The Sun.
London, England, 1869-05-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, INIONDAY EVENING, MAY 17, F 69.

being so much shorter than another, by the very
primitive or elementary argument of a piece of
string, or of red tape, trailed round contrasting seg-
ments of a terrestrial globe. The comparison upon
which the whole reasoning in this instance was
founded was one constituted by the ocean route in-
tercepted by the narrow neck of the Isthmus of
Panama, and the land route farther to the north
across the broad surface of the North American Con-
tinent. Eighteen years and upwards have slipped
by since then. Long prior to that date we had
already, and we have often and often since then
upon every available opportunity insisted, here in
the se same columns of The Sun, upon the urgent
advisability, if not the absolute necessity, indeed, in
our imperial interests, that England should un-
dertake, or at the least encourage the notion of
a grand trunk line across her own North American
possessions. Nothing whatever of the kind has been
undertaken. The Hudson's Bay Company still has
to be swept out of existence as an obsolete obstruc-
tion—as was done some years since in the instance
of Jobn Company. Canada and the contiguous
States, New Brunswick, Nova Scotii, and the
rest of them, have been knit together in the form of
a confederation. Upon the opposite side of that huge
Continent ten years ago a noble colony was founded
under the title of British Columbia. This was
at a period when the Secretaryship of State for the
Colonies was in the hands of a Poet and a Novelist,
who, besides being an Orator and a Man-of-letters in
almost every conceiveablo phase of that character,
proved himself, thus, at the same time, to be a practical
statesman and a laborious administrator. Altogether,
during the interval which has elapsed since Mr. ASA
WHITNEY was over here in London, nearly a score of
years gone by, while much has been neglected, much
also has been done .by the British Government,
in the interests of our colonies in North
Amerion. Bat—in those territories—the grand
Trunk line of railroad—connecting the Pacific with
the Atlantic—that noble scheme which we have
so long and strenuously advocated, and which would
most assuredly have been the very best thing Eng-'
land could possibly have done with a view to the
development of all the vast latent re-
sources of her territorial possessions in that
quarter of the world—is just nowhere 1 The United
State, meanwhile, have not been idle. They have
dons what we have left undone. Another Grand
Trunk Railroad than the one we had hoped to see
constructed through our North American ter-
ritories has been constructed across the
territories of the United States. But—
remembering Mr. AsA WHITNEY'S cogent argument
with ourselves, by means of the red tape or the bit of
string trailed over the surface of a terrestrial globe—
it would be almost laughable, only that it is positively ir-
ritating to bear in view thefact that the line of railway
that has been constructed is no less than one thousand
fire hundred miles longer than the other line mapped
out across our own dominions, the line we have again
and again most earnestly pleaded for out of a very
natural preference. There is the fact., Let us lay it
well to heart, in the midst of our new national craze
for sacrificing everything to considerations of eco-
nomy.

IT is said that Lord DERBY has determined to
move the rejection of the Irish Church Bill on its
second reading. This is very grave news. We find
it difficult to believe it. The bill has been passed in
the House of Commons by a majority whose
unanimity has been unbroken, and it goes to the
Upper House substantially the same as it was when
Mr. GLADSTONE introduced it. The country has
looked on and applauded. Every Liberal member
knows well that opposition to this measure
would have cost him his seat. There never was an
instance in which the country and its representatives
were more perfectly in accord, or acted more entirely
together. Nevertheless, Lord DERBY is about to
take a step infinitely more perilous than any number
of leaps in the dark. lle means to set the Peers
and the Church (for, of course, the Bishops will go
with him) in direct antagonism to the nation. We
are not alarmists; but we confess that we do look
upon this contingency with extreme apprehension.
Desiring the maintenance of the House of L rds,
desiring the maintenance of the English Church, we
see in this threatened course a, blow against both
those institutions which, we believe, they will find it
hard to withstand. Of late the Lords have shewn
themselves alive to the altered circumstances of the
time, by surrendering some of their privileges, such
as vote by proxy and the preservation of the House,
for the hereditary peerage. But these concessions
will avail them nothing if they are so ill-advised as to
follow the example of the so often, but never before
so utterly, reckless nobleman who will now call upon
them to do battle with the whole nation. As for the
bishops, their days are probably numbered as parlia-
mentary peers already. If not, their vote against
the Irish Church Bill will seal their fate. It is not
filling,
enoughlolis ntsg 7bhltloht
sateth
deo
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ti
tht
wde
yoo-
tfa
hrt
rh edu i
strt
me order
rulystnow
o incapablesh
wol d cling
array
yo them-
selves to
ful
against the people.

