The Sun.
London, England, 1838-09-27 00:00:00

THE StIST, LONDON, TEttrRSDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1838.

the flattering testimony of your kindness, both of personal
attachthent and pBlitital synepathk, that I can extort
front yeti zlny stronger expression of generous feeling,Yedt,
is
feel persuaded that the motives by which I have been ac-
tuated will greatly strengthen and perpetuate your esteem.
Filed of all, my friends, the situation "men A LA la
accepted
notol"Hct.=( Hear; hear.) It IF! an administrative
ofileb ; not, indOed) ettiblaioneil by any high fiddle) nor titer-
paid by a large salary) or strengthened by patronage, yet
it is att office that has grown dut of a necessity
which the public hat long felt.—(ilear. ) Many attempts
have been made in past Sessions to legislate upon an
inconvenience which Was hourly becorain greater, till at
i
length it became almost nsu&rable.—( Hear, near.) The
13111, imperfect as it is, and imperfect as it Will be found for
it does not belong to mir It to produce anything that
even approaches to perfection—( Laughter)—could only be i ar-
ried out by efficient officers. The appointments of those officers
must be vested somewhere. They could not be scrambled for
in the House of Commons; and I may say, from the arduous
nature of the duties, as well as the unostentatious position in
which they are performed, that it was not likely any aristocra-
tic cousins would hare been candidates for them.—( Laugh..
ter.) If there had been, I greatly doubt whether it would
have been thrown in any way.—(Laughter and cheers.)
But, Gentlemen, the Houses of Parliament placed the ap-
pointment of the officers in the hands of the Secretary of
e
tSht
ea
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ffie Wellington,dDcu variance,i
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permanent.
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eeti
displace
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emt
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emoluments,
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e
servant of the public, and not the servant of any Government
whatever.—( Cheers.) But, Gentlemen, that the acceptance
of this office might not expose me to any miseonstructien as to
the motive by which I was influenced, or the oblige_
tions which it might be presumed to confer, I, from the
beginning, and before the beginning, expressly stipu-
lated for the unfettered exercise of my judgment_
the expression of my opinions publicly—and recording them
by my votes in Parliament with the same freedom and with the
same firmness as I heve hitherto done.--( Loud cheers.) But,
Gentlemen, I should be doing great injustice to Lord John
Russell, the only Minister with whom I have had any confer-
ence on this subject, if 1 did not thus publicly state that he
was as ready to repudiate all political obligations or de-
pendence as I was, for my own protection, to enforce
it.—( Hear, hear.) He at once said.—" It is not an
office of a description to impose political obligations;
it is not an office the acceptance of which is connected
with political engagements, either as a reward for past
adherence, or as the condition of future support."—( Hear,
hear.) I think, Gentlemen, you who have watched my con-
duct, will admit that, as far as what I have hitherto said and
done, the Government i 3 not under any very great obligations
to me.—(Laughter.) What I have been I am ; what lam I
shall remain.—( Immense cheering.) At the same time, allow
me to say that I repudiate entirely the vulgar notion, which
has no advocates, I am sure, in this room, or in this
enlightened borough, that a man forfeits his political inde-
pendence the moment he assumes the robe of power.
Hear, hear.) Quite the reverse. I cannot consider
any honour which so well deserves the pure ambition
of a public man—l cannot consider any distinction which
could be so gratifying to his constituents as to find an indivi-
dual, their representative, placed in a responsible situation in
the Government—not to serve his own purposes, but that he
may the more efficiently carry out the great objects of reform.—
( Hear, hear.) I can say with perfect truth, that if the present
Government had, or were to offer me the proudest position
that could be conferred, however splendid its emoluments, or
alluring its patronage, I would not accept it but upon the full
understanding that there should be an essential change in
their policy.—( Cheers.) I should like to know the mean-
ing of the common impression ( I wish to God there was not
so strong a reason for it) of a family government made up of
aristocratic Whig families and kindred alliances. Do
not the people desire that the basis of the Government should
be enlarged—that the enlightened and popular advocates of Re-
form should be engrafted on the Government—that we should
have in power men whose past lives would be a security for the
realization of our expectations ?—( Hear, bear.) I admit, my
friends, that examples are of a very sorrowful kind in this re.
spect ; and, instead of cur censuring some men in the present
Government for not going sufficiently far in the cause of Re-
form, we ought to censure some who are now in the Cabinet
for having retreated from it.--( Hear, hear.) I remember the
time well when the present Lord Melbourne (as Mr. William
Lamb), when the present Lord Palmerston, and the present
Lord Glenelg (as Mr. Charles Grant) in the House of Com-
mons, were all the decided enemies of Parliamentary Reform.
--( Hear, hear.) They were the adherents of the Canning
party. Look at the strides they have made in the cause of re-
form. They may not have gone so far as we could have
wished, but then they did not set cut where we began.—( Hear,
hear.) But are there no men in the Cabinet whom you and
I have been accustomed to look up to, and run after to the
Crown and Anchor, and other public places, where they have
zealously advocated the most extended system of Parliamentary
Reform—even to the adoption of Universal Suffrage, Annual
Parliaments, and Vote by Ballot—at the same time denouncing
all other plans as mere mockery?—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") Is there no man in the Cabinet who has been the
decided advocate, when out of office, of free trade of every
description—the denouncer of the Corn-laws—who has pub-
lished speeches upon political economy, in which the cruel
inequality of our taxation was enforced with eloquence and
power, and insisting that if he were in power fiscal equality
should he his first and darling object ? Where do you find these
men ?—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") Have they not run from the
standard of reform, and become the tame and silent supporters of
every measure which is execrable for its temporizing character?
