The Sun.
London, England, 1869-02-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TEE PUBLIC JOURNALS:

The Times observes that the 114,;.11 bishops meet and
make public complaint that they have ilo Authority to
negotiate in behalf of their Church, and announce to the
world'that they must and will protest against the charges
in prospect, and resist them to the utmost. They do not
observe upon the fact that they have had to ask for the
liberty of meeting in Convocation, and that they have
only been refused what they did not possess. Of course
they do not allude to the historical fact that the
Irish Convocation has not met for a very long
time indeed, and that it never did meet with-
out disgracing itself in some way or other, as,
for example, when it protested energetically against any
toleration of Papists, in the reign of Charles I. Neither
could they be expected to notice that the English Convo-
cation has hitherto deliberated to no purpose whatever,
not having been allowed to go beyond deliberations and in-
operative resolutions, and having only betrayed the weak
points of the Anglican position. Theyare quite aware that
a Convocation represents only the elergy,and is a most clumsy
and inadequate representation even of the clergy, represent-
ing them in their least clerical and least independent aspect.
No such body as is here indicated could work at all till it
had been many years in harness, and had acquired the
habits and usages of deliberation. Of course it would be
as easy to collect so many prelate, dignitaries, and so-
called proctors within four walls as it would be to herd
together so many head of black cattle, but in case
would anything follow but some gregarious impulses, apt
to begin and end in nothing. Even the alleged decisions
and judgments of such a body would, probably, not be
decisions or judgments in any true sense. The only thing
probable is, that the most violent, the most unreasonable,
the most infatuated, and the most impracticable would
carry the day, dragging in their train a number of
others weakened and paralysed by internal conflicts
of reason and passion, and compelled to do others' bidding,
because unable to decide themselves. Nobody here wants
to drag that unhappy Church in the mud, even if it must
submit to the loss of ill-gotten wealth, reflected luitre, and
borrowed plumes. But if it should be pitted in "Convoca-
tion," and prepared, as it were, for a stand-up fight—at
least for a noisy altercation—no doubt its best friends
would have most reason to deplore the inevitable results.
Neither in negotiation, nor demonstration, nor argument,
nor abuse would it be a match for the antagonist Church.
In one thing it can possibly triumph, and that is in a dis-
play of common sense, resignation, and modesty.
The Telegraph, in discussing the constitution of an Irish
ecclesiastical and deliberative council, observes that one
important question with reference to the constitution of
these assemblies affects the presence of the laity. There
seems abundant evidence that in ancient times laymen
were regularly invited. The citation to a provincial synod
at Drogheda, A.D. 1411, is addressed to the abbots, priors,
clergy, and people ((abates, priores, clerum, et populum)
"whom it concerned or might concern to be present at that
council." Precisely the same form is followed in the
summons to a synod of 1427. From these authorities it is
;dear that laics as well as clerics might be present, if they
had a legitimate interest in the matters to be discussed,
There is considerable evidence that the English Convoca•
tion has occasionally summoned learned laymen te,
assist in its deliberations. The mode of constituting
the assemblies which the Irish prelates now propose to
hold is a matter for grave consideration. The bishops
one and all recognise the importance of conferring with
the laity ; but, unless the representation of laics is ade•
quate, the resolutions adopted can have little weight. If
to speak plainly, the assembly should be " packed," it wil,
merely reiterate old protests and party cries with which
we are familiar, and will not be recognisable as a consulta-
tive assembly. If, on the other hand, the Irish Church
will speak out by an impartially constituted Parliament,
her deliberations will demand and receive the most,'
profound respect and attention from English statesmen.
The Daily News considers that the archbishops ant;
bishops of the United Church of England and Ireland
have justified the conduct of the Government in refusing
to advise her Majesty to summon a Convocation of the
Irish provinces. The bishops and all other personi
friendly to the Protestant Establishment in Ireland arse
entitled to use every honourable expedient to procure tha
rejection or modification of Mr. Gladstone's proposal'
in either House of Parliament. But there is nc
use in going to Mr. Gladstone, or in supposing
that he can be more committed by a definite
bill in 1869 than he is by the definite resolutions passed a'
his instance in 1868, and by the issues which he placed
before the country in the general election. In the Bishop
of Down's protest an acho is audible of the voices whici
are beginning to be heard, now from veteran politiciansi
now from dignitaries of the Broad Church, now in thil
magazine and now in that newspaper, suggesting that
Mr. Gladstone and the Government are pledged
to nothing definite. A yaGue hope seems to be
entertained that his feelings as a Churchman
may, if judiciously worked upon, prove stronger
than his consistency, firmness, and honour as a statesman.
Mr. Gladstone cannot feel flattered by the supposition
that he is made of such soft and ductile stuff as to admit
of his being beaten into this shape or into that, as
political exigency or ecclesiastical sentiment is brought to
bear upon him. lle and the Government of which he is
the chief are pledged to the disestablishment and disendow•

