The Sun.
London, England, 1860-02-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 9, IAO.

THE SUN.
LONDON, THURSDAY, FEB. 9, 1860.

We hear enough of factious combinations against
the Government ; but it is the duty of the House of
Commons to see to it that the country is not sold
to a Triple Alliance. PALMERSTON, LOUIS NAPO-
LEON, and COBDEN, or, the Cabinet, the Emperor,
and Manchester, have been very busy together

lately, and the result of thir councils demands at

least severe scrutiny. We would not prejudge any
of these parties. Each has a right to look to its
own interests, and each may easily believe, under

the influence of its controlling motive, that in
£ eeking its own objects, it is seeking the welfare
of its country and of the world. There is no
need to impute consciously unworthy motives;
but there is need to examine the policy which the
parties in alliance may suppose to be dictated by
patriotism. To Manchester, encouragement of the
cotton trade—to Lord PALArEusToN, strengthen-
ing a Whig Ministry, and keeping taxation off
the shoulders of the wealthy—to LOUIS NAPOLEON
the glory of France, when it is the glory of the
NAPOLEON dynasty may seem the essence of
patriotism, nay, even of philanthropy. But the
Whigs, the BONAPARTE'S, an:. Cotton, may
not be :the chief good in the eyes of im-
partial persons. We hope, therefore, the Opposition
and the independent members will allow no politi-
cal bribes, no appeals ad miserccordiam, to bias their
judgment. We do not want to turn out the Go-
vernment—we do not want the bother of another
dissolution, but the fear of neither alternative should
int.lrfere with the duty which the House at this
juncture will owe to its country.
We write thus because we do fear that there is
danger ahead. None will be more gratified than
ourselves to find it otherwise. If we receive from
Mr. G L"-,----
I:4INE and his colleague: a Budget which
is a Budget for the poor, and for that large class
which is often practically the poorest, the less
wealthy half of the middle class—we shall give it
our heartiest support ; if, on the contrary, we are
to have an Income-tax in which the infamous
schedule D is still to violate the secrecy of English
life and manners, and to fang 'with aristocratic
grasp the hard-earned livelihood of those who
toil
and spin—we warn the Triple Alliance that the
l
country will measure its strength with Manchester,
Downing-street, and the Tuileries united.
We hope Mr. GLADSTONE'S sore throat has been
one of those afflictions which, we are told, are
blessings in disguise. It has at least given him
time to learn the sentiments of many to whose ad-
monitions, on the worst proposals of his budget,
he would do wisely to listen. Those parts may,
even now, be exseinded before he lays:his plan ke-
fore Parliament, and well for him if they be. That
something wrong—something needing the advocacy
of the most subtle special pleader of the day, to
make it look plausible—is forthcoming, must be

taken as almost certain. We are a plain business
people after all. In a few hours the real business
part of Mr. GLADSTONE'S scheme will be sifted
from his load of words, and on them, not on the
clever speech, will judgment be given. Yet, because
Mr. GLADSTONE is hoarse, no other member of the
Cabinet, not even the President of the Board of
Trade, can be trusted to lay on the table of the
house the Cabinet's financial scheme, and
the treaty, which we are told forms a part
of it. The house would be courteous enough to
waive the discussion till the recovery of its
Finance Minister, but surely that is no reason
why honestly-conceived proposals could not be
left to tell their own tale. There would even be
some advantage to the orator in seeing what the
press of the country said, to compensate for his
losing the pleasure of first telling his own story.
How can we but fear, under these circumstances,
that his Budget and the Treaty can neither of
them be trusted on their own legs? The nation
is to be treated like children, unable to understand
a treaty or a budget, because the Government off-
spring have " the rickets."
Not to be captious, does not what is known of
the Government plan look like it? Ist, A corn-
menial treaty is admitted on all hands to be ob-
jectionable. Protectionists themselves now under-
stand that, to fetter our revenue plans for the
future, by engagements: with a foreign country, is
unwise. Our wine duties are simply revenue duties,
for the wines subjected to them cannot be made by us.
If we lose too much revenue, we shall, however, be
precluded from reimposing the duties. 2dly, on
all our manufactured products high duties—almost
one-third of their value—may yet be levied, while
the raw materials on which in part our superiority
depends are to be put cheaply into the hands of
those who tax cur znantffactured articles that they
may outbid us. All the concession seems to be one-
sided—both the times of altering the duties and the
duties themselves. A treaty, if there must be one,
ought to be based on reciprocity. This is based on
sacrificing England's revenue to enrich French wine
growers, and England's raw material to those
who lay heavy burdens on our manufactures.
3dly and worst of all the " damning
spot, " unless it be wiped out before
Friday night is, that to effect all these concessions
to France, English tradesmen, and professional
gentlemen of every class, are to be saddled with a
NINEPENNY INCOME-TAX ! ! !