—( Shame, shame.) But it is not very probable that persons
who hold the political sentiments I do will be allowed to take
any public situation in which they can be usefully employed,
because the present state of parties forbids the experiment ;
and, before I proceed to make a few remarks upon the state
of parties, and our national prospects, I would recur to the
precise rosition in which !stand. The situation which I have
accepted, as I said before, is not of a political nature, nor is
it a sinecure in its duties. You have men who receive large
salaries and do nothing for them—you have men with ample
salaries who do little more; but I will say, from my experi-
ence of the last six weeks, that if every man in office has to do
as much as I have had to do and am cluing there is a great mis-
take as to the nature of the duties and the labours imposed on
public men. With your permission I will explain to you very
briefly the nature of my duties, which you will quickly perceive
are neither few nor unimportant; indeed, I feel the
responsibility to be great. Within the last three weeks
there have been at my office in Adam-street upwards of
six thousand persons applying to be appointed as watermen,
conductors, or drivers. They have taken away six thou-
sand certificates, which they must get signed by at least two
rate payers. These 6,000 certificates, so signed by two persons,
I have to examine in detail. Many of them are so ir-
regular, that I have been compelled to refer back at
least one thousand. I have further to determine on the
fitness of the recommendations, and when I add to this that
I have received from the Police Offices of this metropolis
the names of upwards of 800 persons, who, during the last
few months have been convicted of various offences under
the Hackney Carriages Acts, all of whom it will be my
duty to see, each in his turn, and hear from him the
grounds upon which he claims to he employed, and that
when I hare decided upon these 6,000 applications, I have to
sign their licenses—l think lam opening to you the nature
of an occupation which at once explains why it is that no
Whig stripling has coveted the office, or why it is not to be called
a sinecure.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) But, Gentlemen,
notwithstanding such is the nature of the duties and the re-
sponsibility that belongs to their fit discharge, I ant abun-
dantly content to give to the country, as I have dose for the last
six weeks, and up to the meeting of Parliament, my services gra-
tuitously, and I will tell you why. Doubts exist in the minds
of lawyers as to the effect of my accepting this place
upon my seat in the House of Commons. I will touch

no abstract or difficult points of law, but will state to you
what is the purport of the Act of Parliament that gives rise to
doubt. By the statute of Anne it is enacted, that all new offices
umler the Crown of profit or emolument hereafter to be created
—that is, at the time the Aet was passed, in the year 1705—the
party accepting such office shall be disqualified from sitting in
Parliament. Now the question which presents itself is this,
not whether my seat is vacated, as is the case when a man ac-
cepts an office which existed prior to the statute of
Anne, because that's an old office, and only vacates the
seat, but does not render the party who accepts the office ine-
ligible—he may come hack to his constituents to be dealt with
as they in theirjudgment think fit; but the Act of Ann, for rea-
sons I shall not now enter upon, provided that whoever should
accept an office of profit or emolument under the Crown here-
after to be created should be ineligible and incapacitated for a
set in Parliament—the question therefore is, not whether my
seat is vacated, but whether it disqualifies me from sitting in
Parliament altogether ? Now, Gentlemen, I cannot more briefly
or more decidedly convey to you my sentiments upon this subject,
than by reading a passage from a letter I addressed to Lord
John Russell. They arc these :—" I am decidedly averse
to the receipt of any emolument or profit, should it be
determined that the office of Registrar comes within the
Act of Anne ; for though I fully appreciate your Lord-
ship's consideration in conferring upon me the appoint-
ment, and acceptable as I admit it to be, in more than one
particular, yet I cannot reconcile the position and emoluments
of the office to the being disqualified to represent the borough
of Southwark, or any other large section of the people in Par-
liament."—( Immense cheering.) Gentlemen, it then comes
to this, and I wish those persons who arc so sublimated
in their politics as to think a man is contaminated the
moment he is placed in a situation in 'which he can
be politically useful, to observe, should they ever be placed in
a position of temptation, that here is a roan, who
does not deny the advantage to himself on personal
grounds, foregoing a situation of some 7001. or 800/,
or 1,0001. a-year, rather than forfeit the high distinction
of being the representative of a great constituency.—( Loud
cheering.) But, if it should be determined," I hear
some of you say, and properly so, " that the accept-
ance of this office with emoluments does not disqualify
you. and therefore does riot work as a vacation of your seat,
do you mean then to hold the office, and the emolument, and
the seat, without allowing your constituents to express any
opinion upon it ?" It is a natural question—a question you
are right to put, and I am b.mnd to answer. I will
tell 3ou in reply what I not only told Lord John Rus-
sell, but many friends in Parliament Stith whom I con-
ferred before I listened to this proposition, that even
if it should turn out the acceptance of this office does not
work a disqualification, and teat it is not in fact an office
under the Crown, but one created by Act of Parliament,
and one not, therefore, within the sphere of mischief contem-

plated by the Act of Anne, I should scorn to hold my seat, its obligetions.—( Hear, hear.) I have more than once said
psrhaps for five or six years of time, without eliciting the senti- in the House 'of Commons—what some persons may regard
Mente OF iii,t, i6onstittients upon the course I had adopted.— as censurably audacious, and what in past times might be
( Vehement cheermg: 1 At preeent my strong impression inclines so, when I call to mind the great men who occupied scats
to the beliefthat the office does not w0:,1'...° disqualification. But, in Parliament in bygone days—l have said, " Politicians are
of course, as there is a penalty of 5001, for sitting or v5,.41.."' in now pigmies—we have no great men—we have small poll.
-of Commons when a person is disqualified, you may tiC,11,.:,
~
the tic.,...
' -' them.
but no commanding Statesmen."—(hear, hear.)
•A there would always be men equal to emer-
easily suppose I shall be fortiiice; in that opinion by wiser heads It has been sae. There is not a truly great
than my ern before I run the risk that may be consequent or, gencies ; but we don't fine
-there is not a man in
my accepting of the emoluments of the office. I shall, there- 'man in the House of Commons— .
wetesmanslike view
foie, as soon to the lawyers come to town, submit the case to the House that takes a comprehensive and a.
, If there
some four ur five of the most able and experienced of them, of the condition of this country.—( Hear, hear., •.to a
and by their opinions I shall be determined.—( Hear, hear.) I were, and if his views were developed night after nigh.