ment of the churches established or endowed in Ireland.
This accomplished, the only thing which the State will
have to do with them will be to leave them alone.
The Morning Post makes some remarks upon the modee
. _ _

in Which the law relating to imprisonment for debt is
habitually administered. The law of arrest is in itself a
bad law, indefensible upon principle, and not to be justi-
fied even on the lower ground of expediency or policy,
and it has, in addition, been long condemned by public
opinion. It might have been supposed that a law so
circumstanced would be administered with at least
ordinary care and consideration. It appears, how-
ever, that such is not the case. The administration
of the condemned law is as objectionable and

improper as it •is possible to make it. The higt
sheriff of the county, or the sheriff of the municipality,
according to circumstances, is esteemed to be the authority
empowered to make the arrest of the debtor against whose
person execution has been issued. It is so provitled by
the Act, and he is responsible legally for all acts done in
consequence, and for all measures adopted for securely
detaining the arrested individual. Practically, it turns
out that the sheriff neither discharges nor attempts tc
discharge his allotted functions. Practically, he i 4;
a myth, and has no more to do with the matter
than the Tycoon of Japan. He delegates his authority
and power to other parties, and washes his hand.*
not as the Roman Governor did, before the people;
but privately behind the back of the public.
After referring to the cases of Captain Lane and Si)
Gerald Fitzgerald, which have recently engaged public
attention, it says that it is evident from the disclosures
which have been made through the trials to which we have
alluded that the existent state of things cannot be per•
mitted to continue. It is a scandal to a civilised country,
and a discredit to every succeeding Government that
neglects to deal with it. Either imprisonment for debt
must be peremptorily abolished, or the system under which
the law that places that mode of recovery or punishment
in the hands of the creditor must be at once subjected
to a thorough sifting and reform. At present the law ie
defeated and discredited, and creditor and debtor are alike
injured and despoiled by the uses to which it is put.
The Standard considers that the volunteers have been
most unfortunate in the time chosen'for bringing forward

their petition, inasmuch as the Government is so tied ancl
bound by the rash promises of its leaders to reduce the
military expenditure of the country, that it is really not
in a position to entertain proposals for an addition of any
considerable sum no matter how strong may be the claim

put forward, or how just the demand. The War Minister
is pledged to make a sensible reduction in the army
estimates, the entire framing of which is in his own
hands ; 'and he has got hands • full with the work,
which, according to the Liberal programme, must be
carried out, no matter whether the result, in a military
point of view, be good or evil. And so, when the
leaders of the volunteer movement come forward with a
demand for so many scores of thousands of pounds to be
added annually to the estimates, forming a permanent in•
crease of charge, the answer simply is that the money will
not he given, irrespective of the Question of whether it
would be good or bad for the country in the lonth,
run. This hits the volunteers very hard ; for they 14
looked forward to the advent to power of the party which,'
is professedly opposed to the standing army, and had con•
sidered that it was almost certain to meet their demands.
The superiority of the volunteer force formed part of the
election programme with more than one Liberal candidate,
for there is a weight of political power and influence in
their ranks ; but the Government is now firmly seated in
the saddle, and it may afford to cast aside those who helped
it up into its place.

The Star, in considering Mr. Redgrave's report on the
Factory Acts, thinks that some clauses greatly need
revision. It would be well for Mr. Bruce to consider and
revise the whole of the clauses which refer to certifying
surgeons. Those which bear upon the reporting of acci-
dents entail much unnecessary trouble on the employer,
but the expense is borne by the Treasury. The necessity
imposed upon occupiers of factories to obtain certificates
of age from the young persons in their employment causes
them, however, both great inconvenience mid much
expense. This is just another of those require-
ments insisted upon under the old Factory
Acts for which there is no longer the slightest
necessity. The compulsory registration of births
has now been so long enforced throughout the United
Kingdom that there can be no difficulty whatever in
•btaining an extract from the Register of 33irths for any
:Mid or young person about whose age an inspector or
sub-inspector might feel a doubt. It would be quite im-
possible to estimate the amount which the employers of
labour in the manufacturing districts of Lancashire, York-
shire, and Cheshire have to pay for certificates of age,
which could be had in a much more satisfactory way and
at a much cheaper rate from the district registrars. With
the advanced rate of wages, an increasing foreign com-
petition, and heavy imperial local taxation, manufacturers
have now sufficient difficulties to contend with without
being called upon to submit to one wore Oligatiwitima
lINQUitYMBLECik_;