The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOUIZNAJaPi

The Times says that there are two parties who ari
prone to exaggerate the prevalence and intensity of rev°.
lutionary sentiments in Ireland. With the most diverse
motives and the most conflicting aims, both the advocates
of anarchy and the advocates of vigorous repression find
here a common ground of agreement, and vie with each
other in magnifying the expectations of the labourers
small tenants in Ireland. Lord Derby, for instance)
stated in the House of Lords what the Fenian
press will probably hail with acclamation—that open
and around his own estate persons of this class
are looking forward to a total remission of rent
after the year 1870. The difference is that, while Loot
Derby goes on to urge the expediency of silencing these
wild hopes by decisive proofs of a resolution to maintain
the rights of property, disloyal agitators represent them
as just demands, to be enforced by rebellion in the last
resort, since the British Parliament will never satisfy
them. Now, the mischief that may be done by overstating
the degree of agrarian discontent in Ireland is not to be
easily measured. The question is whether the Irish people,
or any considerable body of them, do actually claim er
expect, as Lord Derby alleges, "some great measure for
the redistribution of land in Ireland, which shall girl
back to the occupier what he thinks his right to the soil of
which the landlord has deprived him, and which sh3ll
remove the Protestant and absentee landlord from the Pro'
perty." If it be so, the further question arises, whether
uncompromising resistance or such remedial legislation
as the bills of Mr. Fortescue and Lord Mayo is the most
effectual mode of checking these extravagant notions. II
it be not so, the less currency that is given to these ex'
travagant notions the better for the interests of Irish land'
lords as well as of Irish tenants. There may be good Par'
liamentary reasons, as we have been obliged unwilling!!
to acknowledge, for deferring legislation this session; be
a definite pledge should be given that Irish Land Tenure
shall take in 1870 the same place which the Irish Church
has taken in 1869. In the meantime, all classes in Ireland
should be made to feel that it will be treated on principles
of true statesmanship—a statesmanship at once superior
to lawyer-like prejudices and to menacing importunity, to
purely English conceptions of proprietary rights and to
conceptions which have no justification but the imperioe
instinct of rapacity.
The Standard says that the cotton operatives of the
North have not been unmindful of the debt they owe to
Richard Oastler. The statue they have raised at Brad'
ford, the centre of the movement in behalf of the Tell
Hours Bill, is the memorial of a life of earnest labour and
heroic devotion in one of the noblest labours which raall
ever did for man. Everywhere are to be found the "resl
friends of the working man," from Bright downwards, he
for real, substantial work, represented by plain and
tangible results, it will be difficult to parallel the task to
which Richard Oastler set himself, and which, with the
aid of men of like aims and sympathies with himself, 10
was privileged to bring to fruition. The world is rich!!
stored with amiable philanthropists who are bursting With
plans for the redress of every evil which afflicts humanity,
from the ratepaying qualification for the franchise down
to Pielsford's waggons and German bands, and the end a
their labours is usually to be found in the waste-paper
baskets of the two Houses of Parliament. Richard
Oastler saw in the condition of the factory operatives of
the North a cruel and hideous anomaly which. cried aloudfor redress, and lie gave up his life to fight and
conquer it. Fitly, therefore, is his work of love corn'
memorated in the statue which has been reared to his
memory at Bradford, and mainly at the expense °E
the class to whose welfare lie gave all the activities
of his life. It was well that the operatives of Lancashire
and Yorkshire should bear the chief part in raising this
memorial of the man to whom they owe so much, and that
they should assemble in such overwhelming numbers to
do honour to the occasion of unveiling it on Saturday.
they are now self-respecting, independent, well-nurtured
working men, if their hours of toil are reasonable and
their rate of wage fair and liberal, if their wives and
children are no longer forced into the labour market, if
their toil is no longer slavery, and if their lives are n°
longer fraught with degradation and misery, they innY
well afford to pay grateful homage to the memory of
Richard Oastler.
The Telegraph declares that Liberals have recanted
their errors as heartily as Tories have confessed their
faults ; the factory legislation and the Free Trade Acts
stand side by side on our statutes, noble, useful, never
to be repealed. Nor do the Factory Acts urged on h!
Oastler stand alone. The measures which he promoted
are but the first in a long series that have since been
Passed, with fresh additions every year, enforcing delicate
and judicious interference between purchaser and seller,
oetween employer and employed. Every year sees sorae
new legislation lightening the toil and improving the coo'
lition of the hard-worked poor ; and public opinion LI
growing stronger every day in favour of the right of the
body politic to interfere with individuals in the final and
permanent interest of all. The legislation that has restricted
the owners of factories has served, instead of injuring, British
trade : a generation of young men has grown up healthier
because Oastler's work was crowned with success. The
economist of a somewhat bygone school may ask, " Where
;sill you draw the line?" Butthe question is not merely one
of experimental advantage— there is a distinct principle at
the root of this legislation. Its purpose is, while securing
the amplest liberty to each individual in the pursuit of hi°
own special branch, at the same time, by regulations
which keep any class from encroaching on the rights of
another, to bring about the equal and harmonious develop'
meat of the general resources. Alarmist orators and