'rive not yet Made up My mind as to the course I shall pursue, series of practical schemes, he would enlist around him a po.
presuming the office does not work as a disqualification. Id° not Utica! power—not one, perhaps, to be cast up in millions, but a
know whether I shall at once accept the Chiltern Hundreds great intellectual power, that would at no distant time place him
and throe* myself on My constituents, or retire altogether, or in authority.—( Hear.) Therefore, when I say the country is
address My ennsiiiiienti thrdugli the public press, calling on in deflcultics, it does not arise from the circumstance of their
those who recorded their 'Votes foi me at the last election coolly being insurmountable, but because they are not comprehended,
and deliberately to convey to me, undef their signattires, their or they are not grasped with a Statesman's hold. What I
desire. And why I hesitate is this. If there t',114. tt !tied- would advise the Government to do is what I advised the esi-
ine convened in the Town-hall, it would then be said, as it v'll lJeral party to do at the commencement of the Session. I
said on a recent occasion, when there was some passing misun- ouet to tell it to you in justice to myself, and Idoit so the
d gstandinn between me and a portion of my respectable con- more, becanee I find a talented man, the Member for Shef-
stituents, that there was no difficulty in crowding the Hall, and field (Mr. Ward) ie I recent address to his constitnuents,
ten-
bewildering men's minds with a torrent of words—that they terieg ably and largely into the.
estate of
something of
might be easily seduced into any proposition, and that a vote has opened what might be considered
s.
tnver +few! acetate
so carried did not express the real opinion of the Borough. secret. lie has told us what was .. nh ion without
That might be again said. On the other hand, I am not had never heard of it, but itshowsewriemft may going
de twenty hours in
prepared to yield to that portion of my political oppo- our knowledge—he says there
ha
limits, who would be delighted with the opportunity in this country when we were
no leader in the House
of incurring expense and putting my friends to anxious ex- of Commons.—(Laughter.) I am sure your slumbers
ertion.—( Hear, hear.) I shall therefore, according to my pre. were not less sound, nor securityperfect.—( Hear,
u the course I
tellle" ee
sent impression, call on those gentlemen who recorded theif hear, and a laugh.) But I_ will
Session. There was
votes for me at the last election, to express their opinion, and took at the commencement of the
if there shall be a majority of but one, calling on me to resign a meeting of two hundred Reformers of all shades
ventured my scat, there shall not elapse twerity-four hours after the re- and degrees of political opinion, and I to say
ccipt of such communication, before I comply With the request, to them—" Now, Gentlemen, we have in our hands the
—( Cries of " Bravo, bravo.") I have hinted to you that I Government of this country—the weakness of the Go-
am not quite decided in the event of accepting the emolu- iefnment is the strength of the Reformers, Let us lay
ments of the office and placing the representation once more aside every eitreme view—do not let us hamper the Govern-
in your hands, whether I shall again become a candidate, be- ment with impraetieable theories, and wild and philosophical
cause that will dcp-nd on coming circumstances. If the next speculations, but let us lay before them one or two substantial
Session of Parliament is to be in all things like that gone by, and important measures, the countenance of which by the
I candidly confess Parliament has no charms for me.—( Laugh- Government shall be the condition of our support," I argued
ter.) I have no wish to go into that House night atter that as well as I could. I asked them to form themselves into
night, finding myself expected to support measures from a third party, and to bring forward in the House of Commons,
which I more or less dissent, or to retire from the House night after night, a series of well considered measures of Re-
rather than vote for measures which I cannot con- form in the Law, in the Church. in our Finances,
scientiously supped ; or occasionally thinking that the and in our various domestic and political relations—for them to
justice of the case Is with the opponents of the Government, he urged with the best ability we could command, and to say
and therefore inclined to vote with them, and yet fearing to to the country, these are our views—these are our measures—
do so, because unless I have an opportunity of explaining my —think you ofthem, and judge of them. " You will soon find,"
views, and the grounds of my so doing, I invite a torrent of I said, "an intelligent community, capable of appreciating them,
invective in supporting opposition, arid am baptised with and there will be this general sentiment throughout the country
the unmeaning nickname of a Tory- Radical.—(Laughter, ) —that these are the men, these are the measures we approve of. "
So that what between the contention of factions and the diffi- And to show you t:set I was not idle in that suggestion, I
culty of being usefully heard in that howling waste—( Renewed gave notice on the first ni.g.
ht of the Session that I should, on
laughter)—I feel indifferent to a seat in the House altogether. an early day, move for leave to Wring in a Bill to reform the
At the same time I cannot believe that the next session is to Reform Act. That Bill I had prep/;•7cd with considerable
be a repetition of the past. At the present moment the public labour. It embraced three objects—an ex:. ended Suffrage,
mind is greatly agitated with conflicting opinions put forward which should include every man who had a pern:.mient resi-
by different leaders, and instead of our relations being quiet, dence of one year—( Hear, hear)—Triennial Parliamensf; no
and persons pursuing their various and useful occupations, shorter and no longer—that they should last for three
undisturbed by politics, such as was wont to be the case when years—that there should be security given to the
Parliament was prorogued, one would fancy that the frame- voter against the effects of intimidation and bribery,
work of society was about to be dissolved, that our whether to be carried out by the Ballot or any other contriv-
political institutions were in danger, and that all things were ance. That was my Bill.--( Cheers.) I said " Let us bring
crumbling around us.—( Hear, hear.) We have had within that forward, the country will understand it." " That may
the last fortnight four different schemes of political conduct be all very well," they said, " but Mr. Grote has given no-
ushered to our notice. First, there is my Lord Ehrington, time of his motion for the Ballot—let us concentrate all our
whom I consider to be one of the purest of the aristocratic power on that our darling measure." I gave my reasons why
order, desirous of doing well, but perplexed in what it I thought it was not wise to individualise our plans—that if we
consists ; he, at a county meeting, implored the people were to have a Reform Bill, it should be cemprehensive—
to be patient, and forbear, urging upon their atten- that we should not have the Ballot one Parliament,
tion the difficulties of the Government, and hoping for Triennial Parliaments another, and Extended Suffrage
improved times. I doubt not his Lordship's sincerity, but Ido another, so that at least there would he three times seven years
his wisdom. So long as the present Government were the ser- before there would beany chance of realising the whole.—( Hear,
tants of the late King, they were constantly reminding the hear.) These objects are all valuable if they are connected
eager advocates of reform that they were surrounded with dif- —there is much to be said against either individually,
ficulties—that there was an adverse Court—a hostile Aristo- nothing against them unitedly. 'I heir answer was " There
cracy—that they were beset at every step by spies and con- may be a great deal in what you say, but let us rally round
cealed enemies, and insinuating, rather than stating, that if the Ballot." I said "So we will—l will vote for the
we had only patience to wait for that event which nature would Ballot, but will you pledge yourselves to one thing—that,
eventually, arid at no distant time, bring to pass (and which has if the Government are unfavourable to the proposition,
been brought to pass), that then all those difficulties which so you will then meet in this room, and concert the best means
beset them would vanish, that they would be cherished by a by which we can carry out our plans, and meet the just ex-
friendly Court—sustained by a monarch with a mind early pectations of the country ?" They all said "We will." The
ernbuea with a love of freedom and constitutional sentiments great day came. Mr. Grote made one of his masterly speeches.
