The Sun.
London, England, 1853-09-26 00:00:00

TH

he bad in view. It shows, too, that the last
faint hope that might be founded on the well-
meant suggestion of Lord STRATFORD—viz., " that
the Representatives of the Great Powers of Con-
stantinople should declare that the Note of Vienna
does not involve for the Sovereignty of the SULTAN
the dangers which the Porte appears to see in it,"
is as public as any of those which preceded it.
The tone and spirit of that document most clearly
show that the CZAR is resolved to push his preten-
sions to the utmost. It affords, indeed, the
best evidence of the sagacity of REDSCHID
PACHA and his colleagues, and the impera-
tive necessity for the modifications intro-
duced on the part of the Divan, and proves that
NICHOLAS and NESSELRODE interpreted the origi-
nal Note in the same sense as ABD-UL-MEDJID and
REDSCHID PACHA.

The comments on the two first modifications
referred to are conceived in such a quibbling and
special pleading tone—more becoming an Old
Bailey Advocate than the Minister of a great
nation—and the mere verbal context is in itself
of such trivial importance, that, but for the dis-
play of an insolent and domineering spirit, an
anxiety to browbeat and outrage all who may
have the misfortune to be brought in any way in
contact with the Northern bully, we might pass
them with comparatively little notice, and merely
allude to the third and substantial cause of differ-
ence. The language in which the former observations
are couched—the deliberate humiliation inflicted
not only on Turkey, but on France--the bandy-
ing of the lie direct, as well as the arrogance of
the phases respecting the " condescension" of the
CZAR, and the " ill-disposed intention" of the
Ministers of the Porte, render it but too pal-
pable that an unflinching resolution has been
formed to carry matters with the high hand,
leaving no loophole by which the devoted victim
may be enabled to escape. The third objection,
however, opens up the whole question, and places
the object of the EMPEROR in the clearest light.
The nature of the demand was, that Turkey would
afford to its Greek-Christian subjects all the privi-
leges and immunities accorded to other religious
communities. This the Porte was perfectly wil-
ling to sanction, with the condition annexed, " be-
ing Ottoman subjects"—and the reason of the pro-
viso was obvious. A small body of Christians of
other denominations, not owing allegiance to the
Porte, might possibly have some special concessions
which it would be impossible to allow to many
millions of Turkish subjects without the practical
abdication of all authority on the part of the
governing Power. A small congregation at-
tached to au embassy might, for instance, have
sundry exemptions, which could not be extended
to others even of the same denomination through-
out the country. Russia, however, attempts to
create a divided allegiance, to constitute an
imperium in imperio, by which the authority of
the SULTAN might be impugned and disregarded
by every professing member of the Greek Church.
It is easy to conceive the lengths to which an
ambitious and unscrupulous Power would push the
claim thus wrung by threats and menaces—or
what might be the result if the sharp end of the
wedge were once introduced. There would indeed
be an end to the independence, we might say the
separate existence of Turkey, which would be-
come the humble hanger-on and dependent of
Russia.

The mask being thus removed—the point in
dispute being so clear and unequivocal—the mat-
ter must be referred to the only remaining arbi-
trament—that of the strong arm. When "right"
is so totally disregarded by one of the disputants,
"might" must decide the question ; and, as we
have already repeatedly stated, the odds may not
be so very great against the Osmanlis as NICHOLAS
supposes, even if they were left to fight it out
themselves, without aid or assistance from any
side. During the former contest, the then recent
destruction of the Janissaries, by order of MAH-
MOUE, and of the Turkish fleet at Navarino, para-
lysed the Moslem power. No efficient resistance
was, or could be, offered ; and the Russians
had it entirely their own way. Now, however,
matters are very different. The Turkish troops
are numerous and well organised, and, beyond
all, are animated by a zealous and ardent spirit,
that affords the most auspicious auguries of ulti-
mate success. They are determined to resist the
invaders to the last—to proclaim, if necessary, a
war to the knife, and to die one and all in defence
of their fatherland. Religious fanaticism lends
its aid to patriotism ; and never, perhaps, since
MAHOMET unfolded the sacred zreen banner was
there more intense enthusiasm manifested by his
followers. They are prepared to render it em-
phatically a holy war ; and Russia, with all its
semi-barbarian cohorts, may well feel doubtful as
to the conclusion of its ill-advised and nefarious

proceedings.
As to the part to be taken by other Powers,
we shall not experience any disappointment if
Austria should throw its weight into the
ranks of the assailants. But if so, far
better, as we have repeatedly asserted, that
we should have to encounter an open enemy
than be countermined by her insidious
and her treacherous pretended friendship. From
the first we doubted her professions, and if our
diplomatists had acted for themselves, without
waiting for her unwilling co-operation, matters
would long since have been satisfactorily arranged.
Now, however, she stands revealed in her true
colours ; and whether she stands merely neutral,
or joins her forces to Russia, placing all the
minions of despotism on one side, is a matter of
perfect indifference. We await, then, without
apprehension, the results of the Imperial meeting
at Olmiitz. We care not as to what may be the
course adopted by FRANCIS JOSEPH and his
advisers. We are prepared for any alternative
that may arise. The English and French—aye,
and we may add the Americans---(for in such
a cause our Anglo-Saxon brethren, at the
Other side of the Atlantic, would participate
in the conilict)—would blockade their ports,
and destroy their commerce. And what could they
do ? Nothing literally nothing. They could not
overcome the geographical difficulties that would I
obstruct their progress towards .the English or
French dominions. They would be compelled to
sue humbly for peace, to submit to humiliations
as we should never think of imposing on a
ssuch
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ebnuetf
awr
i uhoiuchs tshee madeununblushing of its power,ushing arro-
gance ofßubsa ,
would render not merely justifiable, but neces-
sary, and which would bitterly expiate their pre-
sent offences.

There is no question of deeper importance, of
more heartfelt interest, to many families of reli-
gious principles, and strictly moral habits, than
that which was so unaccountably shelved during
the past session, which was not mentioned
on
in
either House of Parliament, although it had
many occasions been carried by decisive majorities
through the popular branch of the Legislature,
and had many able and energetic advocates among
the hereditary law-givers. We can conceive rea-
sons for the virulent and unreasoning opposition
offered to the " Marriages Affinity Bill," for, nu-
fortunately,
religious bigotry and vulgar preju-
dices still prevail among men of all classes ; but
it is more difficult to understand the strange
apathy that has been manifested by Noble Lords