The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-06 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 6, 1853.

TIIE IRISH " CONFERENCE."

The remnant of the " Tenant League" assem-
bled in conference on Tuesday at their rooms in
Beresford-place. The attendance was tolerably
numerous, and comprised the average sprinkling of
Roman Catholic priests and the following mem-
bers of Parliament Tristram Kennedy (who
acted as chairman), Mr. Serjeant Shee,- Mr. G. H.
MoNre, Mr. Lucas, Mr. Potter, Mr. Duffy, Colonel
Greville, Mr. George Bowyer, Mr. Swift, Mr.
Fox, Mr. M'Mahon, Mr. Magan, Mr. P. O'Brien
—just 13 out of the once potential brass band of 60
performers. Mr. Sharman Crawford was also pre-
sent, and the Presbyterians of Ulster were repre-
sented by Dr. M'Knight, the editor of the Banner,
and the Rev. Mr. Rogers. The proceedings
occupy no less than 17 columns of the Freeman's
Journal, so that any attempt at abridgment would
e utterly futile. It must, therefore, suffice to
ramark that the " deliberations" closed in a regu-
lar " row" between north and south, which is thus
reported : .
Mr. Lucas and Mr. M'Knight were the leading bel'

gerents. The former, in the course of a lengthened
discourse, commented upon the conduct of Sir John
Fitzgerald, in reference to his votes in support of Minis-
ters, and contrasted the hon. baronet's acts in the
House of Commons with the pledges and professions of
the members who were returned to Parliament by the
ii,fluence of the Tenant League and the tenant farmers.
After some slight sparring, Mr. Bowyer moved an
amendment to the first resolution, to the effect that,
instead of the word " Cabinet," the word " Govern-
ment " be inserted.
(The original resolutions passed by the conference in
September, 1852, were as follows :—" Resolved-1.
That no Tenant-right Bill which does not fully embody
the principles of Sharman Crawford's Bill can be satis-
factory to the country. 2. That it is the unanimous
opinion of this conference that it is essential to the pro-
per management of this cause that the members of Par-
liament who have been returned upon tenant-right prin-
ciples should hold themselves aloof from and indepen-
dent of any and every Government that would not make
Sharman Crawford's Bill a Cabinet measure.")
Colonel GREVILLE, M. P., thought that such an alter-
ation would be fatal to the tenant-right question.
Serjeant SHE; M.P., remarked that if they unani-
mously agreed to change the word " Cabinet ' to the
word " Government " they would be regarded as plainly
intimating to ail opposed to them that they were not in
earnest. (Hear.)
Dr. M 'KNIGHT seconded the amendment. At the con-

ference of September, 1852, he and his friends from the
north were almost solitary in their opposition to the re-
solutions then proposed, and they now had the pleasure
to hear the same policy recommended by the hon. gen-
tleman (Mr. Bowyer), who represented the borough of
Dundalk. (Hear.) A party like theirs ought to be in-
dependent of the Government ; but he objected to the
system of dragooning men into sitting on a particular
side of the House of Commons. (Hear.)
Mr. J. M. CANTWELL said that if they made the
alteration suggested by Mr. Bowyer they would imitate
the wisdom of Ulster, but they would likewise become
the disgrace of mankind. (Hear, and cheers.)
Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD said, he had spoken so often
upon the subject in the House of Commons that some
persons ware in the habit of calling his tenant bill "Shar-
man Crawford's craze." Now, however, the question had
fallen into the bands of a British lawyer of distinction (Ser-
jeant Shee), and it had ceased to be termed "the craze"
of any man. (Hear.) With regard to the question be-
fore the conference, he was of opinion that they ought
not to alter any resolution to which they had formerly
pledged themselves. (Hear, and cheers.) He thought
it highly expedient that when men bound themselves by
pledges, those pledges ought to be clearly defined, and
that it should not be placed in the power of any person
to say that a man had broken_his pledge when he devi-
ated from its liberal interpretation. (Hear, hear.) The
learned gentleman concluded by observing that the
point which he admired most in the Government bill
was, that it gave compensation for improvements, unli-
mited as to time or amount. (Cheers.)
After some further discussion,
Mr. POTTER, M.P., expressed a hope that, after what
had fallen from Mr. Crawford, it would be better for
Mr. Bowyer to withdraw his amendment, which was
calculated to disturb the harmony of the proceedings.
Mr. BOWYER said that, after the appeal made to him
by Mr. Potter, he could not hesitate to withdraw the
amendment.

