The Sun.
London, England, 1856-04-30 00:00:00

aid something to the weak, to see if it might not be pos-
sible to arrive at a correct concluzion. In the first place,
he thought thero was a good deal of mystification which
(might to be cleared away. He would remind the house that
•
not one or two, but three years ago, he ventured to bring
the question of the importance of providing for the de-
' fence of Asia Minor under their attention, and so fee-
.
quently, that he almost feared he was becoming that most
unpopular of Parliamentary characters, a "bore." He had
always felt that the defence of Asia Minor was of great
importance, for two reasons. In Europa, Turkey, though
exposed to Russian attacks, would be succoured by allies,
• and by a power which, if not an ally, would neverthe-
less be very indisposed to see Russia occupying any por-
tion of the Turkish European territory. But the Asiatic
frontier of Turkey • was completely, exposed, and there
was a Christian population in the surrounding
districts, and even in the Turkish territory, which
• might easily be acted upon by Russia. Then the
• • `army of Turkey in Asia Minor was ill orga-
nised, in arrear of pay, and badly officered ; and there were
• - most unfortunate divisions between General Guyon and
the Polish officers, which threatened much mischief —(he
bore testiMony to the gallantry and great ability of Gen.
Guyon, from whom he had some accounts of what had hap-
pened in Asia Minor recently, which if he had not known
that they were written two years before the events they
prophesied occurred, he should have supposed had been
written two days ago.) But the frontier might have been
defended, the passes might have been guarded without dif-
ficulty, and Kurdish troops might have been raised as
light cavalry, who would have proved formidable oppo-
• Dents to the Russian cavalry ; and if there had been any
reason for crossing the frontier and attacking Russia in her
Asiatic possessions it might have been done, and the popu-
lation of those territories which, though belonging to her
by comparatively recent acquisition, were not favourable
to Russia, would be reedy to rise against her. He had
from the commencement, therefore, thought some action
might be brought to bear on that part of the Turkish doe
minions. That was still his opinion. He did not, how-
ever, agree with hon. gentlemen opposite that if Kars and
Erneroum had been taken the road to Constantinople
would hive been open.- That was not the plan of Russia.
What Russia would have done would have been to occupy
the plateau, and conquer the provinces to the south of
Kars, which she would easily have done, and set those
conquests against ours made iu the Crimea and elsewhere.
Thin might, he believed, have been accomplished; and
unless much greater energy had been shown by the Govern-
.
menethan they had exhibited we should have been exposed,
had the war continued, to these dangers. Tho second
reason why he regarded the Asiatic frontier as important
was, that though he deprecated the notion thatan invasion
of India by Ruisia was an easy matter, and though he
thought it impolitic to dwell on such questions, still he had
' no doubt, if Russia had succeeded on the Asiatic frontier of
• Turkey, she might have given us some trouble in India. He
slid not think it wise to encourage the notion that a Russian
invasion of India was practicable, for several reasons. First,
because that notion was not founded upon any sound basis ;
• secondly, because it gave to other European powers the excuse
of sayiug, " This is merely an English question." (Hear,
hear.) He was astonished to hear the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer say that the fall of Kars was not important politi-
cally. Not only was it politically important to us in its im-
mediate results, but the success of Russia at Kars would be
long felt in those distant Asiatic provinces to our prejudice.
It would be remembered by those wild tribes which bor-
dered upon India, and which were at war with Russia ; and
those Asiatic provinces in her hands, we might expect to be
a continued annoyance to us in our Indian possessions. That
• was the reason why he attached importance to the fall of
Kars. Though General Williams had been treated with
•
every kindness by the Russians, they would nevertheless
take care to publish the fact amongst those Asiatic tribes
that they had captured a strong fortress commanded by
an English general, and that that general was a prisoner
in their hands. These were the reasons why ho attached
importance to Kars and to Asia Minor. (Hear, hear.) He
had appealed to the other side to help him ; and if they
had done so they might have compelled the Government to
. .
take another course, or they might oven have strengthened
. their bands. They would have enab:ecl the Government to
have gone to France and to have said, this is what the Eng-
lish public expect. Had they done so there could be no doubt
