The Sun.
London, England, 1860-06-29 00:00:00

THE PAPER DUTY REPEAL.

The public are prepared for the intelligence that
the Privilege Committee have resolved to report only
precedents and facts, and to abstain from adverse
comments and recommendations. These they leave
to such politicians as may think it wise to make
them on the floor of the House. That House, how-
ever, has shown no anxiety for any such exhibition.
When it took particular care that the Privilege Com-
mittee should represent both political parties, of
course it thereby prevented a political, or one-sided,
report. A* such report that was possible under
the circumstances would only have represented the
opinion of the casting vote. But this careful selection
of the Committee was something more than choice ;
it was necessity, and the only proper way to meet
the case. The fact we have to deal with is an actual
equipoise of opinion and feeling. To say that the
House of Commons was almost equally divided on
the original measure which has led to the question
of privilege is below the truth, for it is notorious
that, had all members voted as they thought and
desired, the Bill for the Repeal of the Paper Duties
would have been lost by a large majority. It would
be equally below the truth to say that the Cabinet
itself was almost equally divided, for it is noto-
rious that a majority of the Cabinet avowed
their objection to the measure in the present state
of our finances. The feeling of the public has
been tested and sounded. by the promoters of the
late Bill, and they have made it certain that the
public is indifferent to both questions in hand. It is
not impatient for the repeal of the paper duties, and
it does not want to deprive the Lords of the power
to throw out any bill, if it ?leases. Here, then,
we have no preponderating voice anywhere. All
is balance or indifference. It is impossible to dis-
cover or to elicit any decided leaning in the national
mind at this moment ; and when we dive below this
stagnation of feeling; and endeavour to find a cur-
rent in bygone days, we only find a list of prece-
dents which don't help us one way or the other.
It is quite clear that, if the Commons made a gene-
ral rule of mouopolising all questions of taxation,
they showed no Jealousy of the Lords so long as
the Lords said only " Yea" or " Nay." When not
even the past could be invoked to disturb the
balance or indifference of the present, it was only
fair that the committee should represent and em-
body that fact. An indifferent committee, the off-
spring of indifferent opinion, has produced an
indifferent report. What, then, is to be done with
all this indifference? No amount of stirring and
splashing and pumping will turn a horsepond into
a trout-stream. Mr. Bright wants to set the stream
of opinion strongly against the Lords, but his
labour is that of a bargeman who should think to
fill a canal by pumping up the bilgewater of his
own boat.
Mr. Bright has himself a very strong leaning.
Had he but the requisite fulcrum, he would move
the earth fast enough. But then he has let out
very plainly that he would move the earth for
objects which the British World does not want. His
system is his own ; his motives his own; his esti-
mate of bodies and classes his own. He wants not
only to keep the House of Lords in order, but to
shut it up altogether. According to him, it is
anomalous, inasmuch as it represents property, not
people ; and superfluous, inasmuch as property as
well as people is sufficiently represented in the
House of Commons. It would be difficult, indeed,
to collect from this gentleman's speech what precise
form of constitution would hit his taste ; but one
principle presents itself everywhere with a grand
simplicity, and that is the right of the people to tax
property to any amount. Here, then, we are sup-
plied with an excellent and most comprehensive
reason for not permitting the Lords to say " Nay"
to any bill for either the imposition or abrogation
of taxes. As order must be maintained, as the
enemy must be kept out, and as faith must and will
be kept with the public creditor, there must be a
large taxation, and, should the House of Commons
let indirect taxes sink below a certain amount, there,
will be a run upon property, When a householder
does not pay his tradesmen in the ordinary way,
they come down on himself and his goods and
chattels. No doubt, too, property is the material
guarantee on which the fundhulder thinks to come
as a last resort. This is the speculation of these
gentlemen who wish to abolish indirect taxation,
and to keep the House of Lords out of the business
altogether. But the House of Commons has too ex-
tensive affinities and too deep sympathies with the
House ofLords to go along with these views. Grant-
ing that the Lords represent the landed interest, the
Lower House will not think them on that account
the less worthy of consideration, or the less entitled
to stand out for the whole of their prescriptive
position.
But there is no occasion whatever to disturb the
existing state of things. If Mr. Gladstone's cal-
culations hold good, the balance will be restored in
a few years; the income tax will have settled to a
bearable rate, the war duties on tea and sugar will
be removed, and then will come an opportunity for
considering the paper duty on its own merits. The
imposition of this fresh trouble upon Mr. Glad-
stone's Budget was an afterthought, and a very
ill-advised one. The Hercules of Finance had
undertaken his twelve labours, and might have
I got tin ough them with all ease and credit, when
Lurystheus came in the form of Mr. Milner Gibson
and imposed a thirteenth, which should beat all the
rest. It was too much. Fate itself protested against
such an excess of achievement. Something must be
thrown overboard to save the burdened ship, and
that was the measure last piled on its deck. The
Commons could not, or would not, do this; pride
forbade, and they knew others would do it for
them. Never was a task so cut out for the men to do
it. But whose rashness, whose folly was it, that
gave the Lords so unexceptionable an opportunity
for asserting a privilege and proving their con-
stitutional value ? This was just one of those
acts which might be wrong as a rule, but was right
as an exception. Grant that there are dormant
powers, and powers that should lie dormant for
ages; yet why do they exist at ail, and why do
they sleep and not die ? It must be that they may
some day wake and do their work. We do not see
how the Lords can possibly make more of this than
they ought to do, for the simple effect is a warning
to the Commons to look better after the credit of the
country, an l not be in a hurry to revolutionize our
taxation. The case for the Lords has improved
every day since this bill left the Lower House. All
our expenses are increasing. The China War still
assumes larger proportions ; but in India and at
home expenditure is the order of the day. All diffi-
culties are to be surmounted by the force of money.
Twenty projects press for adoption and execution,
and, though the first step is to charge the expense
on some local or separate fund) the next is to throw
it on the Consolidated Fund,—that is, on the British
taxpayer. But we cannot admit all these appeals
to our generosity unless we consent to pay taxes,
and there is no form of taxation which is not both
mischievousna
sg ct:ip,
a e:r.radhin.
a.
fdpolsr t.
throiesdisagreeable.cbahsnoi ndigat fornh
dteThele.
rr
right,
opportunityhßoti •r,di.st
they
est a3:v
aealoir adre
a indebteds goodsert case,
their too compliant friend the Chancellor of the
Exchequer.— `Banes.

