The Sun.
London, England, 1856-07-15 00:00:00

Governments of England and France to the King of Naples,
with respect to the condition of that country, have not
hitherto been attended with any Successful result. My noble
Tripod hafaropressalwrin 'Oliipitn that although it is a de-i
pirture frdm general principles fnfone foreign government
t(' interfere, eiehliy a.dvice, with Felfaldliillie internat •
affairs of another state, there are in the condition o' the
kingdom of Naples sufficient grounds for a dep rturo
it
from that general principle. The ground on whic that
exception rests must be evident to every one who c sts a
glance at the map of Europe and takes a retrospectiof its
history. If the severity and the injustice of the King of
Naples should lead to the outbreaks and resistance 4Thich
occur in the ordinary course of things under similai• cir-
cumstances, and if the King of Naples were to find himself
enable by means of his own troops to restore his authority,
it is obvious he would apply to Austria for assistance.
(Hear.) Bat would the rest of Europe stand passivelspec-
tators of that additional interference on the part of Aus-
tria? (Hear.) And if they did not, would not thet en-
danger the peace of Europe, and would not the complica-
tions and the difficulties which such a state of things Would
create seriously affect the interests of other States ilia Eu-
rope ; and is it not a justification for the friendly endea-
vours on the part of the English and French Governments
to induce the King of Naples to prevent by his own means
the occurrence of outbreaks which would so much eridan-
ger the general tranquillity of the civilised world? (Hear.)
I say that no succe s has hitherto attended our friendly re-
presentations. But the Government of Naples may have
looked with jealousy and suspicion on any advice coming
from the Governments of England and France; but we do
not despair that advice of the B%Me kind coming from a
Govere went in which the King of Naples may place more
confidence may produce the desired effect. (Hear.) It is
one of the misfortunes arising out of the language which
has been too frequently held in vituperiation of the course
pursued by France and England, and' more especially to
the habit of attributing to the English Government the de-
sign of promoting revolution and fomenting disorders—it
is, I say, one of the misfortunes arising out of these calum-
nies that they tend to prevent the reception by other Go-
vernments of the good, and sound, and useful advice of-
fered to them by the Government of this country. (Hear.)
But I do Rot despair that even the evils which still exist in
the kingdom of the Two Sicilies may, by the interference of
those in whom the King of Naples and his councillors
place more confidence than in the Governments of England
and France, produce better proceeds to them than have re-
sulted from our interference. Therefore, with regard to
Naples, as with regard to Rome, we do not despair—
(laughter)—we see a state of things threatening, as we
think, the interests of Europe; but I do not at all mean
to say that the British Government give up all hope
of producing an improvement in that state of things.
With regard, however, to that, as with regard to other
matters, my noble friend must excuse me from following
him into the details into which he entered. On one point
I have no difficulty in giving a full assent to the opinion
expressed by my noble friend. My noble friend has stated
that the King of Sardinia, having bravely and nobly asso-
ciated himself with England and France in the war which'
has just been closed, has given himself a right—an' holiour-
able right -to the support and protection of England and
France-- (cheers)—and if any danger should threaten !lima
not brought about by any provocation on his part-rand
that provocation I am sure he is too well advised to &re—
it would be a danger, I agree with my untie Mudd lu
thinking, which England and France are bound by every
tie of honour and every sentiment that can actuate the
Governments of two great nations, to resist to the utmost
and to repel. lam satisfied, however, that the knowledge
that such a tie exists between him and England and France
will be sufficient to prevent him from being threatened, or
if he should be threatened and danger should really exist,
to repel that danger. No doubt my noble friend is right
in thinking it would be desirable to encourage those sove-
reigns of Italy, whose territories are free like the Grand
Duke of Tuscany, or which are occupied like those of the
Duchess of Parma, but who wish either to maintain or re-
gain their independence ; and it will be the duty of the
governments of France and England, as far as they can, to
encourage those sovereigns in maintaining or regaining
that territorial independence. It is true that Italy is dis-
tant from us, but it is also true that no great conflict of
opposing armies, or opposing countries, can take place in
Italy without spreading far beyond the limits of that
peninsula the flames of war, and therefore I agree with
my noble friend in thinking that every wise and enlight-
ened Government of this country must consider that the
affairs of Italy require its constant and urgent attention,
and that the interests of England, as connected with the
interests of Europe, will be best consulted by securing
to the several states of Italy that perfect independence
within their own limits which the hest security for that
good understanding between governments and peoples, and
which, by establishing that good understanding, is best
calculated to prevent those interesting and, as they ought
to be, prosperous regions from becoming. a source
of danger and calamity to the rest of Europe. My noble
friend has moved for papers, but said he would not press
for their production if it was considered that it would be
prejudicial to the public service. lam bound to tell my
noble friend that the production of the papers in the pre-
sent state of the correspondence would not. be conducive to
those interests which he takes so much to heart ; and I
cannot, therefore, consent to their production. Tho cor-
respondence still is going ou, and if it were now made pub.
lit would possibly prevent the accomplishment of those
ends which my noble friend as well as her Majesty's Go-
vernment are so desirous of obtaining. I can only say,
therefore, that, concurring ta ith my noble friend in those
general views he so well developed, but reserving to her
Majesty's Government the discretion of pursuing those
objects in the manner they may think best calculated to
accomplish their purpose, without any unnecessary depar-
ture from those general principles which ought to regulate
the intercourse of nations, rtrust he. will be satisfied with
the statement I have made, and that he will not press for
the production of those papers. Ho mayrest assured that
her Majesty's Government, steadily keeping in view those
objects which he has explained, and in which I concur,
will omit no proper endeavour to restore the governments
of Italy to that freedom of action within their internal
limits which is, I think, best calculated to promote the
security of Italy, and which alone can secure that country
from becoming a source, of danger to the rest of Europe.
