The Sun.
London, England, 1838-04-05 00:00:00

ST. JAMES'S THEATRE.

We attended at the above elegant little theatre, for the pur-
pose of hearing what was termed in the bills of the day, an
" Oratorio of Sacred Music." Now, we think the proprietors
of an establishment of this description are acting quite in con_
sistence with good taste and propriety' of feeling, when they
banish dramatic performances from their houses on the two
close nights of Lent; but still we cannot consider a selection
in which Mr. Harley is one of the principal singers, and in
which,
When a little farm we keep," " The keel row,"
and " The chough and crow," are introduced, exactly is the
light of an " Oratorio of Sacred Music." Added to this, at
St. James's, instead of an orchestra arranged on the stage,
with ranges of instrumental desks reaching to the " flies,"
we have merely theusualwbiatinidaov%f
woeful
theatre, and the singers
march on and march off, ulmockery of dramatic
We are sure our'
pomp and dignity: readers will excuse us
entering into a critical discussion of the merits of such "stars"
in the musical firmament as Mr. and Mrs. Canfield, Mrs.
Aveiing Smith, Miss Smith, said Miss J. Smith, Mr. Hart,
&c. &c,, by whom the various -vocal pieces were sustained.
But when we state that Mr. Bxaham, the veteran proprietor
of the establishment, himself sang " Total Eclipse" and
Mad Tom," and that the so-styled " Hunters of Munich,"
made their appearance on this occasion, for the first
time in England, a word or two will be expected
from us. Mr. Braham then sang with undiminished vigour,
and with that intense feeling, and that dramatic effect for
which he has ever been celebrated, and which still, despite
his age, places him far before any man who has endeavoured
to earn celebrity in the same line. But it would be mere
folly to say Mr. Braham does not begin to fail. There are
bursts of power in his singing occasionally equal to what be
was in his best days; but in his rapid runs and cadenzas there
is an appearance of laborious effort, and a want of precision
and command of voice, very obvious even to the unpractised
car. But how can it be otherwise ? Braham, like other men,
is subject to the lot of frail mortality. He should have re-
tired from public life in the zenith of his fame, and when in
full possession of his faculties and powers. Still the two
pieces mentioned were great treats, and even now no man
can sing them like hint. The " Jagers von Munich," or
" Hunters of Munich," are foreigners who perform on
seven brass instruments. They played four or five ex-
ceedingly well arranged pieces, and were enthusiastically
received and encored in several of them. Amongst them was
Auber's very difficult overture, " Le cheval de bronze." Their
performance exhibited a good deal of taste individually, and
the general keeping of the instruments was excellent. The
Sforzandos were managed with that point for which the conti-
nental players are so eminent, and the solo parts were sustained
with good effect. But, after all, it was but a mere brass band,
and we doubt if some of our cavalry regiments have not bands
of that description at least equal to this. The playing of Mr.
Distin and his sons is certainly superior in effect, and that of
Distin himself far better in quality. A band of our best
players On the same instruments would be very, very much bet-
ter than the " Hunters of Munich." We are bound to say, how-
ever, that we never heard the ophicleide, the " keyed ser-
pent," as it is called in the bills, produce half the effect it did
upon this occasion. The brass band was much applauded, and
encored in one or two of the pieces. The house was but
thinly attended,

SOUTHWARK SESSIONS.—These Sessions were
held this morning at the Town-hall, before the Recorder and
a Bench of Aldermen. There were, however, only three cases
of common assault to be disposed of, and neither of them were
of general interest.

THE CORONATION.

SUPPLEMENT TO THE LONDON
GAZETTE, DATED APRIL 4, 1838.

BY THE QUEEN.-A PROCLAMATION,
DECLARING HER MAJESTY'S PLEASURE TOUCHING HER ROYAL

CORONATION AND THE SOLEMNITY THEREOF

VICTORIA, R.
Whereas we have resolved, by the favour and blessing of
Almighty God, to celebrate the solemnity of Our Royal Co-
ronation, upon Tuesday the 26th day of June next, at Our
Palace at Westminster; and forasmuch as by ancient customs
and usages of this realm, as also-in regard of divers tenures of
sundry manors, lands, and other hereditaments, many of Our
loving subjects do claim, and are bound to do and perform dive) a
services on the said day, and at the time of the Coronation, as
in times precedent their ancestors, and those from whom they
c'aim, have done and performed at the Coronations of Our
flmous Progenitors and Predecessors, Kings and Queens of
this realm ; We, therefore, out of Our princely care for the
preservation of the lawful rights and inheritances of Our loving
subjects whom it may concern, have thought fit to give notice
of and publish Our resolution therein ; and do hereby give
notice of, and publish the same accordingly ; and We do
hereby further signify, that by Our Commission under Our
Great Seal of Great Britain, We have appointed and
authorised all the Lords and others who have been
sworn of Our most Honourable Privy Council, or any
five or more of them, to receive, hear, and determine
the petitions and claims which shall be to them exhibited by
any of Our loving subjects in this behalf; and We shall
appoint Our said Commissioners for that purpose to sit in
the Council Chamber at Whitehall, upon Saturday the
twenty-eighth day of April instant, at eleven o'clock in the
morning of the same day, and from time to time to adjourn
as to them shall seem meet for the execution of Our said
Commission, which We do thus publish to the intent that all
such persons whom it may any ways concern, may know
when and where to give their attendance for the exhibiting
of their petitions and claims concerning their services before
mentioned to be done and performed'at Our said Coronation;
and We do hereby signify unto all and every Our subjects
whom it may concern, that Our will and pleasure is, and We
do hereby strictly charge and command all persons, of what
rank or quality soever they be, who, either upon Our letters
to them directed, or by reason of their offices or tenures, or
otherwise, are to do any service at the said day or time of Our
Coronation, that they do duly give their attendance accord-
ingly, in all respects furnished and appointed as to so great a
solemnity appertaineth, and answerable to the dignities and
places which every one of them respectively holdeth and en-
joyeth, and of this they, or any of them, are not to fail, as
they will answer the contrary at their perils, unless upon spe-
cial reasons by Ourself, under Our band, to be allowed, we
shall dispense ..tith any of their services or attendances.
Given at our Court at Buckingham Palace, the fourth day
of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and thirty-eight, in the first year of Our reign.
GOD save the QUEEN.