Mr. LUCAS objected to the withdrawal of the amend-
ment, because, by putting it from the chair, the mean-
ing of the words " Cabinet" and " Government" would
no longer remain in a state of doubt or uncertainty.
The CHAIRMAN had some hesitation in putting to the
vote an amendment which would warrant a departure
from the original resolutions of the conference, and he
did so now only because it appeared to be the greatest
desire of the meeting.
The amendment was then put, and almost unanimosly
adopted.
The Rev. Mr. ROGERS then moved another amendment
to the original resolutions, which was as follows :
"Resolved—That this conference reaffirm their adherence
to the principles of Mr. Sharman Crawford's Bill, and
resolve to use every legitimate effort, in and out of Par-
liament, to have grafted on the Tenant Improvement
Compensation Bill, which, on the recommendation of the
Government, passed the house last session, all the es-
sential principles of that measure."
After a long and stormy discussion,
The Rev. Mr. O'SHEA said, it was only a claptrap
amendment, intended for a purpose in the north.
Dr. M 'KNIGHT repelled the imputation of motives
which had been made, and threatened to retaliate by ex-
posing the conduct of some of the supporters of the
tenant-right cause ; among others, a certain gentleman
who went to the Chief Secretary of Ireland to induce him
to withdraw any legislation on the subject this session.
Mr. DUFFY then rose to reply to the statement of Dr.
M`Knight, and read passages from a report and articles
in the Banner of Ulster, which he said contained the
grossest imputations upon members of Parliament then
in the room, charging the Irish Independent party with
endeavouring to thwart the carrying of the bills last year.
Mr. Duffy proceeded to deny the truth of certain state-
ments in reference to the conduct of Mr. Lucas and
others of the party upon the discussion of the bills of
last session. In one of the latest numbers of the Banner
of luster Dr. McKnight :had said that "certain chosen
leaders of the party had carried their zeal so far as
secretly to urge upon the Government the policy of
abandoning the measure." (Confusion.) Mr. Duffy, in
strong terms, characterised those statements as gross

calumnies.
Dr. /IPKNIGHT, amid loud cries of "Spoke, "
"Chair," "Divide," and other manifestations of unwil-
lingness to hear him, claimed the opportunity of replying
to the observations of Mr. Duffy, and, through the in-
tervention of Serjeant Shee having at length obtained a
hearing, proceeded to say that he had come there firmly
determined, unless provoked, not even to make allusion
that might be the means of raising dissensions, but he
fhoardwiai or
dt oi
nn
vgobl
veienng t hheir when he heard
se
veraei
ty.
Not m tmetreerls byirno ug
theh t
Nation, but elsewhere, his motives had been impugned
by Mr. Duffy, and he was charged with having been
corrupted by Government gold. His colleagues name
had been treated in a similar way. An attack had
been made on him of no light character, now in the
eighth year of his tenant-right agitation, after he had
sacrificed his labour, time, and money in the cause. If
the conference thought fit (continued the speaker) to
appoint a time to investigate the matters alluded to,
there was not a matter of fact in that report that he was
not ready to prove. He would do more. He would
give histories that he never intended the public to hear,
and he would enlighten the eyes of the country.
The Rev. Mr. O'SHEA—Do so ; we want honest men.
Dr. M`KNIGHT—Pass a resolution calling upon me to
say who it was who went to a leading member of the
Government to ask him not to have any tenant-right
agitation. Pass a resolution, and I will name him.
The Rev. Mr. Rogers then attempted, amid great
uproar, to speak, but it was decided that he was not in
order.
The meeting called on Dr. WlCnight to name the
person to whom he alluded, but he declined doing so,
unless in compliance with a resolution.
The two amendments having been put from the chair
with
o nts
,oinhhlaaeytv
motionifl
noe
agusr ctdhhias
eors
charge
wenyftaiorse
f.n
tLtthshi;reec
pti:onwsaai
number
tmnsdo.y secondedidsbmnteerlpffterre
oh:.
eI
oecirLtfeethHus
eaabe: yiaMiwsi.
representing
thgrgeieo.
metndfShhptricsotwpsoGaer
Com-
mons—at
ndvet:
and lost, and the original resolution having been carried
g
Dr. M'Knight was requested to give the name.
Dr. M'ECNIGHT—Very well. The circumstance to
which I refer was this—that when the tenant-right mea-
sure came on to be a subject of serious legislative con-
sideration, a member of the independent party went to
the Chief Secretary for Ireland, a part of the Govern-
ment,
and acting on the instructions of the Cabinet
legislation—tet
hooena isnmni dddeeuta considerations,
gentlemanifosmonirrse,t.
hjteohThellast
nsatt
yetnupsodeseueesrnnsds
oeoynant
beforem ayt
inow a
na
ss D
wk
er M
s.
given,Bn fiptrownhoonntoeled,
him at
aLtu;cbAnst--
from beginning to end, the whole matter an unmitigated
lie. (Cheers.)