(Cheers.)
Mr. DISRAELL—The noble lord the member for Lon-
don has called our attention to a subject of the greatest in-
terest and importance ; but of Italy it may be said that it
must either be considered in a poetical Cr practical point
of view. No doubt there is no gentleman in this house who
does not feel the greatest sympathy with Italy and the
fortunes of the Italians. When we remember how much
we owe to that country, that in ancient times it gave us
our laws, and in modern times our arts, it is totally im-
possible that its Condition can ever be a subject without
lively interest to the House of Commons. (Hear, bear.)
But that. is the poetry of politics, as the noble lord has
reminded us, and I cannot think, notwithstanding the
high authority he quoted on the subject of poetry, that
the house to-night will feel, on a discussion that may
involve immediate consequences of the utmost impor-
tance to the people of this country, that we should in-
dulge merely in the poetry of politics on the one hand,
or of satisfaction on the other with that vague explanation
which we have just heard from the lips of the First Minis-
ter. (Hear.) The noble lord the member for the ci'y of
London compensated us for dwelling on the poetry of the
question, and in a very business-like manner, becoming the
importance of the subject, reminded us of what occurred at
the recent conference at Paris, and of the important State
rapers to which. at that conference, the plenipotentiary of
England bad affixed his signature. The noble lord intro-
duced the question to us with business details which the
house clearly understood, and made ns feel that. by the con-
duct of the English Minister at Paris, this country had
entered into engagements, according to the version and
interpretation of the noble lord, which had placed this
country in a position of grave responsibility. (Hear,
hear.) I cannot understand, from the observations of the
Minister who Iris just sat down that her Majesty's Minis-
ters have done, or are intending to do, anything which
the plenipotentiary of this country assumed on that occa-
sion. (Hear, hear.) If all that -the Ministry have done or
Intend to do are merely those routine representations to
which the noble lord has just referred, and which he has
promised, it does not appear to me that, at a conference
called to settle questions of a very different character, it was
necessary, or expedient, or politic, to have introduced the
question of It ply as it was introduced at Paris—(hear)—to
have drawn up and signed these prbtocols, if all that has
been done, or is to be done, is, in fact, merely that diplo-
matic action which, as I humbly conceive, might have
taken place without so much ceremony, and without
having, as the noble lord the member for London said,
roused the passions of the population of Italy. (Hear.) I
;want to know what is the deduction we are to draw from
the inquiries of one member of this house, who has been
First Minister of the country, and from the answer of ano-
ther member of this house, who is First Minister now, on
a question that is indeed truly described as one interesting
and, important from its social character, but one in the
treatment of, which are involved urgent, perhaps imme-
diate, consequences to the'people of this country—to the
state of their industry and the state of their com-
merce, the question of peace' and war, and all the most
vital subjects that can possibly engage the atten-
tioc of this house or the consideration of statesmen.
(Hear, hear.) When I first listened to the observa-
tions of the noble lord I thought he was about to counsel
action of the most. decisive and energetic character. The
noble lord said it was the duty of, thiscountry not to aban-
don the affairs of Italy. He laid down that position with
the utmost precision. Now, I can hardly suppose that the
noble for l, by declaring that it was the duty of this coun-
try not to abandon the affairs of Italy, could, after all that
has occurred on the subject, have confined his meaning
merely to the communication of a note from a Minister to
the Court of Naples or of Turin. The noble lord, indeed,
stated there wore circumstances which might demand the
most decided conduct. on the part of this country. He said,
if Austria, for example, required the suppression of the
liberty of the press on the part of Piedmont, then there is
no step which he should not be prepared to take on such
an occasion. (Hear.) But, strange to say, tho only formal
proposition that, I find in the papers upon which the noble
lord founded all his observations—that for repressing the
liberty of the press—does not emanate from the Austrian
Plenipotentiary, but from the representative of our great
ally, the Emperor of the French, by whole aid and whose
aid alone these magnificent visions of Italian regeneration
are to be realised. (Hear.) Now,. oily,' if I look to the
papers to which the noble lord has referred I find language
of a very precise character upon the subject of interference.
The house will recollect that when the protocols of the con-
ferences at Paris were first laid on the table, it appeared
that upon the Bth of April it was Count Walewski, the
French Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, who, when
the treaty was signed for the settlement of the Eastern
question, and when all those points were arranged which
had given, rise to the conferences, introduced in a formal
manner to the consideration of the Plenipotentiaries ques-
tions which had no immediate reference to the principal
cause of their assembling. The house will recollect that,
so far as the protocols would show us when they were laid
on our table, the responsibility of that introduction, which
many thought not very adroit, rested- with the French
Minister. But there were subsequent papers placed on the
table of the house which threw considerable light upon
this point, and proved that it was not Count Walewski
who really was the cause of the subject being brought for-
ward. It was upon the Bth of April that Count Walewski,
after the' settlement of the main question. said,
" It was desirable that the Plenipotentiaries, before they
separator', s'iould interchange their ideas on different sub-
jects widen required to be settled, and which it might be
advantageous to take up in order to prevent fresh &impli-
cations." Then Count Walewski went on with that retherka
able exposition—fresh, lam sure, in the memory of every
gentleman who hears me—in which he showed that Greece
was in wha t is called an " abnormal state," that the Roman
d and
on that
the
Legations were also in an "abnormal" condition,
the affairs of Naples were not abnormal, but `'exceptional."
(A. laugh.) Now, when those papers wale placed
table, many gentlemen, while wondering at the indiscre-
tion committed by Count Walewski, must have felt tli. ,