that the Emperor of the French; who was so well acquainted
with the influence of public opinion in this country, would
. have listened to their views. But he had appealed to the hon.
and learned gentlemen opposite in vain ; and yet now the hon.
and learned member (Mr. Whiteside) came down and made a
war speech. The position of an independent member resem-
bled that of a dog on a race course—he was shouted at and
pelted by both sides ; but when the race began the party who
saw their favourite horse losing whistled to him to come over
and trip up their opponent's steel. (Laughter.) With the
single exception of the Earl of Ellenborough in auother place,
he had never heard a word about Kars from gentlemen on the
other side, when he made his speech about Kars. Why did
not the hon. and learned gentleman make the speech he had
delivered the previous night two or three years ago ? He was
afraid that there was a greater desire, in some quarters, to beat
the Government than to beat the Russians. Had thedangers
arising from Russian ascendancy in Persia been removed by
the Peace ? They had not ; and yet if he were to make a
speech against the treaty on Monday, would hon. gentle-
men who were so warlike support him ? The greater part
of the hon. member's (Mr. Whiteside) speech was directed
against Lord Aberdeen's Government; but the relevancy of
that argument,'.on the present occasion, was not so obvious.
If, indeed, the hon. gentleman had pressed the point, that
Lord Clarendon, though a member of Lord Aberdeen's Go-
' yorment, was, still the Minister far Foreign Affairs, his rea-
• •
soning might have been sound ; but the lion. member had
•carefully cut away the ground from under his feet by saying
that whenever he mentioned Lord Clarendon he meant Lord
• Aberdeen. (Hear.) What charge, therefore, could he bring
against the present Government ? (Hear.) All that which he
, called the misconduct of Lord Stratford at Constantinople
had taken place before Lord Aberdeou went out; and the
hon, gentleman had been careful to say that after the recon-
ciliation between Lord Stratford and Gen. Williams, the con-
duct of the noble lord had been most praiseworthy. He (ifr,
Layard) felt hicuself placed in a delicate position when speak-
. lug of Lord Stratford.) He owed the noble lord a great deal.
He looked Upon him as a most valuable public servant. 'He
was most indefatigably industrious, was more acquainted-
with Turkey than any ether man living, and lute done great
thin ges fur it. It was unfortunate that the noble lord should
'•• have Left General Williams as he did ; but when be consi-
dered the immense amount of business the ambassador at
Constantinople had always to transact, ho thought that
more had been made of his leaving the letters of General
Williams unanswered than was necessary. Lord Ponsouby,
lie believed, never read a single despatch from one of his
agents. (Hear, hear.) ' The noble lord's neglect to get
General Williams acknowledged had undoubtedly been a
great error, as Lord Stratford had himself acknowledged ;
- but he thought they had, on the whole, handled Lord Strat-
ford more severely time be deserved. Nor had the hon. gen-
tlemau treated well two gentlemen, whom by the bye he had
. rolled into one—Couut Pisani and Mr. Etienne Pisani. Count
Pisani had been thirty years at the head of the Chancery at
Constantinople, and he had diseharged his duties admirably.
Mr. Etienne Pisani was a dragoman, and they had both been
taunted with not conveying messages to the Porte iu the same
vigorous -terms as those in which they were originally de-
livered. He (Mr. Layard) did not think that that was fair,
for he did not believe either of those gentlemen would soften
the terms of that which they were desired to translate. Of
that he had a proof not very complimentary to himself. He
remembered going with Lord Stratford to the Sultan, and the
noble lord made a flowery oration, of which he (Mr. Layard)
was the subject. Mr. Pisaui, however, summed up the whole
- story with, " Your Majes:y, this is the IMIn who has dug up
old stones." (Laughter) The hon. gentleman talked about
. the Government having given the cowardly advice to abandon
Kars.. Now, it-was his (Mr. Layard's) opinion that it was a
mistake to defend Kars at at all. Kars was not on the high
road, and whereas the object of a fortress was to enable a
.. small army to resist the m irch of a large one, the whole
Ottoman army was shut up in Kars. There was a strong line
of country upon which the Turkish army should have fallen
• -back, and on which they might have defied every attempt of
Russia to force their position. Gen, Mouravieff had once at-
tempted to carry that chain of hills, and though it was defended
eby a small handful of men, he was defeated in his design. On
the other hand, Kars had undoubtedly stopped the advance
of the enemy. Gen. Williams was a military men, and he was
