The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-05 00:00:00

'CONTENTS:

•
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER on the Physiological
• tructure and Functions of the Reproductive Organs.
CHAPTER IL—Causes of Spermatorrhcea and Impotence;
Early Vicious Indulgences; Dangers of Neglect.
CHAPTER lII.—A Review of the various Disqualifications
of 31arriage ; whether resulting from Youthful Abuse, the
Follies of Maturity, the Effects of Climate, or Infection.
Cif A PTEit IV.—The Anther's plan of Treatment, Medical
and Moral, being the result of a successful practice extending
'ever a period of 25 years.
CHAPTERS V. and VI. on the modern Treatment of
flonorrhcea and Syphilis.
The Book concludes with numerous varied and interesting
sees, to which is added the Author's recipe of a preventive
Lotion.
REVIEWS OF THE WORK.

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)3d March, 1856.
"The author has conferred a great boon by publishing this
Uttle work, in which is described the source of those diseases
which produce decline in youth or more frequently premature
S
old age."—" Daily Telegraph," March 27,1856.
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A meeting in furtherance of the Freehold Land
Society movement was held in the Town-hall at
Birmingham last night, Mr. Scholefield in the
chair, The business of the evening had been pre-
ceded by a tea party, at which as many as could
be conveniently seated in the hall were present,
but the attendance was on that account necessarily
limited. In the orchestra, near the chairman, there
were some eight or ten members of the Town Coun-
cil, but otherwise the local politicians of import-
ance, either in that respect or in a social point of
view, were " conspicuous from their absence."
Mr. Leatham, M.P., was on the platform.
The Secretary, Mr. JAMES TAYLOR, read letters
from Lord J. Russell and a great number of other
persons, apologising for absence.
The CHAIRMAN, in opening the proceedings of
the meeting, said that, according to Mr. Tidd
Pratt, there were 2,500,000 of the adult population
of this country who were members of friendly
societies. If to this was added the large number
of persons who were members of freehold land ana
building societies, also adults, he was sure they
would agree with him that the Minister would be
a bold man who would much longer deny such a
population the right to vote. For his own part,
these societies had in every res;)ect his cordial
approval.

The Rev. R. APKENziE (Scotch Church) moved
the first resolution, and in doing so described the
Freehold Land Society movement as the most
Conservative movement that had ever been insti-
tuted in this conntr`i. By its instrumentality the
best interests of this country •would be conserved
and promoted. He moved :—" That the greater
the number of persons interested in real property,
the greater will be the guarantee of the stability of
good and useful institutions; and therefore it is
the opinion of this meeting that the effect of free-
hold land and building societies will be to give
the industrious classes that stake in the country
which has generally been awarded as the lot of
the few only, and will thereby induce among
the masses those habits. of providence and self-
reliance for the want of which many persons have
at times been seriously misled."
Mr. WHITE, M.P. for Brighton, moved the fol-

lowing resolution :—" That it is the deliberate
opinion of this meeting that the laws which inter-
fere with the natural and free division of land—the
laws of primogeniture and of entail—and the need-
less impediment to the sale and transfer of land
arising from the difficulty of giving and obtaining
valid titles under the present practice in this coun-
try, are injurious to industry and to the well-being
and independence of the people; and that the abo-

lition of these laws and the removal of these impe-
diments would rapidly improve the social condition
and raise the character of our agricultural popula-
ticin."

Mr. I. F. BONTEMS, of London, seconded the
resolution, which was carried unanimously.
Mr. BRIGHT, on rising and coming forward to
the chairman's table, was vociferously cheered.
Looking back, he said, at the many meetings which
had been held in that hall, he did not think there
had been one of a more remarkable character than
that which was assembled there that night. The
details which had been laid before them by his hon.
colleague touching the society which they were met
to celebrate were only too short. He had had sta-

tistics put in his possession which supported this
statement. He understood that there were not less
than 8,000 or 9,000 members and subscribers, &c.,
connected with the freehold land societies of the
town of Birmingham and its immediate suburbs,
and of these (confining himself to those particularly
represented on this occasion) he was told that 95
per cent. were really what might be termed "work-
ing men." Now, if this were so—if this meeting were
the real representation of this class, he repeated that
it was a remarkable meeting, and that it was to be
taken as a proof of the character of the people of
Birmingham and its surrounding districts. It
proved also their industry, their skill, their fruga-
lity, their endurance, their self-denial, their noble
aspirations after something good, and something
higher than that to which they had yet attained.
(Applause.) It was not only a proof of this, but it
was a protest—it was a protest against the laws
which excluded this great body of the people from
any power or any right of citizenship in their
country, and a protest against those hurtful and
vicious laws which mainly excluded them from any
possession of the soil. (Hear.) Now, the original
purpose of these societies was to find a mode—a
chink, a small doorway, a little entrance which our
lawmakers had not remembered to shut up—(ap-
plause and laughter)—by which the people might
purchase a right which, if their constitution was
properly read, would be given freely to almost all
of them. At the same time it was to enable them
to overcome the difficulties which law and practice
in this country had placed in the way of any man
who wished to become possessed of a small portion
of the soil of the country in which he lived. They
were accustomed to speak of England as a " free
country," and it was a country of personal freedom,
and, in some respects, of sore oppression. (Cheers.)
They had personal freedom, or they would not be
in the Free Trade-hall to discuss these questions
that very night—some of them would have been
put under lock and key long ago else ; they had
the right to write or speak ; they had freedom to
meet together as they met then ;'they had freedom,
happily, though recently gained, to the free ex-
change of the produce of our industry either among
ourselves or with any other Power on the face of
the earth. (Applause.) Well, had anybody suffered
from this freedom ? Was there a man in that town
unwilling to admit at that moment that everything
before him great and noble on the soil of England
had been reared, and in fact existed, by this free-
dom of ours ? (Cheers.) Nobody was the worse for
it. The Crown was no less safe ; the interests which
they were taught were so valuable and were always
in danger were all intact, and everybody must re-
joice at the freedom they enjoyed. (Applause.)
But there was one point upon which Englishmen
must be considered less free than those in other
countries, and more particularly those in the
United States of America. The land of this
country was not free ; everything which human
law and preference could do had been done to pre.
vent its being free; what could be more monstrous
than, if they were to bring upon the platform a
stranger, to inform him that we were free in the
exchange of our products of industry, but that in
the land, the principal basis of industry, we were
less free than any other country on the globe ?
Would he believe it to be a fact ? And yet such
was the case. Corn was free now, but it was not
some years ago; if it had not been so now the coun-
try would have been turned upside down. Iron was
free, shares were free, cash was free, everything
but land, which had a clause attached to it which
would prove utterly ruinous to anything else. The
land, in point of- fact, was in bondage, and the
people in bondage with it. Mr. Bright went on to
say that he felt it his duty to confine himself as
much as possible to the special object of this meet-
ing, in order to show, as far as the time allowed,
that the obstacles which the Birmingham freehold
land societies were intended to surmount were
obstacles they, should contend against in a more
genera'_ sphere, and which they ought to compel
the Parliament of England before long to remove.
(Cheers.) The first of these obstacles was the law
of primogeniture. If the editors of the newspapers
or the writers of those journals favoured the public
with any of their observations upon what he was
now saying, they would no doubt tell them this,
that there was no such thing in England as the
law of primogeniture, and that a man might leave
his property as he liked by his will ; that it was