At the Court at Buckingham Palace, the 4th day of April 1838

PRESENT,
The QUEEN'S Most Excellent Majesty in Council.
Her Majesty in Council was this day pleased to appoint
Robert Oliver Jones, of Fonmon Castle, Esq., to be Sheriff
of the county of Glamorgan, in the rcom of Howel Gwin, of
Alltwen, Esq.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Times of yesterday, in an article on the decisions of
election Committees, abounding with misrepresentations, ob-
serves :—" In no instance has a Committee of which the
major portion were Radicals given a scat to a Conservasive
petitioner, or withheld one from a partisan of Radicals or
Whigs" This is not true. The Newcastle-under-Line Com-
mittee, composed of eight Liberals and three Conservatives,
decided in f:.vour of the Conservative sitting Member, and
against the Radical petitioner. We challenge The Times to
show any similar instance of Conservative fair dealing : we defy
The Times in the whole history of this Session's Committees
to show any case in which a Conservative majority has
given a seat to a Liberal sitting Member or petitioner, save
when that majority could not prevent it. In the Taunton
case, the money being exhausted, the petitioners retired
from the contest, leaving Mr. Bainbridge his seat : but
no thanks to the Committee for this ; for Mr. Bain-
bridge's majority on the poll not having been reduced, the
Committee had no discretion. -So in Youghal, the sit-
ting Mernber'; majority on the poll not being overcome,
a Tory Committee could net unseat him. In Evesham
a Tory Committee was obliged to return Lord Marcus
Hill, because he had a majority on the poll. These are the
only instances of Tory Committees nnintaining Liberal seats,
or giving the return to a Liberal petitioner. But, on the
other band, the history of the Belfast and of the Shaftesbury
petitions furnish ample grounds for disgust at the conduct of
Tory Committees ; and nothing in the present or past, or
future Sessions, can equal the decisions of those tribunals, of
which the overpowerin; majorities were Tory. Let TheTintes
look well to the Belfast and Shaftesbury Committees ; they
are actually disgraceful to Parliament—no judgments can
possibly exceed them in atrocity and party bias—there has
been nothing within our memory to equal them.—Morning
Chronicle.

After the catastrophe which betel Ministers on Tuesday
night in the result of Lord Char.dos's motion, when they suf-
fered
the disgrace of a majority amounting to two votes, which
votes were those of Mr. Edward Ellice, jun., Private Secre-
tary to Lord Durham, and of Mr. Hcdworth Lambton, the
brother of the noble person implicated—after such a catas-
trophe, we repeat, it is no wonder that the fallen faction and
their newspaper organs should be at their wit's end for causes
explanatory of a phenomenon so much out of the course of
nature. This is but following up the spirit manifested in the
debate itself by the unhappy Whigs and their confederates,
eone of whom had a single word to say in reply to the very
temperate and gentlemanly remonstrances of Lord Chandos
against the unlimited prodigality placed within the power of
new " Czar and Autocrat of all the North Americas." Not
having a word to say that was either appropriate or revelant
to the question of expense, they plunged into the usual course
of men desperate with uncontrollable passion, and slaked their
fury in torrents of abuse which was certainly neither re-
levant nor appropriate. Lord John Russell, although he
had repeated notice of the intentions of Lord Chandos for
many days preceeding,was awkward enough to complain of the
Noble Marquis for having taken him and the House by surprise,
while the very papers laid by the Home Secretary himself on
'the table, including a statement of the ascertained charges for
Lord Gosford's mission, and a prospective (however meagre
and garbled) one of some portion of what Sir Robert Peel
called the " enormous establishment" of the successor to
Lord Gosford, as clearly premonished Ministers as any impli-
cation could do of the nature and objects proposed by the
Noble Marquis for Tuesday night. Again, Lord J. Russell
was driven, by the cruel absence of any more decent matter,
to apply nick-names to the motion itself, and describe it as a
" paltry one." This from a Member of the Reform Cabinet
—of the Cabinet pledged, above all things, to govern
without the help of patronage, and to govern with a
strict attention to " economy," seems to us to be a
little " too had." So, from sheer want of more solid jus-
tification, the Noble Secretary for the Home Department
chose to term the argunientuni ad vercundiant most im-
pressively employed by Lord Chandos, with reference to
Lord Durham's well-known attack (when he was Mr. Lamb-
ton) upon the undefined expences of Mr. Canning's mission
to Portugal—Lord John Russell, we say, for want of some-
thing better, spoke disdainfully of that historical allusion, as
if it were a mere " personal taunt." Mr. Joseph Hume, in a
strain of mimicry alike worthy of himself and of his- proto-
tspe, tile Lord .John, could find no fitting answer to Mr.
Praed's condemnation of the ludicrous office of law-adviser to
the mission ; but the stupid and silly impertinence that Mr.
Praed's only objection upon that point was, his having failed ,
to obtain the appointment himself 1 Mr. Edward Ellice, jun.
in whom we think it would have been no unbecoming modesty
to hold his tongue on this occasion, as likewise to have re-
frained from voting, could imagine no other possible motive for
the exercise of their constitutional vigilance as Members of Par-
liament by the Conservatives but bittern'ess and personal malig-
nity towards Lord Durham. Such were the mean apologies
for argument resorted to by Ministers and their friends,
on Tuesday evening—by Ministers, whose incessant yell, when
out of office, was for an excess of pinching parsimony, incon-
sistent with the necessary demands of an effective Govern-
ment ; but whose zeal for practical economy has long appeared
to those who closely watched them to be neither more nor
less true and honest than their love of honourable peace ivith
Foreign Powers, and of civil and religious liberty at home.
An excuse was attempted for the scale of Llerd Durham's ex-
penses by Lord Palmerston, on the score of the prodigious
disparity between the work to be performed by him and by
(for example) Lord Amherst—amongst other matters, because
Lord Amherst's Commission did not extend to Upper Canada.
Why, what has Lord Durham to do with Upper Canada,
beyond merely governing it through the established Constitu-
tion, which is not there suspended, of two Legislative Coun-
cils ? His Lordship is no Dictator in Upper Canada, nor for
that matter has he in the Lower Province the slighteit particle
of authority resembling that of a Dictator. He can make no
laws ; he cannot establish so much as a regulation, without
the sanction of Government at home. So far from being
intrusted with powers more extensive than those to be exer-
cised by Lord Amherst, the Noble Lord is more abridged and
pinioned than Lord Amherst ever was. The Noble Earl
commissioned in 1835 was authorized to adjust differences, to
redress grievances, and to settle questions that were still afloat;
whereas Lord Durham, without direct reference to Downing-
street, can adjust, redress, or settle nothing. He may project
largely, and be a paper lawgiver to any extent he pleases, but
of positive power to effect the changes which he meditates he
does not possess, so far as the Act of Parliament goes, one •
undivided atom—and so best we acknowledge. But why at-
tempt to mystify the public by false pretences ? Why all this
gorgeous embroidery that we hear of? Why this vain and
ostentatious pageantry on the plea of being that which
Lord Durham is not, and under the Act of Parliament which
authorizes his mission he cannot be—a public functionary
clothed with vast and unexampled powers, and capable
of producing, by his own independent agency, extensive
tangible results? We do not wonder at the excitement dis-
played by Ministers under the pressure of last Tuesday's pro-
ceeding, or that it began in convulsion, and has ended in pa-
ralysis. Sore, helpness, and perplexed, every step they
moved was a false one. Lord John Russell's and Mr. Hume's
astonishing temerity, in abusing the Opposition for a Gong-,

