The Sun.
London, England, 1860-11-15 00:00:00

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Lyttelton, Sir J. S. Pakingtorr:M.pPlimr,
Adderley, M.P., Sir J. ,Shuttleworth, Mr. Barwick
Lloyd Baker, Mr. Barnet Blake, and other gentle.
men who take an active part in the educational
movement, attended a soiree of the Worcestershire
Union of Educational Institutes, held At Stour-
bridge on Tuesday. The chair was taken by Mr.
Foley, M.P., and there were also present Mr.
Brown-Westhead, M.P., Mr. W. 0. Foster, M.P.,
the Hon. F. H. W. G. Calthorpe, M.P. Sir W.
Lambert, and many of the clergy of the district.
The report stated the number of institutes that
had joined the Union, and it was resolved to admit
others—one from Gloucestershire—into the Union.
The CHAIRMAN having addressed the meeting,
Lord LYTTELTON moved the first resolution :
"That unions of Mechanics Institutes lead to in-
crease their individual efficiency."
His lordship-enumerated the advantages derivable
first from mechanics' institutes themselves, and
then from an union of those of a district, whereby
mutualsir_.a_i4 could be rendered to each other.
K.AYE SHUTTLEWORTH seconded the reso-
lution.

piaci& 41). STAMPED, sp.

as if
had eenhaad
ebieteiznehbornnf
ilnontghineigr thowannoethhuenr
tlryan,da,nbdut
their own Republic. (Cheers.) I trust,
gentlemen,
that the remembrance of the generous kindness thus
exhibited by the people of the United States will
ever be cherished by the people of these kingdoms.
I believe the memory of the Prince's visit will long
survive in. the breags of the American nation, and
tta...'t these 17tutual recollections will tend more
closely than over t!'n knit together those two great
branches of the same
/151)1e and I will say illus-
trious stock. (Cheers.)
The MASTER then gave " Members for the
City," which wa duly honoured.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in responding, said—l rise
to return thanks in the name of my colleagues,
and in my own, for the compliment which you
have paid us; and I am glad to see that, my three