only in those cases where he died without a will
that the law • of primogeniture comes into effect,
the fact being that the whole of the freehold landed
property was given to the one son, although the
rest of the brothers and sisters were turned penni-
less into the world. (Applause.) That was the law
he complained of. That was the practice which it
engendered, and which, the hon. gentleman pro-
ceeded to remark, was as injurious as the law itself.
To give a case in point, when the law of England
in this respect prevailed in the American colony
of Virginia, Mr. Jefferson, who was second to none
since the days of Columbus for a love of liberty,
considered it one of the most beneficient of acts that
he could abolish that system of law in the State.
The result was that when the law was gone and the
sanction of the law was withdrawn, the practice
immediately began to fall into less use, and the
men who beggared their younger sons and daugh-
ters that they might make one rich and powerful,
these men left a character behind them that no
living man would wish to inherit at his death.
(Loud applause.) In this country he believed that
if the law of primogeniture were abolished, and
that when a man died leaving landed property or
other property the same principle or righteous
division should be adopted, the practice which now
prevails would fall into disuse, and so great would
be the character of the change, that he was entirely
satisfied that the abolition of the law would be fol-
lowed by the abolition of the practice, and he there 7,
fore charged upon the Jaw of primogeniture far'
larger evils. their follow in particular' cases where a
man dies without a will. It. was a grievous thing
that these mischievous laws were scarcely found in
operation without the law of entail being found
added to them. These laws came down to us from
a time of great and brutal conquest, when the whole
population were reduced to a position of slavery by
Norman conquerors, and it was only now that Re
were escaping from that system. He trusted the
time would come when there should not be left
upon our statute-books a vestige of the tyranny
which took place at that period. As to the opera-
tion of the law of entail, rich men, and sometimes
poor men who were proud and foolish, and who
wished to perpetuate a family name, did grievous
injustice in this mode ; they give their estates, say,
A to B his son, and after B to C, and after C to any
son of C—call him D—who might be born within
21 years after the making of that will; thus a man
made a will leaving property to his son, grandson,
and son of that grandson wbo might be born with.
in 21 years after the making of the instrument, thus
giving a direction to a great estate for 60 or 80
years after the executing of the deed, and preventing
it being sold, from the very grave where he had re-
turned to his original element. (Hear.) Now,when he
was answered upon this point he should be told
that the laws of entail were not as they used to be ;
but the laws of Scotland were so bad that only
about 16 years ago, during the period that Mr.
Rutherfurd was Lord Advocate, a law was proposed
for the purpose of bringing the laws of Scotland
into a less barbarous condition, making them a little
less barbarous than the laws of England. He should
be told that any man having an entailed estate
could, with the consent of his son, cut off the entail.
That was true ; but it often happened that the inte-
rest of the one was opposed to such a process, and,
therefore, the cutting off the entail does not take
place in many instances. The resolution which had
been moved referred to another item, as to the vali-
dity of titles and the intricacies of the law. If there
were a lawyer present and he were to give them all
the legal terms that formed part of a legal convey-
ance of land, most of those present would suppose
that he was sayingsomething that was not English
at all, for no person in that hall would be able to
comprehend him. When they required to sell a
landed estate it required that they should go back
60 years, in order to ascertain that there was no
possible flaw with regard to the title. When they
recollected how long a time 60 years was—for there
were few in that room who could look back for such
a period—and when they considered the probabi-
lity of mortgages, or some other transactions taking
place during that period, they could well imagine
how few cases there were in which they could go
back for 60 years without finding something
which would enable the buyer's attorney to say
that there was something not sound in the title,
and thus enable the lawyers to go on for months
and years without a conveyance being effected; so
that sometimes the buying of an estate was the
greatest plague of a man's life. Not being a lawyer
he was unable to give them a minute description
of those laws affecting the purchase of landed pro-
perty, which,.although it might be amusing, would
go far to confound a great number of those present.
But he would ask them, if these laws and customs
were made general what would be the result? Sup-
pose, when a max died without a will in business,
the law handed all the property to the eldest son,
and told the others to get their own living. Sup-
pose the system of entail were followed up in all
other kinds of property. Suppose when they
bought anything that had endured for 60 years that
they should be compelled to go back for that period
to establish a title. Suppose the law which makes
it imperative with regard to land to prove a title
for 60 years applied to the business of the nation
and the produce of the national industry. If such
a law were applied, there would be an end to all
social progress, all commercial industry, and even
to civilisation. There were certain objects sought
to be obtained, and the general result of these laws
was that it required as far as possible the land should
be held by the great proprietors. That 'was one of
the results. Another was that it destroyed gra-
dually all the independent yeomen of the kingdom.
This was a remarkable fact, which every one would
do well to ponder over, for England was the only
civilised country in the globe—the only Christian
country, in whieh the possessors of the soil are be-
coming less in number. Whether they looked to
France, where the division of the soil was made com-
pulsory, or to the United States, where there were no
laws either to compel a division or to prevent it,
which he believed to be the proper course to adopt—
in no country was the number of the proprietors of
the soil decreasing but in this United Kingdom,
where there was so much industry, so great a
creation of wealth, and such an anxiety to possess
land. Here the numbers of the owners of the land
had been steadily diminishing. He regarded this
as a most unnatural system. Nothing could be
more cruelly unjust or unnatural than the course
which was taken for providing extravagantly for
one member of a family at the expense of another ;
but there was an answer to this. And he was sur-
prised on looking in the " Encyclopaedia Britan-
nica" on the subject of primogeniture, and he was
sorry that Mr. Black had not had somebody to
rewrite that article for his new edition, to find that
the writer of that article stated that there was a
great advantage in giving the whole of the property
to one son and none to the next. What was the
advantage ? Why it was this—that the man who
has nothing must try to get something, instead of
folding his arms in idleness and living in luxurious
ease like his brother. He must set to work, and by
great exertion, profitable alike to the public and
the country, he might make something for himself;
but to this his (Mr. Bright'©) answer was, let them
carry out this principle a little further, and let the
State take the property altogether, and then they
would not have nine penniless children, but ten,
and the elder brother would then have to work.
There were two results that in this country followed
from this system, and it was with a view to one of
these results that the system was retained. " Power
is concentrated in the territorial classes," says Dr.
J. Taylor, who observes that the land is the true
basis of power. He (Mr. Bright) did not want a
law that would shut one man out from the posses-
sion of land in order that the land might be retained
in the possession of a few, that they might usurp
the powers of the State. Unhappy results followed