on the spot, He was, perhaps, therefore right, but, at all
events, it was a strategotieal question, and the advice to aban-
don Kars did not necessarily involve cowardice. (Hear.)
• With respect to the relief of Kars there had bees a most in-
- genions mixing up of dates. Teem were only two ways of
.relieving Kars, one by way of Tfebiz-nd and Erzeroum, the
•other by Redout-Kaleh and Kutais. At first the proper thing
to have- done would have been to have advanced by both
routes, sending the light troops by Betount and the heavy by
Trebizond, At that time Mouravieff.was not besieging Kars;
he was blockading it, and hie troops must have spread over
an area of at least twenty miles. As soon as ho heard that
reliefs were arriving he would have been compelled to con-
centrate, and then the garrison would have °seeped, and he
might have been attacked on both sides. t that opportu-
nity was lost. The only way that was then left of awing
Kars was by making a diversion. There was only one place
at which a diversion was possible., and that was on the side of
Kutais. Every military man expected that that would have
been successful; but Mouravieff knew the country better than
we did, and it was a striking proof of his ability that he still
held on the siege. To that trait of military skill he owed the
success of his operation. (Hear.) With regard to Omer
Pasha, •he (Mr. Layard) regretted the language which had
been used. Oilier Paella was a man of great experience and
Military capacity ; and if anybody had come out of the war
with credit it was he. (Loud cheers.) One point iu the
speech of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Whiteside) had at first, he
confegsed, made a great impression upon him, namely, his
remarks upon Lord Panmure's answer to Lord Ellenborough ;
butnffo,. eneeeearefleetion he had come to the conclusicaathat
Mord Paninuto was right, when Lord Pantnure was asked
the question in August last, ho replied that the Turks at Kars
were able to defend themselves. But if Lord Patimure had
stated the fact, and said that the garrison had not a mouth's
provisions; would he not have encouraged Mouravieff to per-
severance in his efforts against the city ? (Laughter, en 1
derisive cheers.) Ile thought that the origin of all the evil
must be attributed to Lord Aberdeen. (Laughter, and d, e
risive cheers.) Lord Aberdeen was wrong in the principle
which he had adopted. His first consideration ought to have
been the defence of Asia Minor. He might have raised
70,000 or 80,P00 men in the Principalities .had he not been
impeded by Austria ; and it was from the unhappy policy
which had placed him in that position that all the subsequent
evils had resulted: The noble lord might have also acted
upon Georgia and Cireassia ; but he had acted upon neither
oae nor the other. To Cireassia he had sent a most unfit
agent, as be (Mr. Layard l had stated at the time, we could
not do that last spring : it was too late then to undertake a
real campaign in Asia. He now came to the faults of the
present Government; for he would be strictly impartial, and
see on whose shoulders the blame really rested. He blamed
the present Government for several things. First, with re.
ger(' to the question of the loans. There was no doubt the
Turkish Government was badly supplied with money. Tho
explanation Of the Chancelloreef the Exchequer did not re-
move from his mind the impression that the Government
wore to blame. Had General Williams been supplied with
money, he could have done wonders ; he could have pro-
cured baggage-waggons, troops, and whatever was necessary.
The Government was to blame for not placing at his disposal
unlimited credit. If he could only have gone into the market
place, and said, "Here is a bill upon the English ambassador
at Constantinople," his position would have been secure at
mete ; he would have had any number of muleteers and any
amount of provisions, (Hoar, hear.) The next point on
which he blamed the Government, for it was the great cause
of the disasters of the war, was the mischievous interference
of the War-offtee in militarymatters. Having a telegraph to
the Crimea, it was kept constantly going, ordering this or
the other to be done, and stopping that. It was monstrous
—it was ridiculous. (Cheers.) They made their generals
Inure puppets. (near.) Was it to be supposed that a bill-
one kind of person-at the War-office could understand mill.
tary matters as well its persons who had been brought up in
the service, and besides had the advantage of being on the
spdt, knowing their resources, and being acquainted with
hundreds of things which a person not there could not know?
AIT instance of the evil of this was afforded by the unfortu-
nate Turkish contingent, which was sent here and there, and
backwards and forwards. It was natural for Lord Stratford
to ask what he could do with these contradictory orders. In
that point the Government was to blame, Another tudoittt-

