The Sun.
London, England, 1854-08-31 00:00:00

SUBMARINE TELEGRAPH COMPANY.

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directors, ;
The half yearly general meeting of the shareholders in
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the last meeting of the shareholders the directors have
been engaged in endeavouring to secure a more direct
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andcne o f the
and rapid communication between London and the prin-
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treme liberality and kindness of the French Govern.
ment the directors had been enabled to establish a uni-
form plan, which would admit of messages being trans-
mitted without stoppage or delay from eornhill, through
Paris and Strasburg. to the different towns in Germany;
thus Vienna and Ulna (on the Danube) have been
placed in instantaneous and unbroken communica-
tion with London. A reduction of 25 per cent. upon
the tariff upon all messages passing through France has
been made in favour of these companies, and when the
system is more perfectly developed a considerable in-
crease of business may with confidence be anticipated.
Notwithstanding the depressed state of all mercantile
transactions, and the disturbed condition of trade during
a time of war, the gross number of messages carried be-
tween London and the Continent has only been 1,032
less than those of the preceding half-year. The amount
paid on these messages is less by 1,8221. ss. 4d., as the
directors, in accordance with the wish expressed by
foreign governments, and also to afford greater induce-
ment to the public to avail themselves of the advantages
of the telegraph, have reduced the charges on continental
despatches nearly 20 per cent. An increase of 3,1451.
Os. Gd. has been incurred in the capital account. The
directors now recommend a dividend to 'be declared
at the rate of 31 per cent, for the last six mouths, on
the capital of the company, which will leave a balance
of 1751. 10s. Gd."
The following directors, who retired by rotation, were
re-elected :—Sir James Robert Carmichael, Bart., Er-
nest Bunsen, Esq., and the Chevalier Drouet.

CRYSTAL PALACE, Aug. 30.—SHILLING DAY.--
Admission at the doors, 9,180 ; admission by season
tickets, 663; total, 9,731

G. CRAWSITAY, Esq., one of the principal promoters of
the meeting, and who was received with loud applause,
having read the requisition convening the meeting,
The MAYOR rose to introduce the business. He said he
had little expected to bo called so soon to preside over a
meeting of that description, for it was not leng since they
had had a meeting which was a very satisfactory one; but
as they found the Government had not done—at least
they thought it had not done -(applause)—its duty, the
present meeting had been called, and he hoped they
would give every speaker a fair hearing. He begged
leave to call on Mr. Crawshay to propose the first resolu-
tion. (Applause.)
G. CRAWSHAY, Esq., rose amidst renewed applause and
said—Mr. Mayor, and fellow-townsmen, it is sufficiently
evident upon the face of that requisition that this meeting
has originated in a feeling of . dissatisfaction with the pre-
sent position of this country in the war with Russia.
(Hear, hear.) I will say on behalf, not only of myself,
but of our valued and respected friend Mr. Attwood, that
if we have come forward on thili occasion it is because we
have felt it impossible any longer to be silent With a due
regard to our convictions and to that duty which we con-
ceive we owe to our country. (Applause.) Gentlemen, it
would not have been necessary for us to have taken any
such step had the House of Commons done its duty. But
the House of Commons did not do its duty ; and that ex-
pression of opinion which was not made in that house we
trust to see given voice to in this meeting, and all over the
country. (Cheers.) We are not, gentlemen, going to lay
before you a plan of campaign, but a declarationo prin-
ciples. I am aware that some of the Government scribes
in the newspapers deny that there is any principle at all
in this war. But we are of a different opinion. Now to
ascertain upon what principles we should oppose Russia,
let us consider what are the principles and what are the
characteristics of Russia as developed in that history, the
great facts of which are known to every child, but
which
seem to be forgotten by her Majesty's Government. (Hear,
hear.) Why, gentlemen, you all know perfectly well that
Russia is a despotism--most unmitigated and most de-
grading—that it may be described as a government of the
priest, the soldier, and the spy, in which the soldier is
above the priest, and the spy is above both—(hear,
hear)—and the Czar, he is the high priest, sem.
