The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON,_THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 15, 1854.

SKETCH OF A DISTINGUISHED TURK.
THE SULTAIV'S CHIEF MINISTER.

Mnstapha Reschid Pacha was born towards the en-
of 1802, in Constantinople, and is, therefore, in his 52d
year. His father Mustapha Effendi, superintended, as
steward, the rich posasessions belonging to the Mosque
of Sultan Bajazet. The stewardship had been hitherto
hereditary in the family, but when Mustapha died, Sul-
tan Mahmoud gave the situation to an officer of his
harem. In 1817 Reschid's mother also died, having given
a most careful bducation to his four children, especially
Reschid, who distinguished himself by his aptitude and
talents. One of the daughters had been married to
Ali Pacha, at the time the Viceroy of an Asiatic pro-
vince, before her mother's death. Ali took charge of the
young Reschid, and made him his private secretary.
In this capacity the youth accompanied his patron to
his pachalic of Morea and Brussa, and subsequently to
Constantinople, when Ali was summoned there in 1822
and made Grand Vizier. It was the time of the Greek
insurrection, which Ali would fain have stifled by mild
measures, but as the most violent measures received the
preference in the Divan at the instigation of Haleb
Effendi, the Grand Vizier was disgraced and exiled to
Gallipoli. The defeats of the Turks in the Morea still
continued, however, and as Ali was known to possess an
accurate knowledge of the country it gave him the ad-
vantage, and he was appointed to the command of the
army sent against the Greeks. Reschid accompanied
him, sharing the privations and disasters of the troops.
As Ali was not more fortunate than his predecessors had
been he was deprived of his command, and subsequently
died a ruined man.
Reschid had already made so favourable an impres-
sion, through his talents and acquirements, that the fall
of his patron was not injurious to him. He was now
made private secretary to the Grand Vizier Selim Pacha,
and accompanied him during the campaign of 1829
against the Russians. He continued at his post under
Selim's successor Izzet Pacha, and as secretary to the
Ottoman Plenipotentiaries assisted in negotiating the
treaty cf Adrianople. For the services he rendered on
this occasion the Sultan raised him to the dignity
of an Amedzi, or Grand Referenclary. His next
employment consisted in undertaking two diplo-
matic missions to Egypt, the first with Per-
teo Pacha, the second with Hall Pacha. In
the last, which occurred in 1833, the object was to
obtain the most favourable conditions for the Porte
from Mehemet Ali, the victor at Koniah. The result
of Reschid's exertions in the attainment of this object
was the treaty of peace at Kutahia, which the Sultan
had good rerson to be well satisfied with considering all
the circumstances of the time. Reschid's reward was
his appointment to the post of ambassador at Paris, for
which he was eminently qualified by his i.,tiinate ac-
quaintance with the French language and literature.
From Paris he went as ambassador .to London, and
spent more than two years in Western Europe. Long
previously a convert by conviction to the Sultan's plans
of reform, he became more convinced than ever by per-
sonal observation there of the immense superiority
that civilisation confers over barbarism. A catas-
trophe that now took place, engraved this convic-
tion as it were indelibly in his soul. He was re-
called, namely, by Perteo Pacha, who happened to
be at the time Prime Minister, to Constantinople, the
intention being to make him on his return Minister
of Foreign Affairs ; but on his landing at the place
of his birth, he found that Prime Minister no longer
among the living. The bow-string had been einploytd.
The order for his strangulation had, it is said, been ob-
tained by the enemies of, the Mini,ter from the Sultan
Mahmoud when that potentate was in a drunken fit.
Reschid required no stronger contrast than this between
European and Asiatic customs ; nor, indeed, could there
be one niore impressive and revolting.
Reschid was now looked upon as lost, for the man
just executed had promoted him to his new dignity ;
but he confounded the predictions arid intrigues of
his enemies, convinced the Sultan of Perteo's inno-
cence, and had the murderers brought to condign
punishment. The high favour 'he soon acquired
enabled him to commence carrying out his plans of
reform. The feverish impatience of the Sultan, prin-
cipally arising from his eagerness to take vengeance
on Mehemet Ali, added wings to his zeal, and hurried
on his flight in such a manner as to hecorne critical in
the extreme. It was evident that Reschid was now
going on at too rapid a pace, and by o verthrowing what
was established too quickly and injudiciously, he did
inure injury than good service to his cause. Besides,
the old Turkish party, even the more prudent friends of
_reform became alarmed, for affairs now assumed the as-
pect as if Turkey was to be transmuted in a single night
to a European state. Conspiracies broke out, Mehemet
Ali received the most pressing invitations to draw the
sword in defence of the faith, and he began to arm. It
would have been far more prudent policy to have post-
poned the inevitable conflict with the Viceroy of Egypt.
Reschid Pacha, on the contrary, precipitated the rup-
ture. The Sultan himself, blinded as he had '
been by hatred, saw at last that too much haste
was an error, and Reschid accordingly was dis-
graced. But in the main he had done nothing but
execute the ssommands of his sovereign, and this con-
sideration caused the latter to decree against the fallen
favourite the mildest form of punishment. Banishment
was veiled, and Reschid was sent back as ambassador to
London.
The observations that Reschid Pacha has made during
his first stay in Europe induced him to come to the con-
clusion that the formation of a grand alliance against
Itussia was by no means an impossibility. He knew it
was Russian policy that whetted and instigated Mehe-
met Ali against the Sultan, so as to weaken the coun-
tries of the East, thereby rendering them powerless to
prevent the final occupation of them by Russia. But be
failed to inspire the English statesman with his own con-
viction.