nate thing was our treatment of the Turks. Let the house
conceive the position of General Williams. Suppose our am-
bassador at Paris had been instructed to procure an order to
be sent out to the French general, saying, " You must dis-
Miss General Bosquet or General Canrobert," the thing could
not have been tolerated for a moment. There was no doubt Lord
Stratford was placed in a difficult position. He had a great
political question to work ; he had great concessions to ob-
taino fbreoimutilatte TiturwkeisahlaGobta-eviemmveeilyit Luanehd tilitilopehdoeudsebnitsupstelite•ey-
i influences
Government,
sa ?tadyieg , kept
"You
m continuallyust
dismiss
tap. onadcti liwmeeTaTkb tieisnr keedi
is.
ihiPacha That." (Hear, hear.) He meant not
to say that these men were not most culpable ; but the posi-
tion of our ambassador and of the Turkish Government must
be taken into consideration. Though he had felt strongly
on the subject of Kars on reading this blue-book, he thought
that Lord Clarendon was not much to blame. He had exer-
cised considerable energy and forethought, and had exerted
himself to do as much as he could for General Williams. He
might not have taken the right line in all cases, but that he
meant to do it no one could doubt. (Hear.) He (Mr. Lay-
ard) might on many occasions have gone against the feeling
of the house in the course he had taken, but be appealed to
the house to do him the justice to saythat he had never given
a factious vote. He should not give one now. He thought
that the charge made by Mr. Whiteside was far too wide.
(Hear.) To charge the fall of Kars solely on the want of fore-
sight and energy of the British Government alone was most
unfair. No notice whatever was taken of France; after all,
France might have had some share in the fall of Kars. (Hear,
hear.) Had this motion been drawn up in different terms
he might have supported it. That the Government
had had faults he confessed. He charged them with them ;
they knew his feeling on the subject ; but he felt that he could
not vote for this motion without violating his conscientious
feeling. (Hear.)
Mr. MAGUIRE said he stood there as an independent
member, and he could stand up and speak the truth. (Great
laughter.) He would speak the truth without any reserve
or mental reservation whatever. (Laughter.) Ho thought
that Mr. Layard had struck a fatal blow at his character by
the speech he had just made. In the eyes of the country
Lord Stratford de Radcliffe was the great offender. One word
as to Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle. For the
Duke of Newcastle he entertained no personal respect what-
ever. (Laughter.) But the despatch of the Duke of New.
castle was much better than the contemptible one written by
the hon. gentleman, Mr. Peel, which was a disgrace to the
Government from whom it emanated. Mr. Layard had at-
tempted to acquit Lord Stratford altogether. (" No, no,"
from Mr. Layard.) The hon. member said that Lord Stratford
had been too heavily dealt with. By whom? The country
would not speak with that delicate and oriental reserve which
Mr. Layard used. (Laughter.) He bore the most unmiti-
gated respect—(great laughter)--for General Williams ; he
had set an example to all the generals of the Crimea ; he was
the great hero of the age, and he would have been the saviour
of Kars but for• the misconduct of Lord Stratford. Lord
Stratford had the power of doing service in Kars had he given
his countenance and support to General Williams in time.
He charged Lord Stratford de Radcliffe with not doing his
duty in this respect. Well, then, they could not sufficiently
admire the heroism of General Williams and the other offi-
cers who surrounded him, and that they ought not to adopt
the language of honourable gentlemen who said that Lord
Stratford de Redcliffe's not sending them relief was only
unfortunate. Lot•d Stratford do Redcliffe was unworthy of
the position that ho held. If he had the power why did he
not exercise it ? Where was the power that used to strike ter-
ror into the Sultan's heart, and into the heart of every Enga
lishman in the East ? Why was it not exercised in support
of men who would have triumphed if they had been worthily
supported ?
Sir W. HEATFICOTE said the position of this question had
been so changed this evening, that ho hoped the house would
bear with him a few minutes while he stated the reason why
he thought they should adopt the amendment of his hon.
friend the member for Berkshire, rather than vote for the
affirmative or the negative of the motion of the hon. and