Dr. M'Knight—And, on the other hand, I pronounce
that, in the lobby of the House of Commons, Mr. Lucas
did admit to me that he had had such an interview with
Sir John Young, and the facts which I have stated, and
did also excuse himself by a variety of reasons which in-
duced him to think that that was the most expedient
course even for tenant right. (Tumult.)
Mr. Lucas—After the experience I have had of the
first statement —(" Oh, oh," fr3m Dr. M'Knight.) Lis-
ten to me, if you dare. After the experience I have
had of the first statement from that quarter, I need say
little more than that when that statement comes from
such a quarter as you, the meeting will know how to
treat it.

Dr. WKNIGHT—It is for Mr. Lucas to deny it, and
let the denial go. It is a fact.
Mr. LUCAS—Listen to me, if you dare. I called for
Dr. Manight's authority for the original statement,
because it was one which, from its nature, could not

come from himself, and he might have been mistaken.
He pretended to speak of a conversation with the Chief
Secretary for Ireland, and I presume he was not
present. (Dr. M`Knight—" I was not.") His vera-
city was in no respect pledged to the original state-
ment, he might have been told so. I was anxious
to know his authority—(Dr. M‘Knight—" You can
get it")—but for the second statement he has the
authority of himself. If that statement is a falsehood he
is false. (Dr. M'Knight—Just so.) If he is not to be
believed in the last statement, neither is he to be cre-
dited that anybody told him of the former falsehood. I
therefore have two lies with one neck, and I behead
them with one blow. (Cheers.) The statement which
Dr. M'Knight has now made is, the most unmitigated
faisehood I ever heard. It is not true ;it is nothing
like the truth—it has no foundation in fact—it has not
an element of truth in it—it is all the invention of that
wicked mind. (Cheers.)
Mr. MOORE complained of false statements which had
been made in the Banner of Ulster respecting him, and
reiterated, notwithstanding his contradiction of them
among others, that he was in communication with Mr.
Disraeli in the last session. (Hear.)
Dr.: M'KNIGHT—What I stated was, that after the
accession of Lord Aberdeen, the member for Mayo was
the first to wait upon him, and pay him his respects.
Mr. Moor.—lt is as completely and entirely with-
out foundation as the rest. I never even sent him a
message, nor •had any communication whatever with
him. (Oh !)

Dr. 111‘1<rnoIrr.—I can tell the hon. gentleman that I
gave those statements upon the authority of a Parlia-
mentary correspondent who gathers up chit-chat.
The conference then, at half-past 6 o'clock, adjourned
until 11 o'clock next day.

THE EASTERN QUESTION.

GREAT MEETING AT LEICESTER.

For the purpose of conveying to heraajesty.'ssyrp-
ment the sentiments entertained by the people of the
flourishing and important town of Leicester on the neces-
sity of prompt, energetic, and decisive action at the pre-
sent crisis of the Eastern question, a public meeting was
held there on Tuesday evening, in the New Hall, which
was attended by upwards of 1,000 of the inhabitants.
The assembly was convened and presided over by the
Mayor, John Manning, Esq., upon a requisition which
had been signed, in a few hours only, by upwards of 160
householders, comprising amongst them many of the
most respectable and influential gentry, manufacturers,
and tradesmen of the borough, and that irrespectiVe alike
of party and creed. That so large a number of persons
could be brought together in defiance of the pitiless storm
of wind and rain which they had to encounter on their
way to the meeting, and that the attendance included
men of all shades of political opinion, may be taken fairly
to indicate the depth of the sympathy pervading society
generally in Leicester on behalf of our old and trusty ally
the Ottoman Porte. The only parties who kept aloof
were the local Whig leaders and the admirers of the Earl
of Aberdeen ; but in Leicester these people form but an
insignificant section of the community, and their absence
failed to excite either surprise or regret.
After some preliminary observations by the chairman,

