The Sun.
London, England, 1869-06-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF irIE PDSLIC JOURNALS.

The Times says that if Eastern sovereigns have began
somewhat late to form just conceptions of European
civilisation, we, on the other band, have had to learn $
similar lesson with respect to them. The Sultan, perhaps,
has alwaysbeen a reality in Western eyes; but, with that
exception, it has always been a difficulty with those who
had charge of our interests in the East to induce English
people to recognise the real position of the Oriental chief°
and sovereigns with whom we had to deal. This %Ile.
rance or carelessness has probably occasioned as great en
amount of misunderstanding in our dealings with the
East as would sometimes have arisen from wilful COy
tempt. Our unfortunate mistake in neglecting Theodore's
letter is but a small case in point. There can be no
excuse, however, for any such misapprehension with
regard to the Viceroy of Egypt. There are few sovereign°
from whom we have received, and are continually re'
ceiving, so much assistance, or whose goodwill is of more
consecinence to us. It should always be remembered tbilt
the Isthmus of Suez, over which our most important cony
munications with India are constantly passing, is in the
territory of this sovereign, and that, as has once occurred
already, we may depend upon his countenance at le
critical moment for the means of maintaining our Easters
empire. The Viceroy has given abundant evidence, IPt
only that he appreciates the importance of his country'sPo
tion, but that he is capable of acting worthily of it. Ho
recently given not only his sanction, but the wholeweight
his authority to an enterprise which would be creditable to
the most enlightened sovereign. The Viceroy arrives At
a propitious moment when his confidence in Englisblvell'
as well as his enlightened anxiety for the progress of big
people, has been thus displayed. We need not say that
his unbounded hospitality to the Prince and the Princess('
Wales is still fresh in our memories, and the Prince, vie
are sure, will not fail in his own person to make a &till
return. The Government, we hope, will second the ate,
of the country and the feelings of the Prince, and I°,
receive their guest with a due regard to the honour
England, as well as to the important interests of why
the Viceroy chews himself so energetic a guardian.

The Herald says that the arrival of the new Minister
who has been accredited to our Court by the Government
of the United States of America was made the occasion °'
a pleasant interchange of speeches at Liverpool 14
now more the fashion than it used to be to offer a eery
monious welcome to the representatives of foreign PoWell,
on their first landing on our shores, and if such a method
of congratulation appears to have something of 800
and formality about it, this is the less to be regretted
inasmuch as it serves as a medium for the interchange ei
those friendly expressions, those terms of regard, which.„
however unnecessary they may seem betwen kinn
nations, do certainly tend to the promotion of peace all
concord. It is just as desirable at this moment that We
in England should give a cordial welcome to Mr. Motleys'
that he, on his part, should give us the assurance that We
have not yet altogether lost the good will of our cool°
For it cannot be denied that the events of the last fel
days have somewhat ruffled the tranquil waves of our late
good understanding. America is rot so foolish or Illy
natural as to wish to go to war with England, and in
tile
utter absence of any reasonable motive for war the
•
assurances given us by the new Minister are well timed
and appropriate, and we feel quite sure that as soon
some little time has been given for the subsidence of the
irritation which has been caused by this too animated die'
cussion, the Christian men of one blood and language °
either side of the Atlantic will he just as ready and its
eager to hold out the hand to one another as were Sir'
Motley and the Mayor of Liverpool on Monday.
The Star observes that a history of the Turf, wehlch
dropped the horses altogether and gave only the biograPhi'
of their adventurous owners, would be an instructi/e
record ; but it would be sadly incomplete if the gentlers°
who combine with the functions of trainers or solicitor:
those of the money-lender did not enter largely into tilt
narrative. The Jockey Club should employ a comPeteri
writer to illustrate and embellish the modern life of
the Turf. He need not be a man of imagination, lt)s
the simple truth—unadorned and without the slightee
attempt at exaggeration—would far surpass the beldefit
l
flights of romance. Noble fortunes are being eft--;
stantly wrecked—noble families - trailed through l'"
dust ; and what for ? Who profit by these In':
fortunes ? Men of whom the world knows nothiss
and cares less, but who, in spite of their model:
make their names strangely familiar in every househ°t
It is clear that the greatest of British pastimes is oar,
trial, and it is equally certain that the Jockey Club bijt
unable or unwilling to exert an authority which Wig
prove largely efficacious. It may be said that if a f°,,110
man does not get rid of his money in one way he will
so in another. This is quite true ; but it is not the le
es
the duty of society to impose such checks and restrain
as it may be able upon those who are tempted to R toAP in a
the gulf. The law against betting-houses is positive s%
stringent. It is enforced with the utmost rigour. 'it
this moment it operates against the poor, and not agsill;l
the rich ; but unless a great change takes place, this 11°L
distinction will' not long continue to be observed, and t'
Legislature will interfere to restore an ancient sport tol
primitive character and object.