learned member for Euniskillen. In the early part of the
evening the hon. and learned member for Leominster moved
an amendment, and directed their indignation against Lord
Stratford de Radcliffe, but he subsequently withdrew that
amendment, and upon that his hon. friend the member for
Berkshire moved his amendment, which in effect was the
previous question. He was unwilling to vote, if he could
avoid it, a strong censure on the subject, because he was not
aware how far the unfortunate event was or was not attended
by important consequences, and the argument of the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer was that no damage was (lone. Then
he thought that in a war conducted as this was, with alli-
ances, and with numberless complications, the result of those
alliances, there was great difficulty, and he was willing, if
possible, to tt•eat the Government with generosity. He would
rather abstain from it, for the reasons he had stated, and
also because the question was mixed up with reflections on
our allies. And, lastly, he thought the vote would be mis-
taken. If the hon. and learned gentlerrian's resolutions should
be negatived it would go out to the country that many, who
in point of fact agreed with him, did not do so, because they
would vote on the ground ho had indicated. If he was called
upon as a juryman to pronounce a ♦erdict of guilty or not
guilty, he should give his verdict of guilty.
Mr. WARNER, who spoke amid repeated cries for a divi-
sion, referred to Lord Stratford, and said no censure could
be too strong for his reckless and heartless inhumanity to-
wards General Williams and those brave men shut up in Kars.
No parallel to his conduct could be found except in the pro-
ceeding's of some of those high military authorities who had
been honoured and loaded by favours because they sacrificed
our army in the Crimea by their incapacity and stolid presump-
tion. He trusted that the attack now made on the Govern-
ment would be repelled by an overwhelming majority. The
motion was a most unjust one, and it was brought forward
at the very time when the news was received of the ratifica-
tion of an honourable peace achieved by the Minister against
whom the hon. and learned member for Enniskillen now
directed his blow.
Mr. Sergeant SHEE next addressed the House, though
there were numerous calls for Sir B. Lytton, who rose at the
same time. The bon. and learned gentleman applauded the
noble lord at the head of the Government for the courage and
vlgotir with which he had prosecuted the war at a time
when the brows of the nation were contracted with doubt
And woe ; and he urged him to throw ever the amendment,
and to insist upon" a decision on the main question, feeling
confident that that decision would result in a teiumpheut
vindication of the policy which the Government had par•
sued. (Hear, hear.)
Sir B. LYTTON mover? the adjournment of the debate,
(Loud ores of " No, no 1" and "Divide !" from the Minis-
terial side of the IL-use.)
Lord PALHERSTON—I cannot help expressing my sur-
prise at the motion which has just been made. (Cheers
from the Ministerial benches.) The subject has now been
discussed for two nights. (Hear, hear.) The house must
have pretty nearly made up its mind upon it ; and though
there may be members still left of sufficient talent to adorn
the subject, and whose researches might, no doubt, be
useful as guides to tho house, yet upon every occasion
of a great and important debate it is impossible
that every man who may be entitled to speak
should have an opportunity of doing so. (Loud cheers.)
The decision of the house, I am sure, as it is to be collected
from the expressions of hon. members, is that we ought to-
night to eome to a decision upon this question. (Renewed
cheering,) I can quite understand that that party who have
in another place shrunk from this motion, daunted evidently
by the speech of the mover of this resolution, may wish to
shrink anal escape from a division here also. (Cheers,) We
will not lend ourselves to such invitations. We aro here
prepared to sit till the latest hour of the morning to which
our discussions can extend. (Cheers.) I will take the sense
of the house to-night ; and I have no hesitation whatever in
expressing my conviction that the result Wilbe the rejection
by a large majority of the motion of the hon, and learned
member for Enniskillen. (Cheers.)
Mr. DISRAELI- I myself came down to the house in the
hope and expectation that a division would have been taken
on the 1110' ion of illy hon. and le trned friend to-night ; but,
