The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-22 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

THE LEAMINGTON HUNT CUP STEEPLE-
CHASES.
WEDNESDAY.

The Welter Cup, of 15 soya each, 10 ft, and 5 only if de-
clared; winners extra ; to be ridden by riders according
to the conditions in the open steeplechase; the winner
to pay 5 soya towards expenses. One mile and three-

listt
llb' (in. 61b ex.)
Mrq.uaHrtoedrgsm(flana,srsacoesetorsaye).
er, 5
yrs,
(Nightingall) 1
Lord Strathmore's Greek, 4 yrs, lOst 81b (in. 61b extra)
(S. Rogers) 2
Lord Courtenay's Timandra, 4 yrs, list 61b (in. 61b ex.)
(Donaldson) 3
Lord Coventry's Resurgam, 5 yrs, 9st 41b (inc. 51b ex.)
(G. Stevens) 4
Betting-5 to 4 each agst The Greek and Soothsayer.
The two backed were in front throughout, Soothsayer
winning by two lengths ; tho same distance separating the
second and third ; bad fourth.

The Scurry Handicap of 10 soya each, h ft ; gentlemen
riders, as qualified to ride in the Willoughby Handicap ;
professionals, 61b extra. One mile (flat racecourse).
Mr. Payne's Gwellyan, 3 yrs, llst 21b, (inc. 61b extra)
(S. Rogers) 1
Mr. Barber's Prince of Orange, aged, list 51b_ _ _

- - - - (Mr. Edwards) 2
Mr. Smith's Foretop, 3 yrs, lOst 121 b (inc. 61b extra)
(Nightingall) 3
Gorsehill and Warrior Queen also ran.
Betting-7 to 4 agst Prince of Orange and Gorsekill, 4
to 1 agst Gwellyan.

They laid close together to the distance, where Gwellyan
came out, and won by a length; Prince of Orange coming
with a rush and finishing second, half a length before Fore-
top ; the other pair were close up.
A Handicap Hurdle Race of 5 sows each, 1 ft, with 30
added; winners extra. Two miles, over five flights of
hurdles.

Mr. Chapman's Jealousy, aged, lOst 121 b .... (Bennett) 1
Mr. Barling's Romeo, aged, lOst 101 b .. (Eatwell) 2
Mr. Williams's Harry, 4 yrs, 9st 101 b.... (Mr. Lington) 0
Mr. E. Green's Bannockburn, 6 yrs, Bst 101b__

_ .
(Nightingall) 0
Betting-7 to 4on Jealousy, 3to 1 agst Bannockburn,
4 to 1 agst Romeo.

Jealousy made all the running and won in a canter by
ten lengths ; Bannockburn fell. Only two passed the post.
A Selling Welter Race of 5 sous each, with 25 added ;
weight for age, with selling allowances; gentlemen
riders, as qualified to ride in the Willoughby Handicap ;
professionals, 61b extra. Seven furlongs (flat racecourse).
Mr. Price's Greenwich Fair, 5 yrs (£3O), Ilst 21b
(Mr. Wood) 1
Mr. Hawkins's Pedlar, 3 yrs (X3O), lOst 41b _

. ..
(Mr. Edwards) 2
Mr. Byrn's Spiteful Dick, aged (MO), list 41b
(Mr. Dickson) 3
Vulture and Warrior Queen also ran.

Betting-5 to 2on Pedlar, sto 1 agst Greenwich Fair.
Warrior Queen and Pedlar made the manning to the
turn, where Spiteful Dick showed in front, and kept his
position to the distance. Here Greenwich Fair came out,
and won easily by three lengths; bad third. Vulture did
not get off.

