The Sun.
London, England, 1838-11-07 00:00:00

RUSSIA.

The Augsburg Gazette, under the head of Russia, contains
the following :—" The war against the Transcaucasian moun-
taineers, in which Europe takes so warm an interest, still con-
tinues ; but, as the Government looks "upon this war as an
affair that regards merely the interior, we are without official
intelligence of the progress of events. 'We learn, however,
through private letters, that in consequence of the operations
of last summer, the mountaineers find it impossible to under-
take any serious movement against our army. They seemed
drtermined to carry on a guerilla warfare to the last, and, even
in the event of their subjugation, the Emperor must keep up
an army amongst them to maintain them in their obedience.
A letter addressed by a General Fesi to a friend at Chux-
zach contains the following particulars of the recent ope-
rations against the insurgents :—' Towards the middle
of May I attacked and defeated the Ruhules, after an en-
gagement which lasted five days and five nights. After scour-
ing the environs of Kuba, I returned here from Derbent,
and on the road subjugated some of the independent tribes of
Lesghi, and others between Grusinia and Avaria. Whilst
awaiting further instructions I am improving the citadel built
last year, and constructing a new fort at no great distance.
Some young men of the principal families of Georgia are
serving under my orders. Our Cabinet has not yet promul-
gated its resolution on the late movements of the English in
Persia, and the relations between the Sultan and Mebemet
Ali; but no doubt is entertained of its intervention in favour of
Persia, should England continue hostilities, for the treaty of
peace of Turochousk imposes upon Russia the obligation to
assist Persia in case of aggression from a foreign Power.
Besides, our political and commercial interests would not per-
mit us to remain passive spectators of so unequal a contest.
Duke Maximilian of Leachtenberg will shortly arrive at St.
Petersburg, and it is said that one of the most important posts
of the State will be conferred on him. In the course of the
month the Emperor intends to take a journey into the interior,
i and n that case will probably proceed to Kischenew, in Bes-
sarabia, to inspect the division of the army, and also to Sebas-
topol to review the fleet."
" Letters from Cracow," says the Augsburg Gazette, "an-.
flounce that the measures taken by the three protecting Pow-
ers of that free State to save it from the fresh machinations
of a party anxious only to disturb and compromise its repose,
bave been extremely efficacious. Order is now restored in
Cracow, but it is still more deplorable that a few dissatisfied,
or ultra-revolutionary individuals, should be enabled to pro-
voke, by the disorders of which they are the cause, measures
similar to those already taken, or about to be adopted. The
corps which have been °rioted march from Podgorzo to
Cracow will probably be joined ere long by other troops from
more remote districts." " This hypocritical article," says the
Courrier Francais, " will deceive nobody as to the real au-
thors of the events that are seized upon by Austria and Russia
as a pre
text for completing the oppression of the last wreck of
Poland."

PROGRESS OF FRENCH POSTAGE.

(From La France.)
We find in the Annuaire des Postes, published by the post-
office administration in France, some statistics given respecting
this service. We at first remark the progression of its re-
ceipts. In 1821 they were 23,892,698 f. In 1830, 33,727,649 f.
In 1831, 33,240,319 f. In 1832, 34,164,604 f. In 1833,
35,361,599 f. In 1834, 36,171,362 f. In 1835, 36,036,599 f.
And, lastly, in 1837, 37,405,510 f.
The number of letters circulated by the post was, in 1821,
45,382,151. In 1830 this number rose to 63,817,260, and in-
creased, from year to year, to 78,970,561, which is that of
1836. This, for this last year, gave an average of 216,383
letters daily. In this number of 78,970,561, 19,223,915 letters
must be reckoned as rated or franked at Paris, 54,966,416 in
the departments; 5,073,230, the circulation of which has
been restricted withi❑ the rural arrondissement of each
bureau.