from the present system, injurious to the cultiva-
tion of the soil and to the walfare of the farmer
and labourer. He recollected reading in a history
which he recommended everybody to read—the
" History of the Colonisation of the United States,"
written by Mr. Bancroft, once a Minister to the Court
of this country, and who he should say was perhaps
the first living historian, whether they regarded
the subject upon which he treated, or the manner in
which he handled his theme—and there was no man
who had written upon historical questions who was
more worthy of their study—Mr. Bancroft de-
scribed what was done with regard to the State
of Carolina some 200 years ago. The statesmen of
this country at that period concocted a constitution
for that colony something on the basis of that of
this country. They wanted to build up a great
territorial power in that province; for, as Mr. Ban-
croft said, " the ancient aristocracy dread the moral
power of the proprietary yeomen, and seek the
degradation of the cultivators of the soil, and to
render the power of man inactive." 'Well, what
was the result ? Why, it was found that the Con-
stitution which they had prepared for this State
would not work at all: The Constitution of the
plain men of Pennsylvania and other States all
worked well. Coming from the State of Virginia,
he would take a view of their own country. He
would take a view of their own farmers. He would
not speak disrespectfully of the farmers, but he
would look at theircandition in a political point of
view, as a groat- Tresof pollttca. vifireh v,-es the
greatest question, except religion, to which a man
could turn his attention. In their own part of the
country they knew the farmers did not return the
county members from any judgment of their own.
If they went into Wales they would find that nine-
tenths of all the farmers were Liberals, and most of
them Dissenters ; but they would find that scarcely
even a single man ever entered the House of Com-
mons from Wales unless he was greatly enamoured
of the Church of England, and was consequently a
Churchman. Again, if they went to Ireland they
would find that the majority of the inhabitants in
the north of Ireland were Presbyterians, but the
Presbyterian farmers returned no members to the
House of Commons ; not even one from the whole
of that body. What a system of humiliation they
were in ! That system of humiliation proceeded
from this circumstance—they till the land, but
own not the land ; they are cultivators under a
body of great proprietors, and their tenures are
often insecure. The Dissenters in Wales were
in much the same state, and so were the
members of the Free Church in Scotland.
There was nobody in the House of Commons
who represented their sentiments. But, leaving
the farmers, he would say a few words about the
labourers. He had no sympathy with the farmers,
for if a farmer occupied 500 acres of land he could
not help him. As to the labourers, he was of opi-
nion that there was no body of men who appealed
so much to the consideration and political sympathy
of the people in the towns in England as the agri-
cultural labourers. He was reading the other day
a work of unimpeachable testimony called the
" Recreations of a Country Parson," an amusing
work in some respects, but still an interesting book,
composed of articles which appeared originally in
Fraser's Magazine, a work which had not the least
been taintedwith the principles entertained there
at present. Of this parson he had no knowledge,
except that his book came under his (Mr. Bright's)
notice, and he read it. He describes what happens
in country life, and in a country house. He described
a ploughman, and he (Mr. Bright) wished he knew
the country in which he lived, but the author would
be able to read in one of the papers that he (Mr. I
Bright) bad quoted from his book, which would at
least serve as an advertisement. At any rate, speak-
ing of the ploughman, the writer said it was hard
work for that poor fellow ill paid. No horse, mule,
donkey, camel, or any other beast of labour in the
world went through so much exertion in proportion
to his strength between sunrise and sunset as he
did. Mr. Bright read—" The theory of political
economy. I hare not understanding for it, and I
feel glad when I think the social evils and the re-
sponsibilities of treating them rest upon abler heads
than mine." But he (Mr. Bright) asked why a cler-
gyman knew nothing of political economy. If a
clergyman could take the Scriptures from Genesis
to Revelations, and could, week after week, dis-
course powerfully to large audiences upon things
far higher than political economy—of things be-
longing not to this world, but to another and
higher state—surely if he had intellect to do that,
he might take up Adam Smith on the " Wealth
of Nations," and other books bearing upon the
subjects, and bring his polished intellect—polished
at Oxford or Cambridge to bear upon this
great question, and solve those fearful problems.
In every neighbourhood there walked a plough-
man working harder for his bare livelihood than
any brute beast which God had made. He did not
for a moment believe that it was an order of God.
He did not believe that it was a law of Nature that
there should be this wide difference in the direction
and diffusion of property. If he thought it neces-
sary that these people should go on thus toiling for
the future, then he would be greatly changed, for
he could not believe in either the justice or bene-
ficence of that Being whom he had been taught to
worship. The people of the town had delivered the
country from whatever of evil and of grievous legis-
lation they had escaped during their lifetime : they
knew that the whole political life of England was.
to be found in England's towns and cities. They
had freed the produce of the soil. The very fact of
that freedom relieved the terrible calamity of the
season through which they had passed, and though
showers had fallen almost incessantly for months,
and our own soil had refused to give quantity
and quality of the staff of life, yet, through that
fact of freedom, there was not a sea over which
there were not floating ships freighted from every
clime with the harvest where the sun and soil had
been more propitious to furnish to us the abundance
which, but for that change in the law, it would have
been impossible we this year could have procured.
Let us then see if we cannot free the land. It was
not more true that you had the right to buy your
corn freely in the world's market than it was that
you had the right to buy or sell land in your own
country as freely as you buy or sell any other
article of exchange or of possession. Why was it,
then, that they had suffered these evils until now ?
He was told that it was necessary for the support
of a privileged class. Well, bat he heard exactly
the same then about the Corn Laws. He recol-
lected travelling with a gentleman many Years
ago, during the time of the Anti-Corn Law agita-
tion, who got into the coach at Harrogate, and
went along as he did to Newcastle. He was a
gentleman very well known in what are called
monetary circles, and also in evangelical circles,
and he (Mr. Bright) thought, therefore, that
he had a man intelligent enough about business,
as
and with conscience enough ( he professed to
be religious) that he might discuss this question
with some hope of.a reasonable result. Ho did not
deny that the Corn-law made bread scarce ; he did
not deny that to the poorest of the people it was the
infliction of a famine; but he said it was necessary
to support the aristocracy of England, and he said
the glory, strength, and reputation of this country
in every foreign nation depended upon our greatness
and magnificence— the munificence rather than the
greatness of the aristocracy. Well, he (Mr. Bright)
undertook i o dispute all that. The law had been
abolished, the aristocracy were not lessened in the
least, and they bore an incalculably less amount of
odium than they did while the law was in existence.
Society was not so estranged as it was. The people
had done the aristocracy a prodigious amount of
good, which few had thanked them for. They told
the people that it was necessary they should have
chiefs to govern them, and the leading man in a
family who got an estate became &ruler ; they ought