Being at times quite in the dark respecting the enemy
whom they had to deal with, they have often in conse-
quence rendered good service to the Muscovite plains,
without perhaps intending it—the Greek kingdom and
the battle of Navarino to wit. It can har fly admit of a
doubt that had an anti-Russian alliance been really
formed at that time, an alliance essentially for the pro-
tection of the Porte, the sword of Mehemet Ali would
have remained unsheathed. But Reschid not having
accomplished his wish, he again went on his travels.
He visited those parts of Europe which were the most
important for his own country ; also Rome, where he
obtained an audience of the Pope, being the first Osmanli
or Mahornetan that had ever asked or obtained it.
From Rome he proceeded to Paris, and here it was that
he first received the news of the terrible reverses that
were now falling with terrible rapidity on Turkey. No
Sultan, no army, no fleet ! All was over ! The Sultan
dead, the army at Nisib annihilated in a few hours, the
fleet conveyed by its own Capudan Pacha into the war-
port of the enemy !
Reschid Pacha proved himself a true statesman in
this crisis. He instantly set off for London, and be-
fore he embarked for Constantinople in obedience to
the mandate of the new Sultan, the quadruple alli-
ance was formed for the preservation of Turkey.
Russia figured as one of the contracting parties—as
if she wished to sustain the tottering edifice of the
Turkish state, her real object being, though not under-
stood by Europe at that time, to prevent Mehemet Ali
from taking the whole, and infusing fresh life into it.
When Reschid reached Constantinople the pressing
danger was over. In the East it more rarely happens
than in the west, that the successor to the throne should
treat the servants of his predecessor with the same re-
spect as the latter had done, and that he should also
pursue the former system of policy, but it happened in
this instance Reschid Pacha acquired the favour of
Abd-ul-Medjid to a greater extent than he had that of
Mahmoud, and received from the new prince the wel-
come command to go on with his plans of reform, that
had been interrupted. As circumstances stood now,
which had opened at last the eyes of the Turks, all but
an incurable though small band of blind fanatics, the
minister's fiery zeal exercised a most decided influence.
A great deal has been said on both sides of the ques-
tion, whether the regular revolution in the affairs of the
nation, such as had just been effected, has raised or broken
the strength of Turkey. From the remarkable energy
that the state, alleged to have been reinvigorated by
its reformers, has developed in its actual contest with
Russia, it will be as well to examine once more the
question at issue.

macy possessed for attaining their grand object were
quite inadequate. Reschid Pacha was at the de-
cisive moment the more heedless, inasmuch as
he hisd only just received from his master, in the shape
of a decoration expressly created for him, a rare proof
of esteem and gratitude. He allowed himself to be
taken entirely by surprise. On the 20th of March, 1841,
the Turkish fleet returned from Alexandria, by which
the wound inflicted by Egypt was finally healed, and
on the 29th of the same month Reschid received his
dismissal. This fresh disgrace and banishment was
mantled over as before with the name of embassy. He
was sent to Paris, for which post he was well qualified.
The task he set himself in France was no other than
the one already alluded to, that of realising the balance
of power, and which makes therefore the preservation of
Turkey a matter that affects the interest of all Europe.
Since 1847 Reschid Pacha has lived in Constantinople,
and has been again in office as Grand Vizier and as
Foreign Minister. It was in this latter capacity that
he bad to negotiate with the imperious Menschikoff. In
the former he had to contend for his ideas of reform
against obstinate antagonistic parties, as indeed, he
has always been compelled to do during the whole of
his public career.

item which may have been objected to as aforesaid, may
apply to the Court, by motion or petition, for an order to
review the taxation as to the same, and the Court may
thereupon make such order as to the Court shall seem just;
but the, certificate of the "Faxing-Master shall be final and
conclusive as to all matters which shall not have been
objected to in manner aforesaid.