The number of dead lettres (lettres tombees en rebut) has
not followed the general progression. Since 1830 this num-
ber varied from 1,475,900 to 1,945,183 ; it was only 1,581,698
in 1836.
The letters of the authorities, distributed freely, are not
comprised in these results ; they form about a third of the total
number of letters which pass through the pr st-offiee ; and yet,
notwithstanding the considerable mass of administrative de-
spatches, the expedition of these affairs does not appear more
Active in the bureaus.
The conveyance of Journals, and the printed matter by the
pon, has not always followed a progressive advance since
1830. That same year it was 39,947,875, of which 32,334,280
were desi:atched from Paris. It rose yearly till 1834, when
it was 50,803,351, of which 39,255,875 were despatched from
Paris; since, it had fallen to 49,286,000 in 1834; it kept a
little above tiiztt in 1835 ; and at length again descended, in
1836, to 46,250,930. The average daily being 126,712. In
this quantity, 37,871,190 were sent from Paris. The diminu-
tion for 1836 overbalances the journals of departments, which,
from 11,137,000 in 034. have fallen to 7,844,000 in 1836.
The number of depoLs_ d'argent in the bureaus had been,
in 1836, 668,378, amounting' to a sum of 15,436,797 f. 76c. In
1832, much higher, having ba,en 866,104, giving a sum of
18,264,298.
These figures may give some idea of tLe extent of the ser-
vice of the post to letters in France, and of th. manifold acti-
vity which the progress of commerce has impressed on it dur-
ing 15 years.

An inquest was held on Monday in King-street,
,Seven Dials, on the body of Joseph Smith, a brass-founder,
avd twenty-six, who committed suicide by cutting his throat
with a table knife. The widow of the deceased stated that
ber inzsbana bad for some time past been in a low dejected
state of mind. which was owing to his circumstances being so
narrow as to prevent him from completing a small steam-
engine, respecting which he bad evinced great anxiety. On
Friday night he was so deranged that witness was afraid to go
to bed. Between twelve and one o'clock he became quite
ontrageous, and struck and bit witness very much. Her
screams brought assistance, and a strait waistcoat was ob-
tained from the workhouse; but before it arrived her husband
cut his throat in a dreadful manner. Immediately afterwards
he fell on the floor and expired. After other witnesses had
been examined, who spoke to the poor man's state of mind of
late, the jury returned a verdict of " Temporary derange-
Went."

A young man named Shackle was brought into St.
George's Hospital at an early hour yesterday morning, suffer-
ing under severe injuries received from being run over by a
waggon. It appeared that be had been driving a waggon in
the neighbourhood of Bayswater, when by some a
the wheels
tccident he
fell, and before be could regain his footing., one of
passed over his chest, crushing it in a frightful manner.
e
Every attention was paid to him at the hospital, but withoutn
effect, as he died about two hours after his admission.
An
inquest will be held on the body this day.
An inquest was held yesterday at Guy's Hospital
on the body of Frances Gladman, a child between three and
four years old. It appeared that the child had gone down stairs
in the course of Monday night with a lighted candle in her
hand, when by some accident her clothes caught fire, and she
was so severely burnt as to survive only a few hchildren so
ours. The
jury strongly censured the practice of allowing
young Verdict—" Accidental Death."
to carry lights about.
On Sunday the pastor of the Primitive Methodists'
congregation at Donnington, in the efforts of his zeal in preach-
ing to his congregation first pulled off his coat, then his waist-
coat, and, as be was suiting the action to the word, he seized
the brass candlestick and threw it amongst the congregation.
We
are happy to say .6
no further misch; ftook p c
la e Lin-
colnshire Chronicle.

An inquest was held yesterday in Warner-sii-:_t,
Old Kent-road, on the body of an elderly female named
Vigs, who committed suicide by hanging herself. Deceased
had been blind for twelve years, and lived with her daughters,
who treated her very kindly. She had frequently been heard
to complain that time hung heavy ou her hands since her me-
lancholy visitation. Verdict—" Temporary derangement."