mander-in-chief, and grand spy, all in one. (Cheers.) I
have no animosity, and the English people have none,
against the Russian people. I am dealing with the Go-
vernment. (Hear, hear.) Now, gentlemen, if that Go-
vernment had been content to remain quietly within
limits, and not to have troubled its neighbours, it would
have been no business of ours to meddle with it. But if
there be one fact in modern history better established than
another, it is that the despotism of Russia is essentially
aggressive—(hear, hear)—that it is the thought by day
and the dream by night of that Government to conquer,
to annex, any country whatever which it comes in con-
tact with. And, gentlemen, there is no fact more certain,
and we should never forget.it, that in this 19th century,
in this age of Crystal Palaces and civilisation, here we have
a brutal despotism incessantlyendeavouring to extend itself
to the utmost limits possible, and which endeavours to ac-
complish its ends by means most wicked, which sticks at
no crime, which stirs up dissensions amongst peoples,
which sets people against their rulers, and t ulers against
their people, and strives by every possible crime to spread
this brutal and disgusting Government all over the world.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It is not too much to say that
Russia has the fixed design of attaining to universal do-
mination, because the amount of the limits put to her pro-
gress is the resistance it will find, and nothing less. Now,
gentlemen, such being the character of Russia, and such
her principles—are there no principles, no opinions,
opposed to Russia on the other side ? Is there no love
of liberty ? Why, gentlemen, I take it, that it is
on account of the hatred to those principles, and
on account of the love of opposite principles, that
nine out of ten of the people of this country have given
their sanction to this war. (Applause.) If we could sup-
pose that the extension of Russian rule over Turkey would
have benefited Turkey, I maintain the people of this
country would not have suffered the Government to go to
war. But whatever faults Turkey might have, we re-
membered that after the Hungarian war—(hear, hear)--
the Sultan of Turkey cast his shield over the refugees—
(loud applause)—and while by so doing he marked himself
out for the next victim of despotism, he at the same time
entitled himself to the sympathy and support of every
liberal-minded man in Europe. (Loud cheers.) Talk o:
there being no principle involved in the war—why I fear-
lessly- assert that but fur thl act, and the Sultan by it
having identified himself with the cause of humanity and
liberty, there would have been no war at all. (Hear,
hear, and applause.) If the Sultan had been base enough
to have delivered up Kossuth, the popular sentiment would
have been indifferent to her—we should have had no war.
Lord Aberdeen, Mr. Cobden, and the Times, would have
prevented it ; and though we might still have contended
with Russia, it would have been upon some other battle-
field. Therefore nothing can be more false than to assert
that there is no principle in this war. Either the war is a
humbug, or it is the commencement of a general European
revolt of the principles of justice and freedom against
those evil principles which have attained such undue pre-
dominancy in Europe by the influence of Russia, and our
Government may depend upon it that they cannot pru-
dently or safely in their conduct of this war depart from
those principles, owing to their faith in which the people
have so nobly and heartily come forward and offered to be
taxed to support them to the last shilling in their purse,
and lose the last drop of blood in waging the war with
Russia. (Applause.) Now, having laid down our principle,
it will be an easier matter for me to deduce from it what
we consider should be the objects of the war, and the means
by which they should be obtained. We are simple enough
to believe that the principle object:of the war is to break
down the power of Russia—(hear)—to he greatest extent
we shall find it practicable in the cour of the war. Gen-
tlemen, we don't trust Russia. 1 would not trust her an
inch. We want "material guarantees." Nothing else will
do. Having been compelled to draw the sword, we must
try to attain from it the utmost good possible ; and I think
the greatest amount of good would consist in bringing the
peace till he humbly and
Czar down to his marrow bones, and never talk about
penitently sues for it. (Cheers.)
So much for the objects of the war, and now for the means
of obtaining them. First, there are the usual military
means, which the people have furnished so liberally to the
Government. We, of course, desire them to be used with
effect. But what we most particularly desire attention to
are those moral means —that great moral force which the
previous history and the crimes of Russia have placed in
the hands of England, in the sympathies of those nations
which she has trodden down and oppressed. To explain
what I mean, it is enough to pronounce the names of Fin-
land, Poland, and Circassia. (Loud applause.) Now,
roust
rs,trils theye thesh should
übildo blow."
see."
friends, don't mistake me. I,Ve do not say even that we
are certain that it is in our power to make these countries
uriosneloyfetshmis
free. We know the old a,isge_ 111.