writers may tell us that, if we go much further in restrict'

ing trade from doing what it likes, we shall play into the
hands of the trades unions. On the contrary, we believe
that the more humane and generous are our general law*
the less need will there be for the over-nice and too
particular protection which the unions throw over the
Individual workman. Oastler's laws constitute a kind of
trade union in themselves, based on humanity and common•
sense.

The Daily News thinks that the result of the hearing uf
the petition against the return for Stafford is highly cre•
ditable to the Liberal party in that town. It is, no doubt,
a mortification to Mr. Pochin and his supporters that an
election so purely won should be declared void ; but if
anything could soften the annoyance, it is the extre'
mildness of the offence on which the judge acted, and the

very high compliment he passed on the ;nseateimember,

and, by implication, on the party which supported
Another opportunity is afforded to Stafford of /ill:
dicating for itself a claim to share in the borour
representation of the country. We trust 00
the Conservative party, whose one great Pesitive
legislative achievement in this cer.tmy has been 141
base the constitution of the country on household
suffrage, will see the folly, from their own point of vier?
of seeking to seat a member here and there bypermanentli
degrading the people to whom they have committed the

national destiny. The duty of the Liberals is plain'
They have established a reputation for purity ; let then
keep it untarnished. Let unity be secured by wisdom
and forbearance in the choice of their candidates, and let
no weapon but a fair and manly one be resorted to, whilst
:
no effort is spared to secure victory. We are confident
that in this way they will secure the result, that the
stagnant quagmire of electoral corruption which the town
has presented will give place to a healthy and vigoroug
growth of intelligent and earnest Liberalism.

The Star observes that the American people seem to be
surprised at the discussion which has taken place on thig
side of Mr. Sumner's speech. As they did not anticipate
any action by the Government or by Congress, they took,
it for granted that we would regard Mr. Sumner's speech,
with the same coolness as themselves. But they forgo,
that Mr. Sumner's speech was the first American utter-
ance of impoitance after the rejection of the treaty. If
was the exposition, as it were, of the Senate's grounds
refusal. The American people can no doubt raa'",
a more just, estimate than we can of the significance (11'
the speeches of their orators, and it is bettei
questions of great gravity are discussed by the
prominent politicians of the two countries t".
nothing be advanced which is not seriously meant. Thee!
speeches create a public opinion, and if the people of
America be taught to believe that we ought to pay e°l:a
fabulous amount, what chance have they of being satisfied
with a treaty which shall lay down a fair and judiei°,
:,
basis of settlement? We know very well that Mr. Sumner
is not the Government, but he is a very important Pe'.
titian of the republican army ; and President Grant, Ice
presume, is as likely to listen to Mr. Sumner as to Nfr'
Reverdy Johnson when he returns home. The surprise
which some of the journals express at our mode of die'
cussing the speech is therefore a little out of place.

The wealthy natives of Bombay, to mark their
estimate of the character of Sir Joseph Arnould as aiudge'
especially his desire to deal out even-handed justice with-
out reference to caste or colour, have resolved to institute_
a scholarship, to bear his name, in the University °I
Bombay.

AN ENGLISHMAN IN TROUBLE IN FRANCE.—The
Imperial Court at Rouen has just had under consideration
a sentence pronounced in August 18G7, by the Corree,
tional Tribunal of Dieppe, on an Englishman, named
Pigot, for robbing a money changer, named Lefebvre, of
£B3O. The accused was tried by default, and condemned
to five years' imprisonment and five years' surveillance. Net
long since a man was arrested at the Saint-Lazare Station
for picking pockets, and sentenced to two years' in3Prisoll(
ment. The police, having some suspicion that he was the
person who had committed the theft at Dieppe, took him
there, and he was immediately identified. The court nee
confirmed the judgment of the lower tribunal, but ordered
the two terms of confinement to be concurrent,