—attached to the party who would form her Cabinet—that all There was a division, as you all know, and the motion was
the various and complicated difficulties with which they were lost. Well, we seemed all to be exhausted by the effort—our
surrounded would vanish, and that then would be the halcyon faculties were melted; and, like a man who had set off with an
hour when they would bring forward a series of well-digested impetus he could not control, arrived at his journey's end
and statesman-like plans, which would recommend themselves before he could stop, and found himself in the gulf below
to all considerate minds.—( Hear.) For that time we waited —(Hear, hear.)—such was the beginning and the end of
with singular forbearance ; the time came ; there was a diss our labours I From that moment we could not get half-a-
solution of Parliament; the Queen's name was not withheld, dozen together, and when we had thus separated, the Govern-
and a'l useful appliances were resorted to at the elections. But ment took advantage of it, and played their cards accordingly.
unhappily the spirit of the people was damped, and the cause of —( Hear.) Gentlemen, I here drop the curtain on the melan-
reform received a shock from its authors by sinister ineinuas choly story. I did my duty in opposing their rash and inex-
tions, and by demi-official suggestions, that reform was no pedient measures ; and if they are again suggested I shall
longer an article its the creed of the Queen's Cabinet. pursue the same course.—(Cheers.) But I would fain hope
Furthermore, when the House assembled, the leader of the that Government would not do so. If they do they ought not
House of Commons promptly declared that be ivoold take his to continue a Government.—( Hear, hear.) Their great
stand upon the Reform Bill, as it was, allowing no infusion error is, that they constantly attempt to conciliate their
of improvement. From that hour the hopes of the people foes, and to sacrifice their friends.—(Cheers.) At the
were dashed to the ground, and they have been writhing ever present moment their warmest adherents can't tell what they
since under the fatal blow.—(Cheers.) But, Gentlemen, are at. There is no one measure based upon principle. They
as I have have had many occasions to speak (and I have done have thrown the anchor of principle overboard—they have
so without reserve) in the House of Comnaons of the Govern- taken to the crazy bark of expediency, and it is a bark in
merit and their measures, so I shall not do, what I think some which they must be swamped, if they long continue in it.— '
politicians are now doing in an ungracious spirit, speak severely ( Cheers.) Night after night do the Tories gain upon them,
of the Government, to the exclusion of all other considers- while the country is subsiding into indifference or contempt
tions. I spoke of the Government as I thought of them—l of the Queen's Government.—( Hear, and cheers.) What they
denounced and voted against their measures; but I now should do is this. They should bring forward, not one, but a
find men who supported the Government—who said series of intelligible measures, expounded ably at the corn-
nothing against the Government—who gave them all sorts mencement of the Session—risking their political existence
of countenance, making speeches in manufacturing districts on their success—making them intelligible to the country—
and in Ireland, as if.p lthe
nd
Government, was the worst in sending them up to the House of
Lords-_besieging,d
thus
pretensions that ever the
no
in its moral and mental House of Lords with holiest measures, a
etc form, in its
ruledprinciples, s a
this country.—( Hear.) I like factious objects of that House.--(Loud cheers.)
Hu the
tw e
consistency in
public m
I en.
would t, ( Hear, hear.) And, Gentlemen, cannot comprehend the Government. They seem to say to
in speaking of others,
not confine my remarks even the Lords we shall be satisfied with - give
h any - thing you
to Members of Parliament The constituent bodies throughout us. Give us only the preamble of a Bill, we care no-
the country are much .
to blame. If they had followed the thing about the clauses—we only look for the title.—(Laugh-
splendid example of the borough of Southwark, in returning ter.) Just see how they acted on the Irish Tithe Bill ; and I
their Members without any expense, without a canvass, with- have a right to allude to that, because, recollect how I was
bout '
a committee-room, without a treated by some persons in this Borough on that subject.—
out the issue of a card, wit
'
e of those emblems that seduce men from ( Hear.) Did I not denounce the appropriation clause as a
,g, without on
subject.—
flag, )if the various constituencies, I delusionnot ' itself, but •
say, only as worthless in as an
their reason—(Cheers --
example, will any man tell me—deft- insult to Ireland and the country__( Hear, hear, heara_
had followed this proud
is—defectiveits ' ' '
cient as the Reform Bill
.. as working is, and and the time at length came when Ministers abandoned
rger Reform is to its full usefulness —that the the clause—and they have abandoned it wisely. But what have
indispensable as ale .