" Who would be free,
(Applause.) But at the same time, if in the course of the
oppor-
tunity of taking advantage of it in order-to recover their
freedom, and manfully exert themselves for that purpose,
what we do say is, that the an y
have a right to look for the
vigorous prosTechuet
support and countenance of England. (Cheers.) Gentle-
men, we ought to consider ourselves fortunate if such
events should take place, and if Poland and other countries
should recover their freedom, because then, indeed, a most
satisfactory termination would be put to the war, and the
world would be in peace, and delivered from the aggres-
sions and robberies of the Czar. But, as I said before, I
do not on this occasion lay down plans of campaigns. We
are here to lay down principles. But I will tell you most
truly what we will not du. We will not barter the esteem
and sympathy of one honest patriotic refee such as we
have hare. (Applause, and cries of "Name') It is M.
Worcell. We would not barter the esteem of a good and
brave man like that for the alliance of all tne monarchs of
Europe. (Applause.) But, gentlemen, "hat have the Go-
vernment done? (Hear.) Why, they have sold the hopes of
Poland and the sympathies of England—(a c or two of
"No, no," drowned amidst cries of "yes "and vehement
applause)—they have sold them to Austria, and what for?
Nut for her honest alliance—not even for her help iu the
war with Russia. That would have been dirt cheap • but
they have sold us cheaper than that—for that sneaking,
contemptible, equivocal occupation of the Danubian Pro-
vinces by the Austrian armies, after Turkey had rescued
them by her own gallant efforts, whilst the Austrians, too
much like our own armies, were looking On. (Shouts of
" Hear, hear.") Gentlemen, you will now understand our
principles ; you will understand our objects, and the
means we would employ. According to the terms of the
requisition, the last question that remains
is that of
what measures we can adopt to-night to give effect to our
views. Now, gentlemen, if the Government of this country
had shown by their conduct that they even approximated in
any degree to our principles, we should have been satisfied,
as upon former occasions, to have adopted a respectful
memorial to them, setting forth our views, and begging
them to give them their consideration. But they have so
completely separated themselves from us, and from the
great body of the English public, by this unhappy Austrian
alliance, that we should say less than the truth were we to
say that we ought to confine ourselves to such a step.
Fellow countrymen the memorial which I shall read to you
contains an avowal of our want of confidence in the present
Government. (Tremendous cheers.) We consider it is impos-
sible for them to satisfy the Austrian Government and to
satisfy the English people; and we wish them clearly to under-
stand that they cannot have the confidence of the Austrian
Government and the confidence of the English people at the
same time. (Applause.) " Oh !" but some good people
will say, " Austria is going to become liberal." you don't
know. I have heard it said Francis Joseph would be com-
ing some fine morning to Pesth to be crowned King of
Hungary, and grant the Hungarians all their rights and
privileges. No, gentlemen, we don't know ; and it is pre-
cisely because we don't know that we shall not act upon
such a supposition. (Hear.) In so serious a matter as this
we must be guided by facts ,
• and what are the facts? The
facts are that this Austrian Government, of which our Go-
vernment is so enamoured, is a despotism very little better
than the Russian. (Hear, hear, and a shout of " It is
worse.") Worse, very likely. But we find that, more
than that, A ustria shares with Russia in the spoils of Po-
land—(shouts of "Hear, hear")--and the Austrian empire
would not exist at the present time, that is to say, it would
either be a constitutional government, or it would have
cease 1 to exist. had it not been for the march of the Russian
armies into Hungary only the other day. (Hear.) Why,
gentlemen, the Austrian Government are as guilty of this
war as Russia. If that base Government had not invited
I the Russian armies into Hungary, we should have had a

free people over all the territories of Austria, and Russia
never would have dared to attack Turkey. (Applause.)
At all events, we say this, until we can be satisfied that
the Austrian alliance will not alienate from this country
the sympathies of liberals all over Europe, and shield
Russia from the deserved consequences of the present war,
we protest against it altogether—(applause)—and that.
onus of proof to the contrary lies upon the Government.
Let them come forward, and let them show that Austria
is different-from what she was, and then that will he time
for us to reconsider our opinions. In the meantime we
stand upon facts and truth, and we denounce the alliance.