CORN-LAW FALLACIES, WITH THE

ANSWERS

—, -
(Continued from The Sun of Monday.)
212. But suppose this effect not to take place : suppose
that, in consequence of the unrestricted admission of foreign
grain, the price of subsistence is permanently lowered to the
British consumer, we deny that any benefit whatever would in
the end accrue to the working classes of Great Britain. If,
indeed, they could succeed in maintaining their money-wages
at their present level, they would be very great gainers indeed
by the change; although the withering effect of the destruc-
tion of the agricultural classes would, in the end, come to re-
act on this temporary prosperity of the manufacturing classes.
But could the manufacturing operatives, or any class of la-
bourers, keep their money-wages up at their present level,
if a permanent reduction in the price of the necessaries of life
had taken place? Nothing is clearer than that they could
not. The money-rate of wages, wholly independent of the
price of provisions from year to year, is entirely regulated by
it, other things being equal, from ten years to ten years. If
by the free importation of foreign grain the money price of it
is reduced one-half, the ultimate result will be, that wages
will fall one-half also.—Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine,
No. 277, for November 1838, Art. The Corn-laws.—[Ex-
tracts from Blackwood's concluded from The Sun of Monday.]
ANSWER.—The working classes know better. They
know that if the price falls one-half, their wages will fall,
but not by one-half. They know that if corn is cheaper, it
is because there is more of it to be consumed ; and that
more cannot be consumed, unless they, the numerous
classes, consume more. They know, consequently, that
when corn is cheap, their wages must be such as to enable
them to consume more. That is to say, they must get
more corn for an hour's work, or a bushel of corn for the
work of fewer hours ; and vice versd.

213.—1 t is impossible it can be otherways ; for even if the
reduction did not ensue from any other cause, it would inevi-
tably be brought about by the great impulse given to popu-
lation, and consequent multiplication of labourers, under the
influence of undiminished money-wages and augmented ease
of circumstances, and an increased durable fall in the price of
the necessaries of life.—/d.

A.—Population is happiness ; just as seeing their
children destroyed by want or over-work, is misery. What
is it to the Corn•law tyrants, if the operatives chuse to lay
out their improved wages in population ?

214. —Past history and present experience alike concur in
demonstrating this important fact. In the time of the Norman
Conquest the price of wheat was from three shillings and six-
pence to five shillings a quarter: but, nevertheless the la-
bourers had not half the command of the necessaries and con-
veniences of life they have now, for the money-wages of labour
were a halfpenny a-day during the remainder of the year, and
a penny in harvest.—ld.

A.—Do not attack us with the Norman Conquest ; it
was too like the time present, when the feudal tyrants ride
over us rough-shod. But hear Hallam, who is quite as
likely to be correct as the other.
" There is one very unpleasing remark which every one
who attends to the subject of prices will be induced to
make, that the labouring classes, especially those engaged
in agriculture, were better provided with the means of
subsistence in the reign of Ed. 111. or Hen. VI. than they
are at present. In the 14th century, Sir John Cullum ob-
serves, a harvest man had fourpence a-day, which enabled
him in a week to buy a comb of wheat ; but to buy a comb
of wheat, a man must now (1784) work ten or twelve
days ( Hist. of Hawsted, p. 228.) So under Hen.Vl., if meat
was at a farthing and a half the pound, which I suppose was
about the truth, a labourer earning threepence a-day, or
eighteenpenee in the week, could buy a bushel of wheat,
at six shillings the quarter, and twenty-four pounds of
meat for his family. A labourer at present, earning twelve
shillings a-week, can only buy half a bushel of wheat, at
eighty shillings the quarter, and twelve pounds of meat at
sevenpence. * * I should feel much satisfaction in being con-
vinced that no deterioration in the state of the labouring
classes had taken place ; yet it cannot, 1 think, appear ex-
traordinary to those who reflect, that the whole population
of England, in the year 1377, did not much exceed
2,300,000 souls, about one-fifth of the results upon the last
enumeration, an increase with which that of the fruits of
the earth cannot be supposed to have kept an even pace
—Hallam's Middle Ages, iii. 9.
It is reasonable enough that twelve millions should not
live in a given island, as well as a fifth of that number used
to do ; unless they can increase the quantity of food by im-
portation. And here it is that the feudal tyranny steps in
to prevent. _

Again, it was remarked by Sir John Fortescue, that the
English lived far more upon animal diet than their rivals
the French ; and it was natural to ascribe their strength
and courage to this cause (Difference between Absolute
and Limited Monarchy, p. 19). Alas, the beef-eating
days of the English labourer are gone. Consult the New
Poor-law records, for the ounces of bacon ha gets in a
twelvemonth.