If this be persisted in, we hope it will prove a
rock which will shiver the Cabinet to pieces.
We hope the House of Commons will re-
fuse to sanction the Treaty unless the deficiency
created by it can be made good in some
unexceptionable way. No fictions of Mr. GLAD-
STONE'S fertile imagination ought to carry away
the House to sanction this intolerable demand.
First—to repeal the duty on a luxury is not neces-
sary, while to abolish, the most unequal, oppressive,
inquisitive, and altogether odious, of, war taxes
in time of peace, is necessary. It has been borne
hitherto, because it was to come to an end
with the falling-in of the long annuities.
Next, if cheap luxuries from France are a necessity,
let the taxation which makes good the loss to
revenue fall on the classes who use these wines—
lay a tax—as honest JOHN BRIGHT proposes—on
property, not on income. On acquired riches pro-
tected by the State, which ought to pay for their
protection, not on fugitive incomes, perishing with
the health or the life of the possessor, and which no
law can protect. And, thirdly, equalise the Legacy
and Probate Duties. Let the nation demand this
with irresistible unanimity and energy before it
submits to Mr. GLADSTONE'S NINEPENCE. His
trumpery Succession Duties on real property have
brought but a few thousands into the Exche-
quer, while all the time personal property—
even that of the poorest tradesman's widow—
has been contributing its millions. Till
EQUAL PROBATE and LEGACY DUTIES are
paid by all her MAJESTY'S subjects, we shall not
cease:to denounce the imposers of a NINEPENNY
INCOME-TAX as defrauders of the poor in
behalf of the rich—as patrons of the landed aris-
tocracy, with their monster hereditary estates,
while they wring from the busy many what ought
to be paid by those who neither toil nor spin. We
know that Mr. BRIGHT, and all his clique, have
been purchased by the French treaty. If, however,
the people's orator, after his own exposures of the
iniquities of the Legacy and Probate Duties, con-
sents to leave them as they are, and to accept this
odious income-tax, and the ninepenco, we shall
have lost all confidence in the great orator. In
the name of the million we beseech Mr. BRIG HT
not to lend the countenance of his name to this
financial extortion.

We now know precisely what was meant by
the " moderate demands" alluded to in the Speech
from the Throne, as having been transmitted from
this country for submission to the Chinese Govern.
ment. The additional correspondence just given
to public view explains as clearly as need be how
well these demands deserve the praise due to mode-
ration, to a moderation in the fullest sense noble
and magnanimous. It appears, then, that the sum
total of expiation required from the EMPEROR'S
Government at Pekin in the name of her Britannic
MAJESTY is simply nothing more and nothing less
than an Apology ! An apology accompanied, as a
matter of course, by a faithful observance, at length,
by the Chinese SOVEREIGN of the engagements
" contracted for him by his Plenipotentiaries
at Tien-tsin and approved by his Imperial
edict of July, 1858 !" Nothing beyond this
tardy observance of a treaty solemnly signed
and ratified eighteen months ago by the respective
plenipotentiaries—nothing beyond this tardy ob-
servance accompanied by an explicit apology for—.
what ? Have we forgotten it ? For one of the
most dastardly and treacherous ambuscades ever
prepared with deliberate and, we might almost say,
devillish elaboration for the welcome of a pacific
ambassador ! Not a word of indemnity—not a
" material guarantee"—not
thought of any new
whisper of any substantial compensation or satis-
faction. Merely the requirement of the perfor-
formance at last of the conditions long since entered
into with us by the Chinese themselves, accompa-
nied by an apology—an apology, it must be
allowed, instant, complete, and explicit, but
still, after all, nothing more than an apology—
for the atrocious crime of that affair on the Peiho,
when six or seven of her MAJESTY'S gunboats were
wantonly destroyed, and 500 of her MAJESTY'S
lieges infamously sacrificed. Well might the
Speech from the Throne refer to demands such as
these as demands in every respect essentially
moderate.