(Cheers.) We apprehend that this alliance, will, in the
first place, prevent the cause of liberty from getting the
advantages from this war which would come of coarse,
and naturally, but for the interference of Austria.- De-
pend upon it that it is part of the understanding between
the English Government and the Austrian Government
that, so long as they keep together, the question of Poland
is not to be mooted. (Hear.) And more, you may depend
upon it that if this alliance proceeds further—if an offensive
and defensive alliance is concluded between England,
France, and Austria—and Austria does declare war against
Russia—part of the bargain will be that Franco is to sup-
port Austria in keeping down Italy ; and, gentlemen, our
Government, not daring, on account of "the prejudice of
the people," to take any part in this, will give it their
moral sanction, and will wink at it, as they did at the
French intervention in Rome. (Loud cheers.) Let us
trust that it will not come to this. For my own part, I
trust and hope, and I beieve it will not ; but speaking
here, and having to speak the truth, I feel bound to give
this warning. Secondly, gentlemen, the Austrian alliance
will act as the shield of Russia ; a sort of buffer, to keep
her from getting such hard blows as we wish to give her.
Now, fortunately, there is no occasion for me to indulge in
speculations on that head. I have the proof in my hand
in these recent protocols or negotiations, which you may see
in all the papers. If you look at the papers of Saturday
night, you will see letters interchanged by Count Buol and
our precious Ambassador of Vienna, Lord Westmoreland ;
and you will find four conditions of peace. It is not my
intention to trouble you with reading any such trash as
theie conditions, which impose no material guarantee
whatever—(hear, hear)—and the chief part of which is
based upon a lie. They are based upon the old original lie
that the inhabitants of Wallachia, Moldavia, and Servia
require protection against the Sultan. It is upon a lie of
that kind that Russia based her interference. To be sure
Russia is not to be the sole protector, but this lie is to be
split up into five ties, and England, France, Russia, Aus-
tria, and Prussia are to be the protectors of the inhabi-
tants of those provinces who have nothing to complain
of from the Sultan. (Hear, hear.) But, gentlemen, I
care not so much to go into the details of those rubbishing
proposals, as to bring, which I do, the charge, the heavy
charge—l bring this, the heavy accusation against the
Government, and especially against Lord Aberdeen—(lond
and protracted cheers, which burst forth again and again
from the vast assemblage)—for having opened any such
correspondence whatever before the armies and navies
had struck a single blow. (Hear, hear, hear.) What
did Lord Aberdeen say in the House of Lords
when he was .badgered, and baited, and asked what terms
of peace he intended to recommend ? " My lords," he
said, " how is it possible for me to name terms of peace at
the present moment ? Those terms of peace must depend
upon the fortune of war. They will vary to the whole
extent between the circumstance of the Russians being at
Constantinople, and the allies being at St. Petersburg."
Then what does he mean by opening negotiations before
the armies have done anything at all ?—for, if you look at
the date, you will find that the first letter upon the sub-
ject was written before even Bomarsund was taken.
(Hear, hear.) Now, these terms have been so thoroughly
exposed by that able man Kossuth, at Hanley the other
day—(cheers)—that there is no occasion for me to say
more about them. Now, I was very much amazed to see
an article in the Times a day or two ago, to reassure the
public, to the effect that the negotiations are all a farce—
a humbug, and nothing will or can come of them ; that Aus-
tria is trying to mediate, but nothing can be done ; no, the
war mu- t go on till at least Sebastopol be taken. I laughed
at the time. My belief is these terms of peace will come to
nothing. But let us not relieve the Government from the
charge of negotiating a patched-up, .a hollow and delusive
peace before they have commenced any real war. Why,
nothing but the pride and arrogance of Russia saves us.
If he chooses to say, "I accept your terms," they must ne-
gotiate, and not carry on the war. Lastly, gentlemen, my
belief is this, that the Austrian alliance will ultimately
ruin Turkey. Why, did you not all feel lately, and do not
you all feel now, that Turkey was saved when the Sultan
cast hisshield over Kossuth. Then, if Turkey is to be under
Austrian influence, why, we shall have the spy system in-
troduced—then Turkey will be assimilated to the habits of
European despotism; she will be detached from the liberal
cause, and, when the next rising takes placein Europe, as
come it must, .as sure as the sun will rise to-morrow, you
may depend upon it that the Austrian Government will
exert thatinfluence which the British Government is placing
in her hand over Turkey, to prevent her acting in the same
magnanimous manner as she did before. If this should be
the result, then Turkey is lost ; and therefore I warn
Turkey to beware of Austria and her corrupting influence,
otherwise Oaser Pacha and Abd-ul-Medjid may be the last,
of her heroes—never has she had greater. (Applause.)
And I have no objection to sum all up in the words of
Lord Clarendon himself, who said that what they de-
sired was the tranquillity of Europe. (Hear, bear.)