Were we writing in the interests of a party we
should heartily rejoice at the decision of the
Peers, if decision it be. Nothing will tend so much
to strengthen the position of Mr. GLADSTONE and
the Liberal party as the rejection of this bill. It will
awake an enthusiasm in behalf of the measure which
has not yet been excited, because it has not been
wanted. The continuance of the Liberal party in
office is assured so long as this measure remains un-
passed. No one knows that better than Lord
DERBY'S son, except Mr. DISRAELI. But with
us the welfare of the nation is of far more
importance than any number of party triumphs.
We would surrender the second in order to retain
the first. It is because we believe that the first will
be most seriously imperilled, that the stability of cur
institutions will be dangerously shaken, that we
contemplate Lord DERBY'S alleged resolve with
downright dismay.

THE Saturday Review and the Economist contain
articles upon the Permissive Bill, in which all the
arguments against the measure are put in the
strongest and most forcible way. All that can be
said against it is said. These arguments may be
very briefly stated. Both journals object to the
principle of Permissive legislation ; the Saturday
Review because it is intrinsically bad ; the
Economist because it may lead to bad
results. The first paper urges that if a law is good
it ought to be enforced everywhere, and by the
national will ; if it is bad, it ought not to be enforced
at the whim or caprice of a particular locality. All
permissive legislation has, according to our contem-
porary, been a mistake, even such an Act as the
Public Libraries Act. One might have thought that
here, at least, there was room for differences of
opinion, and for the exercise of local judgment and
discretion ; but the Review will not admit it,and holds
that, if it is well for Manchester to have a public library,
Middleton Parva ought to have one. The Economist
does not go so far as that, but fears that if the per-
missive principle is adopted with regard to the sale
of liquors, the trades unions may extend it to the sale
of labour; if a majority may say thatno alcoholic drinks
shall be sold, a majority may say also that no work
shall be done except under certain restrictions.
Finally, the Review contends that stimulants have
been used by all nations, and therefore the attempt
to suppress their use is absurd.

The second and third of these arguments are
quickly disposed of. Thieving and murder have
been practised among all nations, .and yet we pass
laws to suppress these usages, and though we have
not succeeded in suppressing them, we have no in-
tention of repealing the laws against them. The,
supposition that the trade' uniout be able to

prevent the sale of labour in a district if the
Permissive Liquor Bill is carried, me an s that two-thirds
of the ratepayers of a parish are likely to belong to
trades unions; a supposition which we need not
characterise. The objection to permissive legislation
on principle is worthy of more respect. We are not
sure that the principle is not being carried too far.
But there ought to be no objection to it in the
present instance. The licensing of drink shops is
already, and always has been, decided by each
locality for itself. There is no general law
either for ordering or for prohibiting the opening
of such shops. A. landowner may close
them if he will. Magistrates may close
them if they will. What the advocates of
the Permissive Bill say is that the power of opening
and closing ought not to be left to the individual
landowner or to the bench of magistrates. The first
may, for aught he knows, be acting the part of a
tyrant in opposing the wishes of his tenants by
refusing to suffer a single public-house upon his
property. The second may be influenced by their
connection with the liquor trade to open far more
public-houses than the people want. The supporters
of the Permissive Bill say that this question ought
to be left to the ratepayers, because it is they who are
really most interested in the matter, as much so as in
the supply of water, sewage works, orany other purely
local question. There is a further reason why the
legislation in this matter should be permissive. All
parts of the kingdom are not yet equally educated
with regard to the evils of drunkenness and the
benefits that would result from prohibition. There
are towns, like Manchester and Devonport, which
would probably pass the veto to-morrow by a, large
majority ; but there are others in which there would
be an equally large majority against it. The second
have to be taught by the experience of the
first. The country is not ready for a universal
measure of prohibition. Such a measure might pro-
voke the riots which our contemporaries fear would
arise even in places where the majority are favour-
able fn prohibition. "We havc iio ouch fear about thooo.
We believe that the town which adopted this measure
would scarcely know itself again by reason of the
greatness of the change that would come over it. Its
lowered rates, improved morals, and rapid prosperity
would soonbring about the result which the Saturday
Review and the Economist desire—general legislation.