ional exercisb of their undoubted right, and fora fai,thf.,
d charge of their most urgent duty—viz., the questionine"
ea
misapplication of the public purse, drew down upon Ministe re
that scourging chastisement from Sir Robert Peel, and that
•ominous assurance of the change which eneediiy betidn theme
whence tossing s, and tumblipgs, and temific tireerns must have
been witnessed by more than one ofticiel fellow. The ruede,e.
cmifession o: Lord Palmersten, that the :notion of Lord Mara-
dos was for a " vote of censure on the Government " gave a,
scsrpion sting to'thc trial of strength to bich premptlyildleived,
and which interposed the cobweb partition of just two votes he-
twcen the Melbourne Cabinet and the " vole of censure." But
the Ministerial newspapets boast magnificently that the all. but
majority fell short even by two votes of a majority all over. They
assert that there was a sharp whip of the Tories, and a languid
attendance of Whigs. The reverse of this is an absolute
and indisputable truth—from -eight to ten Tories is fc the
betore Lord Chareles intseduced i motion, or before
the division, so lietle was there any desire to etrese individuals
in a ease where, though the motive and principle were public
ones, a particular person might more imteediately suffer from
the result ; nheroes whip ard spur were constane'v
from shoulder to flank, the jaded cattle of the Treasurt. We
are misinformed it two voters, whose names stand on the' di-
vision list, were not dragged from their beds by Downimg-
street runners—one was Fergusson ; Werayss wag another:_
On the whole, this must be considered throughout the country-
as a smashing demonstration of the hostility of Parliament to-
wards the appointment and announced proceedings of Lord
Durham. A proud man would be offended at it, and fling up
his commission ; a vain man would be mortified, but efreid to
show his pique, and would, in spite of everything, still go out
to Canada. We do not presume to offer en opinion whether
Lord Durham. comes under the category of proud or vain, ;Nut
we think he will go to Can, Times.
The motion of the Marquis of Chandos on Tuesday night
came upon the House most unexpectedly. Every species of
lie was told and circulated in the course of the evening respec-
ting it. At one time it was said that the motion would be
made—at another it was still more strongly promulgated that
the question respecting the expenses of Lord Durham's mis-
sion would not be mooted. The consequence was that the
Liberal Members, as well es the Liberal papers. were thrown
off their guard—that the former d d not attend in their places,
and that the latter never dreamed for a moment that their co-
lumns would be required at the twelfth hour to register one
of the most atrocious, as well as contemptible, attempts to oust.
an administration. The attempt, notwithstanding the sur-
prise (to use a military phrase), was not successful. The
Tories were in the minority, though to a small extent. They
',could have been in a much greater minority bad the Liberal
Members of the House been aware that utrick was intended.
The majority, instead of two, would have been fifty, and the
Marquis of Chandos and Sir Robert Peel have been com-
pletely floored. It is es well that the Tory party showed its
colours. Aggrieved—disappoiated—exposed—burstimg with
revenge, and utterly hopeless—it has given its last kick.
Never more dare it to show its face in the British Pause of
Commons. The party is now known and cannot be miteaken.
It talks of economy, and knows only of domestic ecomomv.
State economy does not belong to the Tory ledger. g'bo.ses
who doubt. the fact. had better refer to Mr. Hurne's speech.
Morning Advertiser.
The angry sputter of the Ministerialists about their somea
what :awkward division of Tuesday Light affords us much
amusement, and not a little gratification. Hitherto these mis-
managers of the Government have had by fir too easy a time
of it. They have been left to quietly to the enjoyment of
their pompous liberalism and perpetual jobbing. We hear tile
congratulate them on finding at last that they have an Oepo-
sition to deal with, not only upon " vital euestions" f politi-
cal principle, but upon the details of their Administration.
We hope they will have plenty more of this before flut Ses •
sion comes to an end. Putting the humiliating division cut of
the question, we have not seen a night's °epos:6ot/ since the
infamous O'Connell and Russell league ices consummated that
ee liked to well as that of Tuesday night. It was a legiti-
mate, becoming, honest exposure of a Government which ap-
e, ars to be at once pompous, puny, and wasteful ; and exhibited
that just constitutional jealousy which it is the fit province of the
House of Commons to exhibit. And what is the amount of the
objection to the motion of Lord Chandos which the heat of
Ministerial advocates causes to evaporate in so much angry
fume? Is was intended to damage the Government. To be
sure it was ; and why not ? Is this Government of excellence
so exalted, of ability so vast, of character so pure, that to da-
mage it is to sin against the public weal ? What a ridiculous
pretence. I The honest part of the country is absolutely sick
of this Government, which has shown itself without capacity
for-good, and ingenious ouly in the particularly contemptible
methods which it finds out of doing evil. Damage the Go-
vernment indeed ! The blessings of the country will go with
the honest exertion which shill damage it to such an extent
