The Sun.
London, England, 1856-05-19 00:00:00

paper handed to him by Baron Rothschild, and
read—

" MAY 19, 1858.

" Sir,—We beg to offer for the proposed loan of
5,000,0001. to be paid for at the periods mentioned in
the public notice of the Bth inst., at the rate of 1081.
Three per Cent. Consolidated Annuities, with dividend
from Jan. last, for every 1001. in money, on which we
are ready to pay the required deposit.
"To the Chancellor of the Exchequer."
The Ohanoellor of the Exchequer.—That is not
equal to our terms. How much is that equal to in
Consols ?

Baron Rothschild.—Very nearly 92g.
Mr. Wilson.—Or 92i ?
Mr. J. Lapel.—lt is between 92i and 92g.

Baron Rothschild—lt is within 9d. of 921.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer—Well, that is
not equal to our terms. Will the Governor of the
Bank open the paper which I have placed in his
hands ?

The Governor having opened the paper read the
minimum terms of the Government, 1071.105. 7d.,
or equal to 93.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer—There is
therefore a difference of .1.
Baron Rothschild—Will you allow us to retire
for a few moments, as before ?
The parties then retired. On their return,
Baron Rothschild, addressing the Chancellor of

the Exchequer, said—We have decided on accept-
ing your terms.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer—Very good.
You will please sign the usual paper.

Baron Rothschild—Yes. Your terms are 1071.
10s. N., or Consols at 93.
The Governor of the Bank.—Precisely so.
The contract was then signed in due form, and
the parties immediately withdrew.
From this we may form some opinion of the
radical defects of the system. It is manifest that
the Government "bill-discounter" was trying to
make the best possible bargain for himself and
his confederates. Knowing that there is no com-
petition, in consequence of the virtual monopoly
he has established, he may bid as low as ho
pleases. The sealed paper is then opened, the
supposed secret—if secret it be—is revealed, and
the bargain is concluded. What, then, can be
the advantage of the affectation of mystery ? It
does no good, but it prevents the general compe-
tition that might save a large amount to the
Exchequer. If we could get rid of " red-
tapism " the price would be announced
and the public invited to subscribe, and fifty, or
or even one hundred millions, could easily be ob-
tained. But the middle-man system must be
followed up at a cost that would, if better applied,
admit of many valuable although apparently
1 trivial reforms. When more than 90,000/. of
anticipated profit has been so easily surrendered,
we may form an estimate, nearly as accurate as
any we may expect from the Financial Minister
this evening, of the gains actually realised.
It would surely form an appreciable item in the
taxes levied on the general community, or a
valuable contribution to the fund for the relief of
Ithe widows and orphans who have to deplore the
Ilosses of husbands and fathers during the late
war.

Prince FREDERICK WILLIAM of Prussia is en
route to England, and may be expected every day.
The object of his mission is no secret. He is a
suitor for the hand of the Princess Royal ; and
it is unfortunately but too notorious that the
matter is already arranged, and that nothing re
mains but providing the dowry for the Royal
victim. It is, of course, impossible to say whether
" the daughter of England" will be contented
with her lot. There are few English parents who
would allow a child of 15 years old to enter into
a binding engagement before she could know her
own mind, or form a correct judgment as to
whether the intended match was calculated to
promote her happiness. A brief respite might be
allowed, unless questions of "State policy" im-
peratively required the sacrifice ! Marriages de
con venances were never very popular in England
in any rank of life ; and past experience has cer-
tainly not enhanced the feeling in their favour.
But perhaps the most unfortunate of any of the
kind that have been contracted have been those of
the Royal families, from the very earliest period
of English history.

But setting aside, so far as manly, generous
Englishmen can set aside the personal question, let
us look to it in the only point of view in which it
seems to be regarded by " the prevailing in-
fluence." Consider it merely as a question of State
policy—and see whether it be beneficial to Eng-
land or the English ? We have had considerable
experience of Prussian policy since the commence-
ment of the Eastern difficulty, and certainly no
inducement has been thereby afforded to induce
us to desire a closer connection. She has
proved, beyond the possibility of doubt, her entire
and unmitigated selfishness. Q uestions of European
interest were disregarded unless they affected
Germany, and that part of Germany in which
Prussia was concerned. She wilfully and delibe-
rately abdicated the position she once occupied,
and proved that there was nothing to be hoped
for from her friendship, or feared from her
enmity.
Should the nuptial contract be concluded we
cannot expect any assistance in the hour of need.
Prussia will look solely to the " German" side of
the question, or rather to that which seems most
to her own advantage. But if, on the other hand,
she should be involved in difficulty, then Eng-
land will be dragged into the scrape. We
cannot suffer the husband of our own PRINCESS
ROYAL to be driven from his dominions by foreign
aggression or domestic discontent. After the pre-
cedent established in December, 1851, we cannot
hope to find many Ministers who will declare that
" England has no Cousins." We have suffered
so much from the Hanoverian connexion that it
should scarcely be necessary to inculcate the
impolicy of German Alliances.
But setting aside even this important argument
against the Match, let us look to what may be the
consequences should there be a failure of the issue
of her MAJESTY in the male line. There are at
present four Princes, and it is to be hoped qat
some may perpetuate the race without look-
ing to the House of HOZENZOLLERN for an heir to
the British Throne. Bat we must remember that
Queen VICTORIA was the representative of the
fourth son of GEORGE 111. The Royal Marriage
Act operates very unfavourably to l'g'timatc and
recognised offspring. What occurred in the
l'egihnieg may also be repeated in the latter
Part of the century, and with many Noble
Lards and Ladies, and Captains, Madames, and
mlern°isolles descended from R valty, there may
be few whose claims to the Crown can admit of
argument. England
may then be amalgamated
with Prussia. The Prussian Sovereign may rule
over the Unitel Kingdom,
and the Court of St.
•Thenee's be presided over by
a Prussian Viceroy !
What any be the consequences of such a result ?
We already know to our cost the effects of even
a mitigated form of Germanism. Saxe Coburg is
not very satisfactory. What would be the Pries-
Aian rule ? Every true-hearted Englishman can
supply the answer.

There is yet time to interpose the authority of
the British Parliament_to address the Crown in
opposition to the contemplated match, that may
yet prove a firebrand to Europe. Let the so-
called guardians of the public purse take
the initiative, and declare that they will ?tot