The Grand Open Steeplechase Handicap of 10 soya each,
3 ft, with 100 added ; winners extra ; the winner to pay
25 Boys towards expenses, and the second horse to save
his stake; to be ridden by gentlemen qualified to ride in
the Willoughby Handicap at Warwick; gentlemen who
have ridden a winner in a handicap steeplechase or flat

race to carry 51b extra; professionals 61b extra. Four
miles over a steeplechase course.
Mr. France's Tumbler, lOst (car. lOst 51b) .. (Mr. Wood) 1
Mr. Rowland's Madera, 9st 131 b One 61b ex) (G. Stevens) 2
Mr. Hawkes na Athlete, lOst llb (inc 61b ox) (W. White) 3

The following also ran :—Emperor, Jealousy, Topsy,
Tatler, St. Mark, Curate, Premier, King William, and The
Rover.

Betting-3 to 1 agst King William, 4to 1 agst Jealousy,
6 to 1 each agst Tumbler and Curate, 8 to 1 agst Emperor.
Rover, Mark, Premier, and Medora composed the front
rank till entering the straight the last time, when Tumbler
emerged from the rear and passed his horses with ridiculous
ease, winning by nearly half a distance, the majority of the
others pulling up. No accidents occurred during the race,
and all passed the post.
The Hunt Cup Steeplechase did not fill.

How TO KEEP AN UMBRELLA.—Dr. Buckland
could not bear to lose an umbrella. He lost two or three
in one way or another, and at last he inscribed, in conspi-
cuous letters on the handle of a new one he bought pur-
posely, " Stolen from Dr. Buckland," and this he never
lost, although it often invitingly stood by itself in a soli-
tary glory in the umbrella stead in the hall.
A. GOOD WATCH AT A MODERATE PRICE.—" The
stranger in walking through the City of London must be
astonished to see so many establishments whose windows
are filled with watches and jewellery of the most costly de-
scription. Among these there is one fast rising into
celebrity for the beauty and excellence of its productions—
we mean the establishment of Mr. J. W. Benson, watch
manufacturer, of 33 and 34, Ludgate-1111. As a good
watch is admitted on a!l sides to be indispensable to the man
of business, we have great pleasure in pointing out a watch
manufactory where our friends can purchase the article
without paying an exorbitant priee."—Daily Telegraph.—
Benson's Illustrated Pamphlet, post free for two stamps,
is descriptive of every construction of watch now made.
Watches safe by post to all parts of the globe.

[ADVERTISEMENT.] Pills and medicine invariably ag-
gravate and perpetuate diseases; their annoyance, dis-
appointment, and expense may be avoided by persons
in indifferent health sending only their address to E.
S. Barry, Esq., 77, Regent-street, W., London, and they
will receive gratis and free by post the " INVALIDS' OwN
GUIDE," or Natural Restorer, without medicine or ex-
o -glee, of perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, and
refreshing sleep, to the most enfeebled, insuring the removal
of indigestion (dyspepsia), constipation, liver complaints
nausea, epilepsy, paralysis, debility, nervousness, palpitatiot ,
cough, asthma, consumption, dropsy, flatulency, diarrhoea,
dysentery, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, colds,
noises in the ears, rheumatism, gout, impurities, eruptions,
hysteria, neuralgia, irritability, sleeplessness, acidity, palpi-
tation, heartburn, headache, despondency,cramps, spasms,
sinking, Ills, bronchitis —"Unquestionably the safest Guide
$ hunk!!

