The Sun.
London, England, 1854-01-27 00:00:00

before the Legislature with the eminently
satisfactory consciousness of having com-
plicated a very simple question into one

of an absolutely bewildering entanglement—with
having, in short, brought on a general war by a
series of protracted and abortive negotiations.
Supposing, on the other hand, that the CZAR
were to yield under the pressure of the present
emergency (caused by the advance of the combined
fleets through the Bosphorus) it might then be
asked, how it has come to pass that measures,
proved to be effectual in the January of 1854,
were not tried in the June of 1853 (seven months
ago !), whereby all that dreadful bloodshed might
have been spared along the ensanguined banks of
the Danube, and especially in that most brutal
massacre of Sinope, which, if it do not attach a
portion of its infamy to the banners of the com-
bined fleets, then snugly at anchor near Beycos,
reflects a not-easily-removable disgrace upon the
French and British Governments. However,
indeed, matteres may end, the Cabinet cannot
be without cause for serious compunction. Mean-
while, for the people at large, all that is now left
is to watch carefully and anxiously the intelli-
gence arriving by instalments from St. Peters-
burgh, and to await with all possible equanimity
the now fast approaching assemblage of Parlia-
ment.

Manchester has followed Sheffield in issuing its
instructions to Parliament for the approaching
Session. The two principal speakers at the former
town were also two chief speakers at the latter ;
a tolerable identity of views was therefore to be
presumed. The principal difference between the
two meetings was, that at Manchester the Eastern
Question was the main topic. To the arguments
made use of on that subject we shall probably re-
vert on another occasion ; just now we wish to
express our hearty concurrence with what was
evidently the opinion of the entire meeting, that
war need not, nor could, be allowed to be any
hindrance to Reform. We hold, with the speakers
on that occasion, and with the most able portion
of the Press, that war should be rather an argu-
ment for pressing than for delaying Reform. We
might almost plead the theological doctrine, that
if war be a calamity, and we think it second to
none, yet our afflictions are intended to set us
not upon cherishing but on getting rid of our
faults. The great political truth, that in difficult
and trying circumstances a Government needs the
cordial good will, the " vote ghd interest," of the
great body of its subjects, we do plead unhesitat-
ingly. Just now we can conceive of nothing more
calculated to gain for a war Government the for-
bearance, the support, and the patient endurance
too, which may be needed, than a measure of full
and popular reform.
Suppose our Cabinet to come forward with the
announcement, that its plan aimed to give a vote
to every decent man, and to protect him by the
ballot-box from the domination of his neighbour
in giving it, would not such a Government be
omnipotent with the country ? It would be
openly saying, we fear you not, because we are
conscious of devotion to national interests. Famine
prices we cannot avert, and you do not blame us
for the dispensations of PROVIDENCE. War we
could not avert, for the only accusation against
us is, that we endeavoured too long to prevent it,
and you would have had us begin much sooner ;
but there is one thing we can do for you : we are
the nation's servants in being her MAJESTY'S ser-
vants, and we can place in your hands the power
to call us to account by giving votes to all classes
of the community, and giving the vote to the
individual himself, not to the persons on whom
he is dependent. Now, though we certainly
shrink from the ill-omened position of
political prophets, we may safely predict
that the British Minister who would thus
boldly come forward as the complete and honest
enfranchiser of his country would find its political
energies as thoroughly aroused by political free-
dom as commerce has been by free trade. The
feudal system of voting, which has made county
electors the vassals of the landlord, and old free-
men in boroughs the vassals of the long-pockets,
has also extinguished all nationalism, all public
spirit in the hearts of such electors. They are re-
sponsible only to the landlord or the millionnaire,
and national objects are no concern of theirs.
A hearty Reform Bill, however, would change all
that, and a short time would see Englishmen
what Athenians became when their political liber-
ties were fully gained ; the result of which has
been so strikingly exhibited by the great historian
of Greece, of whom it is difficult to say whether
his country may not be as proud of his labours in
the cause of free voting at the present day as of
his researches into the civilisation of the past.
To rouse the patriotism of the country it is but
for Ministers to evince their own patriotism to
the country. If the country is not to ,grudge
taxes, let them not grudge liberties. The fran-
chises of England have, indeed, been mostly
purchased at this price. But, above all things,
English Governors must beware of German pro-
mises of liberties to be octroyed after the subject
has fought the battle. Give us a Reform Bill
worth having first, and, bad as times may be, we
will drive the " barbaric ALARIC of the North"
back to his frozen steppes and forests, with our
own money, and not with that of our children's.
Mr. MILNER GIBSON bore his most decided tes-
timony to the necessity of the Ballot, as the only
possible preventive of intimidation ; he had been
on a committee where the charge against the sit-
ting member was not for bribery, but intimida-
tion, and " from the evidence 'he had heard, he
defied any one to bring any statute before the
Legislature that would touch the question of in-
timidation of voters." He asked for "an equal
distribution of political power, and extension of
the Suffrage, and vote by Ballot ; but extend the
Suffrage as they might, redistribute polities
power as they would, we could not have a satis-
factory representation of the people without adopt-
ing the vote by Ballot.

Mr. COBDEN on this occasion laid great stress on
a better re-distribution of political power. He
wanted that votes should follow persons and pro-
perty. In England and Scotland he maintained
that wealth and property always increase together.
This is quite true, no doubt, if income and per-
sonal property be included. The Income Tax re-
turns Mr. COBDEN would probably take as his
guide. As regards real and rateable property, the
reverse is the case ; the rated annual value of
Herefordshire being, in regard to the population,
more than double that of Lancashire ; while the
former county contains about 5i acres per head to
each individual of the population, the latter not
more than half an acre ! In the West Riding of
Yorkshire the disproportion is greater still ! We
have no kind of objection, however, to take, with
Mr. COBDEN, the compound measure of property
and population. At Sheffield, the Honourable
Member expressed his wish, but for his years, to
commence an organised Ballot agitation. At
Manchester, he gave the Secretary of the
Ballot Society a lecture on the tactics to be
pursued, and if Mr. WHITEHOUSE does not
learn his lesson well it is superfluous to say
that it is not from want of a most able and
experienced teacher. He gave him the system
of borough bookkeeping pursued by the Anti-Corn-
Law League : first to tick off the boroughs like
Manchester, &c.,of whose representatives they
were sure ; then to mark those boroughs most
easy to be acted on, to visit and organise them so
as to insure, without regard to any political
party, or to any set of Ministers, the return of
the man or men who would vote for the Ballot ;
to watch the hustings, and to flinch from no place
whatever. There is truth in his observation, that
one difficulty of working this question is, that it
is a " pure and simple" one, admitting, as the
Spaniards say, o? "no transaction." Any man
who is willing to disfranchise Arundel, or admit