215. —Provirions ate incomparably cheaper ie Poland and
in Russia than in this country ; but are the Polish or Russian
peasants half as comfortably fed, lodged, or clothed, as the
correspondibg classes in this country ? Every one knows that
so far from being so, or obtaining any benefit whatever from
the cheap price of provisions in their own country, they are, in
truth, the most miserable labourers in Europe, and feed upon
miserable rye-bread, in the midst of the splendid wheat
crops which they raise for the more opulent consumers in this
country.—ld.
A.—Tenterden steeple, that was the cause of Goodwin
Sands. What the working classes get, depends every-
where on the proportion between the work that is to be
done, and the number that are to do it. If the Polish or
Russian peasants are willing to breed down to rye, that
forms no reason why the British manufacturer should be
cut off from foreign sales, as a step to-wards bringing him
to rye too. And the same for all the rest.

216.—As little is there any foundation for the opinion
which commonly passes as an axiom incapable of dispute with
the opponents of the Corn-laws, that a free trade in grain
with the Continent would immensely extend the market that
would be opened for our manufactures in the states benefited
by our purchases of grain. For, in the first place, what secu-
rity have we that these grain countries, particularly Russia,
Poland, and Prussia, which are at this moment entirely sub-
ject to the influence of the Czar, will ever make any conces-
sions in return for the favour of their produce ? All past ex-
perience demonstrates that they will gladly accept any relaxa-
tion on our part in favour of their agriculture, but as strenu-
ously resist any relaxation on their part in favour of our menu-
factures.—ld.

A.—We do not want concessions in return. We shall
be glad enough to have them, but we are not such fools as
to wait for them. We want to have the advantages we
might have to-morrow, if the government of the landed
interest would let us. We want only what foreigners are
begging us to take. The endeavour, therefore, to persuade
us we ought to wait for something to be done by foreign-
ers, is to be viewed as of the nature of an attempted hoax.

217.—Their reciprocity is all on one side. They will
thankfully take everything, but give nothing.—ld.
A.—They will surely give us corn ; which is what we
want. It is a pure leading off from the question. The
question is, whether we are to be allowed to take what fo-
reigners are quite willing to give us ; and not whether we
can or cannot get from them something totally distinct,
which goes under the title of reciprocity. All that fol-
lows about the Prusso-Germanic league, and the Cabinet
of the Tuileries, and Sweden and Norway, and Belgium
and Portugal, is a prolongation of the same attempt, viz.
to substitute the question of whether foreign nations will
take off certain duties on our manufactures, for the ques-
tion whether our manufacturers shall be allowed to pur-
chase corn with such of their manufactures as foreigners
are quite willing to take. In fact the great feature of the
Prusso-Germanic league, and others of the appearances
alluded to, is, that they impose prohibitions on our manu-
factures, with the avowed object of forcing us to take
their corn and timber in payment for our goods. The
manufacturers are shut out from foreign commerce at two
ends at once ; once to please the landed tyranny at home,
and another time in consequence of the exertions of fo-
reigners to break down that tyranny by retaliation.