Last Evening the Right Hon. Thos. Milner Gib-
son, President of the Board of Trade, addressed his
constituents at the Town-hall, Ashton-under-Lyne
—the Mayor, Mr. B. M. Kenworthy, presided.
Mr. M. GIBSON, on rising, was received with
great applause. He said that the circumstances of
his return rendered it a duty to appear before his
constituents. It was a more difficult task than it
appeared to give an account of the late session,
because he could not be expected to condemn the
Administration with which he was connected. He
certainly should not praise the Administration, but
would merely say that their earnest endeavour was
to do the best for the country, although they had
not succeeded in passing their measures of reform.
There had not been a habit of late, he thought, of
discrediting Parliamentary speaking; but it had
been said by an eminent writer that Parliamentary
government was a government by speaking, and so
he believed it to be, and thought the debates might
be lengthened ; they had a tendency to elicit the
truth and ripen public opinion. There might have
been failures during the last session, but there had
been great commercial reforms, and reforms calcu-
lated to benefit the neighbourhood of Ashton-
under-Lyne. There had been misgivings as to the
trade of the country ; but, although the export
trade had grown ,to its present magnitude, it was
at the present moment still increasing. In the first
nine months of this year the value of the exports of
British produce had been about £102,000,000.
During the same nine months of 1859 the value of
the exports was only £98,000,000. It was mar-
vellous how the export trade had increased from
the adoption of free commercial principles. The
cotton manufacture formed a large portion of these
exports, being £48,000,000, and the shipping
interest showed signs of improvement, because,
comparing the corresponding nine months in
1860 and 1858, British tonnage cleared with cargoes
increased by 785,522 tons, against an increase of
475,165 of foreign tonnage, so that they would
see that British shipping was holding its own.
These facts brought him to the commercial treaty
with France, and they might rely on it the French
Government had made, so far as their tariff was con-
cerned, a very great change ; in fact France had
taken a greater step than any of the same kind
taken by this country at any time. For this treaty
the country was indebted to Mr. Cobdea for any
benefit that might arise. There had been a great
deal of misrepresentation made about the com-
mercial treaty. Some had said that England had
been taken in, and that we had given a great
deal and got very little in exchange. A change
had been made in the British tariff, and we had
given nobody anything. We had given an im-
pulse to the industry of this country ; at the same
time, we had got the French Government to change
their tariff. We had got two good things instead
of one. There was no bargain to make any ex-
changes, but we were merely taking two good
things at once instead of only one. If the French
had not changed their tariff it would have been our
duty to effect the changes which we had made in
our tariff. As to the French wines a great deal had
been said. It was said that Englishmen would
not drink French wine ; but the increase in the
imports arising from the treaty had been very con-
siderable, and had increased the revenue. It had
been said that great distress had been occasioned at
Coventry by the commercial treaty, but the Coventry
weavers could not be made an exemption to the
principle of free trade. The import of French
ribands had only been small (15 per cent.), and he
thought that by and by the effect of the treaty
would be to put the Coventry riband trade on a
sounder basis. The papermakers had raised a cry
as to the importation of foreign paper, but there
had been no shutting up of mills, and there had
been no great importation of foreign paper, or any
increase in the price of paper. The fact was the
English papermakers were able to compete with
any other papermakers in the world. He was
speaking of the Customs on foreign papers,
not of the Excise. It had been urged that it was
not good policy to make commercial treaties with
France, and there was a small sect who yet re-
garded France as our natural enemy. But he viewed
this matter as one of the greatest events of the day,
and one calculated to benefit this country more
than any other which had occurred in recent years.
He had observed a sensible remark made by Mr.
Bright at Wakefield, that it was a strange thing
that 30,000,000 of people in England and 36,000,000
of people in France, separated only by a narrow
sea, could not just as well have as extensive a trade
with each other as with people separated by the
Atlantic. (Cheers.) We had a great trade with
countries with more restricted tariffs than France,
and he was satisfied that from this time the French
tariff would satisfy the most expectant, as being
the most liberal tariff in Europe except our own.
With reference to the income-tax, he wished to say
a word or two. It had been said by many—(oh)----
if it had not been for this Government and the
French treaty we should not have had such a high
income tax. Hu denied that, and believed they
would have had a higher income-tax for many rea-
sons. The opponents of the income-tax had always
said that it was a war tax, which meant that it was
a tax to which the Government had recourse when

