The Sun.
London, England, 1853-03-30 00:00:00

entertaine,

land." In answer to that statement we can
reply, that no such information has ever reached
us, and that we have never imagined that the
people of France were so extremey ill informed
of what is passing in this country as to con-
found the remarks which have been called forth
by many of the acts of the present French Govern-
ment with unfriendly feelings towards the French
people. On the contrary, the very reason which
makes us take an interest in the French nation
second only to that which we feel in our own af-
fairs is the esteem we have for that country, and
the recollection that for 33 years France showed
herself worthy to possess those rights and liberties
which placed her with ourselves in the first rank
of free States. It is because the press of France
was, with our own, one of the most powerful or-
gans of human thought and progressive civilisation
that we resent as a public indignity the suppres-
sion of its liberty. It is the knowledge that consti-
tutional monarchy was the glorious prize for which
two generations of French statesmen had striven
not in vain, and that institutions similar to our
own had raised that nation to an unexampled pitch
of prosperity, that makes us distrust an authority
founded on the ruins of representative government.
And lastly, it is the fact that a despotic Emperor
is not under the control of the French people, and
may therefore plunge the country into measures
dictated by his own passions or ambition, which
makes the world question the policy and foresee
the danger of intrusting powers so unlimited to a
single hand. Louis Napeleon tells the London de-
putation that he desires peace. So far it is well.
But would these gentlemen, conversant with mer-
cantile transactions, stake any important pecuniary
arrangement on a mere verbal declaration if they
could have better security ? We imagine not, and
the effect of the last revolution, which has thrown
France into the hands of an absolute ruler, has
simply been to destroy all collateral securities, and
to make her respect for public engagements, and
consequently the peace of Europe, dependant on
the word of an individual who has certainly not
shown hitherto an inviolable respect for his pro-
mises. This state of things does not appear to us
a rational subject of confidence or congratulation.
Nor, indeed, have the authors of this _address
presumed to give the slightest indication of any
such feeling towards the head of the French Go-
vernment. Acting, no doubt, with a wise caution,
and conscious of the limits prescribed by public
opinion in this country and all over the world,
they approached the person of the French Emperor,
and entered the apartments of his palace, without
one of those complimentary expressions which are
invariably employed by those who wait on Princes,
and without a word to imply trust in, or even re-
spect for, the policy of his Government. It was
thought, no doubt, that it would be a mean and
discreditable homage to success obtained by violent
and lawless means to advert to the steps by which
Louis Napoleon has reached his present eminence, '
and accordingly on that point they were silent. It
was remembered that power created by such means
is commonly shortlived, and no hope, therefore,
was expressed of its duration. It was known that
the real policy of France resides at this moment in
the secret thoughts of an individual, and to the
character of that individual, whom the deputation
was addressing, no allusion was made. In fact,
the address omitted everything which could have
made it flattering to Louis Napoleon, and, if all
such expressions had not been omitted, it is very
clear that no signatures would have been obtained.
From the assurance of amity with France no one
dissented—to any tribute of respect to Louis Na-
poleon few, if any, of those who signed this paper
would have agreed. So, too, if it was ever intended
by this movement to reflect upon the independent
attitude and language of the press of England, it
was found necessary to abandon that part of the
scheme, for Englishmen were not to be found to
put their names to any such declaration.
In this sense, therefore, we ourselves might
adopt the sentiments conveyed by the language of
this address, if we thought that the presentation
of it were not liable to misrepresentation. The
most absolute Sovereigns are not quite at liberty
to act in violent opposition to the general feeling
of their subjects, even though it be habitually
gagged and crushed ; and the throne of Louis Na-
poleon, which was raised the other day by the
mingled fears and delusions of the French people,
is certainly not so secure that he can afford to dis-
regard the well-ascertained desire of the country.
Although, therefore, the nation has forfeited or
renounced for the present its share in direct poli-
tical power, the indirect control of public feeling
and opinion cannot be shaken off, and that, we are
satisfied, is entirely in favour of the maintenance
of peace and of amicable relations with this country.
That is a fact on which we place far greater reliance
than on any assurances which Louis Napoleon can
utter ; and it may not be inexpedient to respond to
this prevailing disposition of the French by assuring
them that we partake it in an equal degree. They
are, at least, as eagerly engaged in the pursuit of
wealth as the people of this country, and they are
reminded by the smallest incident which touches
the sensitive indicator of public credit, that the
value of the French funds, and of all the under-
takings in which they are so largely engaged, would
drop like quicksilver in a hurricane at the first ap-
proach of real danger. They are aware that the
stability of the present Government is more appa-
rent than real, and that the first outbreak of hos-
tilities would again throw to the surface of Europe
the dreaded symptoms of the Revolution. They
feel that France is not politically united in strict
alliance for practical purposes, or by permanent
ties, with any other Power in Europe. What-
ever, therefore, the intentions of Louis Napoleon
might be, there are obstacles of the most serious
kind to his engaging in any rash enterprises, for
success would only be obtained by great risks, and
failure would destroy him. The French people
were perfectly aware, before they were told so by
this address, that foreign nations, and the people
of England in particular, have not the smallest in-
tention to interfere with the Government now esta-
blished in France. They are perfectly secure
against every attack and every affront. With this
conviction it would probably be no easy task to
raise a war cry in France, accompanied by a double
conscription and war taxes, without some evident
necessity ; and in the present temper of the French
people we are by no means justified in regarding
them as the most martial and pugnacious nation
in Europe. Nor, in spite of the language of the
Peace Society, is this country the least so. In a
moment of national peril we are convinced that the
city of London, and even the persons who have set
their names to this address, would not be behind-
hand in their duty to their country. But, though
they have joined in this record of their friendly
feelings to the French nation with very good mo-
tives, they have yet to learn that this step will be
distorted abroad into an act of deference to a des-
potic power, and an expression of indifference to
the rights and liberties of a foreign nation, which
it is unworthy of Englishmen to feel ; and for this
reason the bulk of the French people will be more
apt to misconstrue, and even to resent such a de.
. I daration, than to receive it with gratitude.
td

(From the Morning Herald. )
We have frequently marked what we consider
the mistaken practice of an undeniable majority of
" our order" to speak m extravagant terms of