Nothing, certainly, could well be more admirable
altogether than the instructions transmitted to Mr.
BRUCE, in the name of her MAJESTY'S Government,
by Lord JOIIN RUSSELL as Foreign Secretary.
Setting out in his despatch No. 2, dated " Foreign-
office, October, 29, 1859," with the supposition that
the British representative might perchance have
received from the Chinese Government some com-
munication " with the view of inviting him to
proceed to Pekin for the exel.ange of the ratifica-
tions of the treaty of Ticn-tsin," Lord JOIIN im-
mediately' sapplies Mr. BRUCE (for his guidance

in that contingency) with the following very
clover, bold, dignified, and yet very moderate
instructions. " If," says the noble lord, " any such
proposal has been made to you, and if it be still
unanswered when you receive this despatch, you
will state, in reply, that you are not authorised to
entertain it until the Chinese Government shall
have made a formal apology for the act of the troops
who fired on her Britannic MAJESTY'S ships of
war from the Takoo forts in June last." The
Foreign Secretary then goes on to say, " You will
add that her MAJESTY'S Government require that,
when you go to Pekin for the exchange of the rati-
fications of the Treaty, you shall proceed up the
Peiho river to Tien-tsin in a British vessel, and
that provision bo made by the Chinese authorities
for the conveyance of yourself and your suite with
due honour from Tien-tsin to Pekin." It is simply
thus, as we have said—an apology that is required
by the British from the Chinese Government as an
essential preliminary to the carrying out of the
original arrangements. Having explained this to
Mr. BRUCE, the Foreign Secretary, adds these
additional instructions. He writes :—" Should
the assurances given to you by the Chinese
Government on these heads be satisfactory, `Sou
will make arrangements for proceeding to Pekin at
the earliest period at which it may be safe and con-
venient for you to undertake the voyage. It will
be proper that a naval force should accompany you
to the mouth of the Peiho, and directions to this
effect will be forwarded to Admiral HOPE," But,
adds Lord JOHN RUSSELL, " should you experience
any unbecoming treatment, either at Pekin or on
your journey to or from the capital, you will return
to the Gulf, and place the matter in the hands of
the naval Commander-in-Chief." All this is upon
the supposition of the mere contingency that Mr.
BRUCE may, perchance, in the interim have
received pacific overtures from the Chinese
Government. Otherwise—thus writes the noble
Lord the Foreign Secretary to her MAJESTY'S
Representative upon the coast of China, —" If
no pacific overtures shall have been addressed
to you by the Chinese Government before the
time when this despatch reaches you, you will
immediately on its receipt, communicate to the
Prime Minister of the Emperor the demands of her
Majesty's Government,• as stated above, and inform
him that, unless within a period of thirty days from
the date of your communication, you receive from
him a reply conveying the Emperor's unqualified
assent to these demands, the British naval and
military authorities will proceed to adopt such
measures as they may deem advisable for the pur-
pose of compelling the Emperor of China to observe
the engagements contracted for him by his Pleni-
potentiaries," namely the engagements entered
into at Tien-tsin, and formally approved as far
back as the July of 1858, by the edict of his
Majesty the Chinese EMPEROR !
Up to the receipt of these admirably clear and
resolute, yet singularly humane and moderate
instructions, our naval and military and diplomatic
authorities out in the Chinese Seas appear to have
been amazingly in doubt whether we were or were
not at war with the Chinese people and their
Government. Lord JOHN'S very able despatch has,
happily, long since scattered the illusion there
effectually.
And, now, as to our chances of obtaining the re-
quired apology, otherwise than by the most
vigorous and energetic warlike proceedings, both
afloat and ashore ! If any doubt upon this
point, in any reasonable mind, remains yet
to bo scattered, perhaps the dissipation of that
doubt may be accomplished through the medium
of Mr. REUTER'S Telegram received this very fore-
noon—given elsewhere in our impression of this
evening—dated Shanghai, 21st December—and
announcing that the Chinese were then strongly
fortifying Pekin and the entrance to the Peiho,
upon which latter point 100,000 Tartar troops
were being rapidly concentrated ! For ourselves
we are in no hurry whatever to have an answer
given to the somewhat injudicious inquiry to be
made this evening in the House of Commons
by Mr. SEYMOUR FITZGERALD whether 20,000
troops more or less are t) be despatched or
have already been despatched by England or by
France separately, or by both of them together,
to the scene of action on the coast of China : we are
not particularly desirous of hearing this officially
announced for the especial gratification and fore.
warning of either the Chinese themselves or their
Russian coadjutors. We are not only solicitous, but
upon this matter we are indeed profoundly
solicitous, that Her MAJESTY'S Government
and that of our Imperial Ally across the Channel
may separately and together act in veritable
earnest in carrying out this third and, let us
trust, final war with the Chinese. Let the one
watchword of the enterprise be Thorough ! Let
both maritime and military preparations be ade-
quate for the rapid seizure of Pekin, and we have
not the smallest doubt in the world but that an
excellent account will be given of themselves and
of their men both by Admiral HorE and by General
Sir 'TOPE GRANT.