e
to be thankful for such a privilege. Ike (Mr: BFt
agreed with General Thompson when he\stifd
when a man was strong he would put all the.Veaka
ones upon the public. The strong man posiressed
enough, and returned members to Parliament, and.
made laws and assisted in spending taxes, wrack
already amount to some £75,000,000 a-year, whiich
affore. scope for the younger brothers,
cousins, &e., or our aristocracy. In his opinion in.
a free country (and he did not say it was not a free'
country) they could breed men and rear men fit to
rule without violating the laws of nature. He
thought also that the families of gentlemen and.
noblemen, whose prolongation of existeace from.
generation to generation was based on the virtues
of their members, were infinitely of more worth to
the State than those kept on their legs by the laws
of primogeniture and entail. (Cheers.) The subject
was a great one; it was rot often touched on in
meetings like the present; but on that occasion when
they were met to promote the social elevation of their
countrymen, he thought it not amiss that they should
discuss fairly and freely the grievance which he held
to exist in regard ,to the law of tenure. It wee
thought useless to repeal the Corn Laws, and they'
wished us almost at perdition because we repealed
them for them. The hon. member concluded as fol-
lows:—The landowners don't understand the ques-
tion; they fancy there is a terrible abyss opening
before them, and they don't know how far they'
are
going down, and they fear that perhaps they will
never find any bottom if they fall. This is the sort
of notion they have if this law should be touched.,
They imagine it is something very complex, which
it is as it exists, and they think it is very dange-
rous to meddle with it in the least. The fundamen-
tal notion in the landowner's mind— I am not speak-
ing of the intelligent landowners, but of the general
body of landowners—is, they think when we pro-
pose the alteration of those lave, we propose
some-
„thing which oblige them to rut With Plait
estates by some mysterious Owes; Wei they ean
not avert, and that in some way or other their
power as great territorial magnates will be abo-
lished. On the contrary, I believe this freedom
which I advocate would raise the value of land in
every parish in the United Kingdom. I believe,
whether a man kept it or sold it, it would be worth
more if these laws were abolished. I believe it would
give an enormous stimulus to labour all over the
agricultural districts, and raise the wages of the
labourers. (Cheers.) I was at Paris last week,
where I met with an American gentleman. We
discussed their politics and their recent presiden-
tial election. Among other things, he told me that
4s. a day and a dollar a day (4s. 6d.) was the regu-
lar amount of wages of a farm labourer in that
country. But that labourer does not grow As much
wheat on an acre as the farm labourer here. The
land does not produce as much ; and in Lancashire
every girl and every boy almost is getting wages,
equal to the father of a family following the plough
in the land of England. How is it ? Shall it
endure for ever ? It is for us to alter it ; and we
can alter it if we understand the question thoroughly,
and set our shoulders to the wheel and determine
to do it. We shall give employment to the
people, we shall raise wages, and breathe the
breath of life into those politically dead, and
close up that deep and wide chasm which these laws
have created between the possessors of land and other
classes of society, particularly that class of which
my friend the clergyman speaks when he describes
and deplores their condition. (Cheers.) Now, I
say, then, we, as members of the House of Com-
mons, are in the way of our duty, as connectedwith
those zealous citizens having votes, in discussing
this question, and urging some public measure with
regard to it. lam sure if land were as free as corn,
and'as free as cotton, it would give power to the
Government as the dispenser of justice. And at
the same time it would give contentment to the
people, who would rejoice as they would have
occasion to rejoice in the abolition of a great and

grievous wrong. (Cheers.)
A vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Bright and
Mr. Scholefield for their attendance, with which

the proceedings terminated.

STATE OF TRADE.

