The Sun.
London, England, 1860-06-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNEI.' 5, . 1860.

always regarded the franchise as a privilege to be exercised
for the benefit of the country; and when a class was put-

ting forward a claim to it they conceived that they had not
merely to ask whether that class might enjoy the personal
privilege which they sought, but whether it could be given
them without conferring on them a predominant power

which would not be for the general advantage. (Hear, hear.)
The noble lord, then, had not succeeded in establishing any
fair ground of complaint against the Parliamentary con-
duct of the Opposition; but if he complained that his mea •
sure had been fully and severely examined, then he must
remind the noble lord that on his own side there had been
critics as able, as eloquent, and as assiduous' as on the
other. (Cheers and laughter.) He could understand the

tone of ' the noble lord if he were about to fulfil that im

portant programme with which he began the session ;
he could understand the noble lord if he had told them
that the bill was an essential part of his policy, that
the objections to it were of a trifling character, and
that even if it were necessary to sit six months with-
out a prorogation to carry it, carry it they should.
But was that the course adopted by the noble lord to-night ?
When the noble lord talked of the paltry opposition which
was made to his measure, and of a paltry course of conduct,
the house might be interested to observe what the noble
lard had done. Ha commenced the session by three
measures of representative reform—the representation for
England, Treland, and Scotland—all were to be amended,
and the representation of England was to be made the re-
presentation front which the others were to be fashioned.
The noble lord was stern and stiff as to the conditions upon
which these amendments in the representation of the coun-