for our
218.—But even if it were otherwise, and we possessed a
perfect security that by abolishing the duties on foreign corn,
we should succeed in obtaining a free importation
goods into the northern states, we positively deny—and
of
_
here is the vital point of the argument—that such extension
the foreign market would, upon the whole, afford any benefit
to the British manufacturers. No one, indeed, can for an in-
stant doubt that if our manufacturers could retain the home
market for their produce at its present level, and at the same
time obtain, by the free importation of foreign grain, a pro-
portional extension of the foreign market for their produce in
the great grain states of the Continent, they would be very
great gainers indeed by the change. But would they be able
to do this ? And wsuld not the transference of our orders for
grain from domestic to foreign agriculturists necessarily in-
duce as great a diminution in the home market for our manu-
factures as it occasioned an increase in the foreign ?—ld.
A.—Telling the manufacturers that the home market
which gives them two bushels of corn for a yard of cloth,
is as good as the foreign market which gives three ; and
that they ought to set off one against the other. Advising
the men of Birmingham to keep fast their gates, and live on
the corn grown in flower-pots within their walls, because to
open them would only be " a transference of their orders
for grain frout domestic to foreign agriculturists," and must
" necessarily induce as great a diminution in the home
market for their manufactures as it occasioned an increase
in the foreign."
219.—1 f, in consequence of living in great part on Polish
grain, the Polish landholders and cultivators are so much en-
riched as to be able to purchase a greater quantity of our ma-
nufactures, it is quite clear that the British farmers, who at
nresent exclusively supply the home market, would be impo
' to the same extent, and that what is gained at the
verisne“
is a yard of
wcu,l4 b
toe lsoasyt att thee
menother.
wh
purchasejod.
would be
superseded by men who
cloth with two
'Which the
oneAe.
—nd,That
with tbrce. manufacturers are in-
purchase it .
bushels,

vited to believe, is losing at one end what is gained at the
of her.

T ;erg can bs- no doubt of tte manufacturers being a
stupid race. Without having ascertained that fact, nobody
would take such liberties with them.

220.—8ut, in truth, this is putting the argument a great
deal too favourably for the anti-Corn-law party; for nothing
can be clearer than that, by such a transfer of agriculture from
the British islands to the shores of the Vistula, the possible,
or perhaps probable extension of the market for our manufac-
tures, by the increased wealth thrown into foreign states,
would hear no sort of proportion to the certain diminution of
the home market from the depression of our agriculture. Mr.
Smith hang ago stated, that the most profitable trade for
every state is that which is carried on between the town and
the country, and that the home market for our manufactures
is worth all foreign markets put together. It is a much more
profitable thing to have a good market in our next-door neigh-
bour than in a distant state.—ld.

A.—As long as it is a good one. But it is not a more
profitable thing to have a bad market in our next-door
neighbour, than a good one in a distant state. The ques-
tion is between taking two bushels for a yard of cloth from
our next-door neighbour, and three bushels from the dis-
tant state. Why do men ever walk across the street for
a better market, when they might have the other for stand-
ing still?

221.—1 f ten millions' worth of Baltic grain is purchased for
the supply of the British market, a considerable part of it will,
no doubt, return to our operatives in the shape of an extended
demand for British manufactures. But a much larger pro-
portion of the same sum will take that profitable direction, if
it is laid out in the purchase of grain raised in Great Britain
and Ireland. —ld.

A.--If a million yards of cloth are sold to the home_
growers, two million bushels of corn are received by the
manufacturers in return ; if they are sold in the Baltic,
three millions. Here is the real question of returns. A
man wants to exchange his cloth for corn to eat ; and the
attempt to frighten him into taking the smaller quantity in-
stead of the greater, by the threat of what may happen
afterwards, is a mere money fallacy. The trade takes
place then, and not afterwards. A man must not be
frightened out of the exchange he may make now, by the
ghost of some exchange he is told will or will not take
place i❑ a state of things that is to come.