the military and naval expenditure was very high.
That expenditure was very high now, and the ques-
tion was, did this income-tax bear a larger propor-
tion to that expenditure than in past times ? He
found that we did not pay as much of our war expen-
diture out of our income-tax as we used to do. Sir
Robert Peel's income tax paid 32 per cent. of the
war expenditure ; but the income tax at 10d. in the
pound paid no more than 38 per cent., taking into
account the supplementary vote of £3,000,000 for
the war in China. He did not object to the income
tax being called a war tax, but he objected to people
calling it a war tax and yet refusing to allow it to
be used for that purpose. He contended that with
a vote of £30,000,000 fer naval and military pur-
poses a tenpenny income tax was not oat of pro-
portion. It had been represented that there had
been some general transfer of indirect to direct
taxation, and that the property of the country was
paying more than its fair share of the burdens of
the country, but he found that for every £22 paid
by direct taxation during 1860 aid 1861 there would
be £7B paid by direct taxation. If large naval and
military armaments were necessary for the safety
of the country, and there appeared to be a feeling
in the country that they were, we could not avoid
a large income tax. The effect of the former re-
ductions of taxation had been to realize more
revenue from 12 excise duties than formerly from
27, and it was a mistake of the House of Lords to

suppose that by getting rid of a tax they were get-
ting rid of so much revenue. With regard to the
late question of the paper duty, he was still of
opinion that it would be to the interest of the
country to get rid of it, and the House of Lords
in refusing to assent to the Paper Duty Bill
made two blunders—one financial, and the
other constitutional. He was sorry to say that the
House of Commons was not sound upon that ques-
tion. He believed that one great inducement to
the House of Lords for taking the course they did
was that they believed the House of Commons was
not in earnest, and that the measure would never
have passed a third reading. The House of Com-
mons did not wish to embarrass the Government,
and therefore left the House of Lords to deal with
the bill. The evil of the precedent was, however,
untouched; and in future such a precedent might
possibly be used for some unconstitutional purpose.
With regard to the foreign policy of the Govern-
ment, he should say very little. Their wish had
been on the one hand to preserve peace between
the great Powers of Europe, and at the same time
to enable the Italians to regulate their own affairs ;
and he believed that that policy had been success-
ful. What might be looming in the future was not
for him to say, but he thought that there was
growing up in Europe a stronger desire to maintain
peace. The exhausted finances of some countries
and the commercial views of others were likely to
prevent war for some time to come. Although the
Government had adopted the policy of non-inter-
vention, they still sympathized with oppressed
nations struggling for liberty and freedom. Hold-
ing office as he did he did not feel at liberty to act
the prophet. He recanted none of his opinions
upon public measures. He stood where he had
done in all the political views which he had ex-
pressed to the constituents of Ashton, and it would

