The Sun.
London, England, 1856-09-30 00:00:00

THR NEAPOLITAN CRISIS.

(From the Times.)
It wai laid down, as a basis of reasoning during
the C..niferences at Paris that no State had a right
to maintain within its limits such a system of rule,
or of misrule, as would endanger the safety of its
neighbours or the tranquillity of Europe. There
could be no idea of petty interference, nor of ag-
gressive policy veiled under the pretext of self-pre-
servation. The mischief must be notorious, the
danger imminent, the cause just. Noir, the ques-
tion has arisen whether at the present moment
such a state of things exists in the kingdom of the
Two Sicilies as will justify the application of this •
principle. For a moment we will make abnegation
of the common feelings of humanity—we will for-
get the tortnres inflicted upon the political prison-
ers by express order of their King, the loathsome
dungeons in which' they are confined, all all the
hideous detail,, which nave reached us from the
capital of the Sicilian Soverriign: Let us look at
he question without regard to the sufferings of
tho Neapolitan,, but regarding only the interests
of Europe. First of the facts. According to the
best advices we can obtain, the whole of the Ita-
lian peninsula, save only the dominions of the
King of Sardinia, is upon the very eve of a great
revolutionary outbreak. This movement is only
restrained by. the presence of foreign armaments.
Were the. Austrian forces withdrawn to-morrow
within the limits of the Lombardo-Venetian-king-
dom,
and were the French troops recalled from
Rome, as sure as the next day's sun would rise
so surely would the Italian peninsula be in a
blaze of revolution from the Alps to Otranto. The
status quo is maintained by foreign interference in
its last expression—that is, by the presence of
foreign bayonets and foreign troops. Despite,
however, of this constant and present interference,
the semblance of outward peace can scarcely be
maintained frona day to day in the dominions of the
King of the Two Sicilies. War having, once broken
out there, it would infallibly run like wildfire
throughout the peninsula, and on that well-tried
battle-ground the battle of the nations must begin
once more. Would France yield the dominion of
Italy to Austria without a struggle? Would Aus-
tria-surrender the most beautiful of her provinces
until she had expended her last man and her last
florin in its defence ? When the forces of Austria
were engaged in Italy, would her various Cisalpine
provinces, which are now but waiting ,their oppor-
tunity, not take advantage of the opportunity
when offered ? What would bo the effect upon
the fortunes of the present dynasty in France if, in
the course of the inevitable hostilities, the French
arms should meet with even a momentary reverse?
These are grave consideration 3 for Europe, if not
for England, who might stand aloof, if she choose,
and say, " Your system is not my -system ; settle
your own affairs among yourselves." But, suppos-
ing her not to stand aloof, we repeat that thefie are
grave considerations, flowing naturally out of the
Italian question in its present aspect, and more
especially are they connected with the actual pos-
ture of affairs in the kingdom of the Two Sicilies.
Has the time, then, arrived, for the practical ap-
plication of e proposition recognised at the Con-
ferences at Paris—namely, that no State has a
right to maintain within its limits such a system of
government as endangers the safety of its neigh-
bours or the tranquillity of Europe ? ,
The Governments of France and of Great Britain
are of opinion that such a time has arrived. They
have already more than once endeavoured, in the
way of friendly remonstrance, to convince the
King 'of the Two Sicilies that his position is
dangerous in the extreme ; but their remon-
strances have been treated with neglect, deri-
sion, insult, and scorn. The anxious soli-
citations of an Austrian Envoy have been
attended with no better effect. The King will
not recede. Even in the last extremity the Go-
vernments of France and Great Britain are not
about to have recourse to interference. They are
merely about to try an expedient which, as it is
hoped, may prodnce the desired effect without the
adoption of more direct pressure. All diplomatic
relations will be closed between the Court of the
King of the Two Sicilies on the one side, and the
Courts of the Tuileries and of St. James's on the
other. The subjects of France and England still
resident in the dominions of the Sicilian King
will, however, require protection more than ever
when the missions of their respective nations are
withdrawn. To remedy this French and English
ships will be directed to cruise off the coasts of
Southern Italy and of Sicily, and to lend assistance
to the subjects of their respective Governments in
case of need. As to any consequences which may
-eon,- to the -lung of the Two Sicilies from the
hands of his own subjects in consequence of the
presence of those cruisers it is no affair of ours.
He disclaims our interference—we will not inter-
fere, save to repel foreign interference. If the
principle of non-interference is to be applied at all,
it must be applied in its integrity. A very-re-
markable Russian State paper, which we publish
this day, insists 'Oh great vehemence upon the
rigorous application of the principle to Neapolitan
affairs at the present moment. This State paper is
in the form of a circular, addressed by Prince God-
schakoff to the representatives of Russia at the
various Courts. The Prince begins by laying down
the principle that henceforward non-interference,
in the most strict and liberal acceptation of the
term, must be the rule of European policy, inas-
much as the recent war with Russia was undertaken,
in vindication of it. The wily Russian, whose busi-
ness it was to make out an ad captandurrt argu-
ment, presumes that henceforward all historical
transactions prior to the despatch of the allied
armies to the East to prevent the conquest of the
Turkish empire by the Czar are to be ignored.
By no means. The doctrine of interference in the
affairs of a neighbouring State remains just where
it was before the passage of the Pruth by the Rus-
sian forces and the Congress of Paris. A man may,
even violently, enter his neighbour's house which
is in flames, although he damages some of his
neighbour's property in so doing, to guard his own
habitation from harm. This is what France and
England might do, but, as we have shown, it is not
what they are about to do, in Naples. A. man may
also enter his neighbour's house for the express
purpose of stealing his valuables and cutting his
throat because he is " a sick man." This is what
Russia did with respect to Turkey. She interfered,
and her interference was checked. In Greece, too,
Prince Gortschakoff remarks with regret the pro-
tracted occupation of the capital by foreign troops.
He forgets that Athens was but a Russian battery
pointed against Turkey, and that its continued
occupation—which we regret far more sincerely than
he can do—has been forced upon Western Europe
by the reckless intrigues of his late master. The
Russian idea was to raise the Greeks against the
Porte •, and Athens, as the capital of an indepen- •
dent Greek kingdom, was to be a principal focus of
the insurrection. To return, however, to the af-
fairs of Naples, which are just now of more im-
mediate importance to the tranquillity of Europe
Does it not sound somewhat hypocritical when we
find a Russian diplomatist writin„o.—" To endeavour
to obtain from the King of Naples concessions af-

