The Sun.
London, England, 1856-11-11 00:00:00

Spirit of the Public Journals.

(From 11t3 Ti;nes.)

The British press is thenght by many to act an
undutiful part in parading to all the world the
political failures, the social scandals, and even the
national crimes of the country. If any stranger
wants to see England, her institutions, her Govern•
ment, and all that belongs to her criticised with
unflinching candour, he has only to peruse her
journals, and there he will find more than enough
for the most furious philippics. Indeed, the rabid
abuse of England, that constitutes the very bread
of some French and German papers, contains no
more material than Englishmen themselves are at
pains to supply, though served up with the addition
of bad logic and opproorious epithets. As, then,
we are noterioutly ne flekterers of our country,
and that is a t whieh doe; net go down among
our own salve s, we deserve credit for truth and
sincerity when we tie flsppen to speak a good word
for our coin) rry. Tee g wool 'vliieli has ',Len
oeene t - 0.1 l 1107 V C
witu particiear euiptiesis, is, ':[tae. in no other
country is the Government so speedily and directly
brought to the test of public opinion as in England.
It is not only that the Minister has to defend his
policy in Parliament, surrounded by colleagues,
place-men, and partisans, and armed with patron-
age. He has every now and then to stand alone in
the midst of asseinblages beyond his control, and of
whom he can know but little. They are there
because they are rich, or powerful, or self-confi-
dent, or factious. They stand in no awe of him.
They have little dee in common than that they are
Englishmen. It was to such a company last night
that Lord Palmerston had to present himself, and,
according to custom, declare himself on the most in-
teresting questions of the day, Emperors may, and
often do, possess the devotion and confidence of their
subjects. They may have a large unexhausted credit
for the conduct of public affairs. But it may be
always pretended, and may even be true, that in
any particular affair they no longer carry with
them the hearts of the people, and disaffected
writers may have the opportunity of saying that
such and such a policy is really unpopular. No
such opportunity can be afforded under our Go-
vernment. Every week tests the question,—is the
foreign policy of her Majesty's Government at this
moment unpopular or no ? There are many both
at home and abroad who would affirm it most
gladly if they could, or if even a doubt could be
thrown upon the question. But here is a jury of
more than a thousand respectable citizens, and
Lord Palmerston is put on his trial before them.
Does he faithfully serve and truly represent his
country or no ? The answer is, that he does.
it its, then, not merely the ruler or the Govern-
ment, but the people itself, that conducts our pub-
lic affairs. Possibly, in some matters of Imperial
policy, where a company or a colony intervenes,
neither Government nor people appears to be con-
cerned till the decision is taken, and to proceed is
inevitable. But this is the misfortune of empire,
and even when we succeed we take little credit for
victories that come so much as a matter of course.
We put these instances out of the question, be-
cause they are put out of the question. The pas-
sions and the conscience of the British people are
agitated on questions either of our home policy or
of our intercourse with our neighbours and rivals.
Of these, then, do we speak when we say that no
Minister can go on long without being " brought
to book," and confronted with that very public for
whom he professes to act. On these occasions hap-
pily also there are witnesses, not only beyond the
suspicion of partiality and connivance, but inte-
rested in detecting the decline of enthusiasm and
the withdrawal of support. No captain ever
counted so closely the guns of a hostile broadside
growing weaker and weaker as the Minister or
partisan of a foreign Government watches our
popular demonstrations, our flagging cheers, our
ominous silence, or faltering accents. A coil re-
ception, or energetic appeal faintly responded to,
is reported to twenty Courts, and distant states-
men know how much they may presume on our
wavering resolves or divided opinions. Se,, had
Lord Palmerston either felt it necessary to confine
himself to vague generalities last night, or had his
express appeal to the support of the country been
received with indifference, no doubt we should
soon have had to perceive the result in a certain
loss of appreciation abroad. Elsewhere it is thought
a great object to ascertain the precise intentions of
the Sovereign, to measure the influences at work
upon him, to detect his relentings, and to be warned
of his exasperations—the result of common acci-
dent, perhaps of disease, or even more trivial
causes. Hare the will at work is that of the people.
Hit ebbs or flows, the change is as manifest as the
tides of our own ocean. It has, indeed, now and
then left the Minister stranded high and dry, in
absolute. desertion, or split on some rock of political