the
bad power in House of Commons at the they substituted? If instead of giving 25per cent. to thernsclves
Tories would have
to thatof
present moment only subordinate
It the Government? (for one half of the Cabinet are Irish landlords)—( Hear,
Quite the the reverse.—(Cheers.) may be all very well hear)—they had said, we purpose to appropriate this 28 per
corruption and intimidation, and to hear men say cent to the of to seeak of
guarded their virtue well, if they could
they would have
. moral advancement—to the diminution of that fright-
veil of secresy. I doubt b
bare shrouded it it the Las. ful sum of misery that now stalks that country, the propo-
Id with some three or four boroughs in- siti
am acquainted on would have been hailed with delight by all right-minded
with the borough of
m acquainted
timately. I a i have my experience there._
Col- men. It would have been far better for such a measure to have
chaster well-ww boughtea-- been rejected by the Lords half dozen t. •standing
I know the borough
of Malden--I know Sud- as
(Cheers-) Government would have done on the immutable principles
know Ipswich, and I observe there were dole_ of justice, than
bury—and I
Colchester and Ipswich the other day to thethey did. __(Cheers.) sent from
Palace-yard, and Ido say it is entirely owing And what have they gained by
great meeting in theirl present measure ? Are they not ridiculed in
u tion of the Alectors of those places that
to the political corrtep_
as
they
( Hear, hear.) The Ireland ? Are they not laughed at even by their warmest
they are represen d supporters ? And do we not find Mr. O'Connell, who
and their numbers are sufficieetlY
possess the power, gave his countenance to the measure, villifying the measure
elect whom they P •
lease With the Y
large, to exception itself, its authors, and its a Gentlemen,the
of of the places I have mentioned cataloguesupporters .
of Sudbury, 01 of our political miseries is so large that, it is
exceeding one thousand, and I
have a constituency scarcely possible to name, still less to dwell upon them, and
en are corrupt there is no reason fo
say if a thousan r as I have heard from my friends right and left, that this is a
thousand who are excluded from the meeting
believing the one H
. partly social, and at all events restricted to parochial
---( ear, hear.) Let not the consti
franchise are honest G tu- though important objects, I feel I should be . blame on the overnment. The Go trespassing on
encies lay all the vern- the indulgence that has
b and a great deal been largely extended to me,
ment have enough to ear,
N But the h more than they were I to go further.--( Cries of "No no," and "Go
answerfor.—( Laughter.,ey have a right to say on.") Gentlemen, my chief object ' i
can
; ,If you want us to carry great
to the constituencies, '
"( Ch great men- you of that, which I believe those who knew me required
strength to do so. Cheers.) ) But, G
sures, give us the - no assursuce of, that I am still the 9:171C.-( Cheers.)
the rest t ' •
tlemen, I consider that one of g
the
political calami- Listen to no idle whispers—listen not to those who delight
tics with which this country, at present moment, in clouding the career of a man whose firmness they cannot
has to contend—and I cannot but think that the Govern.. imitate, and whom, therefore, they attempt by every means to
ment keenly feel its force—is in the division of the Libe- destroy ; but do lot a long and consistent life, in which saeri-
rat party in the House of Commons into national sections. flees of no ordinary kind have been many and fearful, be the eon-
Hear hear, hear.) I have read the Derrynane decree, stunt passport to your k idly feelings ; and be assured that,
hich has lately been sent forth, and I have read with great under all circumstances and all times—however poor I may
regret the denunciations it breathes against the Radicals gene- be—that while lam supported by your countenance and my
rally of England, and of all participation in their objects own consciousness of meaning well, I shall be surpassing rich.
and all co-operation with then a.—( Hear, hear, hear.) We (The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amid loud and long.
cannot afford to be thus split into sections. It may be continued cheering.)
all very well for Mr. O'Connell and his party to say they carry Mr. Ileevnr, again rising, said—l sat down without con-
this measure and that measure, and if it had not been for their chiding with that which was by far the most agreeable part of
party where would have been the Reform Bill, and where my duty, namely, of proposing a toast in the list of our
would they have been on every occasion where the division did worthy Chairman, and that toast is, " The independent eke-
not exceed their admitted numbers. That might he said of any tors of the Borough of Southwark." I cannot submit this
confederacy. If all the Metropolitan Members were to join toast to you without observing that I believe the absence of
and carry any measure by a majority of 18, might they not my lion. Colleague, Mr. Humpliery, from this meeting,
taunt the Irish Members and say " Where would you have been arises from circumstances over which he has no controul.
but for the majority of 18."—( Cheers.) I own the versatility Great allowances must be made for public men. He has.
with which my friend Mr. O'Connell adapts himself to every like myself, for many months been attending to his public
change, leads me to hope he will not be very tenacious of duty, and which lie did wish great assiduity. I ambound to
his new resolve; but if he persevere in it, then I see the tell you that Mr. Humphery has upon all occasions attended
foundation of a schism, the effects of which can scarcely be to his public duties with great roginarity ; and under these eir
estimated in the coming Session. It is only by doubted, cumstances it is but fair to suppose that he'
think
an undoubted,
may he has
cordial, and sincere co-o •
ofthe friendsof Reform in some claim upon the consideration of hiss constituents,
peration
every class, county, and portion of the empire, that we can at a period allowed to repose, lie remains %anti his family at
hope to carry any great measure. (Cheers. ) When Mr. Brighton to enjoy the comforts that spring from such an asso-
O'Connell. talks of justice for Ireland, and denounces the cietion.—( Hear.) I should be sorry that any distinction of
people of England as being indisposed to grant justice to Ire- feeling, p ,litically, should be made between Mr. liumpher •
land, lam for extending that term and claiming ~ justice and myself. I can say he attends with great regularit Y
for Great Britaie and Ireland."—(Cheers.) It would be no and, I think, always ;
g•ves a conscientious vote. Ulm is at ary;
difficult matter, if a Person were so disposed, to unfurl a time wrong, it must be attributed to that nhich we arc a'll
banner inscribed " Justice to Ecgiand"—yea, that jus- subject to, defie:eley of judgment.—( Hear, hear. ) I beg, in
rice which you have awarded to Ireland—to show conclusion, to give you " The independent electors of the
that Ireland Possesses advantages unenjoyed by England. borough of Southwark."