try were to be accomplished. The noble lord remembered
that in opposition he gave a programme which led to a de-
cision—(hear)—which forced the country to what was pro-
bably a premature decision—he remembered that he defined
the amount of the franchise upon which he called for a re-
form of the constituency. But what had the house heard
to-night? Two of the bills were to be given up, but with
regard to the other the house might do what it liked with it
That high policy which had displaced Ministers and dis-
severed parties had melted away, and so long as the house
would only shovel the measure out of the way, anything it
might do would be acceptable. Well, continued the right
hon. gentleman, it may be very discreet, it may be very
wise to-night to give these moderate counsels, and tempe-
rate measures, when one of those Ministers who ought to
regulate the public conduct of the House of Commons—when
one who has just now occupied such a position, and has
given an address which is still fresh in the remembrance of
Parliament and the country—when that Minister declares
that fair conduct is to be looked upon as paltry. We have
listened, I am sure, with no hostile feeling in a very calm
house to the statement of the noble lord, who has chosen
well his position and selected well his words. Every one must
have felt that the plan which the noblelord has recommended
to us to-night offers a most strange and startling contrast
to the counsels which were offered upon these benches—
(cheers)—with regard to Parliamentary Reform in the tone
and temper in which these measures were brought before
us when Parliament first met, But is this all ? The state-
ment of the noble lord must not be looked upon merely
with regard to the conduct of ministers or the circum-
stances of party conflict in this house. The question is
too deeply interesting for accessories of this nature. After
all this fanfaronncufe in opposition, and the deeply ma-
tured schemes, in the responsible position of a minister of
the Crown the noble lord comes forward to. night and pro-
poses that we should reconstruct the constituency of Eng-
land, totally omitting and neglecting any reconstruction
of the constituencies of the two sister kingdoms. To say
nothing less of it, is this a constitutional course ? I will
not say it is a politic course ; but it isqa way of cutting the
Gordian knot which this house will, I think, hardly sena-
tion or admire. (Cheers.) We have always heard that if
this question of Parliamentary reform is to be brought for-
ward, it is not to be brought forward piecemeal, but pro-
viding for the three countries pari passu, and there were
sound constitutional reasons for such a course in 1832,
which no one could dispute. But if two of the measures
are to be abandoned, and one to be continued, what becomes
of the claims of Scotland and Ireland to increased represen-
tation ? We have been always told by their i epresenta-
tives that we cannot decide with any satisfaction to them
the settlement of the English constitution without taking
their claims into consideration. What will the gentlemen
from Ireland and Scotland say when they are told the re-
form of the constitution of England is to be finished in the
month of June, 1860, and the consideration of theirs is to be
postponed to another year. What will become of those
claims to increased representation of which we have heard
so much ? (Cheers.) I may remind the house that no
hon. gentleman of Ireland or Scotland will be able to urge
those claims with any effect when the question of England
is passed. But suppose, notwithstanding the " tranquil"
condition of public affairs—a description of the pre-
sent state of things which, coming from a Secretary of
State, must be most assuring to all who hear it—suppose
that tranquil state of affairs is changed in the course of
next year. What then will be the state of the Scotch and
Irish representation ? (Cheers.) It may be inconvenient,
it may be impossible, to amend the representation of Scot-
land and Ireland next year. Notwithstanding the all-per-
vading tranquillity of Europe, the noble lord may find
troubles next year which will so absorb and en_ gross_public
illl DV v,,upy talc ut.vlll,lVll Vt tile v Vet"taLtlellt
that the noble lord who now holds the office of Secretary
for Foreign Affairs may not have time to amend the repre-
sentation of Scotland and Ireland. But what with regard
to England ? If the English representation is amended,
are you to have a partial dissolution of Parliament ?
(Cheers.) Are the members for England from the new
constituencies to be elected, and must we have the mem-
bers elected by the old constituencies of Ireland and Scot-
land ? Or, in the conflict of our difficulties, will you avoid
the solution by having no dissolution whatever ? In that
case, we who sit here will sit as a condemned Parliament.
Session_after session, year after year, great bodies of our
countrymen will say—" This man calls himself the mem-
ber for Buckinghamshire—(cheers and a laugh)—but he
is nothing of the kind." lam thankful to say I can
bear the test as well as most men, but I am sure
will be embarrassing to gentlemen on both sides of the
house. (Laughter.) But for what length of time is Parlia-
ment to be in this uncertainty ? I cannot agree with the
noble lord in those sanguine views which have been enun-
ciated by his faithful adherents—by the friends of Parlia-
mentary reform—regarding the state of the country at this
moment. I have never been an alarmist. I know there are
exaggerations of danger which may lead to depression of
public feeling—just as they may on the other hand increase a
high patriotic tone of feeling. But taking the calmest and
gravest view of public affairs, I think I am justified in say-
ing that matters are going on which should excite the
anxiety and engage the deep attention of the country.
(Hear, hear.) Is this a period when Parliament should be
left in the dislocated state in which the plan, I will not say
the policy, of the noble lord, contemplates leaving it. I can-
not believe that the house can sanction this plan of dealing
with the representation of England without at the same
time dealing with the representation of the sister countries.
I do not believe the house will run the chance of leaving the
representation of Ireland and Scotland to be considered by
the Legislature, with the prospect of meeting next year
amidst great dangers—when it will be impossible that the
country should look up to the house with respect or confi-
dence, an act having passed which signifies that the repre-
sentatives of the country are not competent to their duty or
not worthy of their trust. This is a grave position. The
noble lord has had more to do than to make a few common-
place observations upon going into committee of supply. He
has had to make some of the weightiest statements that
have over been heard in this house. That we should re-
form the constituency of England without reforming the
constituencies of Ireland and Scotland is a proposal which
was never made by a minister before. (Cheers.) And
is there anything authorising so unwise and disastrous a
course ? On the contrary, the noble lord does not contem-
plate accepting and enacting the policy which he recom-
mends. "Whatever he may have said of the working classes
he has no conviction of the necessity of the measure he has
brought forward ; the has no confidence that, if carried, it
word I accomplish and fulfil his purpose. He says to us,
" If you don't like this proposition, suggest something else,
and I give you to understand your proposal shall be received
by the Government in a candid and disinterested spirit."
(Cheers and Laughter.) 'What does that mean ? (Cheers.)
It means that there is no policy. (Prolonged cheers.)
Giving up Ireland, giving up Scotland, coming to the
members for England, and asking them to place themselves
in the despicable position which I have described—upon
any terms which the house can scramble together for the
occasion—all this proves no conviction of the necessity of
this measure—no confidence in the provisions of this
measure. But the noble lord upon this subject, as from
the first, exercising a fatal influence—as I said to him at a
time when I stood opposite to him as he sat on these
benches—both to this question and to his own reputation,
was induced to recommend a policy in opposition which he
has found it impossible to accomplish as a Minister—but is
hazarding the safety of the country in order, not even that
he may realize his fair expectations on this subject, but
that he may terminate them in a manner which if nothing
dignified, is hardly respectable, and recognise in them an
unwise, an immature—l will even say—a factious policy.
(Cheers.) And then the noble lord turns round with much
indignation upon some of his supporters, who have abso-
lutely been so presumptuous as to conceive some different
means of extricating himself and his colleagues from the
painful position which he occupies. One gentleman thinks
it would be just as well that we wait until, in the most
authoritative manner, we have accurate information as
to the amount of the population. Then the noble lord
thinks that his policy is compromised by his own con-
duct. If the noble lord had not proposed to give up the
marrow of his bill, when he had generally confessed that
he proposed to do it—although he did not propose to
agree on any terms to the franchise, yet he laid it down
as an indispensable condition—but if the noble lord had not
proposed to do this—the statesman who comes forward with
a plan for the amendment of the representation of the peo-
ple, and founds his measure upon population—with what
face and reason can he turn round and reproach his sup-
porter who says, "If this be the principle on which the
measure is to be founded, let us have the most ample, the
most authentic, the most novel, the most recent informa-
tion." Now, sir, I make these comments upon the remarks
of the noble lord. I think they are fair and just ones. My
own opinion is—yielding none of those positions which I