EXPOSURE' OF A FRAUDULENT B ENE-

FIT SOCIETY.

At the public office, Dudley, yesterday, Mr. Bur-
ton, superintendent of police, made .an epplication
to the bench under the following circumstances :
Some time ago a benefit society was started in the
Wellington-road, called " The People's Family Life
Assurance and General Sick Benefit Society.' This
society guaranteed for a payment of 9d. per week, a
sum of 18 at death, and a weekly allowance in time
of sickness, and a great number of working men
invested their money in it. About six months ago
another society, called " The Royal Provident In-
stitution," was opened in King-street, and the busi-
ness of the first office was transferred to " The
Royal" without the consent of the parties invest-
ing. The rules of " The Royal Society," were cer-
tified by Tidd Pratt, Esq., and bore the s'gaatares
of three directors. The that of these directors is a
youth about 18 years of age ; the second is a young
man ; and the third is a boy about 16 or 17 years
of age, who is an apprentice to a surgeon at Dud-
ley. Those young men have been in the habit of
signing blank policies as directors. Upon the re-
moval of" The Peoples'" business, the surgeon re-
moved the books to the King-street society, and
is stated to have received money;ecaeisTian
a secretary, and an agent, also receiving
moneyter,
recently, they
at different periods. Upon some of the
inv
applying for sick pay found
s
therefore applied
"no
effects."
Tae
victims therefore
and a man
for aid to the police
named Moore, living at
and stated that he had
authorities,)rincess End, produced
and that upon tip.
his policy, &c., yeaterdaye,s
paid 245. into the, soevieatsi
unable to obtain it. Ile
plying for sick pe.y
inquiriessburst,
it
adi
vsetettloiev
ss.ur,grehoen,
applicationSeciet
aapupdltitegderfioti:
tatnwdatrhreantil:.lo
bleFlrinains
by Mr. Burtonappearsmade
up. wards of £4,000 or £5,000 is invested in the
for warrants was granted.
that'
two societies, the number of Moore's policy being
4,011. Agents have been appointed in various
towns, including Scarborough, Bolton, Leicester,
Birmingham, and from those agents Mr. Burton
has receivcd letters stating that they have paid
money into the society, addressed to Mr. Kean, as
secrete! y. It is understood that the secretary has
absconded. The other parties against whom the
warrants have been issued will probably be brought
before the bench on Monday next.—Manchester
Examiner.