The Church-rate decision is just of the character
which we led our readers to expect. The sup-
porters of abolition are not diminished—rather
increased indeed—but the majority in its favour is
lessened. All those who preferred to rusticate on
the occasion of former debates, and all the timid
Tories, have been summoned from their obscurity
and made to do duty as dummies in the ranks of
antiquated bigotry. The parsons, squires, and
churchwardens have been active in numberless
villages, as the list of petitions for an equivalent
in the event of abolition shows, and every obscure
member has had the whip held before him, with
significant intimations as to the next election, if he
did not appear and vote against abolition.
Tho result is, that though the supporters of the
Abolition Bill had increased from 191 last year to
263 this year, the opposition increased also to
234—the majority was 70 in 1859, this year it is
only 29. We have not had time closely to scruti-
nise the votes, but at the first glance the grand
difference is apparent enough. On the side of the
Noes" are all those members whose constituents
dare not call their votes their own ; on the side of
the " Ayes" are all the independent constituencies
in the kingdom. This decision last night is, in-
deed, an admirable lesson for Reformers. They will
see that independent voting is the condition of sue-
cevs for every Liberal question. Who doubts that
if the farmers dare vote as they wished they would
return men pledged to abolish Church-rates ? Yet
the county members are the strength of the
Church-rate list. Mr. DUNCOMBE will do well to
point to this fact to-night, or whenever he can get
his motion before the house. It will be resisted, be•
cause the landlords will dread its subsequent appli-
cation to the counties and pocket boroughs; but it is
needed more for them than for the Gloucesters
themselves.

While we could, of course, have wished that the
majority, as well as the absolute number of sup-
porters, had increased, we cannot feel in the least
discouraged. The result will, of course, harden the
hearts of the Lords till they will become Church-rate
Pharaohs, and will yield only when some last great
plague terrifies them into concession. But the
question itself will only make the more sure pro-

gress. It will remain over also to vex the Tories
when they shall have their turn in office again.
What with the increasing number of Dissenters,
and the constant additions to the numbers of
Churchmen who build churches, and keep them
up without rates, and who therefore object to
paying rates to the mother Church—the abolition
party acquires increased strength every year. The
vestry battles, too, will be more and more hotly
fought every year, and rates will be abolished by
the parish parliaments, whether the House of
Lords consents or not.