, Of all the projects attributed to the Emperor
the French not one will impress Englishmen with
greater interest than the design now offered to pub-
lic discussion by the Parisian journals. It has been
boldly maintained in a political pamphlet that the
Emperor ought to be his own Pope; that it would
be greatly to the advantage of France to be made
independent of Rome, and that the supremacy of the
Gallican Church ought, in the true interests of the
nation, to be vested in the Crown. Short of doc-
trinal changes, in fact, the project thus mooted
amounts to a French Reformation, and we are in-
vited to contemplate Napoleon 111. proceeding in
the steps of our own Henry VIII. Of the degree
of authenticity to be ascribed to this singular report
we can say nothing. All that is known is that the
scheme has been undoubtedly put forward in a
publication which has been widely circulated, and
that it has been contradicted in a contemptuous
tone by a journal of some authority. This may be
nothing at all, or it may be the beginning of an
end; but, at any rate, the subject is broached, and
and the idea will certainly not lack attention. On
this side of the Channel there will, of course, be but
one opinion on the advantage of national indepen-
dence. We are never tired of asserting that "No
foreign priest, prince, or potentate hath, or ought
to have, any power or authority within this realm
of England." We observe and mark that wherever
the Pope pretends to divide the dominions of a
country with its Sovereign political evils invariably
follow. If the Sovereign assumes an attitude of
independence, his prelates are in a state of revolt ;
if he cringes obsequiously to the power of Rome,
his people are in a state of servitude; and the best
that can happen is that the Pope may be in-
duced by what is termed a Concordat to put a
definite limitation to his meddling on reasonable
terms. On the principle at stake, therefore, we
can entertain but one opinion. We are also aware,
though the statement may create surprise, that a
Sovereign of France would, in declaring the inde-
pendence of the Gallican Church, be only consum-
mating a traditional policy of the French Crown.
Whether such an act, however, could be success-
fully accomplished without an innovation of theolo-
gical doctrine is a question on which history gives
us little meat's of speaking.
It is a notable and instructive fact that the first
impulse of every European nation at the awakening
of human intellect in the IGth century was to shake
off the the thraldom which had been imposed by
the Bishops of Rome. It is another striking fact,
that the country which caught these views first of
all was France. That great kingdom, always pro-
fessing, and often with reason, to be at the head of
civilisation, discerned its national interest in this
respect long before the truth flashed upon the rest
of Christendom. It made a demonstration in the
matter by the light of its own instincts before the
actual Reformation of religion had so much as com-
menced. Twenty years at least before Henry VIII.
began to threaten Clement, and five full years
before Luther nailed his propositions to the church
door at Wittenberg, France had been on the point
of asserting her ecclesiastical independence. It
was not until a later period that the other ruling
Powers took up the question, but then they were
,all of one mind. Europe was virtually divided
between three great Monarchs ; Charles V., the
head of the house of Austria, was Emperor of Ger-
many and King of Spain ; Francis I, was King of
France, and Henry VIII. of England, and the ag-
gregate dominion of these potentates left little other
territory to be accounted for. Nothing is now more
certain than that Charles, Henry, and Francis
together were all ready to discard the Pope, and only
hesitated from considerations of political interest.
The fact was that the particular Sovereign who
remained in communion with Rome could employ
the power of that Court, such as it was, against
his heretical rivals, and no one of the players liked
to throw away such a possible card. It is curious
enough that the Prince least disposed to break with
the Pope was he who actually consummated the
rupture. Henry was the most sincere Catholic of
the three—the very "Defender of the Faith," and
it seemed far more probable 330 years ago that
France would repudiate the Papal jurisdiction than
that such a step would be taken by England. In
fact, the French kings never actually lost the idea.
Francis would probably have allied himself with
Henry:in the spiritual revolt, if he had not bee*
seduced by an offer of the Pope to promote French
interests in Italy. Henry IV. and Sully, of course,
balanced the considerations for and against the
measure ; even Louis XIV. had his glimpses of
doubt, and Voltaire tells us plainly that in Louis
XV.'s time, when the quarrels between Jesuits and
Jansenists were at their worst, people had begun
to declare outright that if the Pope made his autho-
rity so onerous France would know how to dispense
with it, as so many other countries had done before.
As far, therefore, as political traditions are con-
cerned, there is no question but that Louis Napoleon
might supersede Pius IX. with ample warrant;
and though the maxims of the great Gallican
divines would require rather arbitrary extension
before they could be made to justify such an " in-
dependence" as is now talked of, the scheme would
still express only a favourite idea of French states-
men in all ages. We are compelled, however, to
observe that France is a Catholic country, and that
there is no instance of a eatholic country subsisting
in independence of the Pope. Doubtless it was the
theory of Henry VIII.'s councillors, and especially
so of that Monarch himself, that the question of
religious orthodoxy might be kept entirely separate
from that of spiritual jurisdiction, but the event
proved the contrary, and the idea with which the
original actors in the matter had consoled them-
selves was soon scattered to the winds. The Church
of England became a new, as well as an indepen-
dent communion, and, though it escaped certain
extreme opinions, it was a Reformed Church still.
When the Pope was east off the Protestants became
supreme. If the Pope were cast off in France,
would the French clergy remain where they are ?
We are perhaps discussing the question too seri-
ously, though it is impossible to say what realities
may not lurk under the very lightest essays of
Parisian pamphleteering. One assertion, however,
we venture to make, and that is that the Emperor
Napoleon could hardly entertain a project more
conducive to his popularity in this country than
that which, whether with or without reason, is
now ascribed to him. All our ideas of misgovern. -
ment, stagnation, and debasement are included 101.
the idea Papal predominance ; all our.nottioantsef
freedom and progress are represented m h
In our
enfranchisement from this yoke.degrading
the clutches of
view to rescue a kingdom
Rome would be like getting afnro.m
estate
rovement. We
out of Chan-
cery—the first step to genuine improvement.
be governed so
cannot imagine how a countthry
-13. policy always and
long as a foreign priest w with
can obtrude his ill-
definednecessarily inimical to freedomdomination into its domestic
and aggressilvhe
told that France herself is
concerns. We shall be
contrary—that she, a State in
an example to the .
and has been,
nevertheless, is
strict communion with
nevertheless, one of the most intellectual and en-
lightened States of Europe. We answer that France
all
has doubtless been this, but that she has been
so only in proportion.
as she has treated the Papal
Illative rather than real. The Court
of as spec L
of Rome did little harm to -France because it was
left with little opportunities of doing so, and was
fain to content itself with the shadow, instead of
the substance, of -power. So it has always been in
such cases. In the present instance the French
prelates have been hitherto Louis Napoleon's very
humble servants. They are now disposed to be-
come in preference the servants of their other mas-
ter—the Pope, and it is thus that the crisis has ar-
rived. Wherever the Papal Court has
the power
of meddling it will either meddle or have its for-
bearance dearly bought. Will it try its strength
in France ? And, if it d
oes,, how will it be encoun-
tered ? These perhaps aro the questions which
suggested the argument trio have reviewed this
morning.—Times.