"15. Such motions and petitions are to be beard and
determined upon the evidence which shall have been
brought in before the Taxing-Master, and no further evi-
dence is to be received upon the hearing thereof, unless the
Court shall otherwise direct.
" CRANWORTH, C.
"JOHN' ROMMEL M. R.
"J. L. KNIGHT BRUCE, L. J.
• "G. J. TURNER, L. J.
"R. T. KINDERSLEY, V. C.
"JOHN STUART, V. C.
" W. P. WOOD, V. C.

M. KOSSUTH AT NO

On Monday afternoon a public meeting was held in the
market-place at Nottingham, for the purpose of haring
M. Kossuth proceed with the exposition of the sentiments
with regard to the objects to be obtained by the existing
war and the method of conducting it—in continuation of
the speeches delivered recently at Sheffield—and for passing
popular resolutions thereon. For this purpose a substan-
tial platform bad been erected, which was covered with
emblems expressive of sympathy with Poland and Hun-
gary. One of these was a rude map of Poland quartered
—" This was stolen by Russia," " This was stolen by
Austria," and " This was stolen by Prussia," being written
thereon. M. Kossuth was surrounded by a considerable
number of Poles, Hungarians, and other foreigners, and
by a large number of working men, but the number of in-
flueutialinhabitants present was very inconsiderable.
Mr. Codncillor Darby was called upon to preside, on
the proposition of Mr. Alderman Knight, seconded by Mr.
Alderman Judd.
Mr. Councillor HART, having expressed an opinion that
Louis Kossuth possessed more good qualities than both
Washington and- Cromwell, because they were great in
prosperity, whilst he was great in adversity also, moved
" That this meeting desires to convey to his Excellency M.
L. Kossuth its hearty and sincere welcome to the town of
Nottingham, to express its high admiration of his patriotic
conduct as Governor of Hungary during the late struggle
for freedom, and to assure him of its deep sympathy with
him as an exile."
This proposition being seconded by Mr. W. STEVENSON
(draper), was carried with acclamation.
M. KOSSUTH, having been thus introduced, commenced
by heartily thanking the people of Nottingham for this
generous reception, and for the assurances of sympathy they
had accorded to him. Your country (he continued) is an
asylum for persecuted exiles, whatever may be their politi-
cal opinions. Why? Just because it is a free and inde-
pendent country. (Cheers.) If personal security were not
inherent to your situation, then would you not he free
men—you yourselves would be dependent, partly upon
arbitrary power, and partly upon the impertinent pre-
tensions of foreign arrogance. Therefore, the right of
asylum is essential to a country's freedom and inde-
pendence. I for one, in my asylum here, have met with
many au annoyance from certain quarters, but I have also
received many a kindness from the people and from indi-
viduals. (Cheers.) For this I have to be thankful, and
will be all my life. But, from those to whom I gladly owe
thankfulness I never have heard the claim, that in return
for the right of asylum I have to forswear the sacred duties
of pasriotiem. Quite the contrary. (Cheers.) Those to
whom I owe gratitude have honoured me with kindness
and sympathy, precisely because theyfound me unwavering
in attachment, and faithful to my duties to my native land.
(Loud cheers.) It is to this I owe the kindness Lnd sym-
pathy with which the people of Nottingham honour e,l me
on my first arrival in England, and on the present occa-
sion. It is this appreciation of faithful patriotism which
has been, and is, the source of that generous attention and
operative succour with which the people of Nottingham
have always assisted, and continue to assist the Polish and
Hungarian exiles—a fact to which Idesire to bear testimony
here, iu the face of high Heaven, and to thank you for it
publicly, in the name of all my companions in exile, to
whom you opened your hospitable doors, and let them
rest at your firesides, and gave them work when
they were wanting work, and lent them a brother'S hand
when they were in distress. May our Father in heaven
bless you and yours for it ! (Cheers.) But it is curious
that those from whom I never meet but scorn, persecution,
and insult—these come on every occasion whenever I hap-
pen to speak a true word which does not suit them pre-
cisely, becase it is true—they come and charge me that it
is unthankfuluess on my part in return for the asylum I
enjoy, to say and to do what they don't like. Now, as to
this right of asylum, I once for all declare, I do not hold
it from the favour of any person —I do not hold it as a
special privilege, accorded to me particularly—l hold it
from the constitution and the laws of England. (Hear,
hear.) I hold it from the fact that you desire to be a free
and independent nation. In return, I obey your laws and
pay my taxes—(hear, hear)—and, upon my soul, they are
not over easy for an exile. (Laughter and cheers )
They are not over easy for an exile who, having
had all the millions of his country under his control,
can glory in the fact of having wandered to exile with
empty but clean bands. (Applause) Even so, I never
intend to do knowingly, anything against your laws,
but I am firmly resalved to have all my freedom within
the limits of your laws, and will never consent to
give up one bit of it. (Hear, hear.) I certainly never
will acknowledge that the thanks I owe for the right of
asylum consist in ceasing to be a good Hungarian, only
because some powerful in your country are a little to good
Austrians. (Hear.) Now, I will and shall do all I can
against Austrian despotism for Hungarian liberty, and
liberty in general. (Cheers.) Am I right in this, or am I
not ? (" Yea.") Well, if lam right, allow me t'is, be true
to this determination on the present occasion. Gentlemen,
in the war in which you are nowengaged your country has
a double aim. The first is secure Turkey from being ab-
sorbed by foreign Powers, because that would be very dan-
gerous to the world, arid very dangerous to your own
country ; and, in connection with this, the second aim is to
reduce the dangerous power of Russia. Now, gentlemen, in
my humble opinion, this object cannot be attained by the
policy upon which your Government appears to be bent,