We are, we confess, surprised that Mr. DISRAELI
should break silence on the wrong side. lle might
have known better. we should think, than to step
into Lord J. RussELL's cast off old shoes—he may
be sure enough that when men like Lord JoIIN and
Sir G. C. LEWIS, throw overboard a cause like
Church-rates, that they have gone and gone
irrecoverably. He felt, it would seem, that it
was unworthy of him to pick up Lord JOHN'S
old hackneyed arguments about Church-rates being
essential to the safety of the Church, the Lords,
and the Crown—and he most ingeniously invented
another— the centralisation argument—he abhorred
centralised action ! We hope he will keep in that
mind; only, ho must remember, that by central
action the power to tax was given to the present
State Church, and by central action alone can it be
taken away. We are glad to see that Lord STAN-
LEY continues to vote right.

LATEST NEWS.

The following telegrams have been received at
Mr. Reuter's office :

TURIN, FEB. 8.

The principles upon which the new vote, on the
annexation of Tuscany and the 2Emilian provinces
to Piedmont, is to take place, have been resolved

BOMBAY AND AUSTRALIAN
MAILS.

SOUTHAMPTON, THURSDAY.

The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steamer
Delta, Captain Black, has arrived with the heavy
portion of the above mails, 42 passengers, £14,720
in specie, and a large cargo of general merchandise.
She left Alexandria, 26th, and Malta, on the 30th
ultimo.

The Euxine arrived at Gibraltar on the 3d inst.
The Delta spoke the Valetta on the 30th, and the
China on the 31st ult.

At Alexandria the Egyptian fleet ; at Malta the
fleet of Admiral Mundy ; at Gibraltar Admiral
Fanshawe's squadron.

News from Morocco is to the 2d.
The Spanish artillery were occupied in shelling
the Moorish camp.
Numerous steam and sailing transports were off
Port Martin discharging ammunition, provisions,
and clothing for the army.

The Moors commenced an action on the 31st, and
were three times repulsed, but returned each time
with increased fury to the attack. They closed
with the Spanish in a hand-to-hand combat, but
were defeated, and retired obstinately disputing
every foot of ground.
In a cavalry charge the Spanish found their re-
turn intercepted by 2,000 Moorish horse, and had
to cut their way through, aided by other squadrons
which were sent to their assistance.

Gen. Prim with four battalions stormed a height
commanding a held of battle. The Spanish charged
four times with the Dayonet before gaining the

position.
The Spanish loss in the affair was reported to be
considerable.

Brigadier Lorenzo Milano del Bosch had been
sent for by Marshal O'Donnell to command the
second brigade under Prim.
The French steamer Seine, and the Spanish
steamer Villa di Madrid, were in collision on the
29th ult., off Cax de Gata, and both were seriously
damaged.

Two hundred and fifty men and seven officers,
wounded, arrived at Algesiras on the 2d inst. from
the Spanish camp.
Since tho commencement of the war with
Morocco 11 journals devoted to military matters
have been established at Madrid.

The next steamer arriving in Southampton from
Gibraltar will bring full particulars of the taking
of Tetuan.

TILE COM3IE.RCI4L T.REATT.

