The Sun.
London, England, 1860-12-19 00:00:00

has been already carried into effect, so far as this was
practicable.

- Under this convention the sum of 500,000 taels, equal
to about 700,000 dols., was stipulated to be paid in satisfac-
tion of the claims of American citizens, out of the one-fifth
of the receipts for tonnage import, and export duties on
American vessels at the ports of Canton, Shanghae, and
Fuchau; and it was " agreed that this amount shall be in
full liquidation of all claims of American citizens at the
various ports to this date." Debentures for this amount
—to wit: 300,000 taels for Canton,"100,000 for Shanghae,
and 100,000 for Fuchau—were delivered, according to the
terms of the convention, by the respective Chinese collet
tors of the customs of these ports to the agent selected by
our Minister to receive the same.
Since that time the claims of our citizens have been
adjusted by the board of commissioners appointed for
that purpose under the act of March 3, 1859, and their
awards, which proved satisfactory to the claimants, have
been approved by our minister. In the aggregate they
amount to the sum of 498,694 dols. 78c. The claimants
have alreadyreceived a large proportion of the sums awarded
to them out of the fund provided, and it is confidently ex-
pected that the remainded will ere long be entirely paid.
After the awards shall have been satisfied, there will re-
main a surplus of over 200,000 dols at the disposition of Con-
gress, As this will in equity belong to the Chinese Go-
vernment, would not justice require its appropriation to
some benevolent object in which the Chinese may be speci-
ally interested ?

Our minister to China, in obedience to his instructions,
has remained perfectly neutral in the war between Great
Britain and France and the Chinese empire; although, in
conjunction with the Russian minister, he was ever ready
and willing, had the opportunity offered, to employ his good
offices in restotiag peace between the parties. It is but an
act of simple justice, both to our present minister and his
predecessor, to state, that they have proved fully equal to
the delicate, trying, and responsible positions in which they
have on different occasions been placed.

JAPAN.
The ratifications of the treaty with Japan concluded at
Yedo on the 29th July, 1858, were exchanged at Washing-
ton on the 22d May last, and the treaty itself was pro•.
claimed on the succeeding day. There is good reason to
expect that, under its protection and influence, our trade
and intercourse with that distant and interesting people
will rapidly increase.
The ratifications of the treaty were exchanged with
unusual solemnity. For this purpose the Tycoon had
accredited three of his most distinguished subjects as
envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary, who
were received 'and treated with marked distinction and
kindness by the Government and people of the United
States.

There is every reason to believe that they have returned
to their native land entirely satisfied with their visit and in-
spired by the most friendly feelings for our country. Let
us ardently hope, in the language of the treaty itself, that
" there shall henceforward be perpetual peace and friend-
ship between the United States of America and his Majesty
the Tycoon of Japan and his successors."

BRAZIL.
With the wise, conservative, and liberal government of
the Empire of irazil our relations continue to be of the
most amicable character.

NEW GRANADA.
The exchange of the ratifications of the convention with
the republic of New Granada, signed at Washington on
the 10th Sept., 1857, has been long delayed from accidental
causes, for which neither party is censurable. These rati-
fications were duly exchanged in this city on the sth of
Nov. last. Thus has a controversy been amicably termi-
nated which had become so serious at the period of my in-
auguration, as to require me, on the 17th April, 1857, to
direct our Minister to demand his passports and return to
the United States.

Under this convention the Government of New Granada
has specially acknowledged itself to be responsible to our
citizens "for damages which were caused by the riot at
Panama on the 15th April, 1856. These claims, together
with other claims of our citizens which had been long urged
in vain, are referred for adjustment to a board of commis-
sioners. I submit a copy of the convention to Congress,
and recommend the legislation necessary to carry it into
effect.