But surely experience of the past ought to teach even a
Cabinet Minister that real tranquillity, that real peace, a
peace founded upon justice, a peace that will lead to that
most desirable of all consummations, a general disarma-
ment of Europe—such a peace as that is not to be at-
tained by connivance and injustice. (Applause.) They
will only give us an armed truce, which will cost nB9:flora
than the war with Russia to carry it vigorously to a con-
clusion. No, we have invited you this evening, believing
that a real and substantial peace can only be obtained by a
policy founded upon high principles, guided by wisdom and
by trust in God, whose truth is in that divine justice whose
workings aro not obscure as regards nations, and which will
not assuredly lift up or cast down this nation exactly in
proportion as it is faithful or otherwise to those great prin-
ciples which are enshrined in the hearts of freemen, and
except on behalf of which the sword of England never
should be drawn. But the sword having once been drawn
on behalf of those principles, we say the sword should not
be sheathed again except with honour. (Applause.) I will
now read the memorial which I propose for your adoption:
"May it please your Majesty,—We, your Majesty's loyal
subjects, inhabitants of Newcastle-on-Tyne and vicinity,
in public meeting duly assembled, humbly beg leave to ap-
proach your Majesty, and to lay-before your Majesty our
views upon the subject of the war with Russia.
" We believe that the aggression upon Turkey, out of which
this war has arisen, is to be regarded only in the light of a
single manifestation of the systematic and continuous policy
of Russia, with the design of establishing an universal domi-
nation by force and fraud, and especially by means of the
European system of secret diplomacy ; and we consequently
consider that it is vitally essential to the safety of this realm
and state that this war should be carried on with the fixed
purpose of breaking down her power, and rendering her no
longer dangerous. As means to this end we consider that if,
availing themselves of the opportunity afforded by the present
war, as is to be expected, Poland, Circassia, or the people of
any other country oppressed by Russia, should commence or
continue a struggle to regain their independence, it would
be equally contrary to the interests and duty of England
to withhold her countenance and support. Considering the
manner in which the negotiations and the war itself have
been carried on, we are of opinion that your Majesty's
ministers neither h :lee been, nor are, nor have any inten-
tion of acting in accordance with these principles, or with
that earnestness and fixedness of purpose so imperatively
requisite in the present crisis.
We are especially confirmed in this opinion by the un-
doubted fact that your Majesty's ministers have exercised
their influence over Turkey to induce her to sign a conven-
tion for the occupation by an Austrian army of her Danu-
bian provinces, which she has reconqueredfrom the invader
by her own unaided efforts. We are at a loss to account
otherwise than as evidence of the insincerity or incapacity,
of the administration in the war with Russia, for their con-
ductin having thus promoted arrangements with the object
of enabling Austria to take up a most important military
position, by which she would have the opportunity of 'corn-
promisingthe wholecause and objectsof the war at the very
time when, by their own confession, they were uncertain of
her intention to co-operate with them in the war against
Russia—an uncertainty which still remains. Considering
the peculiar relations of Austria with the court of Russia,
sharing with her the spoils of Poland, and holding even
her own hereditary dominions under the protection and
by the aid of Russia, it appears to ua of the most ob-
vious necessity to exercise the utmost caution in all deal-
ings with her, instead of thus placing her gratuitously in
a position to fetter our awn liberty of action. We feel
called upon to protest against the Austrian alliance alto-
gether ; inasmuch as we cannot see how that alliance, even
if sincere, is to be secured except upon such terms as shall
alienate from this country and Turkey the sympathies of
liberal Europe, and avert from Russia a large portion of
the deserved consequences of the present war.
" Under these circumstances, we feel it to be our duty, as
loyal subjects of your Majesty, and as lovers of our country,
respectfully to inform your Majesty that we are unable to
place confidence in the present administration for the con-
duct of the war ; and we humbly entreat your Majesty
graciously to consider whether or not we have assigned
just grounds for such want of confidence, and whether it
-has not become necessary to call to your Majesty's councils,
without regard to party, men who will act honestly, vigo-
rously, and unanimously in the present emergency, and
carry on the war with Russia in accordance with the wishes,
of the nation."
Loud applause accompanied and followed the reading of
the memorial.