222.—Further, it appears, from the most correct calcula-
tions which have recently been made, that the total amount of
agricultural produce annually raised in Great Britain and Ire-
land, is two hundred and forty-six millions sterling ; and the
total amount of its manufactures annually reared is only one
hundred and forty-eight millions. —ld.
A.—This and all that follows of the same kind, is only
the argument of the foot-pad, who should resist the hear-
ing of the complaint of the robbed man, on the ground that
he was a poor devil with his pockets turned inside out, by
the act of him the robber. If the manufacturers are the
poorest, it is because they have been robbed. Let them
rob the agriculturalists long enough, by a tax upon home-
grown corn, and see who will be the poorest then.
But the statement of numbers advanced, is not to be
taken without examination. It is not long since one of the
speakers at agricultural meetings was fairly admitting, that
the manufacturing and commercial population was double
the agricultural. The truth may lie between both ; but
wherever it is, it is of little reel importance to the argu-
ment. The question is, who robs not who are richest or
most numerous afterwards.

223.—Further, when the working-classes are to exceed-
ingly willing to impose upon the British farmers the burden
of unrestrained foreign competition, are they equally ready to
give them the benefit of a similar burden of restrictions exist-
ing in favour of their ownindustry ?—ld.
A.—They are ; at least the wise ones. STROUD had
the honour of being the first place to declare the desire,
that all manufacturing monopolies might be swept away, on
condition that the great monopoly, of corn, was swept along
with them. Of course there are little jobbing blockheads
among the manufacturers, as there are elsewhere ; and it
is not exactly to any set of the immediately concerned, that
we are to look for strict justice against their own side. But
there is or ought to be a public, and there is or ought to
be a Government, to settle these matters without reference
to the wishes of knaves on either side ; and if something
of this kind is not forthcoming soon, the working classes
will do the business for them.

224.—Perharw, the most effectual way to stop the senseless
clamour on this subject would be for the agricultural interest
to besiege Parliament with petitions that, in the event of the
Corn-laws being repealed, all duties on foreign manufactures
should at the same time be swept away ?—ld.
A.—Let them begin to-morrow. It will hasten the
conclusion of the siege.

225.—Holding it, therefore, as clear that the manufactures
raised for the export sale are not a half of those which are
consumed in the home market, the question comes to be, even
with reference to the interests of the manufacturing classes
weveroirprodent to force on a change watch
may seriously affect the property of those c 1 whose pro-
ductive industry constitutes the main-spring from which the
wealth is obtained by which these manufactures for the home
market are purchased?—/d.
A.—That is to say, because the manufactures raised for
exportation under the oppression of exportation, are less
than those consumed by the oppressors on paying two
bushels of corn instead of three,—do not destroy the op.
pression, lest you should exchange a market that gives you
two bushels, for one that gives you three.

Apply the same reasoning to the growing corn in flower-
pots ; and suppose that you were told, that the trade you
contrive to carry on outside in- spite of all that the owners
of flower-pots can do to hinder you, is " not a half" of what
you carry on with the growers in flower-pots inside, and
therefore you ought to keep your gates shut, at the advice
of the men of flower-pots.

226.—Considered merely as a matter of pounds, shillings,
and pence, as a calculation of profit and loss, it is surely an
unwise thing to attempt to push the lesser market at the
expense of the greater—to seek to extend a distant market of
half the dimensions, by crippling a nearer one of double. —ld.
A.—To push the market that is profitable, be it greater
or less, at the expense of the market that is at a loss ;—to
extend the distant market by which we gain, by crippling
the nearer one, were it of infinite dimensions, by which we
lose. How long will the agriculturists whistle, before they
whistle the manufacturers to the other ?
227.—8ut the case becomes incomparably stronger, and, in
fact, altogether invincible, when it is recollected what is the
difference between the description of persons who constitute
the foreign and compose the home market. The foreign mar-
ket is, in great part, composed of individuals owing allegiance
toindependent potentates, and who either have been, or may
become, our inveterate enemies. The home market is made
up of our own countrymen, brothers, and friends, the bone of our
bone, and flesh of our flesh—the sinews of the state, by whom
its independence is to be maintained against foreign invasion,
and its prosperity secured against domestic calamity.—ld.
A.—This makes no reason why we should give our bro-
thers
and friends for two bushels, what we might sell to
other people for three. We do not deal so tenderly in ge-
neral, with the brother who takes from us the value of a
bushel of corn ;we transport him to Botany Bay. Bro-
thers and friends of that kind, are not bone of our bone
and flesh of our flesh, but a torment in the bone and a
plague in the flesh ; and all we wish is to get rid of them the
shortest possible way. By the same rule, we should never
trade with the foreigner, while we can find a brother at
home to take our goods off our hands for less.