" Diogenes," in a letter to a contemporary, says :
—ln olden times I had some little hand in the Corn
Law agitation and the establishment of free trade
principles, and the leaders of the League were not
unwilling to let me have my say ; but when the
day was carried, and Cobden crowned with glory
—lasting glory; as I thought, I retired from the
world and returned to my old tub. The strange
news of our day has brought me out again, together
with my lamp, in broad daylight, to look for honest
men and honest principles—apparently as scarce as
ever. I find men and things strangely altered.
Freetraders used to vote reciprocity and commer-
cial treaties visionary and clumsy contrivances ;
now I am told that Mr. Cobden has negotiated a
treaty of reciprocity with France. Freetraders will
have, then, to eat a vast deal of dirt, but I don't
mean to attend the feast. Let them do their dirty
work as best they may.
Protectionists may triumph, but cannot sanction
this treaty. To abolish our duties on French manu-
factures that our own may pass at a charge of 30
per cent. ad valorem, is a strange kind of recipro-
city. Not that I want reciprocity, but the advo-
cates of reciprocity surely cannot swallow it of this
kind. To remove the wine duties that France may
avail herself of our iron and coal for the improve-
ment of her manufactures ought to send the nego-
tiator to the madhouse. A fair stage and no favour,
implied iu the absence of export duties, is sufficiently
liberal ; no rational man helps his rival in trade in
the establishment of a shop next door to his own.
The gracious permission to extend to other nations
the reductions contracted for resuscitates the old
practice of differential duties, and will justify
other people, nay—our own colonies, in pesteringus
and the world with an ample supply of protective
measures of the antique and most approved pat-
tern. If, in short, the treaty be right, then our
clamouring shipowners are and were right, then
the Corn Law was wise and beneficial, then the
early lives of Cobden, Bright, and all that sort of
folk were folly, delusion, ignorance, and wickedness.
In what the taking off o the duties on cotton and
wool concerns us, and what this has to do with the
treaty, is not easy to discern ; it cannot benefit our
manufacturers, who would rather see these things
prohibited in France or charged with a cent. per
cent, rate. If that was a condition insisted upon the
negotiator's understanding must have been much
shorter than his ears.
But I am told that this is not a commercial but a
political measure, meant for the attainment of great
political considerations, no less than the friendship
of France and security against invasion—and that
love and fear justify in this case departure from
the principles of national economy. Now, friend-
ship must be based on respect, which we forfeit by
this great inconsistency and apostacy ; and security
is not to be bought by imbecility, but is the result
of wealth and strength. The commercial treaty is
to make not us, but France, strong and rich ; it is
to teach the French to be as we are. It is to in-
duce them to avail themselves of cur iron and coal,
the essentials of our greatness, that they may have
better machinery, cast more guns, and build ships
at a lesser cost. Do we want to thrust greatness,h
wealth, and power away from us into the hands
we arc afraid of ? If I am on this score to do-
p
art from the principles of free trade, let it be in
the right direction. Put an export duty, and a
heavy one, on coal and iron ; that would be a bit
of national tinkering I might understand.itislike that of
As for
the friendship of foreign nations,
yet stood the
the Stock Exchange, which never
test of one-eighth per cent: The French are a
numerous and powerful
peopsole, ambitious,
fickle that in three aggres-
sive, grasping, capricious
generations they have had two dozen constitutions,
and three dozen Governments , their friendship may
be read in the history of a thousand years, and is
not to be relied upon.
Their respect may be se-
cured, not by weakness and
safety we
hadb best
but by
high moral qualifications ; for w
look to ourselves.
Where are the apostles
of free trade ? Where is
Villiers, where Bright, where Milner Gibson ?
Have office and emolument, have a few shillings
less duty on
iron, coal, and printed cottons demented
them ? Cannot they muster courage to risk place
or Parliamentary honour when their place in public
estimation, when their own and their country's
honour are at stake ? Is their occupation gone ?
To disregard domestic affairs, to sacrifice revenue,
principle, and character, that our natural competi-
tors (to use a gentle phrase) may greatly advance
in wisdom, wealth, and power, is an absurdity,
impolitic, dishonest, disgraceful, weak, dangerous,
treasonable. I say this without 'hesitation, and
I say so to Lord Palmerston, even at the foot of the
Throne, and within hearing of her Majesty, Is the
noble lord appointed to govern France or his own
country ? Has he not had a sufficient lesson
but two short years ago, that his officiousness for
the 36,000,000 over the water annoys the 30,000,000
at home ?

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
In answer to a question put last night by Mr.
Fitzgerald, Lord John Russell admitted that the
statement in the Independance Belg e, which was
given in our own and other journals yesterday, re-
specting the provisions of this treaty, was substan-
tially correct. Under these circumstances, we lose
not a moment in sounding the trumpet to the
people of this country, to prepare for war with
the authors of a treaty so obnoxious,—we will
even say iniquitous ; for it is no less than a re-
gular and deliberate sacrifice of the best commer-
cial interests and social comforts of the people
of this country, to please the Ruler of France.
It is discreditable, nay, it is degrading to the Eng-
lish nation, to see our Government thus ingloriously
truckling to the ocoupant of the Tuileries. In
humble deferences to his wishes, the trading
classes of this country are to pay 30 per cent. on
the raw material of various articles manufactured
in France, while French goods and articles are to
nay no duty to this country. But this is not all.
In order to make up for the deficiency of ;C2,000,000
in the: revenue caused by the abolition
,of atties
received on articles imported from France, we
are to have an income tax of ninepence in the
pound, And the middle, and even a portion of