WEATHER IN THE NORTlR.—Winter has set in
round Edinburgh in earnest. 'l'he Pentlands have been
covered with snow some days, and at Portobello the sharp
frost of Saturday, when the then nometer (Fahrenheit) fell
to 28:degrees, was succeeded by a heavy fall of snow upon
Sunday, and a brilliant aurora borealis in the evenin4...
Yesterday morning the glass rant at 30 degrees, Witt'
the snow hard frozen, and every prospect of the cold con-
tinuing. The winds most prevalen t are west.

.t, after a somewhat unusual silence,
has been addressing the Mechanics' Institute at
Wakefield, and, with him, we should be very glad,
to see the rising generation early imbued with
" wis th
sound principles of political and ecoromiHocal science.e n
attempts
There arises the question, however,-
thing to be done ?" and Mr. Bright es w
are not so encouraging as might be. Ore fear we
must add that in at least one important ra'sPeet his
example is at variance with his teaching. He tells
us, or rather our working classes, that one reason
by the condition of artisans, labourers, and house-
hold servants has improved even more in the United
States than here, and that there does not exist there
the vast mass of poverty which we have to depl,ore
here, is the very light taxation of that countr.V.
Twenty millions of people pay £60,000,000 less;
than we do. That vast sum of money, instead of'
being wasted, eaten, and sunk by army and navy,
officials, and creditors, is enjoyed by the commu-
nity at large, or invested in profitable enterprises.
This, if true, would be a very great fact. By the
rule of Cocker each head of the community has £3
more every year to spend in personal comforts,
instead of seeing it glittering on the back of 0,
dragoon, or tossed on the ocean, or spent in park
equipages and fashionable entertainments. Here
is a practical consideration, level to the capacity
of a parish schoolboy old enough to know the
meaning of a shilling a week all round the poor
man's family. Who will hold up his hand for war
when he knows that it, and the expensive institu-
tions which it entails, can only be maintained by
making every man with a wife and eight children.
pay 10s. a week for this express purpose—or,
rather, £3O a year, which is more that 11s. 6d,
a week for the whole family ? Can it be said
that this is a too abstract and high-flown argu-
ment ? Tell the labourer that if he likes war, with
all its apparatus of held marshals, generals, and
colonels, its costly artillery and commissariat, its
lavish waste at home and sinful destruction
abroad, he must pay a poll-tax of more than a shil-
ling a week for every soul of his family towards
the amount, and he will count the cost, says Mr.
Bright, and consider whether it is worth that to
slay thousands of our fellow-creatures, and so ex-
tort from them what they
.may perhaps be per-
suaded to give up for love or for reason.
Unfortunately, this argument, so simple, so trium-
phant, does not weigh a feather with Mr. Bright
himself—it has not, and it will not. We believe this
gentleman to care quite as much for the working
man as the working man cares for himself ; and, if
Mr. Bright himself does not care a fig for a reason,
we hold it to be a certain proof that no working
man will care for it either. There is no statesman
in this country who puts cost out of the question so
utterly in a matter of national dignity and influence
as Lord Palmerston ; and yet Mr. Bright, having
helped to bring him into power, contributed largely
to turn him out simply and solely for not showing
sufficient fight to the Emperor of the French; and
having turned him out for that reason, helped to
bring him in again on his general merits as a man
to maintain the honour of his country. At this mo-
ment Mr. Bright we are happy to say is a supporter
of Lord Palmerston, and pretty sure to render him
substantial assistance, so long as his Cabiiet takes
the Liberal line, which is now the warlike and ag-
gressive line in Europe. We will suppose a csasey
which is not, indeed, likely, but as likely as many
that may be imagined. What if Austria, aided by
Russia, were to secure her present footing in Italy,
and perhaps something more, and were to purchase
the favour of France by winking at a movement on
the Rhine; would Mr. Bright support Ministers a
day after they had announced their intention to
see this game played out to the end ? No, he cer-