fecting the internal goiernment of his States by
threats or by a menacing demonstration is a violent
usurpation of his authority—an attempt to govern
in his stead—it is an open declaration of the right
of the strong over the weak ?" Failing the accept-
ance of these views, in the usual jargon of such
documents—which we spare our readers—we are
told that the Emperor of Russia will employ his
material forces as he may think fit.
Intelligence has been received in Paris that
orders have been given to a Russian squadron to
prepare for sea, and that the destination of this
squadron is Naples. Of course with such a demon-
stration we can have nothing to do. If the Empe-
ror of Russia chooses to send his ships to Naples
or elsewhere, so he does not violate the treaty of
Paris, we have not the slightest title to challenge
the exercise of his discretion. France and England
may well afford to smile at the threatening aspect
of a Russian squadron tightly anchored in a con-
venient bay. We found some difficulty in seeing
them during the last war, and can feel nothing but
satisfaction at the prospect of a closer inspection.
This demonstration either means nothing or some-
thing. If nothing, the sham will soon be found
out ; if something, all we can say is that the Rus-
sians are welcome to set sail for the Bay of Naples
whenever they please, and to stay there as long as
they can. The only direct effect of the demonstra-
tion will probably be that the French and English
Governments may think it necessary to increase
the number of their ships upon the Neapolitan
station. Such is the present aspect of this affair.
Once more we say, if the principle of non-interfer-
ence is to be carried out according to the Russian
view, the French and Austrian troops now in Italy
must retire within the boundaries of their respec-
tive States. Our hands at least are clean in the
matter. Of us, at all events, it cannot be said
that we aggravate the condition of our political
prisoners by any needless suffering, for we have
recently pardoned the few deluded criminals who
might be classed under this denomination. If we
interfere, then, we shall do so against our will and
with the full weight of an immense moral force,
for it must never be forgotten that England has
less to gain and more to lose than any other Power
by mixing herself up in continental quarrels.

NEW CHIJRCE( AT SALTAIRE. '—'lCifn Saturday last Mrw.
Salt laid the foundation of a new congregational church
at Saltaire, r f which her husband, Mr. T. Salt, was the
founder. The building, which will be in a handsome
style of architecture, will accommodate 600 or 700 per.
aone, And will cost p,0001.-m-sx3 (Juardian.