as to make it incapable of carrying on its miserable system
of job and shuffle any longer. And why should not the House
of Commons interfere in such a matter as the probable ex-
pense of the mission of Lord Durham to Canada? What
right has he to put the country to en unknown expense ? It
is a disgrace to the Administration that it permits biro to do
se; but the fact is, that the trembling Administration is
arraid of Lord Durham, and does not dare to make Itim do
that which it knows he ought to do. Ile ought to send in an
estimate to the Treasury, and the Lords ought to ex-
amine it carefully, and to disallow whatever might appeatt
extravagant. This was the system uuder Tory Govern-
ments; but it Magnifico Durham must not be asked (by such
persons as now compose the Government) what expense he
means to put the country to. Well, then, if the Government
be too much frightened for iris Mightiness to ask him this
simple question, the House of Commons ought to insist upon
it. The grandeur of- Lord Durham's preparations for his
Canada mission is the common talk of the streets. If one
sees two or three people tasting at a corner toe to one but the
splendour of Lord Durham's outfit is the subject, and then'
the question naturally occurs, " Who is to pay ?" All the
great tradespeople are in a fuss, getting things ready to
go with my Lord—we beg his pardon—his SuiJime Ex-
cellency the Lord High Conimissione.r ef the Cersadas.
Mr. , the great upholsterer, is putting off his general
customers who inconsiderately ask why their orders a-re
not completed, with the excuse that his whole establish-
ment is at work for his High Mightiness of' Durham. It
is said that a hundred dining-room cheirs form a part
of the order. Dining-room chairad Just as if there
wets no wood or no carpenters in Canada. To be sure,
the artists there may fail in giving the very finest
gloss of polish to the framework—they may lack that delicacy
of perception which is necessary for the exquisite combina-
tion of elasticity and softness that the seats of dining-room
chairs for Lord Durham must possess—but the House of Com-
mons is very right to ask, who is to pay ? Mr. , the
fashionable tailor, knows not what to do for his general cus-
tomers till he has got the Sublime Lord High Commissioner
fairly off his hands. The quantity of clothes we have heard
is more like that for a regiment than a retinue, and to this, on
its own account, we have no objection, but we .ask with the
public—who is to pay? But the chl d'ouvre we are told of
the magnificence of his Mightiness is a Field
Marshals saddle
which he has caused to be manufactured fir himn• and "hkh
for several days has formed the grand shun; at the rooms of.
the principal saddler of the West end. To the: we have no
particular objection, though a Field Marshal's saddle for Lord
Durham is rather ridiculous, but we should like to know. %yip
is to pay? The Hastings, which is to have the .unspeaa:-
able honour of carrying out his Sublime Excellency to the
St. Laurence, is, we understand, undergoing the process of
being lined with mahogany, lest, while the Lord High Com-
missioner is in his cabin, he should be annoyed by the sight of
English oak on board an English man-of-war. There is no
accounting for tastes—we shall not fall out with that of. Lord
Durham ; but as the country cannot conceive such expense
necessary, we should be glad to know who is to pay ? Theme
never was a more legitimate inquiry for the House of Com-
mons at any time than what is to be paid on account of any
undertaking which the Government may have in hand,. and if
there ever was an occasion or, which it was more particularly
and specially necessary than it usually is to ask that Ttestion,
it is the occasion of this mission of Lord Durham—a man who
tries to make up by nonsensical pomp and parade for the natu-
ral littleness of his mind and character. The conduct of the
Radicals on Tuesday last was as despicable as it usually is.
They who have in former times bawled themselves hoarse
about economy would not vote for a resolution, that
the establishment of Lord Durham should not be more
expensive than that of Lord Gosford. Lord Dur-
ham belons • to their faction, and because he abets
them in, their designs against the established institu-
tions of the country he may be as absurdly extravagant as he
pleases without any check from them. Even Joseph Hume,
whose love of economy was heretofore held to be the only vir-
tue which redeemed him from contempt as the most wretched
blunderer that ever dabbled in faction—even he voted against
any check upon Lord Durham's extravagance. The O'Con-
nell tail of course mustered in great force, because the Mi-
nisters were in jeopardy, mind it is his business to keep himself
and them in power. No less than three O'Connells voted
against economy on this occasion, and very few of the tail
were absent. Mr. O'Connell's colleague in the representation
of Dublin did not, however, vote. It so happens that be is
neither a beggar in fortune, nor a member of that political
confederacy called the Church of Rome in Ireland. One of
the most offensive exhibitions of Tuesday night was that of
Mr. C. Buller, who pretended not to know precisely what
his appointment was. There could not be a more contemptible
shuffle than he made upon the occasion. There is but one
excuse for him—perhaps he goes out as his Excellency's
jester or fool, and was ashamed of the inconsistency of reviving
an appointment front those ancient periods which he affects to
despise.—lllumine Post.