COSTA RICA AND NICARAGUA.
Persevering efforts have been made for the adjustment
of the claims of American citizens against the Government
of Costa Rica, and I am happy to inform you that these
have finally prevailed. A, convention was signed at the
city of San Jose, on the 2d of July lait, between the Mini-
ster resident of the United States in Costa Rica and the
Plenipotentiaries of that Republic, referring these claims to
a board of Commissioners, and providing for the payment
of their awards. This convention will be submitted imme-
diately to the Senate for their constitutional action.
The claims of our citizens upon the republic of Nica-
ragua have not yet been provided for by treaty, .although
diligent efforts for this purpose have been made by our
Minister resident to that Republic. These are still con•
tinned, with a fair prospect of success.
MEXICO.
Our relations with Mexico remain in a most unsatis-
factory condition. In my last two annual messasges, I
discussed extensively the subject of these relations, and do
not now propose to repeat at length the facts and argu-
ments then presented. They proved conclusively that our
citizens residing in Mexico, and our merchants trading
thereto, had suffered a series of wrongs and outrages such
as wsehave never patiently borne from any other nation.
For these our successive Ministers, invoking the faith of
treaties, had, in the name of their country, persistently
demanded redress and indemnification, but without the
slightest effect. Indeed, so confident bad the Mexican
authorities become of our patient endurance, that they
universally believed they might commit these outrages
upon American citizens with absolute impunity. Thus
wrote our Minister in 1856, and expressed the opinion that
" nothing but a manifestation of the power of the Govern-
ment, and of its purpose to punish these wrongs, will
avail."
Afterwards, in 1857, came the adoption of a new con-
stitution for Mexico, the election of a President and Con-
gress under its provisions, and the inauguration of the
President. Within one short month, however, this Presi-
dent was expelled from the :capital by a rebellion in the
army, and the supreme pc.wer of the republic was assigned
to General :Zuloaga. This usurper was in his turn soon
compelled to retire and give place to General Miramon.
Under the constitution which had thus been adopted,
Senor Juarez, as chief justice of the Supreme Court, became
the lawful President of the Republic; and it was for the
maintenance of the constitution and his authority derived
from it that the civil war commenced, and still continues
to be prosecuted.
Throughout the year 1858 the constitutional party grew
stronger and stronger. In the previous history of Mexico
a successful military revolution at the capital had almost
universally been the signal for submission throughout the
republic. Not so on the present occasion.
A majority of the citizens persistently sustained the con-
stitutional government. When this was recognised in
April, 1859, by the Government of the United States, its
authority extended over a large majority of the Mexican
States and people, including Vera Cruz and all the other
important seaports of the republic. From that period our
commerce with Mexico began to revive, and the constitu-
tional government has afforded it all the protection in their
power.
Meanwhile the government of Miramon still held sway
at the capital and over the surrounding country, and con -
tinued its outrages against the few American citizens who
still had the courage to remain within its power. To cap
the climax : after the battle of Tacubaya, in April, 1859,
General Marques ordered three citizens of the United States,
two of them physicians, to be seized in the hospital at that
place taken out and shot, without crime and without trial.
This was done, notwithstanding our unfortunate coun-
trymen were at the moment engaged in the .holy cause of
affording relief to the soldiers of both parties who had been
wounded in the battle, without making any distinction be-
tween them.
The time had arrived, in my opinion, when this Govern-
ment was bound to exert its power to avenge and redress
the wrongs of our citizens, and to afford them protection in
Mexico. The interposing obstacle was that the portion of
the country under the sway of Miramon could not be reached
without passing over territory under the jurisdiction of the
constitutional Government.
Under these circumstances, I deemed it my duty to re-
commend to Congress, in my last annual message, the em-
ployment of a sufficient military force to penetrate into the
interior, where the Government of Miramon was to be
found, with, or, if need be, without tilt consent of the
Juarez Government, though it was not doubted that this
consent could be obtained. Never have I had a clearer
conviction on any subject than of the justice as well as wis-
dom of such a policy.
No other alternative was left, except the entire abandon-
ment of our fellow-citizenswho had gone to Mexico, under
the faith of treaties, to the systematic injustice, cruelty, and
oppression of Mirtunon's Government. Besides, it is almost
certain that the simple authority to employ this force, would
of itself have accomplished all our objects without striking
a single blow. The constitutional Government would then
ere this have been established at the City of Mexico, and
would have been ready and willing, to the extent of its
ability, to do justice.
In addition—and I deem this a most important consi-
deration—European Governments would have been de-
prived of all pretext to interfere in the territorial and
domestic concerns of Mexico. We should thus have
been relieved from the obligation of resisting, even by
force, should this become rrecessary, any attempt by these
governments to deprive our neighbouring republic of por-
tions- of her territory; a duty Ass.. which wo could not
shrink without abandoning the territorial and established
policy of the American peop.le. I am happy to observe
that, firmly relying upon the justice and good faith of these
governments, there is no present danger that such a con-
tingency will happen.
Having discovered that my recommendations would not
be sustained by Congress, the next alternative was to ac-
complish, in some degree, if possible, the same objects by
treaty stipulations with the constitutional government.
Such treaties were accordingly concluded by our late able
and excellent Minister to Mexico, and on the 4th Jamiary
last were submitted to the Senate for ratification. As these
have not yet received the final action of that body, it would
be improper for me to present a detailed statement of their
provisions.
Still I may be permitted to express the opinion in ad-
vance that they are calculated to promote the agricultural,
manufacturing, and commercial interests of the country,
and to secure our just influence with an adjoining republic
as to whose tortunes and fate we can never feel indifferent ;
whilst at the same time they provide for the payment of a
considerable amount towards the satisfaction of the claims
of our injured fellow-citizens.

KANSAS AND UTAH.
M the period of my inauguration I was confronted in
Kansas by a revolutionary government, existing under
what is called the Topeka constitution. Its avowed object
was to subdue the territorial government by force, and to
inaugurate what was called the Topeka government in its
stead. To accomplish this object an extensive military
organisation was formed, and its command entrusted to the
most violent revolutionary leaders.

Under these circumstances, it became my imperative
duty to exert the whole constitutional power of the Execu-
tive to prevent the flames of civil war from again ragingi n
Kansas, which, in the excited state of the public mind,
both North and South, might have extended into the
neighbouring States.

The hostile parties in Kansas had been inflamed against
each other by emissaries both from the North and the
South, to a degree of malignity without parallel in our
history. To prevent actual collision, and to assist the: civil
magistrates in enforcing the laws, a strong detachment of
the army was stationed in the territory, ready to aid the
marshals and his deputies, when lawfully called upon, as a
posse comitatus in the execution of civil and criminal pro-
cess.

Still, the troubles in Kans:Ls could not have been perma-
nently settled without an election by the people. The ballot
box is the surest arbiter of dismtes among freemen. Under
this conviction every proper effort was employed fo induce
the hostile parties to vote at the election of delegates to
frame the State constitution, and afterwards the election to
decide whether Kansas should be a slave or a free State.
The insurgent party refused to vote at either, lest this
might be considered a recognition on their part of the tern'