THE people of Paris must be found guilty of
wilful injury to the cause of freedom which they
profess to serve. Since the foundationof the Empire.
the advocates of liberty have never had an opportu-
nity so favourable as the present. Never did the
chances of putting an end to the despotism of personal
rule, and of securing constitutional Government by
peaceful means, appear so propitious. Eighteen years
have been more than sufficient to weary the French
people of government by the will and caprice of a
ruler who, however able, is not obliged to consult
the wishes of his people, nor to account to them for
his errors. Apart from the consideration that
political freedom is in itself a good thing, and that
France alone of the more civilised States is under
despotic rule, the policy adopted under the Empire
is intrinsically mischievous. Abroad, the Empire is
the source of constant disquiet and anxiety to
neighbouring States; but the policy of armed peace,
whilst it alarms the rest of the world, brings neither
profit nor prestige to France. At home the
EMPEROR'S rule has been productive of
many benefits to his people ; but the
one defect of extravagance vitiates all its
merits. In time of peace NAPOLEON 111. thinks
nothing of accummulating a load of debt, the misery
of which will remain long after the memory of his
good works has perished. The French people have
long been alive to the evil of this policy, and they
display unmistakeable anxiety to alter it. They are
disposed to withdraw the passive obedience which they
have accorded so long. A strong party desirous of
mitigating despotism, and yet of avoiding revolution,
has recently risen, and is gaining strength. This
party openly avows its desire to retain the EMPEROR
and his dynasty on the throne of France, but it must
be under constitutional, and not personal, rule. It
is asserted in many quarters that the EMPEROR
himself would like to secure France for his race by
meeting these moderate demands.

Here is an opportunity..of which the Paris politi-
cians seemed disposed to make the worst. The
natural position of Paris is to lead the rest of
France ; but the Parisian Liberals seem anxious
only to frighten and alarm. In the Par-
liament just dissolved the French capital
was represented by eight deputies, whose
opinions for the most part could hardly be ranked
as moderate. Parliamentary Government, perfect
freedom of speech and writing, abolition of the
standing army, and the separation of Church
and State, were only the milder articles of political
creeds which sometimes descended to socialism.
But most of these advanced deputies do not satisfy
the Parisians. They are, in several circumscriptions,
opposing the Radical representatives by men
whose programme -may be summed up in the single
word " Revolution." M.. EMILE OLLIVIER is
the most moderate of the Paris deputies.
Ile holds that revolutions have never ensured
liberty, and that peaceful constitutional means are
the best calculated to gain the great end. The
EMPEROR. should never have sat on the French
throne, it is true ; but he is there, and cannot be
dispossessed. Why not, asks M. OLLIVIER, strive for
liberty under the Empire instead of vainly following
the igms fat uus of revolution ? Sensible as these
views are, they are precisely the sentiments which
have set Paris in a blaze during the last few days.
The crowd which assembled to hear M. EMILE
°Lull-lEn, received his moderation with derisive
tumult. The idea of taking the oath of allegiance
to the EMPEROR, with the intention of keeping it, as
M. OLLIVIER does, is treated with scorn. Freedom
under the Empire is deemed an impossibility. The mob
plainly answered the Paris deputy that they would
not have the EMPEROR or the Empire at any price.
They called for revolution, sang revolutionary songs,
fought with the police, and committed all the follies
which mobs are wont to commit in the name of
freedom. This is not a hopeful state of affairs. It
has been noticed that the aspect of France now is
precisely what it was before the revolution of 1848.
Put the Government is very different ; and the out-
break which overturned Louis PIIILLIPE might
produce no effect whatever upon the throne
of NAPOLEON 111. AnOther result is much more
likely. There is a large class in France which
prefers substantial to visionary gains, which
looks more to domestic prosperity than even to poli-
tical freedom. People who have something at stake
will not support the policy of revolution. Even the
peasants invest their savings in the Funds, and will
not lose them for the sake of Republicanism. The
only effect of this violence must be to strengthen
the hands of the EMPEROR• Order is even more
precious than liberty, and despotism will once more
have the friends of order on its side.