A NEW RELIGION.—What is your religion ? in-
quired a passenger on one of the short stages from Norwood to
London of the coachman re you a Catholic?—No, sir, I'm
a Cockney !
On Saturday last, Charles Stevens, of Hornehurch,
coachman to Sir Thomas Barrett Lennarcl, Bart., dropped
down whilst taking the horses from his master's stables, ard
immediately expired.

A VALUABLE TURNIP.—A white globe RAN),
thirty-three inches in circuaderence, and weighing tsg.., "y•five
pounds, was grown on the estate of the Earl of
Leslie. The Noble Earl had it scooped out, 511(1 sent it as a
present to a friend, having first filled it with a haunch of
venison weighing fifteen pounds, two pa'r of 13il 1 Oue:s, a
brace and a half of partridges, and a brace and a hal; of
snipes.—Ayr Observer.
A great quantity of fruit has recently been washed
ashore at different places along the north coast; and ow ni,„,
v also
thes tirl el continues to
mains of some come on
ters of vessels recently come down Channel report it to be
literally cove-ed in many placcs with lemons and oranges. A
greatsho dell
inthe ofd
ißffeursesniatnerteaek
tallow
and
vessel have also been picked up along the coast.—Cornwall
Gazette.

NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP.
---..---
GREAT MEETING AT EXETER-
HALL.—(YESTERDAY.)
(Conclusion, from our Second Edition of last night. )
The Rev. Mr. BURNISTC had been called upon by the Committee to
speak to the resolution, and it was with much pleasure that he would
contend against the existence of any contract between the planters
which could not be set aside. But before he went into that part of the
subject he would say a few words upon the late defeat which they had
sustained. He was not disheartened at it—they would all recollect that
both Wellington and Blucher, before that glorious day which ended
Europe's struggles on the plains of Belgium, were obliged for a time
to withdraw before the ascendant star of France ; but how
soon after did the glorious day of Waterloo arise ?—(Loud cheers )
The question was yet before the House of Lords, and though they
had been defeated they might soon have their Waterloo; but, oh, how
much more glorious, as it would be bloodless, and won by moral
_force alone.—(Hear, and cheers.) They had been blamed for
agitating that question, but surely when they had with them
some of the highest ranks of the Nobiliti down to the
lowest link of society, they eould not be altogether wrong. After read.
lug two extracts from the speech of Lord John Russell, complaining of
the agitation of the question, he said he would defy the Noble Lord, or
any one to say that any one of the delegates had gone further or had
pressed the matter further than they wereentitled to do, either upon their
constituents or upon any of their friends in Parliament. Even the
Noble Lord himself was present when the delegates had a conference
with the head of the Administration, and must have heard that Noble
Lord say that they had delivered themselves in a very temperate man-
ner, and that they had not gone too far in pressing the matter upon the
attention of the Government. If there were any on that platform who
ever hoped to become Cabinet Ministers, he would advise them to ab-
stain from ever writing a book upon the British Constitution.--(A laugh.)
He would then call their attention, not to words spoken in the heat of a
debate, but to a passage written deliberately for the Press, which passed
through the Press, and had been corrected for a second edition. It was
the work of Lord J. Russell upon the British Government and Constitu-
tion. In the second edition of that work the Noble Lord said, and he (Mr.
B.) quite agreed with him, that all great abuses subsisted by permission
of the people.--:Laughter.) Now, he would make his stand upon that
book, and not upon the words of the Noble Lord spoken in a debate.
This was written in 1823, before the passing of that great measure, the
Reform Bill, in which his Lordship had so great a share, and in the
progress of which, he never protested against the House of Commons
being influenced by excitement.—(Hear and laughter.) Again, in
page 437, for said the Rev. Gentleman, we must be accurate, to
show that we are not excited, and figures are very non exciting
things.—(Laughter.) His Lordship said, " when the signal is
sounded that an enemy is in sight" that enemy being the in-
croachment of a monarch or a ministry, what steps did his Lordship
recommend to be taken ? He says, " it is the fashion to meet complaints
of the overgrown influence of the Crown, by pointing to the increased
aid increasing influence of public opinion." No doubt it acquired prodi-
gious force during the last reign. The publication of the debates in
Parliament, and the general diflbsion of political knowledge, formed a
most important innovation. The Censor of the Roman Republic, how.
ever austere in the exercise of his functions, could never equal, in
the severity of rebuke, this unseen irresponsible public of the British
empire. What statesman can hear, with unshaken nerves, that voice
which, beginning in the whispers of the metropolis, rises into the loud
tone of defiance within the Parliament, and is then prolonged by means
of the hundred mouths of the Press, till its numberless echoes resound
from the shores of Cornwall to the mountains of Inverness ?—(Loud
cheers.) Was there not full ground for appealing, then, from Lord
J. Russell in the Queen's Cabinet, to his Lordship in his own Cabinet?
—from Lord John in the heat of debate, to Lord John in the calm-
ness and deliberation cf a published work.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.)
He hoped that when the subject came again before the House, that they
would hear no more of high excitement, or of the independence of the
House of Commons. A House of Commons independent of the people
was a thing unknown to the Constitution of the country. Knowing that
they stood well, however, with the House of Commons, he would now
turn to the resolution, which repudiated the idea of a contract. That
there was no legal contract in the matter they had the opinions of Lords
Brougham and Denman, and of one who was as good a lawyer as either
of them—the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who is on the platform.--
(Cheers.) It was said that if there was not a legal contract, there was at
et a moral one implied between the country and the planters. No's
hat he denied. No moral principle could be involved in any matter
elating to the state of oppression in which the planters kept their
Slaves, except that of liberating those unfortunate beings. The only
difficulty then that stood in their way was Lord Glenelg's Bill. The
first violation of the Act for the Abolition of Slavery was that at-
temped by Lord Stanley. There was the ease of the Minister of the
Crown attempting to violate the principles of the Act.—(Hear, hear.)
He (Lord Stanley) got from it by saying that he had hopes that the
parts which were unsatisfactory would be made satisfactory by the Colo-
nial Legislature. If he had any such expectation, he was by no means
the man of talents whom I thought him to be. What security was
there that the very same power of evading the act of Lord
Glenelg would not be given to the planters ?—(Hear, and cheers.)
In the Act of 1834, the distribution of the 20,000,0001. amongst the
planters occupied by far the greatest part, and • every thing connected
with the negroes was included in the least part.—(Hear, hear.)
Whist the classification of the negroes—their food—the distribu.
lion of labour over the working days of the week—their food—
their valuation—their redress against grievances and cruelty, and the
detinition!of :heir offences were all left to the planters—the Act said
that it would be inconvenient for the Imperial Legislature to regu:ate
those Wings, and he granted that. It was inconvenient to legis-
late for men who were not free.—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear".)
He would say that the way to get rid of the inconvenience was by
setting themen free.—(Hear, hear.) But the ground of that inconve.
nience was said to be, that if the Parliament interfered in those matters,
the negroes would be starved, and the Colonies would be ruined. But
what was the result of not interfering—rather of not making the people
free ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Were they not starving now ?—(Loud
and continued cheering.) But where they were left to themselves-
-in Antigua and Bermuda—were they starving ?—were those colonies
ruined ?—(Cheers.) Would the Most Noble the Marquis of Sligo hand
over his servants to starvation, and his estates to ruin ?—(Cheers.) But
he had taken the very coerse which the planters asserted would
he a:tended with ruin to the one, and starvation to the other.— (Hear.)
Really, when the planters said that they held the apprentices in bondage
only for the good of the latter, he could not help saying, as was said of a
particular document—" This is too bad."—(Cheers and laughter.)
The Act of Lord Glenelg did not go directly to correct the evils
of the apprenticeship ; but it pt.t upon the Governor the
invidious task of doing everything himself. He (Mr. B.) wou'd say to
the planters, " You have no right to power over the negroes"—but the
Bill said " you have the right, but you are unable to exercise it, unless
a rod be held over you." The planters would never allow the Governor
to act upon the Bill. It was obvious that there were no means of protect-
ing the negro bet by throwing over him the shield of freedom. The delay 1
of emancipation would be dangerous to the planters themselves. What
would be the effect in Jamaica, when the apprentices of the Marquis of
Sligo, Mr. Alston, and Mr. Haakey, were declared free ?—(Cheers.)
What would be the effect of the emancipation that had taken place iii
Antigua, Bermuda, Montreal and Cumana ?—(Hear, hear.) The he.
terogeneous mixing of freedom with the sufferings of slavery would pro.
duce such a state of society as never was seen before.—(Hear.) It might
as well be expected to keep together the builders of Babel until their plan
was finished, as keep together such a system.—(Cheers.) He denied
the contract—if there had ever been a contract, heaven frowned
on it, and any law made against the law of God was ipso facto
null and void.—(Vehement cheering.) No nation's honour could be in-
fringed on throwing it away, and the men who, with unworthy cupidity;
ran into the field of speculation to take advantage of such an enact.
ment, were the last to whom relief should be given.—(Cheers.) Toe
reverend gentleman concluded amidst the most enthusiastic cheers, by
urging upon the meeting, and all the friends of freedom and humanity
unceasing exertion, until their object was attained.