The Standard declares it is inevitable that between ttl,.
such countries as Great Britain and the United State,.
the postal service should ultimately cease to be a rent ot e
of revenue. The extent of ocean to be crossed is largr:
but the correspondence to be carried is out of all 10°P° 0
tion to it. We have so many interests in common;
have such a perpetually accruing commerce, andot
incessant are the demands upon the cable telegraph teo
it is evident we must, before long, adopt a new 098t130
of postage. We concur warmly with those viol
plead for a popular postage between us It
our brethren on the other side of the sea* idep
would be an advance in civilisation ; it is an 01
which has long been ripening in the public mind ;1,8.ci,
the Administration, whatever we may think of its no.
is bound by its contracts, which it is too late for Fera
ment to repudiate. No doubt a controversy might nbirips.
upon the point whether a service carried on by slow tbe
would be an infringement of the privileges granted 1•°, no
great ocean liners. If that difficulty could be settleutoa
other would remain. It is admitted by Lord Hartineoi.
that of the two classes we have mentioned, one—the to
grant class—is almost entirely debarred from corretsribe
dence with this country. The serious part Tr•
matter is the uncertainty in which it is involved. 1",:heol
ters appear to have no mind about it. Three of b_ot,
spoke, and with a glorious confusion of sentiin,e;op,
Lord Hartington conceded the necessity of reduce
whilst believing that it would do no good. Mr. Glanetiact
first remarked that the resolutions were not dis Aft,
enough, and afterwards that they were too definite. 1170,
Ayrton, with the peculiar blandness belonging t° aiS
kicked over, we suppose under instructions, both
colleagues, and promised to open negotiations. ill &bt
result we have a state of things amounting to this-lor•
i contracts exist • that public opinion considers them e
bitant, without desiring to commit a breach of faith ; p 0
that for a double reason we must wait during a time
yet to be calCulated for a penny postage with America'
The Telejraph thinks there is something extrerni
attractive in Mr. Seely's proposal of an ocean feTas
postage across the Atlantic ; and the plan by whicil, li
member for Lincoln proposes to carry out the projeo„
not a little to recommend it. He suggests that 04
steamer plying between Great Britain and the
States should be allowed to carry mails at a remuneri'lij,
of one penny for each letter. Those steamers, necesslio
could not be bound to perform their passage in es nigil
nthuemvbaerrieonfs days,lines o
orf ig
aetmafirxaendt
steamers whichspeed;andprobablY 0%0
ply betwivei
our ports and America would gladly avail therneLltS
of the privilege. Merchants and other correspen'wl
who are anxious that their letters should tile
their destination at a given time, and witPdaan
seed,
utmost possible would not of course -otit
themselves of this slow and cheap route• a si,t.
people to whom the difference between a penny resci
pence is of consequence are not as a rule much consedie
whether their letters come to hand a few hours or
behe'"of
sooner or later ; and a penny postage would, we -.
open up a vast correspondence between the Eniftoridi
emigrants who have left these shores for the New l'ee tre
and their countryfolk at home. In fact, we can i!ng to
positive objection to Mr. Seely's scheme for grantl for 01
steamers the right of conveying letters to Aniericibscolll'a
penny, except the probability that the privilege stae
interfere seriously with the amount earned by the 1:42,001
on letters carried by the subsidised steamers, and oer.
therefore, entail a heavy charge on the public excheqoa.
Meanwhile, our Government has pledged itself to cetrdS
nicate with the United States Administration as re:iv sf
the practicability of establishing a much reduced ratty
postage across the Atlantic ; and all who desire the "eriee
sion of friendly intercourse between England audit°
will earnestly await the issue.
fel
The Times thinks that the principle, not alwellosee'
consistently or distinctly kept in view, even of the Pcotes
law of bankruptcy, is that the main duty of the :A4,014
in bankruptcy legislation, is to provide that the nryi the
have authority given them to possess themselves, Itor'it
earliest practicable date of the wreck of their ne`hable,
or rather their own property, and then that an eell'os,
distribution be made of it among them. The pee- of
characteristic of this bill, designed for the retorr7our
that law, is that the State is to withdraw in
Par
of the creditors, who are the sole interested for,
from any concern in the distribution, except,lt or
as it is necessary that it should retain a rliniieo
supervision, in order to protect individual creditors atolr•
being defrauded or overlooked in the distribution. ,
ruptcy produces certain new relations between the PPsti•
rupt and society as well as his creditors ; and the inveduct
gation which follows on bankruptcy may reveal co?-_,its
on the part of the bankrupt, and which is connected, nd
his becoming a bankrupt, which is highly criininal,'oB
deserving of punishment. But the more independenri'of
criminality of the act in relation to society can be kePt 00
the procedure which his creditors are entitled to se,oie
foot against their debtor's estate for the recovery oy
property, the more sure the procedure is to att veto)
ends, and not the less sure are the demands of Plers
morality to attain theirs. It is tobe hoped that the mend
of the Government who have charge of the BaniT;.on
Bill in the two Houses will adhere to the loinse,l_Proon
which they reserved even the cognate subject ofi. Ire loply
of imprisonment for debt for a separate bill blued'
hail
safe course is, while welcoming gratefully any awe
which may promote the speediest distribution of theu_„rs,
rupt's estate by the creditors, through their chosexisrerao
sentative, among themselves, to vigorously resrier„roi'
which would teal either to limit needlessly the c (2';
discretion or to make a Bankruptcy Act at's,
towards ends useful, perhaps, in themselves, but Wu"'
not the special end of bankruptcy legislation.