Before sitting down, Mr. CRAWSIIAY said—l have one or
two words to say. I will not say there may not be men in
that Government—l will name none—who may still ren-
der good service to their country—but I do feel it is time
to break up this Coalition—(cheers) —and as long as it
is presided over by Lord Aberdeen we have no option but
to go at it at once. (Cheering.) It may be said—', Would
You not look foolish if Sebastopol were taken to-mor-
row?" Not at all. If Sebastopol be not taken it will not
be a question of want of confidence, but a question
of impeachment, and all England willrally to the opinions
of Mr. Urquhart ; but even the taking of Sebastopol will
not induce me to restore my confidence to the Government,
and never will I consent to leave the making of peace with
R • to Government at the head of which is Lord.
Russia a
Aberdeen. (Loud cheering.)
CHARLES ATTWooD, Esq., on presenting himself to
second the memorial, was received with enthusiastic ap-
plause, which was continued for some time. The first few
words ho addreseed to the "nesting, were inaudible, from the
emotion produced by the cordiality of his reception. I will
presently (he continued) state the main Object of this meet-
ing—the main object, at least, of the requisitionists has
been to cause apublic expression of the want of confidence
entertained by, as I believe, nine-tenths of the English
people as respects the conduct of our Government, equally
iu the progress of the preceding negotiations, as in the pre-
sent conduct of the war. (Hear, hear.) If you refer back—
end it is necessary that we should do so, for the past may
some light upon the present and the future—if you
refer back to the commencement of bless° negotiations, you
will find some date on the part of Lord Aberdeen as tar
back as the year 1814, when he clandestin, ly received and
clandestinely entertained at the hands of the Emperor of
Russia in person a proposition for the,,han
partition6teofanTdurlkoeuyd,
his sovereign's ally. (Shouts of
j cheers.) I speak of a fact which is positively and un-
questionably correct. For after these negotiations which

were carried on, as befitted such a piece of villany, in
secrecy and silence, by word of mouth, the Emperor had
the tact to take care and have the evidence of the villany
—for I will call it nothing else—to have the evidence of
that villany in writing, and accordingly he caused Count
Nesselrode to send a memorandum to Lord Aberdeen
of the circumstances,. and matter of this conversation and
discussion, which memorandum was neither rejected
nor returned. I speak before commercial men, who knew
very well the construction which a court of law would
put on such an action. If I, for instance, in the course
of my own cominercial dealings, were desirous to sell 5'.0
or 1,000 or 10,000 tons of iron to my friend Mr. Crawshay,
and suppose I negotiated the sale personally in his own
parlour or mine, and it having come to a conclusion, a
bargain should be the result; and supposs that I sent him
a note or memorandum of the substance of what passed ;
that, in commercial parlance, is called a sale note • and, if
not returned, nothing more is requisite; it is legally bind-
ing, and it is so on the plainest principles o common
sense. (Hear, hear.) If I propose to you a murder, as
was then proposed to Lord Aberdeen—because I call the
murder of a state and the murder of a person as of pre-
cisely the same character—if I propose a murder in oral
conversation, and having done so; if I send afterwards
a memorandum in writing of what has passed, and the
terms of the compact as to the division of the spoil, and
that is not returned to me, what construction can I
put upon the part of the receiver of that note, than
that he has accepted the proposition, and is prepared
to carry it out. (Hear, hear.) Such is your Minister,
Lord Aberdeen. (Hear, fiear.) It did so happen that
Lord Aberdeen lost power. He was deposed from office
and remained out of power; would to Heaven he had done
so always—(loud cheers)—he remained out of power till
very recently—an occasion which was immediately taken
by his accomplice to act upon the project agreed upon be-
tween them. Now, you see the value of referring to the
past. (Cheers.) You know what faith you have to place in
the sincerity of a war waged by that man against his own
accomplice. (Hear, hear.) If we had no other evidence
than that, you would be void of common sense if you did
not feel and say that the interests, the honour, and life of
this nation ought not for a single moment to be confided
unto him. (Vehement cheering.) The speaker here no-
ticed .the origin of the contest, and traced its develop-
ment- under the influence of national sentiments to
the present time. He then proceeded—We are nomi-
nally at war, reaping no laurels, fighting no battles,
assisting no ally, and gaining no victory, eaten up by
pestilence and cholera, and, as was said of the troops of a
former expedition at Walchern, " dying like candles in a
vault." (Hear, hear.) Still no blows struck—a mighty
fleet in the Baltic, and a barren fortress in a barren island
taken—a place which perhaps there might be some motive
to take bad we been sincere, and had we said to Sweden
that which also we ought to say to Hungary and Poland—
(hear, hear)-ehad we said to her, "All the possessions of
Russia in the Baltic are robbed from you and from the
Po:es. She is dangerous to you and dangerous to Europe
by the possessions she has ecquired there. She has sub-
verted your independence by the overgrowth of her power,
and that of Denmark, and she has placed herself in a posi-
tion to be the near aspirant to the Danish throne, and then
she would be in a position to make the Baltic a Russian
lake.' Had we said to Sweden, "We are at war with
Russia, and mean to break her power ; march, and recover
your lost and conquered provinces." (Hear.) Had we
said the same to Turkey—had we said the same to Persia
—had we said the same to Circassia—she would have been
in the centre of a fire, surrounded by outraged nationalities.
