The Sun.
London, England, 1860-10-26 00:00:00

urges t%Republican case with great clearness and
vigour.' Tt% object of his attacks he thus describes
" The policy of the Federal GoNnment has been
to extend and to fortify African slave labour in
the United States." This has been going on for
forty years. The Republican party proposes to
reverse this policy. Texas, Missouri, Kansas, the
war with Mexico, the purchase of Cuba, have all
been matters and occasions of pro-slavery policy ;
and thus, for this long time, have the slave-holders
been pushing in every way, however recress and
unfair, their grand object, of making slavery the
policy, the life and soul of the Union. And now, the
policy of the slaveholders is put before the States in
two forms. First, Mr. BRECKENRIDGE and his
friends say that slaves are merchandise and pro-
perty in the territories under the constitution of
the United States, and that the national Legisla-
tion and the Courts must protect it in the terri-
tories; and no power on earth can discharge them
of the responsibility. Second, Mr. DOUGLAS
and his friends put it in this form :—" What
is the beat way not to keep slavery out of
the territories." This controversy, then, ob-
serves Mr. SEWARD, is one really with which the
negro has nothing to do. As it stands, it is a contro-
versy between two classes of white men—between
the privileged and unprivileged—an aristocratic
class who want to extend and perpetuate their power
in the territories, and a democratic class who have
no slaves, who won't have any, and who mean that
the aristocratic class shall not be extended. Mr.
SEWARD tells his friends that they are thus fighting
the same battle substantially which is going on in
Hungary and in Naples. It certainly sounds oddly
to us that the Democrats in the States should be
represented as the privileged aristocracy, at least
as including it entire in their party; and the Repub-
licans, the Conservative party there, as fighting
against privileges and for equality. Yet there is
truth in the representation. For if the rule of the
slaveholder be not aristocratic privilege in its most
outrageous form, we should be at a loss to say what
privilege is. Slight, indeed, are the privileges of
our aristocracy, or of any feudal nobility in Europe,
except, perhaps, that of the tottering feudalism of
Russia, compared with the privilege of using a
fellow creature absolutely as our property.
Mr. SEWARD has some remarks to which our
cotton consumers at Manchester would do well to
listen. They are continually trembling for the
cotton supply from America. They are intimately
bound up with the New York merchants, the New
York merchants with the planters of the Southern
States; Manchester is linked to New Orleans,
and it is a link which has a strong tendency to
bind Manchester as well as New York to the wrong
side. New York trembles for its advances to
Southern planters, and Manchester trembles for its
raw material. Now Mr. SEWARD follows in the
wake of the famous " Helper's Book," and shows
how entirely useless slave labour has been in regard
to the great staples of the States, and how infinitely
it is surpassed by free labour—that, in fact, the
future greatness of the United States is bound up
with the question of free labour. Were, indeed,
cotton raised by free labour, it can hardly be
doubted that the supply would be vastly
larger than it now is, and far more
to be relied on. Look in what direction
we please, it is free labour does all that requires
energy and skill. The vast forests of America
have been cut down by it, for not a deal nor a
lath has a slave contributed. Ice is fished up
from the lakes and carried over the world, fish
are cattght on the coasts—a vast trade is carried
on on the Mississippi—all done by freemen. Free-
men quarry the marble, work the mines, carry on
every species of manufacture—no man thinks of
employing slaves in these things. " The three great
wheels of natural wealth are agriculture (includ-
ing the subjugation of the forests), manufacture,
and trade;—slaves are unfit—African slaves are
absolutely unfit to be employed in turning either
of those wheels, and thus it is one of the elements
of a prosperous state, that its people should be not
slaves but freemen !"
It was of course easy for Mr. SEWARD to show
that all the moral elements of greatness were want-
in slavery and slaveholding—and must be wanting
in the states where they prevail. Introduce slavery
into lowa, he asked, and what is the kind
of freedom of speech you would enjoy ?
What kind of freedom of the Press?
freedom of bridges ? freedom of towns ? In the
slave states it seems that everything is, subordi-
nated to the grand rule of maintaining that property
is above labour. Well—the election of delegates is
fast approaching, and we can only express our hope
that the pro-slavery party will be beaten once and
for ever, and the policy inaugurated of limiting
slavery to boundaries already too extensive, and of
repealing the infamous Fugitive Slave Law, and
every act which has virtually made the entire
Union a Slave Republic.

Mr. BUCHANAN'S successor will be the nineteenth
choice of the American Republic for its four-years'
President ! Who will be that solemnly elected
ruler and representative of the United States'
Confederation ? Events will now, of course,
speedily inform us ; but already we know suffi-
ciently well one thing as a matter of almost abso-
lute certainty, that nowhere among her population
of 27,000,000 is the young Republic—not yet one
century old, founded now but six and seventy years
ago—that no where in all her thirty-four states is
this young Republic likely to fix her regard upon
any citizen worthy, by the simple elevation of his
character, of assuming his place in the chair of
WASHINGTON.

The candidates, indeed, are known by name
already upon both sides of the Atlantic. DOUGLAS,
" the little giant" is one—BELL, the Union candi-
date, another—a third is LINCOLN—a fourth,
BRECKINRIDGE. Whosoever amongst these aspi-
rants to the suffrages of their fellow-citizens nay
come in eventually at the head of the poll—in his
regard may certainly be put forth quite as won-
deringly, quite as reasonably, quite as ludicrously,
as simple a query as to his individuality, as that
preposterous question that (we read) in spite of
the solemnity of the occasion went forth with a
shout of laughter " from end to end of Pen-
sylvania Avenue," upon the inauguration day
of 1845—Who, in the name of fortune, is " JAMES
POLK," the new President ? Who now is " DOUG-
LAS ?"-who " BELL ?"—who " LINCOLN ?"—who
"BRECKINRIDGE ?"

And while the States are preparing for this
momentous decision as to the next successor to the
presidential ehair of WASHINGTON—how is the
fame of GEORGE WASHINGTON borne by the young
Republic in remembrance ? Is that pure and
world - famous reputation cherished, as it
should be, gratefully • and reverently ? Is
it cherished, for that matter, at all ?
Let the solemn and affecting 'record, published in
our impression of Tuesday evening, answer—that
record penned by the Times' Special Correspondent
in commemoration of the visit recently paid by
ER.H. the Prince of WALES to the home and grave
of General WASHINGTON. Our readers are hardly
likely to have passed over that touching narrative
with indifference : they cannot possibly have read
;its astounding particulars without their hearts being