The Sun.
London, England, 1856-11-20 00:00:00

L )Nt DON, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 1856

" Rush, it's all a mistake, according to Y. 111:
adage, ' when the cat's z..way the mice "will
play.' A clever, pushing fellow, WALEWSKT—
too: when he knows I'm at his heels—
hut—bah ! it's always the case—apt to push
too far when he has the opportunity. Of course
he can't really sympathise with Russia—he's a
Pole—a little high-flown generosity to a great
Emperor in his hour of humiliation—that's all.
Poles are coustitutionaliy romantic and chivalrous.

As to representing my views and sentiments, that
is all bosh ! You must look for them in the
Moniteur, and not in the Constitutionnel. I was
in Compiegne—WALEWSlll in Paris, when the
article you complain of was written. On my
return, you see, WALEWSKI was brought to boek,
and you had all you could desire by way of
amends in the Moniteur. I cherish the English
alliance. It is my destiny. The peace and hap-
piness of the world depend upon it," &c., &c.
Such would appear to be the Napoleonic expla-
nation of the untoward article in the Constitution-
nel, the injurious effects of which on public confi-
dence, not even the presenoe of the Emperor
in Paris, the relinquishment of the intended
festivities at Fontainbleau, and the article in the
Moniteur have sufficed to dissipate.
The public can believe as much of this expla-
nation as they like. There is no limit by Act of
Parliament, that we are aware of, to English
credulity. It were charitable to gulp it all.
Explanations, demanding a greater effort at de-
glutition, have been swallowed before now, and
will be, no doubt, again and again ! It may, how-
ever, be as well if we recount a reason or two
for the little incredulity we may have had to
overcome. Our Imperial ally would laugh at us
if we accused him of over-scrupulosity. The
readers of The Sun would laugh at it if it denied
a desire on his part to enter within the
hallowed pale of divine right legitimacy. The
hero of an ever-memorable coup d'etat —the man
of December, the garotter of the French Press,
and would be garotter of the English, tho pos-
sessor of a will so inexorable that friends and foes
have alike had to bow before it—the Emperor
who rules as well as reigns—the Imperial ally,
whose veto sufficed to put a stop to a necessary
war at the precise stage when the French Eagles
flablied bravely in a meridian sun, and the English
Standard was about to be gloriously elevated
from the mud in which it had been draggled—
well it was hard to believe a foreign-Foreign
Secretary would dare to publish a line of
which be was not assured this man, his
master, would approve ! It turns out we
were wrong —we have NAPOLEON'S word
for it ; the article in the Moniteur establishes
the fact beyond the possibility of question.
But WALEWSKI is not yet dismissed—Russia is as
audacious as ever—Boarsa laughs at us—not an
object of the War is fully attained. There is
uncertainty everywhere ; and the disciples of
Peace talk most of all about War. To calm their
troubled minds, let us again assure them it is our
Imperial Ally's best policy for the present to keep
the alliance intact ; that his greatness,- his very
existence, depends on it more than ou anything
else ; and that he begins to see and feel, even
more clearly than before, if that be possible, that
such is the case. WALEWSKI'S dismissal, it may
therefore be taken for granted, is already decided
on. Otherwise, what would not be thought as to
his master's sincerity ? And when it comes, we
for one will set our faces like adamant against its
being accounted—a tub thrown out to the whale.
Our Governments, it must be confessed, are
not very lucky at alliances. Somehow, the
alliances they make don't do us any good, and are
regarded with not altogether unwarrantable sus-
picion. Can the fact be philosophically accounted
for ? Are our Ministers mere islanders, and
nothing more ? Our fleets dominate in every
ocean, our flag waves on every continent—her
MaJEsrv's subjects at home are a miserable mi-
eority in point of numbers to her subjects abroad
—our commercial marine enters every port—our
commercial enterprise influences every Exchange.
They ought to be something more. If any people
have the right to be called citizens of the world,
and are necessarily concerned in the general inte-
rests of mankind, we are that people. It can
hardly be that it is for want of knowledge of foreign
affairs our Goverments are so unlucky. It were
to expose oneself to the charge of slandering our
fellow-countrymen if one gave utterance to
such an imputation on their good sense.
What, then, is the cause of this perpetual bung-
ling ? Can it be our Governments deal with indi-
viduals instead of masses, with dynasties instead
of nations, that the alliances they boast of and
have to apologise for have too narrow a basis to
be secure ? Let the reader judge for himself.
All we say is—of all alliances, an alliance with
France is the one we estimate at the highest
value ; and we should have less apprehension fur
its continuance, better hope of its perpetuity,
brighter augury for the welfare of Europe, and a
serener prospect of the elevation of our common
humanity, were we more firmly assured the Anglo-
French alliance was an alliance with the British
nation and the noble French people, as well as
with the French Emperor, NAPOLEON the Third !

We can scarcely feel surprised that the new.
tunate creditors of the Royal British Bank should
be anxious to expedite a final arrangement of the
affairs of that unfortunate concern. We all know
the old adage respecting the value of the " nim-
ble shilling," and there are few whom experience
has not convinced of its accuracy. It is, then, a
matter of vast importance to all concerned that
the available assets should be divided with the
least possible delay—that even a small dividend
should be speedily paid. Trifling as it may
appear to legal eyes—that may ba opened to the
widest extent at the attempt to rescue any por-
tion of the oyster from its legitimate devourers--
there must naturally be felt by the 'sufferers a
degree of excitement sufficient to, justify an
invasion on the time-honoured territories of
judicial routine. It is sufrucient to know that a
large sum is in hand, the immediate distribution
whereof would materially alleviate the distress of
the auffefers—that it is contended for by con-
flicting jurisdie'cions, and that the contest may
probably be tarried through various courts to the
ultimate appellate tribunal. It is therefore
peculiarly desirable that every stage in that
progress should be got over with the greatest
possible despatch, so that the final decision
may be expedited, and the inevitable distribution,
which, according to established precedents, will
be paid out of the fund in Court, may be reduced
1 to the lowest amount practicable.
We must admit the total irregularity of the
course adopted by the committee of depositors.
To address the Court, save through the ordinary
channels of solicitors and counsel, was enough to
make every hair in the various wigs present at the
usurpation stand on end. The memorial could
not, of
course, be received. But it does not by
any means follow that it will be useless. Although
the able Vice-Chancellor, in whose hands the
matter is placed, could not give an official answer
to the memorial, he must be
of its contents, and full perfectly cognisant
y convinced of the accuracy
of its statements. go could not profess to be
influenced by a matter so irregularly brought
before the court, but h
will be so just
as much as if the information had cows
through a legal gentleman duly instructed.
The very effective address of the Ch • airman 4
the Committee cannot have been disregarded.
The Vice-Chancellor unquestionably decided
correctly. "Hard cases" proverbially cc make
bad precedents." But there are few cases so
hard a., that of thy dtpt„itor6 iu the Royal