228.—8ut the folly Of such a proceeding becomes still more
apparent, when it is recollected that the power at whose mercy
we are so desirous to place ourselves, in this vital article of
national subsistence, is the very power whose hostility, at the
same time, we have so much cause to apprehend—against
whom the national passion is at this time so strongly arousing,
arid between whom and thin eountry a more permanent cause
of variance is to be found in the opposite tendency of their
national interests.—ld.

A.—lt has been proved by personal experiment, that
Czars arc in more danger from the stoppage of trade than
we are. In fact, the mutual damage from the cessation of
commerce, is the grand check to the game of war, which
posterity must look to. And to weaken this check,
and keep us all in the " fighting-cock" condition, ready to
cut any throats our betters bid us, is an object of the feudal
tyrants now, as it has always been.

229.—N0r is there the slightest foundation for the opinion
which is sometimes entertained, even by well-informed persons,
that, such is the magnitude of our manufacturing population,
that the supply of the country with foreign grain has been, or
soon will becomo a matter of necessity, and that the evils
which have now been described, however great, are unavoid-
able. It appears, from the table quoted below, that there
were, in 1827, 46,500,000 arable acres cultivated in Great
ocnowers, that they can And to this are re-
ducible
w
Britain and Ireland, and 15,000,000 unculhntievatehe might uncultivated,
mbuthiapparbole.
of improvement, being, as nearly as possible, two acres under
cultivation to each inhabitant. —ld.
A.—The manufacturer is a fool, who is persuaded to
alwaysewuorrpro-
curekits
i elsewherex
gtt rhe weoen assurances
hsesonuuor rua sng
forch T
fora
e.
s
htehe twelve. c
peck of
r o
They can grow all that you will
get, if you give them all that they will ask. It is nothing to
the community if there are a million of acres to each inha-
bitant, if the final fact is that corn is not to be got out of
them as cheap as it is to be had somewhere else.

230.—8ut, almost boundless as is the capability of increase
in British agriculture, it cannot be denied that it is necessarilylt
liable to considerable variations of price, * *:
is Orr
essential
importance, therefore, that some means should exist to provide
against the severe vicissitudes of price peculiarly severe to a
dense population, to which all latitudes, and more especiallyall northern, latitudes, are subject. It is here that the ad-
mirable wisdom of the present Corn-law becomes apparent;
and it is by its operation that a permanent granary is provided
for the subsistence of the people in periods when the home
supply has, from unfavourable seasons, proved dePcient, and,
when but for its operation, no such resource could Imp
existed.—lS . _

A.—Pay double for your corn, and keep a quantity al-

ways rotting in bond ; and so you will have a permanent
granary. What would become of a private man's affairs, 1
if 1:2 ! fi,r ilfttr an ildmir,

i,le wisdom 'of thiskiud ?

231.—Speculators purchase up grain largely on the Conti:
nent during years of plenty, and store them in the British
bonded warehouses, in anticipation of the rise of prices on the
first unfavourable season. There the ample store lies innocu-
ous to the British farrier during seasons of prosperity, when
it; aid is not required by the British consumer ; but no sooner
does the expected period of adversity arrive than it issues forth
in vast quantities to area the calamity, and diffuse the stream
of plenty through every village and hamlet in the realm. —ld.
A. How very nice !"--as somebody says of secret
tribunals in Lady Morgan's " Princess." And all to en-
able the feudal people to rob the public of one quarter of
corn in three.

232. —And it is particularly worthy of observation that this
admirable effect could not possibly have taken place if an un-
restricted trade in cons had existed; and that it is the crea-
tion of the Corn-law, and the Corn-law alone.—ld.