AKING NTO
Sir T P moved the next resolution
That in order to secure the benefits of general
ex anainations every effort should be made to pro-
mote' t
he establishment of classes at individual in-
stitutesl."
introductory remarks, he said he did not
After sofftn int
recede one 2`.o.ta
.from the opinion which •he had ex-
pressed in public and in private over and over again.
in various counties of England and in the House
lof Commons, that ilif) greatest boon that we could.
extend to our counirymen, and the greatest
benefit that we
could coafer on our
extend country,
a
was to organise, to promote, and to
system of sound education for the people. (Cheers.)
The word " education" was a large and comprehen-
sive word. It consisted of many parts. The con-
struction that was most commonly placed on it when
used in public assemblies, and in connection with
the great body of the working classes of England,
and the sense in which they were most in the habit
of applying the word, was, as meaning the elemen-
tary- rudimentary education, of the working classes..
(Hear.) Schools for children must be the ground-
work for all education, and they had all heard of
the insufficiency of those schools. They had all heard
of the badness of schools, and they had heard of the
religious difficulties which unhappily, and he (Sir
John) thought unnecessarily, had too long beset
the subject. They had all heard, too, of the financial
difficulties which beset the subject. All these vari-
ous matters, directly bearing on the subject of edu-
cation, had been referred for consideration to a.
Royal Commission. He hoped they would shortly
receive the report of that commission, and that when
that report was placed in their hands they would
find pointed out in it the mode in which several, if
not all, of those difficulties were to be removed.
But, whatever the recommendations in that report
might be, and however successful it might be in
pointing out the remedies for those difficulties, the
present state of the population and the demands
made upon them were such that elementary educa-
tion must and would cease at about the age of 12
years. Sir J. Kaye Shuttleworth had referred to
the Act of Parliament requiring that all children
employed in factories should be educated up to 13
years of age, but, taking the age of 12 years as the
point at which elementary education among chil-
dren of the working classes ended, he felt that ho
was placing it practically at a high level. His be-
lief was that, in the various distinctions which ex-
isted between the social position of the richer and
the poorer classes of this country, none was greater
than as respected the age at which education ceased..
The children of the wealthy were considered at the
age of 12 3 ears as rather at the commencement than
at the termination of their education. It was about
the close of the first stage of education, the stage.
at which the pupil was at the little boys' school ;
after that he would probably go to the school for-
older boys, and thence to one of the Universities,
or some other training ; but with the humbler
classes education terminated altogether at the age
of 12 years. And what was the result ? That while
the wealthy classes from the age of 12 to 21 were
taking up knowledge continually, and every year
cultivating more and more the human intellect, is
too many cases the children of the working classes
were forgetting what they had learnt before. (Hear,
hear.) They saw the result of this practically in life..
What was the cause of the intellectual superiority
of the wealthy over the working-classes of society ?
It was the influence of education. Of this a remark-
able illustration might be pointed out in that new,.
but he hoped permanent, institution of England,
the Volunteers. They had been told that the Volun-
teer Riflemen became in point of drill and in the
skilful use of their weapons in three months equal
to the ordinary soldier of the regular army in a year
and a quarter. (Hear.) Why this difference ? It
was because the one was better educated than the
other, because he had acquired during the early
years of his life an aptitude, a power of using his
faculties, which enabled him to acquire more readily
whatever skill was required, whether in volunteer
exercise, in trade, or in any other industrious
employment to which he might direct his attention.
This was the value of mechanics' institutes. They
stood to the working man in the place which pubLic
schools and universities held in relation to tba
wealthier classes. The only difference was that'
the children of the wealthy man were sent to the
public schools and universities by their parents,
whereas with the working men all that could be
done was to offer them their opportunities of im-
provement. He believed most sanguinely that there
must result a great addition to the material pros-
perity if we could induce working men generally to
avail themselves of these opportunities ; and he
agreed with Sir J. Kaye Shuttleworth that nothing
would tend so much to cement society together as
this. He wanted something which should enable
the working man after the age of twelve years
to improve the education that he had received, to
cultivate his intellect himself, and to become an
educated man, and he believed that nothing would
be so beneficial in this way, nothing so likely to
insure that object, as an union of these institutes,
by which mutual iatelligence might be communi-
cated and common action promoted. He was glad
to learn that the Worcestershire Union of Insti-
tutes had resolved to unite itself with the Society
of Arts. He had received a long letter on this
subject, which expressed so much the advantages
this, that perhaps they would allow him to
read a
m
passage. The letter was from Mr. Harry Chester,
who had long been connectedweitshaid
the Commrhiattteer
of Council on Education. ff
hope is, that this creation of the Society of Arts
may in a few years be developed into an industrial
university. If once
wecan make it the fashion
among members of mechanics' institutes to study
and to undergo examination, almost all the diffi-
culties which still beset education will be removed.
Educated parents will not allow their children to
be uneducated; rates for defraying the expenses or
their own instruction and examination will not be
abhorred ; the religious difficulty, having no ex-
istence in the institutes, and being reduced to a
minimum in the schools, become rudimentary, will
be of no account, and I fancy that in the scheme of
the Society of Arts you will see much to approve
and not least that it endeavours to lead the people
of this country to do all that they can themselves
to educate themselves on the principles of common
sense, instead of running everlastingly to the poli,
tical government with the cry of " Come and edu..
cate us." He (Sir John) subscribed heartily to
these sentiments of Mr. Chester. He would only
detain them further by one or two brief remarks,
suggested by the report which had been laid
y, H
before them that da e congratulated the mem-
bers of the Union on
the general tendency of that
report, which he thought was most satisfac-
tory. He had heard_wit h regret the word "despon-
dency" fall from the Lord-Lieutenant and Sir J. Kaye
Shuttleworth. It was quite time that they depre-
cated despondency ; but he (Sir J. Pakington) did
not understand the word. He thought there were
two words which ought to be expunged from the
English Dictionary—those were " despondency "
and " impossibility "—(hear)—for who would tell
them in these days of the electric telegraph what
was impossible ? He never desponded himself in
his life. Let them not despond, and they would be
successful. (Cheers.)
üblic
Mr. ADDERLEY advocated the plan of P
ske dP
,
examination and awards. What was it,bv eema en
that gave such success to the Volunteer
mint
Did they suppose it was the possibility
of Invasion ?l
from time
No such thing. It was the trials
of
to time that led men to emulation,
nsd the constant
holding out of objects of ambition and the reward
of recognised merit in the coun
and evterryat other speakers
Mr. Holland,
followed, and thel‘pirPoc.eedilg: closed at 10 o'clock:

colleagues being present, you have before you a
complete representation of the city of London.
(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) And here, in their
presence, let me say that there is one thing which
I think members of Parliament, and especially
those representing such wealthy communities as
this city, ought in future to attend to ; that is,
to provide a sufficient force, and one not
more than sufficient, for the defence of the
United Kingdom and the great empire of which it
is:a part. We have at various times, as I have seen,
been too subject to hot fits of extravagance, and
then again to cold fits of economy. (A laugh.) We
have heard from my noble friend the First Lord of
the Admiralty, and from the gallant Colonel who
is so distinguished a member of the army, that
which they had to say upon our defences. Now, I
would observe that if the Ministers of the Crown