tainly would not. Even at a most indefinite cost
per head of the whole population, he would insist on
an armed remonstrance, that could only result in
an armed interference. Mr. Bright would show
as warlike a front as Cromwell ever did. He
would think it of vastly more importance that
England should not stand by while Italy was
sold in the market for a bond slave than that
the English labourer should have more meat in
his pot ;and stouter cloth on his back, or that his
wife should have a better Sunday dress, a warmer
bed to lie on, or a carpet on her parlour floor. What
then would be the value of his Lessons on Political
Economy, teaching little boys and girls that they
must not countenance war, because every year of it
was a shilling a-week out of everybody's pocket,
when it was known the great Professor himself
had abandoned his own doctrine ? But, were this
known, or not, we may be sure that the generous
influence that had demolished the Professor's own
stronger reason and card-castle economy would
have just the same effect on the weaker and more
excitable judgment of the working classes. The
first picture of an alleged Austrian butchery on the
banks of the Po would have ten thousand times more
effect than all the dogmatic and arithmetical wisdom
of the " First Lessons on Taxation and Political
Economy."
But may not something be done with another
ocial error of almost equal importance—with
Trades' Unions ? On this point Mr. Bright asks,
very shrewdly, how it is that the wages of domestic
service have increased so much of late years, when
it gives no opportunity of union. A servant gets a
good footing and a good understanding, is appre-
ciated, and asks for an advance, which the master
or mistress knows it to be worth while to make.
We are not sure that the artisans and factory people
will feel it to be a parallel case ; but, if any consi-
deration has weight with unionists and turnouts,
this will. Mr. Bright, however, is of opinion that
much may be done by school instruction. This must,
of course, be by abstract principles and sentiments,
expressed simply, and with familiar illustrations:
No demonstration, however, except the fact, will
ever persuade 20,000 unionists, constituting the
majority of a town, that they cannot obtain better
terms from their employers if they go the right
way to work. All that can be hoped for is, that
they may be imbued from their childhood with
principles and sentiments adverse to excessive
and unreasonable demands. For example, let it
be inculcated that one class is not likely to have
an interest conflicting with- that of another ; let it
be established that we arc all one family, that a
conspiracy is itself an act of violence, as unjust to
individual workpeople as it is to the employers and
capitalists, who are not to be allowed to use their
own judgment in the matter ; let it be shown that
the right principle is competition—that is, a com-
petition of industry and skill on the part of the
men, and a competition of enterprise and skill on
the part of the employer. No doubt, all this and
more may be put into very simple language, illus-
trated by examples, and recommended by generous
sentiments. Well, let it be tried. A good book
on the subject will be worth many. good speeches.
Yet we rremember that the Christian morality,
rightly interpreted, includes all this and more, witonly partial success. The ascetic, or pietneestd
meled. I
pwith
ts
ciples of the Gospel, are not only b
tectsg
eo in the e
hwith
eart
preternatural doctrines take deep . roos
eg
much eagerness ; they are even exa
one another which shall show the severest form of
and understanding of the pple vi
godliness, or intrude the deepest into Divine my-
steries. It is far otherwise
with the morality of
betterma chance than
man, taught by
u
the Bible, its domestic and social tenderness, its
relative duties, and mutual considerations. How
tsand
etranda
the duties of parents and children, husbands and
sound political ih)eolriteilcaatlions economy,of mas
Wives, brothers and sisters, neighbours and friends,
elders and youngcrs, as we find them tenderly but
emphatically urged and urged again in the Bible
Let the experiment be made, byall
means, for
there never will be too many reasons for a good
thing; but we do not expect a higher degree of
success than is sure to attend
any ordinary effort
in the right direction.—. Times.