A,—Setordp the evil, and then the cessation of it will
be a good. A man might as well put his finger in the
fire for the luxury of taking it out again. This admirable
effect could not possibly have taken place, unless the finger
had been put in first.

233. —We are enjoying the full ben'fit of this wise provision
at the present moment ; scarcity, perhaps famine, were staring
us in the face, when they were averted by the fund which le-
gislative wisdom had providod ; and, when the blind and mis-
led manufacturers are clamouring for a repeal of the Corn-
laws, they are indebted to those very laws, and to them alone,
for the rescuing of themselves and their families from want
during the next twelve months.—ld.

A.--" They made the giants first, and then they kill'd
them." What we ought to have been eating, is kept bobbing
before our noses till it is rotten ; and then we are told to
be thankful for the tid-bit, -when it suits our masters to cry
" Catch." Truly we are spaniels, and spaniel's fare is as
much as we deserve.

From the above sifting of the crack defender of the
food monopolists, two things are evident.
First—That the Corn-laws are fast going off.
Secondly—That the industrious classes can secure that
consummation, at any moment when they have the sense to
agree upon it.

(TO EX CONTINUED.)

CASE OF MARY WOOLFREY.

A letter has been published in the Times in explanation of
the conduct of the Rev. Mr. Breeks, of which the following
is the substance :

In the course of the last summer the friends of a person of
the name of Woolfrey, lately deceased, proposed to place a
tombstone to his memory in the churchyard at Carisbrooke.
It was exhibited for some time in the stonemason's yard, and
from the singular and conspicuous character of its inscription
naturally attracted much attention. Some members of the
Church of England conceiving that the inscription was opposed
to the doctrines of the Church, and therefore ought not to be
received into the burial-ground, applied to Mr. Breeks on the
subject, suggesting that he ought not to permit its erection.
Shortly afterwards the parties made their application to
Mr. Breeks for permission to erect the stone. He replied,
that in his opinion the inscription was of such a nature that he
could not possibly allow the erection of the tombstone, but
advised the fiends of the deceased to apply to the Bishop of
Winchester, stating, that if he (the Bishop) considered the
tombstone unobjectionable, the difficulty would be removed,
but till then he must decline sanctioning the erection of the
stone. Mr. Breeks heard eo more of the matter till, to his
great surprise, he was informed that the stone had actually
been put up. The parties were then applied to, to know un-
der what authority they had acted. The answer at first was,
that the Bishop had been written to and his sanction
obtained. On further inquiry, however, it turned out
that this was a gross misstatement. The Bishop, it is
true, had been applied to, but had declined giving any
sanction whatever to the erection of the stone, stating at
the same time his opinion that the inscription was inconsis-
tent with the doctrines of the Church, and therefore ought
not to be admitted. Mr. Breeks having thus ascertained the
opinion of his diocesan, felt that he could not with propriety
suffer the matter to rest. Accordingly application was made
to the parties either to remove the stone or alter the inscrip-
tion. This application was repeated several times, and every
influence was exerted to induce them to avoid the alternative
of legal proceedings. These endeavours failed ; and Mr.
Breeks then applied to the Bishop for advice as to the course
he ought to take. The Bishop's reply was, that in his opinion
the only proper course was to institute proceedings in the
Ecclesiastical Court to compel the parties to remove the stone.
He recommended, however, in the first instance, that the
opinion of a civilian should be taken on the question. Ac-
cordingly a statement of the facts was laid before Sir John
Dodson, the Queen's Advocate, who also advised that the
only proper course was to institute proceedings. Under these
circumstances another application was made to the parties
apprising them of the opinions which had been taken, and
pointing out the necessary alternative of a suit, unless the atone
war rcr.ercd, or the iu,cription altered. This, however, was
not attended to, and Mr. Breeks, with much reluctance, felt
himself compelled to proceed.
The tombstone in question has been erected in the most
conspicuous situation in the churchyard, and has obviously
been placed there for the purpose of attracting public notice.