MANCHESTER, Dec. 4.—ln yarns there is mot
much business for any market, but what sales are
reported have been done at an advance of about
d.
per lb. on last week's dates. The tales have been
chiefly for China, Calcutta, and Bombay. But
spinners of counts and qualities for these markets
were previously well under contract, and buyers
have much difficulty in placing new orders for
early delivery and at suitable prices. One sale
to-day for China was rather large, and at the
highest rate obtained forsome time past. For other
foreign markets, and for the home trade, busi-
ness is rather quiet, but the market is firm And
steady. The cloth-market labours under much other
embarrassment than that for yarn. There is A
telegram from Calcutta to Nov. 9, stating that there
is no improvement in goods, but that twist was in
a rather better position. xchanges had advanced
Id. to 3-d. Here, though we have no change in
prices for cloth, the complications in America are
producing much embarrassment, and buyers are
very unwilling to operate at last prices, so that
stocks of some kinds are beginning to accumulate
to an extent we have not known for some time past.
The American houses find their orders being can-
celled, and this naturally reacts upon the manufac-
turers most unfavourably. Cloths, where they are
' remunerative at present prices, are less so than
yarns, a result which partly arises from the dispro-
portionate increase of weaving sheds as compared
with spinning frames. The improved demand for
China goods, reported on Tuesday last, continued
to the end of the week, but yesterday and to-day
there has been less disposition to buy. Manufac-
turers, however, as a rule are pretty well engaged.
and hold firmly for last week's rates. For other
descriptions there is also less inquiry, and though
we cannot quote any actual decline in prices the
tendency is in favour of buyers.
LEEDS, 4th.—The weather has been very wet and.
uncomfortable to-day, and has undoubtedly checked.
the attendance both of buyers and sellers. There
was, however, a moderate amount of business done,
but chiefly to sort stocks for immediate wants.
Prices in' general remain very steady. Wool too
is firm at the highest quotations of last week, the
tended obtained. t ato t
itghhe t
ecurrent l
holderssales in London
dphearmivcieansngds. The new French tariff excites consider-
ablebut as it is not coming into immediate op
attention in the woollen trade in this locality;
fixed at 15
actual business for the new system has commenced
—at least none that is of much significance. On
cloths, woven or felted, worsteds, blankets, and
oration, no
cotton warps (where the weight of cotton does'
not exceed the weight of wool), the duties are
and 10 per cent. afterwards. Carpets will be 15
per cent. on the value throughout, list shoes 10
enter
per cent. on the value up to 1864,
specially
enumerated, as well as new made up clothes, will
be subject to a duty of 15 per cent. till 1864 and 10
rlit
ehs tes
As to what may be the effect of' the tariff upon the
woollen trade here opinion still greatly differ.
omfe thenwl treaty. tthreaitheir
ROCHDALE, 3d.—Dyed flannels have been in fair
requestppeerr c ceenntt t.o..ffrom
throughout,landB6 tthi
el
free, and all other
havewoollene
ay,
been so
sections in goods for
the spring trade, but, upon
the whole, the market has been rather dull, as
stock-taking will
soon commence, and operations
are in the meantime
confined chiefly to immediate
wants. Yorkshire goods sellwell, and prices of all
descriptionof
s fabrics keep well up. Manufacturers
are steadily employed, and
the general prospects of
the trade are satisfactory.. Wools are firm in price,
and a moderate business s doing in them by the
local dealers. of
x articles
pairlla tion kindsn o t

THE JURYMAN AND THE STOLEN COAT.--4118t
before the close of a libel case in the Court of Exchequer
on Friday, the jury retired for "ten minutes' refreshment."
On their return, Mr. Serjeant Ballantine was speaking, a
juryman, addressing the Lord Chief Baron, said—" I beg
your lordship's pardon, but some person has thought proper
to take my coat and to leave this one (holding it up) in its
place." (Laughter.) The Lord Chief Baron.—" I hope,
Sir, it is a better one than your own. (Renewed laughter.)
I suppose the coat was taken when the jury-box was
empty ?" The Juror.—" It was, te The Lord
Chief Baron.—" If a police officer is in the court he had
better look out for the person who took the coat."
[ADVERTISEMENT.' —'Holloway's Pills.— Certainty
against Supposition.— n how many diseases is a treatment
founded on supposed causes commenced and continued to
the-protraction of the disorder and danger, f the patient.
This can by no possibility occur from these celebrated
pills—with the utmost certainty they will remove all im-
purities from the body, and conduct it towards health,
whether a particular complaint be really in existence or
only in supposition. Holloway's pills exercise their power
in driving pestilential humours from the human system,
whether contaminating the secretions or the blood. They
remove,
by 1.1 peculiar Purifying process, everything that
proves pernicious to leigour and health, and so prevent in-
numerable maladies which might creep on us stealthily
without exciting suspicion.

........_..._ 4. _
ROYAL ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT-
GAiRDEN.—Undcr the Manat,,ement 'of Miss Louisa
Pyne and Mr. W. Harrison, Sole Lessees.
The Production of Mlle's new grand legendary opera will
take place TO-MORROW, December Gth. BIANCA, THE
BRAVO'S BRIDE. Supported by Miss Loutisa rYne. Miss
Thirlwall ; Mr. A. Lawrence, Mr. A. St. Albyn, Mr. H.
Corri, Mr. J. Wharton, Mr. T. Distin, Mr. Lcrall, and Mr.
Wm. Harrison, Conductor, Mr. A. Mellon.---Orchestra of
Eighty Performers ; Chorus of Fifty Voices. Xloors open at
7 ; commence at half-past 7.

p OVAL ENGLISH OPERA, COVENT-
-1 11 GARDEN—under the Management of Miss LOUISA
DYNE and Mi. W. FARRISON, Sole Lessees.
THIS EVEN:ING, THE AMBUSCADE.
The new Operet:a, THE MARRIAGE OF GEORGETTE,
Miss Louisa Pyne aid Mr. H. Corri.
To conclude with rTHE NIGHT DANCERS. Messrs
Haigh, TI. Corri, G. Distin, and Lyall ; Madame
Palmieri, Miss Albertazzi, 1511$s Lean*, Miss ThirlwalL and
Mies Iluddart.

Conductor—Mr. All:ed Mellon.
Doors open at Seven. Commetce at lief-past.

111AI:A TRI!,-ROYAL, HA YMARKET.
Lessee, Mr. J. B. Backstone,
TITS EVENING the nerforni,mars will mimmenee with
Sheridan's comedy of THE SCHOOL FOR, OCANDAL.
Mr. Buckstone, 3fise Amy Sedgwick, &c.
After which. JENNY LIND AT LAST. Jenny (her first
appearance), Miss Rose Howard.
And JACK'S RETURN FROM CANTON..

Comynence at 7.

•
Ou, 7. PRINCES S'S THEATRE -
Lesqee-and Manktrer. Mr. A. Harris.
rFILS EVENING, the performances will commence with
SUSA N SMITH-
To be followed by RUY BLAS. Supported by Mr. Fechter,
Messrs. W. Lacy, Meadows, Garden, Graham, Raymond,
Morland, Collett, Paulo, Daly, A. Harris ; Miss Rose
Leclercq, Mrs. Weston, and Miss Heath.
To conclude with THE GARIBALDI EXCURSIONISTS

THEATRE - ROYAL LYCEUM.
Soie Lessee and Directress, Madame CELESTE.
THIS EVENING, THE PE CS OF THE PARTERRE.
Scenic Department under the direction of Mr. Wm. Callcott.
The Music by Mr. Geovre Loder. Principal characters by Mr
A. Neville, Mr. John Rouse, Mr. J. Morris, Miss M. Ternan,
Miss Neville, MissHudspeth, Miss Stuart, Miss Turner;Miss
Dowdas, Miss Annie Collinson, and Miss Lydia Thompson.
After which. a new Drama, entitled HANDY ANDY.
Messrs. Campbell, Johnstone, T. Lyon. Forrester, Villiers,
Butler. and John Drew (his 9th appearance)•• Mrs. J. Rouse,
Miss Hudspeth, bliss Ternan, and Miss Neville.'
Followed by the new drama, entitled ADRIENNE - Or
THE SECRET OF A LIFE. Principal characters by.m
Henry Neville, Mr. John Rouse, Mr. Butler, I%lr. Villiers,
Mr. G. Vinin,, Mr. Forrester, Mr. Campbell, Mr. Clifford,
Mr. . JohnstoneKeel and Madame Celeste.
T Jo
commence at a quarter to 7, ey ,
on account of the length of
the entertainments.