after the amendment of the hon, gentleman opposite, I saw
directly that there was a new feature introduced into the
debate—('' Oh, oh !" from the Ministerial side of the house)
—and that there was less chance than I could desire of the
division taking place to-night. (Renewed cries of " Oh !"
and ironical cheering from the Ministcrialists.) Let mo recall
the attention of hon. gentlemen who treat this point with so
much levity to what is the real cause of our not dividing to-
night. It is that gentlemen put forward amendments on the
paper without due reflection and without intendine to act
upon them. (Cheers from the Opposition and " Oh, oh 1"
from the Government side of the house ) This course of
proceeding disturbs the mind of the house, and prevents that
arrangement of debate which it is by mutual consent conve-
nient generally to adopt. It is notorious to everybody that
if the lion, and learned member for Leominster had not given
notice of an important amendment—which it appears now
that lie never intended to bring forward—my hon. friend the
member for Dorsetshire would yesterday have brought for•-
ward his amendment; we should then have had the questions
fairly before the house; they would have been discussed,
and we should have divided to-night. I think, therefore,
that the tone of the noble lord is riot authorised by what has
occurred. The position in which we find ourselves is en-
tirely attributable to one of his own supporters having given
notice of an important amendment which, as it appears, was
not made in any spirit of seriousness, and which has led ano-
ther gentleman now to move an amen lment which otherwise
would have been brought forward yesterday. I shall support
my hon. friend the member for Hertfordshire in his fair and
reasonable proposition that this debate should be adjourned ;
and as the noble lord boasts of his power of sitting up, I tell
him that he will find me ready also in my place, and that I
will not rest till I obtain for my hon. friend that opportunity
of recording his views upon this subject to which he is en-
titled, (Cheers,) If the speech of my hon. friend would con-
clude the debate, I am Ellre . that he would not flinch for a
moment from coming forward ; but allow me to say that
' there is another individual, the noble lord, to whom I should
listen with much interest, and if I nay refer to a much hum-
bler individual, I think that I myself might prefer some claim
to make a few comments on the subject. Perhaps, too, the
hon. and learned gentleman who has been the subject of so
much criticism this evening may not wish to relinquish his le-
gitimate privilege ofreply. Is it unreasonable, then, in these
circumstances, to ask the house at half-past 12 o'clock to ad--
journ ? (Cheers.) But that is not all. Are we not to be fa-
voured with the opinions of the noble lord the member for
Against it
London 7 The counsel which he gave and the policy which he
expressed? have been brought forward as the very foundation
of the policy which the Government have pursued, and are we
not to hear from himself the views of the noble lord ? There are
also other distinguished statesmen in this house whose opinion
upon this subject may be looked forward to with great interest,
and therefore I think- that the noble lord has assault:id a tone
not at all befitting the occasion. (Cheers.) It is not altoge-
ther au unusual tone with the noble lord, but in my opinion
it is a most unwarrantable one, and I assure the noble lord
that it is a tone to which I for one will never succumb.
Tho house then divided, when the numbers were--
. For the adjournment
Ministerial numbersbenclles.
choTebrcli243
1 ka4ghnouncement of the was received —wi7tho loud
Mr. MALINS then rose, amid loud cries of " Bulwer,
, and moved that the: house do now adjourn.
134Liwoteerl 'PALMERSTONbeI stated a short time ago that I
ewairtsrypreeipt prepared
atoebraetme
has shifted his ground
,a ill: -t
117 three or four hours in order to
amnoatieoconrutgrhsoctr
at
ihon,o u
Igmemn telne 1;7 oppositenldo no not,
therefore,
upon the
declaresf that ho also will remain,
iu order to support
Liar be a profitable therefore, think that suchpalace u
em-
ployment of time—(" hear," and lauweol
) —and'
oasf atdbjeo(ulitvsi--
msi°euritwniini4ibleinistatsmt talskaenn indication of the division the
main question-omod cries of " Hoar, hear")— not now
object to the adjournment. of the debate till Thursday next.
Mr. MALINS then withdrew his motion.
On the question that the debate be adjourned. till Thursday
next,