the working classes will have to groan under
this heavy burden—to some almost intolerable—
solely because it is the order of the day in Downing-
street that Louis Napoleon must be pleased. Will
the people of this country submit to the monstrous
injustice as well as deep indignity to which it is
intended to subject them, as a peace offering to
French Imperialism ? 'We do not believe it. At
any rate, it will not be our fault if they do. The
people must be up in arms—we mean moral, not
physical arms—to defeat this monstrous measure,
even should it be at the risk of overthrowing the
Government which has proposed it.

.LITERATURE.

New _Relations and Bachelor's hall. By. Urbia

Rus. 1 vol.

AVeaterton.

In this volume wo meet with two very smart
sketches of social life. One is of the town and the
other of the country. In the first tale the troubles
of the unfortunate Mrs. Vivian are most forcibly
narrated. How after her brilliant marriage she
discovered the serpents in her Eden were her new
relations, who one and all conspired to plague her.
Laura was a charming girl, and no one could find
a fault with her, so her griefs and annoyances were at
all events not envenomed with the sharp sting of
family jars and recriminations. The various mem-
bers of the family did not differ in their estimate
of her, yet they made her their confidante, at all
times, a thankless office in the jarring of family
disputes, and a most disagreeable infliction. Again
these harpies seemed to consider the house of the
young couple as their rallying point and piece de
resistance whenever they came to town. The needy
and fashionable Grace expected her to give the
fashionable entertainments that were to make the
family fzmous, and enable her to execute
sundry little plans for the benefit of her
sisters. Jemima, on the contrary, another
of the sisters-in-law, was of the domestic-
interference-style, and living in the country she
liked to rush up to town occasionally and bring
her children with her. On these occasions she
made poor Laura, her hostess, nolens volens. To
crown all, the elder brother of her husband at last
took up his abode with them. Hyde Vivian was a
very fascinating person, but he was a very danger-
ous companion for Herbert, who, being very fond
of his brother was, of course, the more likely to be
swayed by him ; as Laura feared, her husband soon
became involved, to a serious extent, in the affairs
of his extravagant relative, and it was only through
the instrumentality of Laura's aunt that they were
enabled to arrange their affairs at all. This story
is taken up with the account of trivial things for
the most part, but a deeper feeling than that of
merely recording the career of a fashion-
able pair, is apparent in its course. The author
evidently wishes to display some of the evils
that militate against the welfare of many, particu-
larly the insidious vice of gaming. In the second
tale called " Bachelor's Hall," this is also aimed at,
and the account of the slippery course which
Arthur O'Hara so long had trod, brings the
dangers and difficulties of the practice fully before
us. Besides this incident there are several strik-
ing occurrences mixed up in the story, which
gives it some point and purpose. Particularly
to be noticed is the downfall of the crafty and
selfish Mrs. O'Hara, whose conduct was always un-
natural to her youngest son, and whose absurd
deference to the eldest one met with its due recom-
pense. The reader will find in this book two
very readable stories which are quite worthy of
notice, and which possess sufficient vivacity of
style to render them an amusing acquisition to the
library table.

Crockfords Clerical Directory for 1860.
19, Wellington-street.