Dr. NOBLE moved the first resolution :—" That in the
opinion of this meeting the invasion of the Danubian
principalities, and the continued occupation of those pro_
vinces by the armies of the Emperor of Russia, is an un-
principled act of aggression, contrary to the law of na-
tions, and calling for the most decisive interference on
the part of the English people." (Cheers.) In appealing
to that meeting of Englishmen he doubted not he should
receive their acquiescence in the resolution ; for he was
asking them for their moral support of the weak against
the strong, their reprobation of the spoiler, and their
sympathy with the spoiled. (Cheers.) At a period
of the year when their representatives happened not to
be assembled within the walls of parliament it seemed
especially fitting that, on a great question which involved
the possibility of the recurrence of another European
war, the opinions of the nation should be decidedly ex-
pressed, whether to urge to activity and vigilance a
torpid and lagging ministry, or to confirm a resolute
though cautious one. (Hear.) It might be said that
the fears which were entertained from the first with
regard to the despotic tendencies of the Prime Minister
of the present Coalition Government were now realised
in the unsatisfactory results of the foreign policy said to
have been adopted in conformity with his views. But
he (Dr. Noble) thought that such men as Lord John
Russell, Lord Palmerston, Sir James Graham, and Mr.
Gladstone, however they might defer to the opinions of
their chief, would rather desire to be urged on to the
adoption of a policy more in accordance with their own
well-known and oft-expressed opinions. It was probable
therefore—if the meeting concurred in the resolution,
and if similar demonstrations to the present were made
in other great towns of the kingdom—that the sluggish
motions of the Government on the Turkish question
would be materially quickened. (Cheers.) The first
manly step they had taken since negotiations were
pending—was that of sending a portion of our fleet into
the Dardanelles—to the assistance of the Sultan, and
that step should be followed by measures of a much more
decisive character. (Cheers.) The quarrel begun by
Russia, who was now openly sympathised with by Aus-
tria, was in reality a quarrel of much older date than on
the face of it it seemed to be. But he thought the noble
conduct of the Sultan was worthy the imitation of any
Christian king or potentate in Europe. When, in defence
of their national liberties, the brave Hungarians rose
and overthrew their oppressor, the Emperor of Austria,
and were on the eve of accomplishing their indepen-
dence, that Calmuck, the Czar of Russia, marched
his savage hordes into their territories, and over-
whelmed them. Again the nationality of the Hunga-
rians was destroyed, and the liberties for which they
had fought and bled once more subdued, though not ex-
tinguished ; for he believed that that noble people,
wisely profiting by the calamities of their last struggle,
and acting not less enthusiastically, but with more pru-
dence, caution, and unanimity than they did then, would
yet achieve the conquest of their nation's independence.
(Loud cheers.) There were few men in England pos-
sessing any political reputation at all who were opposed
to an active interference on the part of this country in
support of the Sultan of Turkey at the present crisis.
(Hear, hear). True, it was said by some, that the Turks
ought not to receive our aid against the Russians, be-
cause they were infidels. But that was not the fact.
The Turks were by no means infidels : they were deists,
not atheists ; and he doubted if they were one-half as
blasphemous as those Christian Russians whom the
friends of peace and non-interference so greatly ad-
mired. (Cheers.) In Turkey the principle of religious
toleration was well understood and acted upon, and in
reading the work of a French traveller lately he observed
it stated, that as much as three centuries ago the Turks
were in the habit of providing for the administration of
the religion of every Christian sect in their dominions,
and that even those who were sent to the galleys for
social crimes were supplied with spiritual instruction in
their own peculiar religious views. That was an ex-
ample of toleration and liberality which might lay claim
to the consideration even of many soi-disant Christian
monarchs and governments or the present day. Upon
the ground then of the great principles of civil and re-
ligious liberty, always so cordially sustained by the
public opinion of Leicester, he called upon them to raise
their voice in behalf of the Sultan in this crisis of his
country's history. (Cheers.) If the Czar of Russia
should succeed in his dishonest and infamous aggression
on his weak ally, the Porte, from that moment Tur-
key would become, not even a new Greek empire,
but a mere Cossack province, throughout which liberal
principles and opinions would be suppressed at the
will of the Russian Emperor, who arrogated to
himself the power of dealing out life or death
to his subjects, and a ukase, with his seal affixed to
it, had all the authority and force of law. (Hear, hear.)
The policy of interference by the western nations of
Europe, for the purpose of protecting the weak against
the strong, was not a novel policy. But something more
than this was involved in the present question—some-
thing more than a simple expediency. It was very pos-
sible, if the Russian were permitted to acquire the rich
territory of Turkey, that, emboldened by success in that
quarter, his appetite would increase by what it fed upon,
and that in his cupidity and lust of conquest he would
cast his eyes on yet fairer and richer provinces of Europe,
and make war on the nations around with still greater
chances of success. (Hear, hear.) It was, therefore,
upon the general principle of European policy, and,
above all, in aid of the great and glorious principles of
civil and religious freedom, that he called upon them to
give their unanimous support to the resolution which he
had now the honour of moving. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. W. HARDY, in seconding the resolution, said,
that having felt that for the last three months two of the
greatest and most civilised powers of Europe had been
placed in an extremely humiliating and degrading posi-
tion, and feeling also that of the two our own govern-
ment was the more degraded, he for one could not re-
fuse any post that might be assigned to him on this
occasion for the purpose of expressing that opinion.
(Cheers.) The question at issue to his mind assumed an
amount of importance considerably greater than that
which had attached itself to any subject connected with
our foreign relations during his lifetime. It became
them, therefore, in considering it, neither to adopt
rash conclusions on the one hand, nor on the other
to submit to anything cowardly. (Great cheering.)
The course of aggression upon Turkey commenced in
the present instance, he was sorry to say, by a
series of paltry claims, not on the part of Russia,
but of France and Austria. France first sent her
ambassador, M. Lavalette, to Constantinople, to claim
certain concessions with regard to the Holy Places—
in fact, he believed she w!shed to have the key of the
door. War was even threatened against the Sultan, and
when M. Lavelette quitted Constantinople he did so
under the impression that he had obtained a triumph for
his master, the Emperor Napoleon. No sooner did this