nor by the means which it employs. The means are insuffi-
cient, and the policy, in my opinion, is dangerous, subver-
sive of the very aim of the war, and causing you to pay
numerous millions for a result which is contrary to your ,
advantage and to your wishes. As to the means, you of
course understand that neither England nor France can
send hundreds of thousands of men so far off by sea, and
yet hundreds of thousands of men are required to gain the
object for which you went to this war. But you have
your fleet, you will say. Yes, you have it, and well may
you glory in it ; it is the fleet the world has ever
seen, and the brave boys on board of it will bravely answer
your immortal Nelson's address, " England expects every
man to do his duty." (Cheers.) But then, unfortunately,
your fleet cannot swim on the sand plains of Russia; and
yet it is on these said plains that decisive battles have to
be fought. Not one battle, but many. (Hear.) These wars
cannot be disposed of by a little boxing, however brave.
You perhaps may feel somewhat mortified not to hear of
some naval exploits from your brave tars; but that will
not do, gentlemen. They would fight if they could come to
it. The Czar just prudently keeps his ships bidden in snug
harbours out of the range of your guns. Therefore, all
that your brave tars can do is to give "house arrest" to
the ships of the Czar—to keep thm at home. (Hear.)
That is all. But with this, with a little coast blockade,
and with battering down come stones from fortresses,
Russia is not to be vanquished. Now, I will tell you,
gentlemen, how you can best employ your fleet so
as to gain your object. Sign petitions that your Go-
vernment shall permit "Brave Charley," as you call him
there in the Baltic to land and make such a Nelson speech
to gallant and heroic Poland, as " Rise, boys, and fight !
here are some good arms, and some dry powder for you—
and here am Ito back you." (Loud cheers.) Upon my
soul, " Brave Charley" will be glad to do it, and Poland
will rise like a hurricane against your enemy, the Czar.
The inheritors of the ancient glory of Poland will pray to
God, and fight, and keep their powder dry. (Applause.)
Now, gentlemen, this is the best means to make useful
your fleet, and the only means of attaining the objects of
your war. Without Poland fighting, you cannot van-
quish the Czar—you cannot reduce the dangerous power
of Russia. The reconstruction of Poland is your victory,
or nothing is. Again, gentlemen, you mean to fight for
freedom, do you not? (" Yes, yes !") Well, if you do, I
will tell' you in what way you can best do it. Sign peti-
tions, and call on your Government to declare to Turkey,
that England has no objection to Turkey taking the Hun-
garian nation for its ally, instead of accepting the treason.
able friendship of ambitious Austria, red with the blood
of murdered nations. (Cheers.) Have you any objection
to see Hungary afforded a better security for resurrection
and liberty ! and greater political safety. (Cries of "No,
no!" and three groans for Austria.) If you have no
objection to it, neither• should your Government have, be-
cause you are a constitutional people. Your voice has only
to be heard, because it is you who have to bleed and to pay-
for the war. (Hear, hear.) But, really, gentlemen, I be-
lieve it is a very moderate wish when I don't ask more
from your Government, if it does not mean to do any good
to Hungary, at the least to do us no harm. It should not
help Austria to fetter us. (Hear, hear.) So much I may
well claim, gentlemen, because of the positive wrong we
experienced from the English Government, which, by its
consent and encouragement, brought down the Russian
intervention upon us in 1849. (Hear.) I protest, before
Heaven and earth, that England has no right to do us
any harm. (Cheers.) It has no right to dispose of our
destinies by tearing from our lips the blessed opportunity
which Divine Providence is affording for our liberation.
We are no herd of cattle, to be sold for political expe-
diency—we are a nation, (Cheers.) In the third place,
I may well claim so much at your hands, because it so
happens that in your present war, you cannot prosper if
your Government ruins us. (Hear, hear.) Our freedom
is your victory—our oppression is your defeat. (Hear,
hear.) You have a dangerous and laborious way to walk—
we have the same way to go ; let us go together and we shall
both go safely.. And yet I am sorry to say, gentlemen,
that the policy of your. Government up to the present mo-
ment was just to the contrary. It courts the false favours
of Austria, it hindered and prevented Turkey from allying
itself to Hungary, and from affording to Hungary the op-
portunity to fight for its own liberation and for the secu-
rity of Turkey. Thus in reality you have been made to
pay, not so much for the security of Turkey and the inde-
pendence of Europe, as to secure Austrian oppression over
Poland, Hungary, and Italy. Do you like this ? (" No !")
No, you do not. You can the le 4; so because England is
the loser by it. Austria cannot help you ; she must fall, in
the long run, in this war. But we—Poland and Hungary—
we would. Austria will betray you ; she will stab you una-
wares. But we will be a strong shield and a sharp sword in
your hands. Now, I ask, will you make English blood to flow
—will you pay millions and millions, by shillings and pence,
to see them wandering over to the pockets of bankrupt
Austria—for the purpose of continuing to oppress Poland,
Hungary,"and Italy, and at the same time to deprive your-
selves of the object you have in this war? ("No !") If
you will not have this, sign petitions, and declare to your
Government that you mean to fight for freedom and not for
Austrian despotism. Declare to your Government that you
want to have nations for your allies, and not a bloody,
bankrupt usurper. (Cheers.) Declare to your Government
that you want to take Poland and Hungary by the hand,
and not that man whom Lord Aberdeen calls a "magna-
nimous Prince--the young hope of his country," but whom
the people of England take to be a despot, a tyrant, a per-
jurer, and a murderer of whole nations. Let many such
petitions be signed, gentlemen, .and all will be well. Let
my farewell be, a hearty "God bless the people of Notting-
ham."