Dr. GRr.vti.Lu briefly moved, and the Rev. Mr. Bunting seconded the
following resolution :

" That notwithstanding the obstacles to be encountered, this meeting
resolves, by every legitimate and constitui ional means, to prosecute the
great object it has in view, and should that object rot be gained at the
period proposed by the friends of the negro race, this meeting avows its
decided and unhesitating conviction, that the responsibility of that post-
ponement, and of any disastrous results which may thence ensue, de-
volves upon Her Majesty's Government, and the British Parliament,
who have the power of preventing such consequences, by the immediate
extinction of the present system."
The resolution was agreed to with one dissentient.
Mr. BLAIR, in moving the next resolution, said that he would follow
the example of the two gentlemen who preceeded him, and not delay
the meeting, as he was to be followed by his friend George Thompson.
—(Loud cheers) The resolution was to the following effect :
" That this meeting strongly repudiates every measure which will
not have the effect of securing entire and immediate freedom to the
Negro population in our Colonies, because such measures will otherwise
sanction and continue slavery."

Mr. BLAIR thought it right, in justice to Mr. Gladstone, to read a
letter which he had received from that gentleman, in reply to the invi-
tation sent to him to attend the meeting. The letter expressed the
writer's acknowledgment of the courtesy, but declined the invitation,
em the ground that he did not think the meeting was a fit place for the
calm discussion of the question at issue, and he did not approve of the
practice of answering esewhere arguments which had been advanced in
the House of Commons, especially when the opportunity (-f replying to
them in that place had been offered and declined. Mr. Blair admitted
that, technically speaking, the opportunity had been offered and de-
clined ; but substantially that was not true. However, the arguments
of Mr. Gladstone would be answered in the House of Commons, as they
had been this day replied to here.

Mr. G. 'I nomesox (who was received with immense applause) said—
In looking to th% result of the late division in the House of Commons,
he blushed for his country. It was true that eleven of the Representa-
tives of the metropolis of the Christian world voted for the righteous
cause. (Cheers.) But of Scotland—evangelical Scotland--only ten Re-
presentatives could be found to vote for that cause—(Shame)—of the
Irish Representatives only twenty-five so voted—(Shame)—but of
English Members 178 voted for them. Yet the people of Scotland, of
Ireland, and of England were all warm in their cause. Let the
people of Manchester look to this.—(Hear, and cheers.) Mr. Poulett
Thomson had only obtained his election for that town upon his
•ending down there a letter declaring that he would vote for total and
immediate abolition.—(Hear, hear.) But such were the men who
stood forth to the world as the friends of human freedom. Were they
not recrtanta ?—(Hear, hear.) He would never stand up to accumulate
epithets upon the planter, whose prejudices and supposed interests
were against the freedom of the negro, whilst he spared the men who,
having ministered at the altar of the goddess of liberty, and sworn to do
her homage, were the first to betray her, even in her sanctuary. They
said that they did not do so to dash down the hopes of the Negro, but
to keep a Minister in his place.—(Hear, hear.) But after all that had
been said, and declared by Lord Glenelg and others, in both Houses—
after the groans and prayers of millions—was he told, that in comparison
with the short-lived popularity of a weak Administration, humanity and
justice must kick the beam ?—(Cheers.) If so, let them tell the Negro
that hews no hope but in our country here, and in Heaven above.—
(Cheers.) It was at one time the argument of the Marquis of Sligo,
that if the Negroes were emancipated they would fly to the bush.
But the Marquis renounced that argument, and Sir G. Grey took it up.—
(Cheers and laughter.) The next argument was the good behaviour of
the Negro.—(A. laugh.) The third argument was the compact which
was said to have been entered into with the Planters. The fourth was,
that there were no complaints from the Negro. And the fifth, that the
friends of the Negro had not made out a case. To the first argument
he replied in a strain of great eloquence and humour (and amidst re.
peated cheering), showing the absurdity of asserting that when the
Negro did not run away to the bush from the horrors of his present
condition, he would run away from the wages, the peace, and the se-
curity of a free state. So much for the squatting argument. The
argument of Lord Glenelg was, " The negroes are so good, so docile—for

God's sake don't expose them to the dangers of freedom."—(Laughter.)
To that he (Mr. Thompson) replied, that it made out the whole title of
the negro to immediate manumission.—(Hear.) It was said that there
had been a great diminution of corporal punishment. Rut how was that
effected? The names of the justices who inflicted each punishment, and
the number of stripes, were placarded in the streets of Manchester, and
elsewhere. The planters did not like that, and the system was changed.
For petty crimes the apprentices were mulcted of their Saturday—and
thus the torture which they could not inflict upon the negro's back,
they inflicted upon the whole system. He next replied at considerable
length to the argument that the planter would suffer a pecuniary in.
Jury in being deprived of the remaining two years apprenticeship.
The fact was, the negro (to use the language of the eloquent individual,
Mr. O'Connell, who was now absent) was swindled out of his freedom,
and the people of England were swindled out of their money,—(Hear,
hear.) As to the argument of the alleged compact with the planter—
when death struck oft' the chains of the negro and released Sir George
Grey from his ofllce--how would the latter answer to the negro's God