We are told in the preface to this valuable work
of reference that some five years ago the conductors
of the Clerical Journal resolved to put in practice
an idea which had been suggested to them of com-
piling a biographical dictionary of the clergy of the
Established Church. The plan had been proposed
by friends and subscribers to the journal; and as
they continually felt the need of such a work in
conducting the journal, they resolved to attempt
the task, though fully prepared for the labour and
research, as well as the great expense, of such an
undertaking. Their expectations of success have,
however, been fully realised. The reception of the
first edition of the Clerical Directory was most
favourable, while the subscriptions to the new and
improved impression before us have reached three
thousand. We are not surprised at so satisfac-
tory a result. Such a work of reference has long
been wanted, and the editors have spared
no pains to make it as full and as authentic as pos-
sible. The seventeen thousand five hundred names
in the book have been arranged in strict alpha-
betical order—of itself no light labour; each has
been revised and corrected by the aid of Parlia-
mentary Blue-books, University Calendars, returns
of the clergy, and similar publications. A com-
plete index to benefices and curacies has also been
added to this edition, in strict accordance with the
biographical portion of the book. A chronological
list of bishops, from 1774 to 1859 inclusive is given;
with the name in full of each clergyman, the col-
lege where he took his degree, the date at which he
was ordained, the amount of his income and the
population of his parish, together with a list of any
volumes of sermons or other works he may
have published. The editors do not pro-
fess ['perfect immunity from error, but they
claim the indulgence of the public for the early
editions of so extensive a work, and they promise
a continuance of their careful supervision, so that
from the success which has hitherto attended their
labours we may satisfactorily anticipate still further
improvement. It is a most useful and compendious
volume, and every library should include it among
its works of reference.

2.111 S liars MARKETS.

CORN EXCHANGE.

IMPERIAL WEEKLY AVERAGES. - Wheat, 43s M
barley, 34s 10d; oats, 21s Od; rye, 31s Od; beans, 38.
Id ; and peas, 36s 4d.

THE SIX WEEKS' AVERAGES. - Wheat, 438 Ild
barley, 34s 7d ; oats, 218 4d ; rye, 32s 10d ; beans, 3Se 8d;
peas, 368 9d,

ENGLISH GRAIN SOLD LAST WEEK.—Wheat, 108,867;
barley, 85,406 ; oats, 15,619 ; rye, 96; beans, 5,572; peas,
1,970 quarters.

METROPOLITAN CATTLE MARKET.
Notwithstanding that the supply of beasts in to-day's
market was rather limited, all kinds met a slow sale,. at
Monday's currency. We have to report a very inactive
demand for sheep, the show of which was very moderate,
at late quotations. The best old Downs sold at 5s 6d per
Sibs. Calves came slowly to hand ; nevertheless, the veal
trade was in a sluggish state, on former terms. Pigs were
very dull, and there was scarcely any demand for mulch cows.

Per 81bs to s
s. d. s. d.
Crse. & inf. beasts 3 4 3 6
Second quality do. 3 8 4 2
Prime large oxen 4 4 4 8
Prime Scots, &c. 4 8 4 10
Crse. & inf. sheep 3 8 4 2
Second quality do. 4 4 4 8

uk the offal.

Suckling calves, 198 to 228
23s to 295.

s. d. s. d.
Prime crs-wool do. 4 10 5 2
Pme. S'thdowndo.s 4 5 6
Large crse. calves 4 10 5 4
Prime mall de 5 6 6 8
Large hogs 3 6 8 10
Small porkers
and quarter-01d store pigs.

TOTAL SrPPLY.9.
Boasts
Sheop ....:2,950
Calves
Pigs

FOREIGN SUPPLY.
Beasts l2O
Sheep
Calves 7O
Pigs

MEAT MARKETS.

NEWGIATE AND LEADENHALL. - The supplies of most
are only moderate, and a fair business is doing, as fel-
lows :—Beef, from 2s 6d to 4s 4d ; mutton, 3s Od to 4s 6d
lamb, Os Od to Os Od ; veal, 4s Od to 4s 8d ; pork, 3s 10d
to 5s Od per Sibs. by the carcase.
SOUTHALL, Feb. B.—The supplies of each kind of fat
stock in to-day's market were only moderate, and the
trade generally ruled steady, as follows : Beef, from 3s
4d to 48 8d ; mutton, 3s 8d to 5s 6d • veal, 4s 6dto 5s 6d ;
pork, 3s Gd to 4s 8d per 81bs to sink the offal.

Bomroun, Feb. S.--We had a fair demand for stock, at
mostly full prices, viz :—Beef, from 3s Gd to 4s 10d ;
mutton, 3s 8d :to 5s Gd ; lamb, Os Od to Os Od ; veal, 4s 8d
to 55 Gd ; and pork, 3s 6d to 4s 8d per 81b8; suckling
calves, 144t0 178; quarter old store pigs, 22s to 28s each;
milch cows, with their small calf, £ll Os to £lB 5s each.