I will point out one or two. Ireland has no church- Mr. A`.DERSON begged leave to propose a toast. One of
rate. She had a church cess which is another word for church- the gratiying feelings connected with that meeting was, that
rate, but she has got rid of her church cess. We are all labour- there was a sympathy on the part of other parishes in the oh-
ing in England under our church-rate.—( Boar, bear.) We have ject which had drawn them member. Deputies from
Lam-
assessed taxes—lreland has not one.—( Hear, hear.) We beth, Newington, St. Saviour's, City of London Union, .rid
have tithes averaging five shillings an acre—lreland has a tithe other parishes were present, and he begged
to propose their
less than one
shilling an acre.—( Hear, beer. ) Do I health!.
mean by this to sly that I would re-enact the church cots in Mr. GRADY, from the parish of Lambeth, returned thanks
Ireland, that I would increase the tithes from one shilling to on the part of the delegates its a very able speech, in the
five shillings in Ireland, or that I would impose on that country course of which he adverted to the gratifying fact, that all the
assessed taxes? No, but I mention it for the purpose of showing offices in the parish of Lainheth were filled by Reformers.
that if men once stoner themselves to be severed into parties, He hoped that all other parishes in the metreeons would imitate
and take exclusive objects for their guide, that the enemy of the example set to them in this respect by Lambeth ; and be
ail will step in, and that between the factious we shall further hoped that no inertness out the part of the parishioners
be made the victims and the dupes.—( Cheers. ) Gen- of that parish would allow the Tory party again to creep
tlemen, government is no mystery. - There is no difficulty into those offices from which they had been so successfully
in governing this country. The people understand what good excluded.—( Cheers. )
government means, and they are well disposed to acquiesce in Mr. HARVE: next proposed the health of the Chairman,

who had so ably performed the duties of his office. The Hon.
Gentleman with his usual felicity, adverted to the Chairman's
position in the parish (being an overseer), and to the pride-
it must be to him, as an honest citizen, to be Prime Minister
of it.—(Applause and a laugh.)
The toast was drank with mark; of respect.
The CHAIRMAN having returned thanks, and several other
toasts having been drunk, the company separated, highly
gratified at the proceedings of the evening.

RADICAL DEMONSTRATION IN

SHEFFIELD.

(From the Second Erition of the Sheffield Iris.)
C6eHie!d, though late in the field, has not been least in her
demanu
.for justice. The men of ,Hallamshre have nobly
proved that t,' "V know their rights, and are determined to have
them granted. • Ors account of the heavy state of the roads,
the gentlemen from birmingham did not arrive so soon as was
expected, which delayed ,'he commencement of the proceed-
isgs for nearly two hours. The best feeling and the utmost
good nature, however, pei vad,-el all classes, and with the arri-
vals of the bands of music and the !tags, the assemblage crowded
together in front of the hustings. There could not be 1.. wer
than 20,000 persons present in the Slid of meeting, more than
eleven-twelfths of whom were working-,men, and unrepresen-
ted. This afforded a triumphant argumen.f against the Whigs
and Tories, who have prophesied that the .Sheffield Demon-
stration would be a failure. Among those est the hustings
we observed Willoughby Wood, Esq., of Ca mpsall Hall,
the deputation from Birmingham, consisting of Messrs. Ed-
monds:, Salt, and Pearce; Mr. Richardson, from Manchester,
and differeet members of the Working Men's Association.
We would just add, that the procession was received wia.h en-
thusiastic cheers throughout the whole route.
Mr. EBENEZER ELLIOTT having been voted to the Chair,
said,—Fellow Townsmen and Neighbours, your character in
London stands high. Don't forfeit that high character. Not
only keep the peace yourselves, but prevent others from break-
ing it ; and, as it is your wish to obtain your rights Yry legal
and peaceful means, I trust you will discourage every speaker
who advises violent measures; for every such speaker brings
to your aid one man in a thousand, and deprives you of the
aid of the remaining 90. It is proposed that our proceed-
ings shall commence with a hymn, which I will recite stanza
by stanza, and which yeti will sing, accompanied by the band,
to the tune of the Old Hundredtii Psalm :
Got of the Poor! shall labour eat?
Or drones alone find labour sweet ?
Lo, they who call thy earth their own,
Take all we have—and give a stone I
Yet bring not Thou on them the doom
That scourged the proud of wretched Rome,
Who stole, for few, the lands of all,
To make all life a funeral.
Lord ! not for vengeance rave the wrong'd,
The hopes deferr'd; the woes proloeg'd ;
Our cause is just, our Judge divine;
But judgment, God of all, is thine 1
Yet not in vain thy children call
On Thee, if Thou art Lord of all ;
And by thy work, and by thy word,
Hark ! millions cry for justice, Lord 1
For leave to toil, and not in vain—
For honest labour's needful gain;
A 11;:le rest, a little corn,
For weaiv man, to trouble born
For labour, l'Ond for all, their own ;
Our right to trod's, from zone to zone,
To make all laws for es and ours,
And curb the will of evi; Powers.
[From the solemnity of the tune,
in,: the spirit-stirring
nature of the words, the above had a very strils:ng effect, being
cordially joined in by the immense multitude.l
Mr. EBENEZER ELLIOTT then said—Fellow townsmen
and neighbours 1 Where are the respectable of Shefb:id? If
they love the people, why are they not here?—(Cheers. If
they can send Missions to the Hindoos, and agitate for blat:.k
slaves, who are better treated than you are, and with their
telescopic eyes see the suffering Caffre in Africa, surely they
might perceive your miseries at their very doors. Where is
Bade>, your Bentham? Where is Luke, your Gospel? and
where is that great patriot, who refused to call a meeting
against, the Irish Coercion Bill—They are all absent I
C, he?rs. ) Never mind. You are present. And though your
old friends have deserted you, good men have come from A
distance to help you. Here is Edmonds, grown grey in fight-
ing the battles of the working men. And here is Salt, whose
patriotism is Christian kindness. And here is Willoughby
Wood, whose philosophy sees religion in human happiness.