- Among the important laws that were decreed during
the ministry of Reschid Pacha, the hattisherif of Gul-
hane stands pre-eminent. This hattisherif contains the
outlines of a constitution, as far as such an institution
is possible in an eastern country. It grants equal pri.
vileges to all the subjects of the Sultan, and causes arbi-
trary will to disappear before the supremacy of law.
Other enactments ordained a new made of instituting
the local authorities, by virtue of which the Christian
could sit with the Mussulman in the town councils, and
be a brother magistrate everywhere. Other ordinances
decreed a new mode of levying the Harach or poll.
tax, thereby removing the old grievances and opprr,s.
sions, that invariably had accompanied hitherto any
fresh levy of the kind. To the most import-,nt and
radical reforms in the administration of I.;astice and
finance belonged the creation of a supreme tribunal
for penal and civil causes, and again tie separation of
the powers possessed by the vicero'j.s of the provinces.
As yet each viceroy, according to the old barbarous sys-
tem, had united in his single person the whole civil and
military authority, but by Reschid Pacha's new law
there were to be hencefo'fch three chief officers in each
province, one to pres,',,de over military affairs, another
over the finance, ar,cf a third over the police. The abo-
lition of torture loy the rack has heralded the penal code,
which is to ein'oody the promises made in the Hattisherif,
of Giilhane respecting that branch of jurisprudence most
liable to wilful abuse. Reschid also prepared a seat for
science by the erection of a University, he organised a
post-office, abolished trading monopolies, contributed to
the re-construction and re-organisation of the army, and
regulated the Mint as far as has been practicable. All
these are measures that exhibit Turkey in a state of
transition from barbarism and despotism into the region
of civilisation and organised civic life. Such a transi-
tion, intelligibly enough, cannot be made without en-
countering here and there assistance, without occasion-
ing confusion, and even at times wide-spread grumblings
and dissatisfaction.