The Marquis of BLANDFORD suggested that it should be
adjourned till Friday, as many hon. gentlemen had motions
on the paper for Thursday which would be virtually shelved
for this session if they could not bring them on upon that
day.

Lord PALMERSTON could not assent to the suggestion,
as there were important Government measures on the paper
for Friday.
The motion for the adjournment of the debate till Thurs-
day was then agreed to.
The house adjouruect at half-past 12 o'clock. •

211FiATHE ROYAL, DRURY•LAI,E
Lciegeo. Mr. E. T. Smith.
ENGLISH OPERA.
THIS EVENING wilt be produced
LUCIA DI L IMMERMOOr2.

To con ludo with
THE YANKEE, HOUSEKEEPER.

THFIITRE ROYAL, TT I.YMARKI4IT.
Uhler the Management of Mr. Buckstone.

TIII3 EVENING,
THE EVIL GENIUS.
Followed by
EL GIIIIIU;INO; or, the Meziein Goldseeker.
In which PER Ei MENA and the Spanish Dancers will appear.

After which,
GRIASIIANV, RAG3IIAT, AND BRADSIIAW.

To conclude with
THE POSTMAN'S KNOCK.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE, OY?ORD•STREET.
Under the Itinazemont of Mr. CHABLIS KEAN.
THI4 EVENING,
THE VICTOR VANQUISHED.
To conclude with
THE WINTER'S TALE.
PrinApal characters by Mr. and sirs. C. Yawl.

ROYAL THE S.TRY. ADELPIII.
Proprietor and Manager. Mr. B. Webster.
Directress, Madame Calcite.
THIS EVENING,
THE GREEN BUSHES.
To conclude with
URGENT PRIVATE AFFAIRS.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL. AMP MTH FUTILE.
Lessee and Mana;rer. Mr. Wm. Cooke.
THIS EVENING,
The Grand Spectacle, Lord Byron's MAZEPPA and the WILD
HORSEAn which the whole of Mr. W. Cooke's highly-trained horses
will appear.
After which, the EQUESTRIAN SCENES In the CIRCLE. Miss
Kate Cooke on her mi'k-white charger, Snowdrop, in her elegant
Act of Mange de la Haute ECole.
To conclude with E NOG A.ND'S HARVEST HOME and NATIO
NAL STEEPLECHASE.
Immense preparations are in progress for Whit-Monday.
Box-office open from E'evfn tid Four. Stage Manager, Mr. W.
West. Equestrian Director, Mr. W'. Co Are, jun.

EMMA. STANLEY'S " SEVEN AGES OF WOMAN."
Evening perrarmances as usual, on Mondays, Tuesdays, Thursdays
and Fridays, at 4 o'clock.
Admission—Back Seats, Is.; Centre Seats, 25.; Stalls, 3s.
SAINT MARTIN'S HALL, Long-acre.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
THIS DAY—Morn. 55 min. aft. 9—Evening 36 min.aft. 10
T,l-310}tRow—Morn. 12 min. aft.ll—Evening 41 min. aft.ll

THE WEATHER—SUN OFFICE, APRIL 38.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
55 —highest since noon yesterday.
47 —!owest this morning and during the night.
51.—this day at noon.
BAROMETER, 29'73.
WIND, S.W.—Light, with Apiil weather—sunshine and
showers—but cold.