But what am I to say now? I have no newspapers to
quote. Oh, that mine enemy would write another book ! for
it won't do now, and shan't do, to sing the old song of the
Corn laws, which you have laughed at for more than twenty
years. "Oh !" you said, "it is only the mad poet I" I
would rather be mad, than see you lost your trade ; I would
rather die in a workhouse than see you without wages; for
there would be sorrow in heaven, if your wives, by thou-
sands, were clamming in the streets, and your children, by
tens of thousands, clamming with them.—(Cheers.) But
after having been mocked for years on the subject of the
Corn-laws, and told by Corn-law Russell that the robbery
shall be eternal, it is too bad, and too late to throw the Corn-
laws as dust in our eyes. Then, let me say, that the strongest
argument in favour of Universal Suffrage, is furnished by
the facts, that the authors of those laws exercise the whole
power of the British Government, and the King, or Queen,
for the time being, is only their signing clerk. It is doubtful
whether they ever originated one useful idea; it is certain
that they never added a penny to the public stock, but that, on
the contrary, they have been enriched by the progress of com-
merce, without contributing in any way to that progress ; it
is on eternal record, that they have devoured or destroyed due.
ing the last fifty years, in wars on liberty, and by their food-
monopoly, more than five thousand millions sterling—say
twice as much as all the estates arc worth ; and no man in his
communityms e
orirseosw , doubtsthe
ycould
would
lohdua
itbdet
shotenyi
only
b
are
e spare—forot
missed
sasl
el
idfmateshnea tyh
nuisance
wereverya n e
all
men es
missing
sswhi whomnegn r
theto:
moved.--( Cheers.) Yet they talk as if they were the land
that God made, did as if they were God himself, and not
the men who have converted the land into a curse for all.
_( bear, hear.) God showers blessings on you, which
they convert into plagues ; and you doff your' bats to
them, forgetting yourselves, and that is saying, vou
forget God, who wastes nothing, and will not furnish yoga
with opportunities if you throw them away. What hope,
then, have you, but in yourselves? Will your enemies help
you ? From the time of the first murderer they have been
what they are. They poisoned Socrates—they crucified Jesus
—and would they help you ? No, no, you must help your-
selves.—( Loud cheering. )
Mr. BEAL, in moving the first resolution, said—Men of
Hallamshire 1 These are the times for testing the principles
of men. This is the first great effort of the toiling millions
to break down the strongholds of oppression and secure to
themselves the rights and privileges of freemen. " 'Tis
liberty alone," says Cowper, " that gives the flower of
fleeting life its lustre and its perfume, and we are
weeds without it." The Government of this country has
hitherto been chosen by the property classes out of
the aristocracy, who have held the reins of power in
defiance and contempt of the nation at larger—( Hear. )
The Corn-law abomination was enacted for the purpose, and
has been the means, of sheltering the landed aristocracy from
all taxation ; and you are aware it has succeeded to their
hearts' content.—( Cheers.) Our only remedy is the Exten-
sion of the Suffrage to all classes. But it is said our igno-
rance would lead us to choose improper persons for law-
makers. Are we not as capable of choosing eSir law-makers
as our doctors or lawyers ? We know more about right and
wrong than we do of physiology, pathology, or the theory and
practice of medicine, or the Statutes at large. The fact is, Sir,
they know if we had political power we should put a lock on the
till; we should button up our pockets. Let the rich pull the
mote out of their own eye before they begin to pick at the beam in
ours. Let them reform the Waldegraves, the Dc Rooses, and the
Waterfords. The speaker concluded by moving the adoption
of the first resolution—viz., " That the sources of tke na-
tional prosperity are failing—that our legislators, in coese.
quence of their selfishness, their ignorance, and their covert
bankruptcies, are unwilling, and our electors, in consequence
of their small numbers and dependent condition, are unable to
help us—therefore it is neeessrry that the Universal People
obtain the power of voting in the election of Members to serve
in Parliament."

Mr. ISAAC IRONSIDE come forward to second the reso-
lution which has been moved by Mr. Beal, whom I am proud
to call my friend—who is in himself a triumphant refutation
of the calumny that the working classes are destitute of Intel-
ligence. Give us the People's Charter, or at all events Uni-
versal Suffrage, and we will soon elect a Parliament that will
control the destinies of this great empire, in such a manner
that the people shall have aft abundent supply of food. Uni-
versal Suffrage is not a mere bauble with us ; it is the means
to an end—the lever of Archimedes. I bate mystery of all
kinds, and therefore these are some of my ulterior views in
supporting Universal Suffrage. The abolition of the Corny
late s—( Loud cheering)—the establishment of a thoroughly
fficient system of National Education, of which good diet
should be the foundation : the severance of the Church
f-em the State, and the appropriation of the wealth of the
Church to the use for which it was originally intended,
namely a great portion of it to feed the poor: the abolitiont
0.
of all Private and Joint Stock Banks *and the establisbme.nniour
a National one : and last, though not least, but in TY__°_,P2n it,
the most important, although we are not 211 agretedo.vcr:o;,e_
afforling the greitest facilities to the estahlishmetti t
r.tive communities. Will these measures bencStiteeh,e country ?
humanity,
—( Yes. yes, from the crowd.) Reason,
and whilst it
answer Yes. Our present Parlisment S:lys.A ~vby ?
exists, not one of them will be d.carricc,f
ignorat:ce,
cause "our legislators, in consequence
, What,
selfishness, or covert bankruptcy,hea
then, must be done? Why
men
who distribute them.
In conclusion,Universal People who
pay the taxes, must elect
:nthe t
you
a little advice. Be clean
and temperate i
allow me
t ogive
habits; by this means you will add
)
much to your li!ipp;
iu ssr and comfort ; you will become more
thoughtful and inquiring,
g and consequently better acquainted
with your social and political condition. You will then be far
more powerful than mere numbers can ever make you. Brute
twee may be overpoe e•-ed—mind cannot. 1 beg most heartily,
to second the resolution.—( Loud cheering.)
Mr. SALT, of Birmingham, commenced by sating that
sometimes when he. saw the poverty and misery of the labour-
ing classes his spirit drooped, because be thought their case
was hopeless, but that at any rate their success was far re-
mote. But when he saw such meetings as this, when such a
portion of the population were standing true to their order,
his spirit felt refreshed, and he was bound to exclaim—the
cause of the people shall not perish.—( Cheers.) The men

,of Sheffield had vindicated their honour this day; and if there
lir as a stain upon the people of this town, it was that the middle
classes had not come amongst them. I preach no disunion
among the middle classes ; but I beg them to come and aid us.