for his protracted thraldom—when the tyrants of the West Indies,
and the Parliament of Great Britain appeared with the negro
before !the throne of God--would all those arguments avail them
with that God who had told them not to steal, not to kill—to do unto
others as they would that others should do to them ; not to whip
and threaten, but to be merciful to those who were in bondage ?
(Hear, hear.) How would the lightning of the Almighty shatter
to atoms all those fallacies !—(Hear.) In the House of Commons Sir
George Grey contradicted his master, Lord Glenelg, in the other
House.—(Laughter.) He said that the feeling excited throughout
the country was raised by false representation--that it was as unjust to
. charge the body of planters with the enormities which were fradulently
charged upon them at public meetings, as to the charge all the matrons
of England with the crimes of Mother Brownrigg--(Hear, hear)—that
was his (Sir George's) classical allusion.—(Hear, hear.) But what fraud
was practised at public meetings ? Had not all their statements been
founded upon official documents, and were they not all borne out by the
statements of Lord Glenelg ?—(Hear, hear.) He recommended Sir
George Grey to the electors of Devonport—(A laugh)—and assured
him that Lord Glenelg's Bill would not stifle the excitement.--(Hear,
hear.) That was a Bill for improving the Emancipation Act—that is—
for washing the Blackamoor white.—(Hear and laughter.) The Hon.
Member concluded a long and eloquent speech, entreating the friends of
the negro to persevere, and seconding the resolution, which was carried
unanimously.
Mr. PRINGLE came forward to move the next resolution; but, in
consequence of the lateness of the hour, he would not, after the nume-
rous and eloquent speeches which the meeting had already heard, de.
tain them by commenting on it at any length. They had been ex.
horted to appeal to the throne of earthly judgment—his resolution told
them to appeal to the throne of Mercy—to Him who had the hearts of
all, both high and low, in his holds, that He might dispose those who
govern the twenty millions of the British people to hearken to their
prayer, which had been spurned, and to do justice to their oppressed
brethren.--(Applause.) The resolution was—.
" That this meeting, deeply impressed with a sense of thankfulness to
Almighty God for the progress which our cause has hitherto made, and
relying upon the continuance of the Divine aid for the accomplishment
of their object, recommends to the Christian friends of our suffering Negro
brethren earnest and persevering prayer, in connection with every con-
stitutional effort, for their immediate and complete deliverance from
cruel bondage."
Mr. ALEXANDER, Treasurer to the Central Anti-Slavery Committee,
seconded the resolution, declining at that late hour to add a single ob..
serration.
Mr. GLovea rose to propose the next resolution—He said—My Lord
—I have the honour to propose a resolution respecting the Noble and
Learned Statesman, whose exertions are zealously devoted to the imme-
diate emancipation of negro apprentices—l need scarcely inform the
numerous enlightened individuals here assembled that this eminent ad.
vacate of civil and religious liberty is the illustrious Lord Brougham.—
(Hear, hear.) I have long considered his Lordship as the most envied
and maligned, but notwithstanding the greatest and most philanthropic
political personage of the present day. His varied and transcendent
talents are universally admitted, yet their benevolent exercise has been
the chief cause of the most sordid and vituperative misrepresentations.
—(Hear.) No legislator has mere constantly persevered in endeavouring
to emancipate the swarthy offspring of Africa, and to disenthrall such
unfortunate beings from the most heartless injuries and remorseless op-
pression. Who has fearlessly supported the abolition of slavery for
thirty years, in fact from the commencement of his Parliamentary
debut, until the present period ? Lord Brougham.—(Cheers.) Who
has lately aroused the British nation to demand the redress of grievances
which shackle the mind, and enfeeble the body of negro apprentices ?
Lord Brougham.—(Cheers.) Nothing can be more fortunate at the
present crisis than to find this philanthropist so elevated by station, and
enlightened by knowledge, vigorously co-operating to abolish the mon-
strous abuses of slavery, and befriending the poor negro apprentices, who,
from their helplessness and obscurity, require greater assistance and
protection. Your Lordship, and every individual I have the honour to ad.
dress, are acquainted with the Parliamentary efforts of Lord Brougham
during the present session. I trust he has effectually checked the modern
experiment for establishing a new species of East Indian slavery. I trust
his Lordship has awakened the auspicious feelings of British humanity,
and Christian benevolence by his late senatorial efforts, which must be
triumphantly crowned by the immediate emancipation of all those who
bear the name and semblance of slavery in the British Empire.—(Hear,
hear.) But, Lord Brougham has been, therefore, vituperated by every
species of obloquy from the hireling journalist, who resembles the
famous Ferdinand Mendez Pinto, of Spanish story, to the Cabinet Mi-
nister, who sits in the House of Commons. I regret Lord Howick
should have made so unfounded an imputation as that hazarded re.
specting what was alleged to have occurred during a Cabinent divi.
sion in the late Administration. Was it discreet to make such
an attack during the absence of the Noble personage assailed ?
Was it even justifiable to promulgate such an invective on the eve of the
Learned Peer's temporary sojourn in a foreign kingdom ? Nay more,
was the precious secret then developed, in the hope of leaving an undue

impression, and escaping immediate satisfactory notice ? If such mo-
tives actuated any mind, I am happy to say they have been fortunately
frustrated.—(Loud Cheers.) The aspersion was perceived by Lord
Brougham before his departure from London, and a letter was imme.
diately addressed to the Marquis of Sligo. In that communication cer.
taro falsehoods which appeared in a newspaper are exposed, while the
Noble and Learni.xl Lord, in reply to the Parliamentary calumny, ob.
serves, " I never took any part at all in the plan, except to agree to it, as
all the rest of the Cabinet did, among whom there never was the least dif-
ference, that I ever heard of, much less any division." Lord B. like.
wise wrote to the Anti-slavery Delegates, stating that " the falsehoods in
the Government papers, about my being the cause of the apprenticeship,
are the most audacious fabrications I ever yet saw. I never opened
my mouth on the matter, more than to agree to the plan proposed at
the Colonial Office, and there never was one moment's difference of

opinion among the Ministers of 1833."—(Hear, hear.) Another con_
elusive answer has been given to Lord Howick by his Noble Father in
the House of Peers. The late Premier ought certainly to be much
better acquainted with whatever passed in the Cabinet Council than
an Under-Secretary of the Colonies, who had then no seat in the Ad-
ministration. Earl Grey has distinctly stated "that he knew of no
differences or divisions in his Cabinet on the subject of negro emanci_
pation." Do not such observations clearly disprove the imputations
attempted to be attached to Lord Brougham's conduct ?—(Loud cheers.)
Parliament should revoke the apprenticeship system, since, being
made for the benefit of the slave, its object has never been fulfilled.
The British people paid snore than the marketable value for the slaves ;
are we not, therefore, entitled to our rightful purchase ? If any con-
tract existed, has it not been first broken by the planter ? But upon
this portion of the subject allow me to quote the opinion expressed by the
Nobleand Learned Chief Justice of England, who says, " The Act was
an experiment by two joint wrong-iloers, whether the evil would not be
best put down by continuing it in a mitigated form. This compromise
is admitted on all hands to have failed ; compulsory apprenticeship,
which was another name for slavery, and could only be justified by ex-
pediency, is proved to be inexpedient, and nothing remains but the duty
of the mother country to afford to 911 her subjects the protection of
equal laws. I am, therefore, fully prepared to consent to the imme-
diate abolition of negro apprenticeship."—(Hear, hear, hear.) After
making such quotations, I cannot avoid reminding this as-
sembly of Lord Brougham's memorable vindication respect-
ing the late Missionary Smith—(Continued cheering)—who died
a martyr to his exertions in the abolition of Negro slavery. In the ex.
pressive diction of Lord Brougham, when proclaiming his melancholy
fate before the British Senate, I cad upon Parliament to interpose while
it is yet time to save the West Indies ; first of all, the Negroes, the most
numerous class of our fellow-subjects, and entitled beyond every other,
by their countless wrongs, borne with such forbearance, such meekness,
ivhile the most dreadful retaliation was within their grasp—has not
Lord Brougham in this instance, and many similar cases, uniformly
exemplified the most earliest and devoted perseverance to promote the
beneficent object of Negro emancipation, a cause hallowed by the
humane services and venerable sanction of Wilberforce, Clarkson,
Sharp; and William Allen.—(Loud cheering.) Mr. Glover then pro.
posed the following resolution :