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§llll,

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30, 1856.

The deplorable spirit of Germanism has accom-
plished another triumph over England. The mari-
time law of nations under which this country
achieved and long maintained its high position has
been altered, and new principles enunciated. Our
rights and privileges have been wilfully, delibe-
rately, and treacherously surrendered. Points
which had long been steadfastly asserted by really
English Governments, which were declared to be
incontestible and indispensable rights, which might
become essential to the welfare and security of
Great Britain, have been definitively abandoned
without even a remonstrance. The law of nations
has been set aside, to the serious injury of the
United Kingdom, and that without any appeal to
Parliament, or the opinion of two of the Estates of
the Realm being obtained or even asked for. This
is not merely a contempt of the representative sys-
tem of Government, but it is treason of the worst
description against the majesty of the People. It
is by no means difficult to perceive from what
quiver this envenomed shaft has been drawn ; it
is the same that has provided many a weapon
against the national liberties. We felt deeply the
dishonour and damage inflicted on the British
name and British interests before, we were not
aware of this last and heaviest blow, which is cal-
culated to render our boasted maritime supremacy
a mockery and a delusion ! How can it now be
asserted, with the slightest appearance of ♦eracity,
that "Britannia rules the waves I" when we have
wantonly relinquished that peter that rendered
us really formidable in war time, and enabled us,
in case of necessity, entirely to destroy the enemies'
commerce ? It was that power that caused Eng-
land to be respected in former times, and in any
future conflict we shall deeply feel the want of it
whenever a time of emergency may arrive, and we
fear that it may be much sooner than is at pre-
sent anticipated .
As to the abolition of privateering, it would be
very well if the law could be rendered of universal
application. But the United States is not in any
degree affected by the resolution, and, we venture
to assert, will not assent to relinquish any of its
maritime rights. Should we at any future time un-
happily be involved in war with the other great
branch of the Anglo-Saxon race, we shall he
bound by these improvident stipulations, for,
notwithstanding Lord CLARENDON'S declaration
that "it should only be binding in regard to
Powers who may accede to it, and could not
he appealed to by Governments who refuse their
acceptance," it is quite clear that England can-
not ever again rely on the principles so long
boldly 'proclaimed to the world, but now defini-
tively and permanently abaai cloned.
The points relating to neutrals have manifestly
been adopted in deference to Prussia. They offer
a premium to all those desirous of putting money
in their pockets at the expense of their honour.
Prussia has long been aiming at this point. It is
at length conceded--possibly as a portion of the
price which England is to pay for the inauspicious
Prussian marriage, so universally condemned by
all true-hearted Englishmen. We never yielded
the matter when the Prussian armies were arrayed
on our side, and now the concession is at once made,
at the very time when the conduot of Prussia
offered unanswerable reasons against its adoption !
It is the crowning work of our degradation, for
which the author or authors merit impeachment,
and the heaviest punishment that could be in-
flicted by an outraged and indignant nation.
We long since stated that it was not so much
by the destruction of men as by the cutting off of
supplies that we could hope to bring our adver-
saries to reason. The destruction of commerce
would be far better than the destruction of human
lives, even though they were attired in the ene-
mies' uniform, and were ready to fight under an
adverse flag. By sanctioning trade with neutrals,
and giving protection to commerce when carried

on under a neutral flag, we virtually deprive our.

selves of the power of inflicting the heaviest
blows on our opponents, and those which are

chiefly within the power of England. We trans-
fer the profits that may bo realised from our own

merchants to strangers, whom we encourage to
assist the enemy, and who may lend their flags
to cover and maintain a trade, without which
the enemy could not prolong the contest. The
lives of our gallant defenders by land and by
water, the money of our over-burdened taxpayers
may be sacrificed to this criminal weakness on the
part of the British representative. The time,
too, of the cession of our incontestible rights ren-
ders it peculiarly humiliating. It will go forth
throughout Europe and Asia that England, ex-
hausted and worn out by her efforts, and anxious _