TILE GREAT TEMPERANCE DEMONSTA.TION—THIS
DAY.—This morning Lincoln's-inn-fields presented an
animated appearance on account of its being the mustering
point for the numerous temperance societies who proposed
making a demonstration on the occasion of their marching
to Beaufort House grounds, Fulham. At half-past 10 tho
procession started ; it was composed of many thousand
persons, innumerable banners and bands of music. A
great many of the company followed in carriages, and
altogether the procession was a demonstration in the fullest
sense of the term, as it extended nearly a wile fu length.
" Tommy Dodd" was the favourite marching tune.
BATH RACES.—After a continuance of indifferent meet-
ings at the "fair city of the west," wo have reason to be-
lieve in a general resuscitation on this occasion, and predict
a gradual improvement on the last few years, as no effort
on the part of the now secretary has been omitted to add
to its attractions.

Lieut. H. Browne's colours have been altered to drab,
blue facings, blue cap. Sir H. Hardinge's colours aro
scarlet, white facings ; and Mr. M'Carthy's green, white
braid, white and green cap.
EASTBOURNE.—AdmiraI Rous, to whom the objection to
Puff as the winner of the Selling Stakes at this meeting
was referred, bad decided the same to be invalid, and de-
clared Puff to be the winner of the race.

CIVIL SERVICE ATHLETIC SPORTS.

Tliere are believers in muscular Christianity among the
civil servants of the Crown. The annual celebration of
the Civil Service Athletic Sports took place on Saturday.
We are told that all went well. It was pleasant in the
Veterans' Race to see the eldest competitor come in first;
pleasant to note this gentleman—gray, wiry, and 56 years
of age—finish his work artistically and without distress.
The steeplechase, too, occasioned infinite merriment. An
artificial lake with a stiff fence in its front had been pre-
pared, and this had to be taken in its turn after a suc-
cession of jumps, and three times in the course of a
mile run. The racers here were all finely-built, mus-
cular men, who in their gaily coloured silk breeches, bare
legs, and tightly-fitting skin-jackets recalled the pictures
of Spanish matadors about to wage war with the bull.
It bad a droll effect to see their respective friends—some
old, some young, and all in the ordinary costume of the
gentleman of to-day—putting the runners' naked legs
through an amateur shampooing process just before the
start. The wind, as we have said, was cold, and so calves
and ankles were rubbed and pinched assiduously—a friend
to each leg, in order that their owner might be
ensured his maximum of elasticity when the
word was given and he bounded off. The floundering
into the water at the great jump, and the splendid
way in which it was cleared each time by the
winner of the race, were all watched breathlessly, and as
if persons present had a personal stake in the result. So
with the pole jumping, when active gentlemen threw
themselves some nine feet into the air, and alighted com-
fortably on the other side of the bar as coolly as if it were
a stile ;so with the hurdles, so throughout the day. Our
Civil Servants seemed to distinguish themselves in all they
tried for ; and there was a social side to their gathering
especially pleasant to see. A family party—minus the
cavilling ; a fashionable entertainment where neither per-
formers nor spectators were bored; a competition in which
those left behind shared the sweets of the successful—
such were the athletic sports.