A DELPHI, NF IV THEATRE-ROYAL.
Sole Proorletor and Manneer. Mr. Beni. Webster.
engagement for a limited number of nights of Miss ARlles
Roberton and Mr. Dion Boucicault, who will appear
every evenino• in the highly successful Drama of "The
Colleen 8aN912.
T
IS EVENING, UE RIFLE BRIGADE. Messrs. W.
TH
Smith,. D. Fisher, C. Selby, Miss Woolgar, Miss Kate Kelly,
d s
an
After .
witch, THE COLLEEN BAWN. D. Roucicault, D.
Fisher, Billington, Falconer, Stephenson. C. J. Smith, Romer.
Miss Agnes Robertson, Miss Woolgar, Mrs. Billing-ton, and
Mrs. Chatterley.
To conclude with ICI ON PARLE FRANCAIS.
Messrs. J. L. Toole, C. Selby, Billington,- Mrs. Chatterley,
Miss K. Kelly, ,tc.
Doors open at half-past 6—Commence at 7.
Box-office open from 10 till 5.
No charge for booking.
Private boxes, £2 2s. ; Family Boxes, Xi.
Orchestra Stalls, ss. • Balcony, 4s. ; Front Circle Stalls, •
Pit Stalls, 25.; Pit, 6d. ; Amphitheatre, 1s ; Gallery, 6d:
Acting Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith.

STLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.-
Proprietor and Manager, Mr. WIC BATTY.
Miss Rebecca Isaacs every Evening.
This Evening, a new Spectacle, entitled TUE LION
CONQUEROR ; or, The .Death Jungle, expressly for the
introduction Lions.' Wonders of the World, " The Groupe
of PerfOlTllitg The Lion Conqueror, Mr. J. Crockett.
To be succeeded by Scenes in the Arena, supported by
the celebrated Madame Newsome, Mr. James Newsome
and their Troupe of unequalled perf,-,rmers, &c., including
Young Charles Ducrow, the Greatest
the incomparable
Wonder of the age.
Concluding with THE DAUGHTER OF TIIE REGI-
MENT. Marie, Hiss Rebecca Isaacs.
Doors open at half-past 6, pertormance commence at 7.
BOX-Ofibe open daily from till 4
Stage Manager—Mr.:M. SENT.

THE CATTLE SHOW
ANT)
CANTERBURY HALL.
C. MORTON begs to inform visitors to London that the
above II ALT,, with its Magnificent Gallery of Modern Paint-
incrs, by all the best masters, is OPEN EVERY EVENING
at 7 o'clock.
GRAND SELECTIONS

FROM
BELLINI'S NORMA AND PLOTOW'S MARTHA.-
PRINCIPAL ARTISTES,
MISS RUSSELL MADAME MARIA
MISS TYRREL MISS WILKINSON'
Mr. HENRY HERBERT and Mr. BRNARD.
Conductor Mr. JOENGIIMANS.
The COMIC Department comprises Messrs. A. B. Hollings-
worth, W. T. Critelifield, J. Blanchard, G. W. Pell, Charley
Fox. and E. Marshall, in his transformation song.,
DOMESTIC DRAMA," parsonatingfive different characters.

WEATTIBIL-S-ux OFFICZ, DEC. 5, 1860.

THEIVVOIKETER, IN THE SHADS.
46 —highest since noon yesterday.
43 —lowest this morning and during the night.
49—this day at noon.
VAnomETER-29.43.
WlND—West ; light, with dull weather.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
THIS DAY.--I%.Sorning, 6h. 17m.—Afternoon, 6h. 43m,
To-siour.ow.-Morning, 7h. 13m.—Afternoon, 7h. 46m

A

THE SUN.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, DEC. 5, 1860.

At last Mr, BRIGHT has spoken again to his own
constituents. His political reticence in their regard
was broken last evening in the Town Hall of
Birmingham. Without an instant's doubt to the
hearty satisfaction of the liberal electors of that
great borough—as without any doubt whatever
also to the satisfaction of the liberal electors
scattered far and wide throughout the United
Kingdom : at any rate of those liberal elector's
who can think (as well as vote) of their own free
will, or for themselves. But—how will it be in
regard to this last remarkable speech—for a truly
remarkable speech in many particulars it will cer-
tainly be found to be upon examination—how will
it be in regard to this last notable speesh of Mr.
BRIGHT'S at Birmingham—how will it be to the
old world Tories, to the great landowners of the
three kingdoms, to that dominant section of
the Upper Ten Thousand that may be said
to consist of the aboriginal champions of Conserva-
ism. Why, to these—the possessors of the per
sang, the "blue blood," the "divine ichor" of what
in their vein is doubtless alone worthy of the title
of Family in England—never, perhaps, will Mr.
BRIGHT have appeared to be a more flagrant or
a more audacious Revolutionist than in these last
daring utterances of his addressed to the Liberal
constituency—to his own Liberal constituency—at
Igir''aingham. To them he will be as the Ozee of
the Ark of the Constitution. Though, in truth, his
hand is but reverently raised to prevent that Ark
from Falling. The arch Demagogue, as he will now
more than ever seem in the eyes of the still, in one
sense, dmiliant Tery Monopolists—the arch Dema-
gogue who has been already so conspicuously suc-
cessful in sweeping away antiquated illusions in
departments of our political
regard to other
system—has now turned his
unblenching front
antagonistically against—shame to the sacre-
ligious innovator and Iconoclast l —absolutely
against the sacred and awful laws of
entail and primogeniture ! "Corn" he dared to say
last night, at Binn in gh am, "Ives free now, but some
years ago it was not free, and if it had not been ao
now the country would have been turned upside
down. Iron was free, shares were free, cash was
free, everything but land, which had a clause
attached to it which would prove utterly ruinous
to anything else. The land, in point of fact, was
in bondage, and the people in boncloge with it."
Having uttered which alarming words—words that
will ring bodingly, as the phrase ice, " throughout
the length and breadth of the land," words that
will sound to tire more timorous like the clang cf
the gauntlet flung down, or like the blast upon the
war trumpet, as the signal for onset—Mr. BRIGIIT
goes on to particularise the two principal obstacles
now remaining to be overthrown, to the end that
this new era of social and political prosperity
May advance more freely and uninterrupted
in its general development ! Those two
obstacles being none other than—in plain,

