The Sun.
London, England, 1860-06-18 00:00:00

XVI.

The eloquent Posnanian orator deposited on the tribune
the original tent of 24 letters written by M. Post, dictated by
M. De Bcerensprung, and inspired by M. De Puttkammer.
The first is dated the 19th August, 1858, and the last 23d of
April, 1860. No one has disputed the perfect authenticity
of those documents, not even the Minister of the Interior,
Count de Schwerin. We have had them translated into
Frenoh by a sworn translator, and they prove :
That the Prussian police excit9d the London committee
to send into the Grand Duchy of Posen incendiary procla-
mations ; that they paid for the printing of them in England;
that they caused them to be distributed to suspected persons
in order to afterwards seize them, and show the ardour of
its zeal to the detriment of some subjects of the King of
Prussia.

That Puttkammer, Bcorensprung, and their accomplices,
by dint of solicitations and importunities, obtained from the
committee in London the sending of an emissary, named
Hewitt ; that they themselves gave a passport to this unfor-
tunate man ; that they allowed him to move about freely in
order that he might compromise as many persons as possible,
that they at length arrested him, and had him condemned to
two years' imprisonment. After this fine exploit, M. De
Bcerensprung, the saviour of the order whom he had himself
disturbed, and the conqueror of the agitation which he had
himself excited, offered himself as candidate to the deputa-
tion, and was not elected, He did not the less continue his
correspondence with the London committee, swearing to
Mazzini that Hewitt had been betrayed by the Polish no-
bility (letter of July 5, 1859), and that many of the nobles
belonged to the police (letter of July 19, 1859).
XVII.

These functionaries leagued against public peace, de
nounce to the London committee at one time the nobility and
the clergy (Feb. 16, 1860), at another the nobility alone,
who, they say, are always incorrigible and ready to sell the
country; at another the deputies of Posen; then Prince
Czartoriski ; next the whole • body of landowners (Dec. 7,
1859). They hold up to the hatred of emigrants all the
great names of the country; they coolly discuss the division
of their estates, and ask how many acres will be necessary
for each peasant, for each Custom-house officer, and for each
soldier. They excite hatred in order that citizens may be
ready to cut each other's throats. When we read these
monstrous excitations we are reminded with terror of the
events of Gallicia and of that revolution of 1846 which was
drowned by the peasants in the blood of the nobles, thanks
to the foresight of the Austrian police. We ask ourselves
whether the police of Germany are not sisters like the
Grecian muses. We feel that the Germanic nation would
find but slight advantage in uniting with the kingdom of
Prussia if it were to fall into the hands of Puttkammer,
Bcerensprung, and Post.

XVIII.
It is not only in the Polish provinces of Prussia that this
terrible bureaucracy sought to sow discard; it looked higher
and aspired to nothing less than setting the whole of Europe
in a blaze. Doubtless it is sure for its strength, and if it
noes not fear to light a vast fire it is that it has under its
hands the means of extinguishing it. It is, however, im-
prudent to unchain violent passions, even when sure of
being able to check them again.
Whenever the central committee in London appeared
slumbering or fatigued the trio awoke them up, and excited
them to enterprise. They wrote on the 25th Apr 1, 1859
" We are astonished to see the Democratic Committee show
so little activity." You will not find ten letters out of the
twenty-four in which the same dangerous theme is not
touched on in different terms.

X IX.
By what actions could the democrats satisfy Puttkammer,
Bearenspruno., and Post? We had arrived at the 27th of
March, 1859.' • It was foreseen that the Emperor of the
French was about to make a generous effort in favour of
Italian independence. The bureaucratic triumvirate recom-
mended the committee to take precedence of him. They
wished that Mazzini should hasten and get his country to
rise before the arrival of the French army. In order to con-
tent these three Prussian functionaries it was necessary
that the Italians should hoist the red flag before "Napoleon
had interfered in the affairs of Italy." For what interest
d d they recommend such criminal madness ? What profit
did they expect to derive from it for Italy, for France, or
even for Prussia ? No one knows.
On the 21st of May they thanked the committee for
having sent them—guess what—the process for making
Orsini bombs. We shall not ask what use they would make
of them, and why they wished to have them sent. We
know that those gentlemen were not conspirators but police
officers. Doubtless their intentions were pure; assuredly
their only idea was to warn the Emperor Napoleon of any
danger, and it was in that spirit that they added to their
letter this postscript—" Will not the French democrats 50011
make an attempt against Napoleon ? "
But if they felt so warm an interest in the Emperor of
the French, why did they say in the same postscript—"We
are much astonished that the revolutionary party in Italy
take the side of Napoleon." The thing was not surprising;
and in all the universe there was only this trio 'who would
feel this astonishment.
When we carefully peruse this correspondence we are
tempted to believe that the authors entangle themselves in
the meshes of their own nets, and that German sincerity
shows itself under the skin of the fox. After Villafranca, for
instance, when every good German ought to have been satis-
fied at peace being re-established, and Venice preserved,
Puttkammer, Bcerensprung, and Post showed themselves
mere Mazzinian than Ilazzini. They predicted that "revo-
lution would break out in Italy, in Hungary, in Germany,
in Prussia, perhaps even in France, and as far as Poland.
The treason of Napoleon has opened the eyes of all the
world, and there are no oppressed nations but soon look for
their deliverance."
We know not how to interpret such language ; one
might think it sincere and in good faith. If it were per-
mitted to suspect Prussian bureaucracy we should say that
the bureaucratic trio wished death to the Emperor Napoleon,
and endeavoured to render him an object of suspicion to

On dit that the Emperor had a copy of Abont's
pamphlet sent to the Emperor of Prussia, and to
the other Sovereigns about to assemble at Baden,
several days ago, in order to do away with the
awkwardness of " breaking ground." The
pamphlet was sent beforehand to clear the way.
Rente fell 5 centimes.