I preach union, on this condition, that they do their duty, and
act like men and Christians. If they'will be thieves and plun-
derers, and rlunder the poor man of his meal by taxation, we
then Inty--why we must treat them like plunderers. And I call
upon those of the middle classes that are just and upright, to

come and show themselves amongst us, and do their duty
Nr,w, our text is Christianity and humanity, and we seek to
give to the labouring classes a greater share of the ample pro-
visions which nature, and the God of nature has given for all
mankind. Now, if you get more, the wealthy must have less,
and by that means they will be brought nearer down to the
level of humanity, and you will not Le subjected to the *torn
and plunder which you are now subjected to. Be true to your
order ; others are true to '.'aeir order ; follow their example, and
be true to your's. .I,oek what the a ealthy have done. They
lifted the proper'-y tax from their own shoulders, and put the corn
tax upon those of the poor man. Now we want to put the
burthens epon the shoulders of those who can best bear them.
We want to send poor men to Parliament, who would do these
thirgs for us. To promote the honour and glory of this
country, so boasted of, the people must be fed, clothed, and
lightly worked, so that they would rise in splendour and dig-
nity, having a due leisure for education. That was the splen-
dour, the honour, and the glory which they called upon the
meeting toinsist upon being restored to England. These were
the great practical results. Never let them forget Universal
Suffrage ; it would not be refused if, following up the meet-
ing of this day, they followed the example of the wealthy,
and stood by their order. Their's was the cause of the great
God above ; He made them brothers, but they were not
treated as such. They were called low, uneducated, and
vulgar ; but they would be acknowledged as men andbrethreu,
and should be respected as such by one another.—( Cheers.)
Mr. GILL then proposed the next resolution, which embodied
those principles, and those principles alone, which would tend
to secure the happiness of the whole mass of the community.
He proposed that every individual in that immense assemblage,
and through the country, should have the power conceded to
him of voting for Members of Parliament.—(Cheers.) Was
there an individual before him, whose dwelling or apparel was
ever so bumble, that did not consider that he had a right, as an
Englishman, to have a voice in the making of those laws which
controlled him at every moment of his life? The man who
did not consider be bad ouch a right was a self. willed slave—
an alien to the Consttution—a disgrace to humanity—and
a curse to all bis children and to posterity.—(Cheers.)
He should content himself by proposing the resolution,:viz. :
" That the People's Charter,' containing the principles of
Universal Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, Annual Parliaments,
No Property Qualification, Equal Representation, and paid
Members, is a practical measure calculated to secure honest
Representation; it is therefore solemnly adopted by this
meeting."
Mr. G. B. ELLIOTT seconded the motion, and strongly re-
commended the peaceable and orderly exercise of moral force
as the best means to accomplish the objects they contemplated.
WILLOUGHBY WOOD, Esq., of Campsall Hall, supported the
resolution, and vindicated the claims of the working classes to
a fair share of the intelligence possessed by the other classes
of society, and instanced the Corn- laws—the affairs of
Canada—as proofs that the aristocracy were not possessed of
the exclusive wisdom they laid claim to. He did not feel with
Mr. Ward, who rejoiced when the British troops were victo-
rious in Canada. It would not enable them to feed their
wives and children a bit better.—( Cheers. )
Mr. BUCHANAN also ably showed the claims the werking
classes have for intelligence, as exhibited in the machinery of
the manufactories and the goods produced by them, whilst the
rich had saddled the country with debt to put down liberty in
France, and had thereby enriched Jews and stock jobbers.
He exhorted them to unity, to be peaceable and firm, and then
no power could prevail over an united people—the sword of
knowledge being the strongest power. He then moved the
third resolution—viz., " That the National Petition,' now
read, erabodying the principles of the People's Charter,' be
adopted by this meeting.
PARKER, a member of the Association, seconded the
resolution.
Mr. WORTLEY moved the fourth resolution, viz. :—" That
William Gill be appointed by this meeting to meet the dele-
gates from other towns in London, to superintend the presen-
tation of the National petition,"—which was seconded by Mr.
C.RABTREE, in his most energetic style, deprecating the small
sum they received for the large amount of labour they had to
perform ; whilst the Dowager Queen received more money
yearly than the working population of a neighbouring town,
containing 14,000 inhabitants. This would not be the case if
they were represented ; but as they could not be admitted to
the House of Commons, they would have a House of their own
in the shape of a National Convention, where the Member
would not quote Greek and Latin to make up the absence of
common sense.
Mr. PEARCE, of Birmingham, detailed the proceedings of
the people of that town, which had led to the present move-
ment; and declared that as Earl Grey had determined to stand
by his order, it was now time that they should stand by
theirs.—( Cheers.)
Mr. LOMAS moved the fifth resolution, viz., " That this
meeting do pledge itself to support the National Fund, for
the purpose of carrying the foregoing resolutions into effect."
Mr. RICHARDSON, of Manchester, in supporting the reso-
lution, stated that they had a meeting yesterday at Man.
Chester, which had amply made up for the deficiency in the
Palace Yard, inasmuch as 300,000 persons attended—there
were 60 bands of music, and more than 300 banners. He
said it was indeed a glorious day. He rebutted the charge of
ignorance, and quoted the following couplet from a Birming-
ham flag :—" If we are too ignorant to make taxes, we are too
ignorant to pay them ; and if we are too ignorant to make
laws, we are too ignorannt to obey them. He then recom-
mended that they should each save a week's wages to contri-
bute to the general fund, for without money, the sinew of war,
they could do nothing.
Three cheers were then proposed by the CHAIRMAN for
Birmingham. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman for
his services, which was carried amidst loud applause.
The assembly then quietly dispersed.
In the evening a numerous party of ladies and gentlemen
partook of tea, &c., at the Bath Saloon, Mr. Ebenezer Elliott
in the Chair. The meeting was addressed by the Chairman,
Messrs. Wood, Salt, &c. &c.