; matter appear to be settled than Austria next presented
herself with her demands, and which demands she sup-
' ported by formidable military demonstrations on her
frontier. Austria claimed her concessions ; they too
were granted ; and then came the unexpected and totally,
unprepared-for visit at Constantinople of Prince Men-
schikoff, with his numerous array of officers, and the
concentration of an enormous fleet at Sebastopol. In
the first instance those demands were said to be wholly
connected with the shrines ; but they were in reality
put forth insidiously to hide other and the real inten-
tions. The demands made by Russia were in spirit sim-
ply the same as if the French Emperor were to insist
upon taking under his protection the whole of the
Roman Catholics in the British empire, because he was
at the head of the Roman Catholics in France. (Hear,
hear.) In a case of that sort, what would be the answer
j of England? Why, the answer would be, that whilst—
as was the fact in Turkey—we extended perfect religious
liberty to our fellow-citizens who were Roman Catholics,
no power on earth should interfere in matters which con-
cerned only the Government of the Queen and her peo-
ple. (Loud cheers.) What was the real object of
Russia? It was notorious that she had kept the attain-
ment of that object in view for centuries. For centuries
she had had her eye fixed steadily on Constantinople,
and had always intended to seize it. And it was a mat-
ter of paramount importance to the civilised nations of
Europe, that she never should be permitted to do so.
(Cheers.) But the demand she had put forward was
all the more odious by the mode in which it
had been sought to be enforced. (Hear, hear.) For
some three or four months the combined fleets of France
and England had been lying in Besika Bay awaiting the
pleasure of the Russian to be informed what out of
his infinite goodness he intended to do—waiting for his
ultimatum, it was called ! Well, but where and what
was the ultimatum of France and England ? (Cheers.)
How were they supporting their friend and ally, the
Sultan ? Why had they not done what every intelligent
Englishman without exception of party had declared
ought to have been done—why had they not made the
passage of the Pruth a casus Belli I (Loud cheers.) Had
they stated at the outset that they were determined to
regard the step in that light, the Pruth would never
have been crossed. (Cheers.) In short, if a firm as
well as moderate tone had been assumed by France and
England, Russia would not have taken the course she
had done ; whereas the timid, hesitating, and paltry
course adopted had rather invited than checked her
aggressions. (Protracted cheering.) He had long en-
tertained a strong feeling that immense mischief had
been done to the moral influence of England abroad by
a society here which was known as the Peace Society.
(Laughter.) Why, the very existence of a Peace So-
ciety in England implied what was not the fact, that
the people of England desired war. (Hear, hear.) Now,
he believed it would be difficult to find a single man in
England who wished for war, unless he felt it was abso-
lutely necessary for the honour and the rights of his
country. Therefore, when a number of gentlemen took
upon themselves to form a Peace Society here, they
seemed to him to arrogate to themselves a degree of
love for peace in which they did not excel the mass
of their countrymen. (Hear, hear.) But in estimating
the weight of the influence of those good people
abroad, when foreigners came to see it their head
certain gentlemen for whose talents all entertained re-
spect, who were amongst the most eminent men in the
land, and one of whom especially had closely identified
himself with the success of the greatest alteration in our
commercial code that had been effected during any
period of our history—when these gentlemen were seen
to be associated for the promotion of a principle which
was termed "arbitration," and recommending this