..
simple English—tbe laws of entail and primogeni-
ture " The first of these obstacles," observed Mr.l
BRIGHT last night, in that dreadful revolutionary
Pandemonium of the Town Hall at Birmingham,
" was the law of primogeniture. If the Editors of
the Newspapers," he added," or the writers of those
journals favoured the public with any of their
observations upon what he was now saying, they
would no doubt tell them this, that there was no
such thing in England as the law of primogeniture,
and that a man might leave his property as he liked.
by his will ; that it was only in those cases where
he died without a will that the law of primogeni-
' ture comes into effect, the fact being that the whole
of the freehold landed property was given to the
one son, although the rest of the brothers and
sisters were turned penniless into the world." The
Editors of Newspapers at any rate, after having their
ignorance thus dissipated by this timely reminder
as to what is what, can hardly blunder now, how-
ever, into any such anticipated misrepresentation.
The hole in the ice is humanely labelled" Danger"
an that public-spirited
(for their especial benefit) by
atIJ benignant H.S.'s dragsm the member
for 21irminghamf and will doubtless swerve
with sufficient adroit"
of their skates
the edge
ness to sweep scatheless round the brink of the
of course, have inevitably
destruction :_hat must,
engulphed them t for the generous warning
eire.nmbendibus. Thanking
leading to this timely
the cordial voice that thus c2lls to us also, among
the Editors of Newspapers, i( Bt ware 1" we must
nevertheless acknowledge that the
notion of
advancing any such astounding opinion as the one
confidently looked for by Mr. BRIGLIT
from the comments of the public journalists,
would certainly never once have entered into our
imagination. Let us go further upon this point,
and at once insist in reference to other and very
different objections—objections far more likely to
be raised in opposition to Mr. BRIGHT'S "rash"
and " flagitious" onslaught upon the laws of entail
and primogeniture, that, in his daring aspiration
thus to carry out a far grander Reform than any
hitherto conducing towards the freeing of the
produce of the soil, one leading directly towards
the freeing of the soil itself—this bold root-and-
branch Reformer cannot, in reason, be taunted
with wishing simply to Americanise the British
Constitution. In demonstration of which
it is only necessary to turn to the
most English of all our counties, to the
most Saxon of all the seven kingdoms of the
Heptarchy—to KENT, where there is just possibly
something or other under the name of gavelkind
as entirely opposed even as Mr. BRIGHT himself to
the Laws of Entail and Primogeniture. It is not
to Illinois or to Massachusetts observe, but to Kent,
and to no spot of earth less English than Kent, that
reference is here being made for proof positive that
in this onslaught of his upon the laws of entail and
primogeniture, whatever Mr. BRIGHT is thereby
attempting to do, he is certainly not attempting—
as he has been so often before now been taunted
with attempting—to Americanise the British
Constitution. Mr. BRIGHT, it is true, un-
doubtedly refers, in his outspoken way, to
the working of certain bold constitutional
changes within the boundaries of the United States
of America, referring in this way to Virginia and
to Pennsylvania; but he might, as we have here
indicated, he might quite readily by the utterance
of two words, familiar to the merest tyre-reader of
Sir WILLIAM BLACKSTONE'S Commentaries, have
reminded his hearers, and afterwards his own
readers, that nearer home were originally sown
the seeds that centuries afterwards had this
abundant fruition upon being transplanted and
cultured on the more liberal soil upon the
opposite shore of the Atlantic. However
this may bo in the estimation of the
old Tory landowners of England, they may as
well, taking timely warning from this new sign of
the times, flung down to them like a gage of battle
by their old antagonist [whom they must allow in
spite of their own sinister predictions to the con-
trary, has not yet quite contrived to ruin them)
their old antagonist, but not by any means for that
reason their foe, the member for Birmingham.
It will be better fcr themselves perhaps, nay, it
will be better for the interests of us all, if these
landowners lay well to heart the closing words
of this startling speech of Mr. BRIGHT'S-a
speech addressed rather to them than to his
liberal constituents at Birmingham. " The land-
owners," said this bold Tribune of the People
yesterday to those constituents, but at the very
class of whom he was speaking —" The land-
owners don't understand the question ; they fancy
there is a terrible abyss opening before them,
and they don't know how far they are
going down, and they fear that perhaps they will
never find any bottom if they fall. This is the sort
of notion they have if this law should be touched,
They imagine it is something very complex, which
it is as it exists, and they think it is very dange-
rous to meddle with it in the least
They think when we propose the alteration of
those laws, we propose something which will
oblige them to part with their estates by some
mysterious process which they cannot avert,
and that in some way or other their power as
great territorial magnates will be abolished.
On the contrary, I believe this freedom which
I advocate would raise the value of land in
every parish in the United Kingdom. I believe,
whether a man kept it or sold it, it would be worth
more if these laws were abolished. I believe it
would give an enormous stimulus to labour all over
the agricultural districts, and raise the wages of
the labourers." And that freedom which Mr.
BRIGHT here avows he is ardently hoping for and
urgently advocating ? In one sentence, it is—the
emancipation of the soil itself, of the produce of
which Mr. BRIGHT has the glory—a glory enjoyed
by him now for fourteen years past, and henceforth
secure of being associated with his name in
perpetuity—the benignant glory appertaining to
one of the first and foremost of its emancipators.

We have been now for about eighteen years so
familiar with the working of the Tariff Reform in
our own country, that we are liable to forget our
earlier attempts. We refer, of course, to those
more noticeable reductions made by Sir ROBERT
PEEL in 1842, and which were the first great step
towards the repeal of the Corn Laws, the further
and considerable Customs reductions of 1846, and
the sweeping away of all the minor Customs
duties, and one anything but minor, by Mr.
GLADsToNE this year.