(Hear, hear, cheers, and shouts of " That is what we
want.") But Lord Aberdeen is no more ignorant of that
than we are. The secret of his conduct—the reason why
he did not say this—you may gather from his own words.
He said it was no part of the object of the war to vary
the territorial distribution of Europe. (Hear, hear.) Then,
are we at war for nothing ? Turkey does not require you.
If you stop short of that, every life that is sacrificed in this
war, every sovereign that is squandered, the Ministry
should be made responsible for in that way in which alone
a treasonable Ministry ought—by impeachment before a
Constitutional tribunal. (Protracted cheering, and shouts
of "We wish it were the case.") lam not, my friends,
a bloody man. lam not one of those who in any case
would desire to shed a drop of human blood, except by the
sanction of the laws, and of such laws only as are essential
to the nation's safety. (Applause.) But I hold that man
cruel beyond all other forms of cruelty, who will deprive a
nation of his fellow men, women, and children, of the pro-
tection which the laws afford them against treason. (Hear,
hear.) It is an evil thing for a state when that feeling
shall have become extended amongst a people. Never was
it known at any period that a nation that had lost that
sense of justice, and that firm and ardent determination to
enforce it in all such cases, was able long to protect itself
against the conqueror. (Hear.) Heaven knows the courage
of Englishmen glows as warmly and energetically as ever.
But there is a folly which destroys, as well as a treason
which betrays, and that folly is quite sufficient to destroy
which can look with indifference and tenderness on the
greatest crime that can be committed against a state. Now,
my friends, let me pass from that topic to another, which
will shed a little further light upon the spirit in which this
war is carried on. It has been touched upon, and
very ably, by my friend Mr. Crawshay. Holding back
Turkey as long as we could, and professing to assist her,
and contriving to render our assistance vain, what did we
next do? We had been carrying on fruitless negotiations
with Austria, with a power which depended on Russia for
her very life. Was it possible for any sane man to believe
that Austria could be for us a safe ally ? Had she come
forward early, and plainly, and unequivocally, with a de-
claration of war against Russia, -and .that declaration of
war was followed up by acts of war, we might then have
supposed some trust might be reposed in her, for we should
have inferred that having lost her independence to Russia
she was willing to commit what the late Prince Schwartzen-
burgh called, on her behalf, an act of splendid ingratitude
in order to recover it. But has she done anything like
this ? Has she done anything but retard us and France ?
Has she :one anything but make professions, not one of
them amounting to so much as a threat of war? She said
she would march into the Principalities, but she did not
say she would fight, and took care not to march in till the
fighting was over. But where was she now ? The Turks
would not allow her to march on, but the influence of
England was brought into play, and Turkey was induced
in an unhappy hour to allow the occupation of the Danu-
bian provinces by the Austrians. Now, look at the posi-
tion you are placed in by that? Not
only is she not at
war, but she is occupying those territories of her ally which
do not want her, but have every reason to be jealous of her,
and look upon her, as in fact she is, as a foe to Turkey ; and
she places herself upon the flank of the English and French
forces, in a position in which, if you go to Sebastopol, as
the Ministry seem inclined to make you believe is intended
we shall do —if we go to Sebastopol, I want to know what
security you and Turkey have that, combined, the Austrians
and Russians .vill not march to Constantinople. (Hear.)
Dare you trust Austria so far as that ? If you do it is
because you not know her history—the history, as Cobbett
called it, of that " dark and deadly Austria." (Cheers.)