" That this Meeting cannot but recognise, in the introduction by the
Right Hon. Lord Brougham into the Upper House of Parliament of a
Bill for the extinction of the Apprenticeship system on or before the Ist
of August next—conduct which demands from this meeting an expres.
sion of their warmest acknowledgments, and that they respectfully and
earnestly appeal to the members of that august assembly fur their sup..
port of Lord Brougham's Bill."
Mr. NV. ALLEm moved the next resolution.

" That this Meeting gratefully acknowledges the noble and philan-
thropic conduct of the Most Noble the Marquis of Sligo, manifested by
his declaration in the House of Lords, made in the following words,
' That whether the Bill then under consideration passed or net, there
should not be a single slave on his estate after the Ist of August next.'
And this meeting would express their desire that this wise and righteous
example of prompt and voluntary manumission may be extensively foL
lowed."

Mr. J. STURGE, in seconding the resolution, said, that if any thing
had formerly caused him to say a harsh word in former times respecting
the Noble Marquis, that Noble Lord's recent conduct had removed at
least every harsh feeling, and he was sure he spoke the sentiments of
those who now heard him.—(Cheers.)

The Noble CHAIRMAN said, that before he put the resolution, it was
his deity, as the relative of the Noble Marquis, to say a few words.—
_ _ _

(Hear, hear, hear.) Although the Noble Marquis, in manumitting
his Apprentices on the first day of August, had followed entirely
the dictates of his own conscience, yet he would be most certainly
gratified with thu kind expression of feeling towards him which that re.
solution conveyed'on the part of the meeting.—(Applause.)
The resolution was then put and carried by acclamation.
The Rev. GEORGE STACEY moved and Mr. CADBURY seconded the
following resolution :

That an expression of our most unqualified approbation and
respect be offered to Sir George Strickland, Bart., and Joseph Pease,
Esq., the Hon. Mover and Seconder of the Resolution for the extinc-
tion of Negro Apprenticeship on the lst of August next, and to the
other 215 Hon. Members who voted with them on this occasion."
The resolution was carried amidst much applause.
Mr. ALLEN was then voted to the Chair in the room of the Marquis
of Clanricarde, when

Mr. Btara moved a vote of thanks to the Noble Marquis for his con.
duct in the Chair, and his advocacy of their cause on all occasions.
The resolution was passed with great cheering, and the Noble Marquis
in returning thanks said, that to the end of his life he would have the
most sincere satisfaction in aiding them by every exertion to the last day
of his life.—(Cheers.)
The meeting then separated.

The Catholics at York are about to erect another
chapel. A preliminary meeting was held last week, and 700/.
subscribed on the spot.

RURAL DISTRICTS.--From information commu-
nicated to us (the Inverness Courier) from various sources,
we regret to learn, that the loss among the sheep from the
severity of the season, will be considerable, especially on
such farms as afforded no retreating ground for the flocks.
The exhausted condition of the sheep promises also a very
unfavourable lambing season. The same cause will operate
against the wool, and a deficient clip will in all probability be
the result. As the snow has been universal, this deficiency
will be felt in various quarters of the globe. The present
coldness and backwardness of the season will also be very in-
jurious to the tillage farmers. The seed ought already to be
in the ground in places where the plough has not commenced,
and a late harvest is generally a precarious, if not a bad one.
The frost has done great injury to the turnips. One gen-
tleman informed us lately that he had twenty-two acres of
turnips, both white and yellow, so completely destroyed that
he did not put a single sheep on them. Altogether, we
fear that the present will be a bad year for the Highlands
—memorable in the shepherd's calendar and in the rural re-
gister of the farmer.

ANTI-ENDOWMENT PETITIONS.—From the 17th
Report on Petitions, we find that the number presented against
granting further endowments to the Scottish Church up to
20th March, was 72, and the signatures 63,614. The num-
ber in favour of farther endowments was 2, the signatures 126.
This is like a reply of a pocket-pistol to the broad-side of a
ship-of-the-line Mr. Gillon, too, gave notice that he was to
present on the 30th forty petitions against endowments, in-
cluding that from Edinburgh.
A farmer from the woodlands of Derbyshire was
asked in the Corn Market, Sheffield, on Saturday last, what
grain he had to sell—when the doughty mountaineer ex-
claimed, with great nonchalance, " Grain I we don't grow
grain in our country." " What's the reason of that ?" said
his interrogator. " Because we can't; we have nine months
winter and three months cold weather !"

ELECTION COMMITTEES.
(YESTERDAY.)

(From our Second Edition of last night.)
MALDON.

The Committee met at half-past one, Mr. BRODIE in the
Chair.

Mr. Sergeant Nferewether and Mr. Austin appeared for the
petitioners ; Mr. Thessiger, Mr. Hildyard, and Mr. Henry
for the Sitting Member.
Mr. Sergeant MEREWETHER stated the case on the part of
the petitioners. The candidates at the last election were Mr.
Dick, Mr. Round, and Mr. Lennard; and the numbers at the
close of the poll were—for Mr. Dick, 420 ; Mr. Round, 407 ;
and Mr. Lennard, 395—giving Mr. Round a majority over Mr.
Lennard of 12, which majority it was the object of the peti-
tioner to strike off. There were sixteen grounds of objection,
but those principally relied on were, the improper admission of
freemen, and the distance of residence.

The poll books having been put in,
John Ambler was objected to, on the ground that he had
been admitted improperly to the freedom. A long discussion
arose on an objection raised by Mr. Thessiger, as to the mode
of proving the certificates of admission, and the objection was
ultimately over-ruled.
The Committee then adjourned.