Reschid Pacha, says his biographer, presents to us the
singular phenomenon of a Turk, who considers the bat-
tle of weapons as brutality, and who considers diplomacy
as that which is destined to decide the future destinies of
the world without being much longer compelled to ap-
peal to bayonets and cannon. In particular, he lays the
greatest stress for the preservation of Turkey on the good
services of his diplomatic friends, and among these no one
possesses his absolute regard save the English ambassa-
dor, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe and Reschid Pacha har-
monize in all their views and convictions, and they are
frequently seen together whenever anything imrortant
is going on. That the Turkish diplomatist does not stand
very high in the estimation of his countrymen, is intelli-
gible. He has bitter enemies in the old Turks, with
whom he has to wrestle foot to foot. In reality, he
towers among those who further reform by peaceful means
as Omer Pacha does among those who tight for it with
the sword. He personifies reform—is the incarnation of
it; her victory is his victory—her overthrow is his over-
throw.

The old Turks have a third complaint to make'against
Reschid Pacha. Ho is a poet! A man of peace, a re-
former, and a poet, in one person form a union that is
not to their taste. As for the truth of the accusation,
Reschid is said really to have made verses in his youth,
and distributed them amongst his friends with the vanity
of a bard. Luckily his mental cultivation is not con-
fined to versification. The learned among the Turks
involuntarily assume a respectful tone when they speak
of Reschid's knowledge of the Arabic, Persian, and
Turkish liteeittures. He acquired a knowledge of the
western tongues and sciences during his travels and so-
journ as ambassador abroad. He is versed in history,
tohradtern,
otaocnt,eanticllinsktesadojf• idndisupsutzga.reHq
and has a predilection for logic. Shrewdness, love of
ui
sa hitni le; eirnt uRr ebsacbhl je',l
almost icy calm, is Turkish all over, for you see it in his
bearing. and in his face. If it were not for the bright
expression that kindles his eyes and lights up his whole
countenance from time to time, you might take him to
be a lazy, apathetic Osmanli. his form would not lead
you to think otherwise, fir he is of the middle size, rather
small than large, strongly made and close set, rather
square built and slightly awkward. His features, on
the other hand, are regular, his eyes brown, his com-
plexion dark in short, his features are Turkish. Guizot,
who seldom praises, sail of him, "Reschid is a great
man—the only one that the east possesses." _Reschid
Pacha likes Europeans, court.; their society, and opens
his house to them at Constantinople. He himself lives
in what may be almost called European style, for in-
stead of sitting on his legs he prefers a chair, and uses a
knife and fork at his dinner. As a reform minister, he
considers it his duty to set a good example, by avoiding
a custom that more than any other stifles civilisation in
its growth. He has only one wife ; she is no longer
young, but s'ae has borne him several children. Reschid,
however, has not cut the Turkish usages quite, and
there are a few important points about which he is said
to be still a Turk. Thus it is confidently asserted by
his enemies that he shares with all the Turkish nobility
their usual predilection for everything that jingles to
such an extent as to give the preference to those visits
where the clients chink with their right hand the weigh-
tiest evidence and proof. But this maybe (and most
probably is) a Russian libel on the Turkish reformer.

The German sketch from which tie previous facts
have been derived now goes en to say .—" Reschid
Pacha's important labours, on reforming the home de-
partment, so absorbed his attention, that for the first
time in his life he forgot to keep a watchful eye on what
his diplomatic rivals were about. He relied rather too
much in this quarter on his friend Lord Stratford de
Redefine, from whom it must be admitted he had only to
expect support in every way. This temporary inattention
was not unperceived, and it was taken advantage of.
Russian diplomacyis well acquainted with all the springs
that may be set at work in Constantinople, she knows
the right moment for using them in one concentrated
effort, by Which she
produces a distinct effect. It was
required to interrupt the progress of invigorating
reforms, and the impedimenta that Russian diple• J

Mr. MOTT proposed, and Mr. RENALS seconded, atd it
was unanimously resolved,—
"That, whereas the war against Russia is undertaken for
the sake of supporting the rights and independence of na-
tions against the encroachments of despotic power, this
meeting declares that its object will not be attained unless
th wrongs cm -eel by the encroachments silromly are
reduced, and unless some just, principles of internaiiimal
law are solemnly laid down for future guidance, and rigidly
enforce, And whereas, the partitions of Poland have ,nb.