But, at all events, you have not one single article Irons
her to bind her even in honour, if honour she possessed, to
support you in the war against Russia ; but you have got
her pledge declaring she does not call for, and will not con-
sent to, a new territorial distribution of Europe. To be
sure she Iris good reason. She has her share in the bloody
spoils of Poland. (Cheers.) Again, look you, is this an
act, which the English minister, having a due regard to
the safety and the influence of his country, ought to be
considered justified in permitting with such a power—and
a power so circumstanced as Austria ? (Hear, hear.)
Well, my friends, yet more. They are treating again—
there is protocolling going on; and if it be not going on,
it is hatching—it is on the carpet, it is under proposition;
and the terms of that treaty as at last formally declared—
and, I regret, declared by Era.nce as well as England—are
such as neither can with honour, and I sLy mole, with
safety, be conceded to Russia ; for the terms are these—
that Russia having, by aggressions on various occasions,
constituted herself the protector of the Danubian pro-
vinces of Wallachia and Moldavia, she shall give up that
protectorate—bow ?—as an exclusive protector, and be-
come a protector jointly with four others, Prussia,
Austria, France, and England. Do you call that
backing your friends, and supporting your allies ? Is
that the manner in which you are to defend the in-
tegrity of the Ottoman empire ? Seven spirits fouler
than the former enter into possession. (Loud cheers.)
Well, that is not all. But the claims which Russia
advanced by means of Prince Menschikoff to the
protectorate of all the Greek Christians of Turkey
it is proposed to vest in the governments in the same man-
ner. Their good friend Prussia, their better friend Austria,
their two friends, Austria and Prussia; and France and
England, I am sure I know not whytheyare to be troubled
with the protection of the Greeks of Turkey. Now, the
more claimants to exercise a protectorate that are brought
together in this league of iniquity, the more perilous must
Turkey be in her resistance to it; and you are included for
no other reason than to conceal from you the enormity of
the pretension by making you parties to it. You will na-
turally infer that England intends nothing hostile to
Turkey by it, and it is supposed that will be sufficient to
blind your eyes. _ I trust and believe it will not. I trust

gross'lldao that which honest men
you can't be deceived by so piece of diplomacy, and
that not being deceived you wl
—which Englishmen, and which freemen ought
not
tt
t 0
00
be do,that
you will proclaim aloud and in
a an
mis-
taken, and, if necessary, not to be resisted, that Turkey
shall not be betrayed neither
to Russia, nor to Austria,
nor to Prussia, nor to the three cabinets who framed this
proposition—that you will not allow it at all—but that
Turkey may be left to fight her own battle of defence, and
that we will fight ours. The speaker continued at some
length to expose this attempt to transfer protectoratesto the
five powers, which we were now at war to prevent Russia,
from obtaining. At considerable length also, he referred to
the cause of aggression which had been pursued by Russia
and warned England that if we attempted to pursue a hesi-
tatingn policy we must prepare to encounter the hostility of
the French in addition to our other enemies ; and that to
put an end to the war without having effectually humbled
Russia, and deprived her of the power of further mischief,
would be to endanger the independence of England herself
from the assaults of Russia in her future aggressive career.
In conclusion, he strongly impressed upon the people the
necessity of not letting their feelings on the matter evapo-
rate amidst the enthusiasm of this public meeting. They
tows ld pr d
ob
all ably have to meet again ; and meetings ought
bhel over the country, to expose the infaous e-
signs of Russia, and defeat the traitorous policy of our owdn
Government with reference to it ; a Government which he
vehemently denounced as unworthy of confidence, and de-
serving of expulsion from office, and its more guilty mem-
bers of impeachment. (Applause.)
Mr. WORCELL, the Polish refugee who had been referred
to by one of the previous speakers, addressed a few words
to the meeting, acknowledging the friendly manner in
which his country had been mentioned.
The memorial was about to be put, when a man named
Egliegton came forward and made some observations con-
veying to the meeting the impression that the preceding
speakers had gone much too far against the Government,
and that his object was to place matters in a more favour-
able light. But the meetitig at once by repeated bursts of
disapprobation conveyed the intimation that theirmin ds
were made up on that point. The speaker then, premising
that he would go much further than the previous.n speakers,
and end with something practical, managed tone a bear-
ing, and concluded with proposing as
an
amendment
manner,a
in order to carry on the war in a more effective
21ent that
her Majesty's Ministers send but ordersoutlod
Napier to take Cronstadt, but that as it c
requiring five
without a loss of six line- •Sir Charles
be done
' ' of•battle ships,
thousand men to man those -vessels, we,
psilletindersigned,