINI fled ; the
reign of misrule began afresh ; the prisons were
crammed, brigands ruled outside the gates and
Cardinals within. Had a spark of genuine no-
bility and love of freedom been in Lord JOHN'S
breast, he would have told the French President
—if you intervene, we shall intervene too ; we
will see Rome fairly polled ; we acknowledge tho
de facto Government of Rome, as we acknowledged
the de facto Government of France, and allow
neither Austrian nor Gaul to disturb it.

MAZZTNI appealed to Louis NAPOLEON, in a
letter which history will preserve ; of course, in
-vain. Seven years have passed away, and France
istill supports despotic anarchy and brigandage in
Rome, while the Austrians and King BOMBI do the
tome all over the Peninsula; Piedmont stands alone,
a proof that constitutional government main-
fains liberty and order as well there as a Republic
(lid at Rome. Elsewhere, from one end of Italy
to the other, life and property are at the mercy
of spies and informers, of civil and ecclesiastical
despotism. It is under these circumstances that
BC MANTN, the admirable administrator of the
Venetian Republic, for the short time it lasted,
writes to warn the Liberal Italian party against
the use of the dagger, and to advise their accept-
ance of the leadership of the KING of Piedmont,
and M. MazzrNl writes, not to justify dagger war-
fare, but to show who is accountable for it, and
to affirm his abiding conviction that a Republic
ii. the true solution of Italian difficulties, because
best adapted to the genius of the Italian people.
On the latter point, both the patriots ought
to be good judges. They both administered
t heir respective republics with consummate
ability and moderation ; they both tested the
(;apabilities of their countrymen for conduct-
ing one, or the contrary. Their experience
was probably equally satisfactory, and
the difference between them lies, no doubt,
rather in their view of the best means of excluding
foreign interference than in their opinion of what
is really best for their countrymen. MAZZINI be-
lieves that the hope of complete self-government .
will alone be sufficient to rouse the Italians to 1
an efflgt, sufficiently united and vigorous to eject
the Austrians, and to overpower the traitor FEE-
' DINAND. M. MANIN conceives that all the
6Monarchs of Europe would band together to sup-
press a republic, unable to brook the exposure
of their own incapacity alongside the liberty,
order, and prosperity which would immediately
follow. Hence, M. MANIN counsels adhesion to
Piedmont, which, no doubt, aspires to the lead
of Italy ; after the part Sardinia took in the
Eastern War, he thinks the Allies,
espe-
cially, could England espe-
but afford hearty support to Pied-
asont, and all Italians who united with her, but