country to disarm in the face of Europe armed to the
teeth, with governments here and there ever prepared
and on the look out to take advantage of some weak
neighbour—when foreigners witnessed this then, he
contended, that so far from the society to which he re-
ferred promoting the interests of peace, it was really
and truly proving itself to be the most quarrelsome
body in England. (Cheers, and loud laughter.) He
held that no ministry could exist in this country—he
did not care who they might be, whether Tory, Whig,
or Radical—who dared undertake an unjust war. In
the first place, we were bound in too heavy bonds to
keep the peace, and also by the full consciousness that
the slightest act of war would be immediately felt in
the shape of increased taxation and other disagreeables.
Though the Peace Society might have employment else-
where then, there was no scope for their operations
here. (Cheers.) (A Voice—" They're a set of hum-
bugs.") He perceived that their next meeting was to
take place at Edinburgh. He would advise them rather
to visit the city of Florence, where they would find a
countrywoman of the people of Edinburgh, a young
Scotch lady, shut up in a dungeon at the command of
Tuscany's Grand Duke, for having been guilty of the
dreadful offence of giving a Bible, and a copy of dear
old John Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress" to an Italian
peasant. (Tremendous cheers.) Aye, let them go to
Florence. There they would find ample scope for their
pet scheme of negotiation and arbitration. (Renewed
cheers.) Here we did not want it, and they must try
it elsewhere. (Great cheering.) He begged them,
therefore, no longer to convey to the minds of foreign-
ers the idea that they alone were favourable to peace--
that the people of England were not. Above all, do
not let them induce other nations to believe that we
alone, of all the powers of Europe, were going to leave
everything to arbitration ; that we were to disarm
though others did not—that the manhood of England,
like that of the nations of old, was destroyed, and
that we were to sink into utter insignificance in conse-
quence of our effeminacy and corruption. If Russia
should ever be permitted to occupy Turkey and have com-
mand of the Dardanelles, the most serious effects might
be apprehended to the rest of the nations of Europe.
If they looked at the geographical position of Russia
and the vastness of her territory, the importance of pre-
venting her obtaining possession of Constantinople
must be still more obvious. Her dominion extended over
190 degrees of longitude ; she possessed one-eighth of
the habitable globe, and one twenty-eighth of the whole
superficies of the earth. But vast as was her territory,
she was almost comparatively shut out from Europe.
For a long time she was destitute of a seaboard, and it
was always the chief aim of Peter the Great to constitute
his country a naval power. It was true she had an ex-
tensive sea coast in the Baltic ; but then for a consider-
able portion of the year that was closed to navigation by
the ice. And her fleets could only quit the Black
Sea through the narrow Straits of the Darda-
nelles. Thus, notwithstanding the enormous mag-
nitude of her territory, she had not the best
outlets for her fleets to the seas of Europe.
He abhorred war as much as any man, but there were
were some things even more horrible than war : there
was the total loss of a nation's independence—the
abnegation of a nation's feelings—the suppression of a
nation's patriotism ; and sure he was, that whatever
intheon g pettyst oucirus
ealrvreesl,s,wnhaetni oan acla
uo
sr
eml municipal, ct ihpeapl ,rewshe incth,
emidigshtetdbae
in which the honour and dignity of the country were.
concerned, demanded their sympathies, the minds of
Englishmen would be animated but by one spirit, and
if necessary their arms strung by but one nerve. (Cheers.)
The resolution was put to the meeting, and carried by
acclamation.