obstinacy. But here it is evident the resolution of
the British people, to which Lord Palmerston made
his appeal last night, has not been flattered by a
momentary triumph nor blunted by a certain de-
gree of delay. It is not tired out or perplexed.
Eighteen months ago, by a vigorous effort, it re-
jected the casuistry which said there was no real
quarrel, and that on our heads rested the crimes of
the war. That was not the convulsive effort of an
hour. The people of England are as ready to dis-
criminate with keenness between the fulfilment
and non-fulfilment of a treaty, between an honest
and a fallacious interpretation, as they were last
year between substantial and illusory conditions of
peace. Nor is there a doubt that the popular en-
thusiasm and stern resolution which then carried
Government through the war to the Treaty of Paris
needs only the signal to bear us all onwards to an
honourable fulfilment.
The Premier made a significant reference to the
state of thinet'S under which we consented to ex-
change war for negotiation. "At the commence.
mence of the present year," he says, " this coun-
try possessed the finest army and the most magni-
ficent fleet that were ever engaged in defending the
honour and the rights of England. The spirit of
the people was roused to as high a pitch as was
ever witnessed in this country." Clause by clause
this glance at the still recent past was cheered by
his lordship's hearers, as was also the picture he
drew of the anticipations which the British people
reluctantly but conscientiously give up for peace.
The assemblage that thus cheered his lordship ha-;
probably as much stake in the continu mice of peace
as any eval body of men in the country. They
have beceme too well accpaiuted with the horrors
and anxieties of war, and they are still paying its
cost. Nevertheless, at a word, they can look back
to the hour when they everywhere heard the no'es
of prepaiatiori, When m n were retire:tied in he-
haste, when the whole p ,eket servici, wen i,llPre's"
for the war, when every for:za, every dockyard,
was eureloyed in the rearm facture of :.hips and
arms ; when, consequently,
money and ()Toed tiol' ,v
rweiatdhily, if needlittlett r i ceo:eite., 'Liter cheers denote how
they it
return to that
- state. Is it necessary that Europe, or any State it, elmeld want to know
whatin ' mood t ii‘:
war has left us ? There cant b
doubt on that pin ua e le le-
• or e are wha; we wese—
ready for peace, or for war. To such suspicions as
there might he on this poitint--7 to any Unworthy
estimate of the national'
been made, ono answer hlriltreatdh.yatbemenayghivaevne
—that of the public press. Therea is not a jour-
nal that commands even the lowest degree of
respect with the people of this cot,inhttry that has not
resented the thought that we 1111
out of the Treaty of Paris. be frightened
Feegland has already
replied-that she will not re-open the whole q
a general reference to a new Con,,r
tion by
It
is not for nothing that she has disband:de; ships into harbour. soldiers
andhewililolnlnyotenutenrdal
anel sent
work that has beau done,
conference with a distinct understanding
of its
subjects. That answer has been given by the
public press, and nothing was wanted but such an
public feeling as would show it to be
expression of p
no boast or exaegeretion of the journalist. The
reception given to
the Premier in the manufactur-
ing districts, and now at the annual festival of the
City of London, supplies the
proof that we and our
honourable contemporaries have not
spoken with-
out book.
We have done justice, and no mote
than justice, to the spirit of our country, as well as
to the spirit of the statesman to whom its destiuies
are confided.

(From the Morning Post.)
It is a custom among the English people that at
certain high festivals, of which the Lord Mayor's
dinner is one, the Prime Minister of the country
makes his appearance on a stacte somewhat more
publictoan
thr St. Stephen's, and on .which he speaks
audience more mixed, but scarcely less im-
posing. Theses eeches not only command, tradi-
tionally, the respect
specially addressed, ofi those to whom they are
taut they often contain strong
truths of the utmost '
English policy at thimportance on the temper of
depends on the character
moment. Much, of course,
speaks. The
polished,
of the Minister who
late Sir Robert __eel., cautious-eloquence of the
safe' subjects. The manly
tausleldom touched on any hut
Pal-
merton throws on the
rey candour of Lord Pal-
a light by which all may learnPlitad dangers of England
intends to maintain in any the position that she
arise. Nothing can be simpler, bolder,
that may
modest than the tone of the prPeeeir., bolder, or more
be more decided. He holds without Nothing can
abatement the nrofessiong which thrilled the slightest
of sll who heard him at Manchester. 1 the hearts
land the truth, so long disguised from her, Retells Ergs
at the close of the last great war
rtthat site
army that she had ever possessed—that h e finest
WU the most powerful that a State had her navy
"er boasted_

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