bring forward extravagant estimates, let those esti-
mates be retrenched. But if they introduce such
estimates as are fitting for this great country, as
only give a proper insurance to its wealth, its pros-
perity, its independence, and its liberty, then I
trust there will be a steady continuance in those
expenses, and that the nation, wealthy as it is, will
not grudge the necessary sacrifices for such great
objects. (Hear, hear.) Allow me now to offer a re-
mark or two respecting the important department
with which I am immediately connected, and with
regard to which my noble friend at the head of
the Government has said a great deal too much in
my praise. Of this, gentlemen, lam persuaded that
he who is charged with the Foreign Department of
a great country like this need not have recourse to
those wiles, those intrigues, and those subterfuges
which are supposed to form the proper trade and
the proper weapons of a diplomatist. My conviction
is that in speaking the language of trutk and jus-
tice—speaking it calmly and with moderation, but
yet with firmness, never disguising the truth, the
influence of this country is to be sustained and aug-
mented, without any of those intrigues to which

those who think themselves clever diplomatists are
apt to resort. (Hear, hear.) Such, gentlemen, is
the view which the present Government have
adopted. When they assumed office there was a
great contest going on in the shape of an active war
which presently ceased,but then took another form.
In that contest a great country, eminently civilised
—full of men of talent and genius, men of an as-
piring disposition, took a part. The question was,
what was the fitting course for the English Go-
vernment to pursue ? The course which we
pursued from the commencement, which was an-
nounced by my noble friend in the House of Com-
mons, which we have repeatedly declared since
then, and which my right hon. friend the Home
Secretary stated last year in the Guildhall, on Lord
Mayor's-day was this—that we should do every-
thing in our power to give the Italians fair play,
to leave them to settle their government for them-
selves, and to say what manner of government and
what persons to conduct it they deemed best suited
to advance their own interests. (Hear.) And if,
gentlemen, in the course of the changes which have
taken place, the Italian people have thought fit to
expel a dynasty—if they have thought Et to call
another Prince of another family to assume the
rule over them with a view to obtain good govern-

ment, I think that, seeing it is what we have done

ourselves, we should be the last persons to blame
them. (Hear, hear.) And when we reflect further
that that act of our ancestors, that expulsion of a

Sovereign who had misgoverned, that call to the
throne of a Prince endowed with heroic qualities,

has given us 170 years of liberty and prosperity, I
believe, as great as any people ever enjoyed, of
prosperity as remarkable as the history of any part
of the globe will furnish—l say, when such have
been the consequences, it is not for us to censure
others, who, following our example, hope for the
same liberty and the same prosperity. (Cheers.)
Gentlemen, my noble friend Lord Elgin is engaged
in a most difficult task in China. Upon him and
his colleague, the representative of the French
Emperor, depends the choice of the course to be
pursued—a course which may involve the safety of
all British merchants trading and residing in
China, and may affect our future commerce, and
all our future relations with that great part of the
population of the globe. All I ask of you, gentle.
men, is not to give a blind and unlimited confi-
dence to Lord Elgin, but to give him Po much of
your confidence and your forbearance as to believe
that he, a man of experience in these matters,
a man of abilities which no one will deny,
will apply that experience and those abilities
in the way that he thinks best fitted to secure
these great objects, to let not a spot or a
speck stain the honour of this country, and at the
same time to consult and to cherish the great inte-
rests of peace. Gentlemen, I ask of you that for-
bearance and consideration for a man who at 15,000
miles distance has to deal with those great ques-
tions. Praise has been bestowed, and most justly,
on those who in our army and navy have been
vindicating our reputation and upholding our in-
terests.
I ask you with the same readiness to give
credit to the man who is conducting our diplomatic
relations with that distant empire; and bo assured
that neither he nor the Government at home will
ever permit the character of this country to be tar-
nished or endangered by anything which may take
place there. (Hear.) It is not for ourselves alone
that I speak. We occupy a position on the globe
too important to be hazarded orlost—a position on
which depends in a great measure the future wel-
fare of other countries. It is our business, it is our
duty to act with moderation, but at the same time
never to forget, never to conceal, never to blush for
thos9 great principles which have made us what
we are, and which, I hope, will long maintain us
in the same proud position. (Cheers.)
Lord PALMERSTON, in proposing the " Health of
the Master Warden," A said he understood it was the
practice of the Salters' Company annually to elect
their chief. Far be it from him, who happened to
be the chief of another company—(laughter)—the
Cabinet, to imply that this rule of the Salters should
be introduced into his company. He admired their
rule as applied to them, for it had, in producing the
election of their present excellent chief, undoubtedly
worked most satisfactorily. At the same time, the
circumstances of the Cabinet were wholly different,
and ho did not think it would be equally beneficial
to subject its chief to annual election. (Laughter
and cheers.) He had the greatest pleasure in
proposing the " Health of their worthy Master
Warden."

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The toast was cordially received and briefly
acknowledged, and, after a few other complimentary
toasts, the company retired.
The musical arrangements were under the direc-
tion of Mr. Francis, who was assisted by the Misses
Wells, and Messrs. Benson, Donald King, and G.
Buckland. Mr. Harker ably officiated as toast-
master. The dinner was provided by Mr. Chater
ri and Co., of the London Tavern, and fully sustained
the reputation of that establishment._

Lord John Manners has left town for Hughenden
Manor, on a visit to the Right Hon, B. Disraeli.