[AnvEtertsEmENT.l---Out of 50000 cures without medi-
cine, by Du Barry's delicious Revalenta Arabic Food, we
quote a few :---Cure No. 71, of dyspepsia the Right -Hon.
the Lord Stuart de Decies. Cure No. 49,832.—" Fifty
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asthma,
cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness
at the stomach and vomiting, have been removed by Du
Barry's excellent food.—Maria Joly, Wortham Ling, near
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for which my servant had consulted the advice of many,
have been cured by Du Ban y's health restoring food.—Rev.
John W. Flavell, Ridlington Rectory, Norfolk." No.
32,836. Three years excessive nervousness, with pains
„ITR.
my neck and left aim, and general debility, which
radically
dered my life very miserable, has been di
removed by Du Barry's health restoring food .—Alexra•
Avoid Pills and Medicines : they invariably aggranment,
perpetuate diseases ; their annoyance, disi:ligs Food
and expense may be avoided by using Du
es its cost in
which, at a few pence per day, saves 50 times purging,
other remedies, removing effectually, without
ousTette:
nr td.
bilious and
constipation, indigestion (dyspepsia) aerl* cm Certificate
liver complaints and all their coaseenr:. Andrew Ure,
No. 36,418. We find it the safest remedy
MD., F.R.S., Dr Harvey, Dr. 11 e, Dr. Shorland, Dr.
ea under a varie of
and injurious imitationstioti
Carapell. Let invalids avoid the fearful
are prohibited ba
they
dangers of spu-
riousfalse pretences. Nevill's imita
under a penalty of £5,000 against
• high Court of Chancery d his agents ; and the pretences
Alfred Hooper Nevill an
that Nevill has Pa
„„,,„a.c-- terwith suah patent are utterly &le.
t for Arabica Food and that Du
BizrY.,„.'s are „,—,—;,„i e without the name Barry Du Barry
No salwfl'a " "e"--- Regent-street, in full, ontheseal and wrapper.
and Co., 77, Regeanuempt imposition in one article must
Shopkeepers 7011°
ted in all others. Packed in tins 11b.
expect to be ds.
2,4 6d. ; 51b. lls.; 121 b. 225.; 241 b. 40s. The
2124113. canisters are sent carriage free on receipt
of Post-office order by Barry Du Barry and Co 77, R.
...-
London; Fortnum Mason, and Co. • Abbic,
Rent-street,
121 b. and d
60, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 62 and 150,'
Ox-
bard-street ; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 and 60, Bishopagate-
street ; Batty, 16, Finsbury Pavement ;
tea-dealers ; Petty, Wood, and Co., King *William-street
Oity; at 127, High Holborn; aid all grocers,