In 1842 when Sir ROBERT laid on his seven-
Penny Income Tax, it was done to balance our
income and expenditure, and also to make such
numerous reductions in our commercial tariff
as would, he expected, compensate even the
unfortunates under schedule D for the obnoxious
demand he made upon them. On that
occasion he proposed a reduction of duty
on about 750 articles, and to leave untouched the
duties on about 450 more.
The Principle of his
reductions he stated to be this, On. raw produce
was not to exceed 5 per cent. On partly
manufacturedarticles it was not to exceed 12 per
ceut. On articles wholly manufactured it was not

- -
to exceed 20 per cent. And he calculated the
revenue thus sacrificed, nominally, for he expected
it would be partly recouped on other articles, at
£270,000. The three years which followed, as is
well known, proved the justice of his expectations ;
the relaxations had produced an increase of revenue,
and protective duties nearly vanished in 1846.
The publication of the new French Tariff led us
to turn back to the first tariff, that of 1842, proposed
by Sir ROBERT PEEL, for a slight comparison.
The first thing which struck us in the PEEL Tariff
was the absence of the word " Free" compared with
its frequent occurrence in the NAPOLEON Tariff. If
we have overlooked no instance we found bat three ;
and to what would the reader suppose did that pri-
vilege apply,—te LOBSTERS ; GOLD and DIAMONDS !
A few things designated free, when coming from
foreign countries, were only nominally foreign,
such as fish taken and cured by ourselves ; or
equipments of ships in actual use on their voyege
home. We need not say the list of free articles,
chemicals, however, forming a large part of them,
is pretty numerous in the NAPOLEON Tariff—we
must leave to such of our readers as wish it the

trouble of counting them. In one respect the two
Tariffs are alike, the word " prohibited" vanishes
in both.

If we compare again the rates of duty, they
appear very similar. A great many in the new
French Tariff are ad valorem, and they range
generally from 5 to 20 per cent., and, as with Sir
ROBERT PEEL, raw material is naturally favoured.
In some few cases indeed we find a very high
duty charged, but these are substitutes for prohi-
bition in the abolished scale, and probably the word
prohibited" might in most of these cases have as
well been retained. Generally, so far as we can tell
without minute examination, the reduction of
duties appears as great as that made in Sir ROBERT
PEEL'S first tentative experiment.

This fact is certainly interesting to notice. It
gives hope that the French will be as likely to
make use of their primer as we have done. If in
three years after, Sir It. PEEL was able, with the
willing assistance of the trading community,
to propose a second great great reduction of duties,
we may well expect that by 1864, when many of
the French duties are to be yet farther reduced,
our neighbours will wish to advance further in that
line than they are actually bound to do. The
EMPEROR is a known Freetrader. He will not be
slow to publish the fiscal operation of the lowered
duties, and to urge the claims of the national
Exchequer to further profitable reductions. He is
also a man who relies on the favour of the many,
and he will not wish to satisfy the desires
awakened by the introduction of cheaper articles
for the million. The intellectual public of France
are also keenly logical, and like to push a theory
even too far; they will want a consistent free-trade
tariff. We should not be surprised therefore to find
the timid French public awakened, more quickly
than we could expect, to the blessings of thorough-
going free trade. The protected interests, as here,
will die hard, but the EMPEROR and the people,
with experience to boot, will be too strong for
them.

Rude islanders though we be in the eyes of some
of our continental neighbours, and roughly as we
can speak of Emperors and Kings whose ways do
not please us, we can cherish and evince a sympathy
with Queens and Empresses on occasions of personal
trial, which they and theirs must appreciate. At
this moment two Empresses, with whose Consorts
we have had many a misunderstanding—happily
going no further than words—are receiving such
attentions as we can offer—one in seeking recovery
of her health, the other desiring by entire change
of scene and circumstance to relieve the pressure of
domestic affliction. The former is at this
moment on board her MAJESTY'S own yacht,
which, we are happy to say, has proved
herself a most admirably sea-worthy vessel
in a storm which compelled other ships to
refit, and is now nearing, we trust, the island in
whose mild climate the state of her health requires
her to pass the winter. The Emperor of AUSTRIA
with Englishmen stands only second on the same
list of which the King of NAPLES is at the head,
and he has been spoken of here by us all, politi-
cally, as his conduct deserves; but sure we are
that every one of us rejoices sincerely that our
Sovereign could show his young wife the kind
courtesy of offering her her own sailing vessel,
to mitigate the discomforts of a sea voyage to the
invalid Empress. We feel all the more pleasure
in the courtesy on account of our unavoidable poli-
tical quarrel with the EMPEROR.

The Empress of the FRENCH is not such a
stranger to us. She is, indeed, connected by
descent with our nobility, and we have been
favoured with her -visits before, in company with
the EMPEROR. But this last private visit some-
how interests us far more than the other. She
is in sorrow. She mourns a tenderly-beloved
sister. Her spirits sink under a trial which
every one of us understands ; she needs the relief
which we have all had to seek; and she
honours us by seeking it in England.
She does not in gloomy, damp Novem-
ber, seek the brighter skies and softer air of
southern climes, but turns to chilly cloudy, Eng-
land. Why ? Is it because she thought to find
hearts and welcomes here which she could not
elsewhere ? We half flatter ourselves with such
an idea. Most certainly from the time she
landed, and received the first cheers of the few
who discovered her at York, to the day on
which his Royal Highness himself escorted her
to the train from Windsor, all classes have done II
her all the honour which the circumstances of
her private visit permitted. Dukes and Burghers,
and the rough populace of Manchester, and our
Volunteers, too—all people of every grade, seemed
desirous to show her that she was welcome to
England. Such a French invasion they would
cheer as often as it was made, and not be displeased
to hear of a return invasion from England. One
element of the universal and peculiar interest felt
by Englishmen in the Empress of the FRENCH,
however, we imagine to be, that marriage, in her
case, was not a political arrangement. The
EMPEROR himself almost openly confessed that,
defeated in his attempts to obtain a wife from
among the daughters of old dynasties, he consoled
himself by indulging his affections in seek-
ing the hand of a beautiful and amiable
young woman, the subject of another Crown.
Englishmen see in her an Empress who
owes her position, not to the accident of birth, but
to those charms and merits to which the heart of
every man among us cannot be insensible. She
has amiably borne her honours ; and having gladly
welcomed her among us, and felt honoured by
her choice of our country as her solace in her trials,
we now bid farewell with the heartiest good wishes
to EUGENIE, Empress of the FRENCH.

The Countess of Shelburne comes to Lansdowne
House to-day, from Bowood. The Marquis of Lansdowne
will arrive in town at the latter end of the week,

Viscount Palmerston comes to town to-day, from
'visiting her Majesty at Windsor Castle.
The marriage of Lord Delaniere with Miss Sey-
mour, daughter of Sir Hamilton and the Hon, Lady Sey-
mour is fized to take place on the 27th inst.