Mr. JAMES FRANCIS HOLLINGS moved the next reso-
lution :—" That the integrity of the Turkish empire
being guaranteed by the most solemn treaties to which
Great Britain has been a party, it is the plain duty of
the English Government to fulfil its engagements to the
utmost, by preserving her territory inviolate, and by
maintaining the Sultan in the full possession of his rights
as an independent Sovereign." Russia was the colossal
impersonation, as she was the avowed patroness, of ar-
bitrary and despotic rule—the uucomprising enemy to
constitutional principles wherever they could be assailed,
either by her influence or her arms—the sworn foe to all
freedom, whether political or religious, social or commer-
cial—the subjugator of every kind of separate nationality
and every form of municipal authority to a relentless
military absolutism—to the iron decrees of a single and
an irresponsible will. The favourite dream of her states-
men had far the last six generations been the establish-
ment of a dominion in modern times similar to that
which was once held by the great Kings of Persia and
Assyria, by Alexander of Macedon and by the Caesars of
imperial Rome. And there was not a noble or serf
within her territories that did not believe this was the
ultimate destiny of his country. Step by step this object
had been perseveringly followed, and in the estimation
of her people there now remained but one conquest to
effect its consummation—that was the wresting of the
city of Constantinople and the Turkish empire from its
present possessors, and the enthronement of her Czar
and patriarchs in that which was once the metropolis of
Christianity, and which seemed almost destined by na-
ture to be the metropolis of the world. Once established
there, and she would be at full liberty to complete the
measure of her iniquitous project of universal do-
minion. For the past twelve months we had seen
this subtle and unprincipled power undisguisedly,
openly, avowedly, working out her favourite design.
It ever a monstrous and an unjustifiable aggression had
been committed, it was clearly the march of the Russian
army across the Pruth—and if ever there was a nation
called on, promptly and with a strong hand, to repress
the contumelious insolence of Russia it was clearly the
1 people of England. (Cheers.) We had solemnly set
our hands to deeds which guaranteed to the Sultan the
perfect integrity of his dominions. (Cheers.) Were
the Turks tenfold the barbarians which it had lately
been the fashion in some quarters to represent them,
that was no reason why England should be false to her
engagements in their hour of peril. (Renewed cheers.)
But the Turks were not mere barbarians. There was
not a nation which better understood or more exten-
sively acted upon the principles of religious toleration
—none which carried out the principle of
-"
stricted competition"—none, in short, who during the
I last few years had made such remarkable advances
of
ces
iin every kind of reform. (Hear.) Onerecent act
for ever
the Sultan alone ought to be enough to silence_
those prejudiced, or it might be interesteudpdonecTlauimrkeirssh,
who were constantly ringing thechanges
perfidy and oppression. The worldviou
01 would long
disinterested rem em
(
-
be r , as among the most noble instancesgage,
the protection
generosity afforded by/
theosspurteent
li and his compatriots at
I given by the Sultan to
Kutaiah, at the moment thatftohretvhieleiretbnliososadr.ies of Aus-
If that ,
tria were loudly claronn
it was a barbarism which he
1, were proof of barbarism

I pßic. SD.

thought certain civilised and Christian communities
would do well to imitate. If that were proof of bar-
barism, it was a barbarism which he should be well con-
tent to see paralleled in the annals of Russia or Austria,
from the days of Ivan Vassilovitch, or Rudolph of Haps-
burg, downwards. (Loud cheers.) Again, there was
not a person in England who did not know how inti-
mately the interests of this country were bound up in
the independence of the Turkish empire. Commercially
it was among the best markets for our manufactures,
as the jealously-guarded dominions of Russia and Aus-
tria were among the worst. Politically, so long as it
was independent, it enabled us to operate on the mag-
nificent seaboard, extending from the Dardanelles to the
port of Alexandria, which, were the opportunity af-
forded, would be soon closed against us by Russian
batteries, and the route opened to an invading army
for marching upon our Indian possessions. (Hear,
hear.) Nay, upon constitutional principles, too, it
stood like a fortress on the line which marked the
boundaries of civilisation and barbarism, where the op-
pressed of all nations might seek a refuge and a shelter
as secure as that within the rocky barriers of our sea-
girt land. But as surely as it fell—as surely as the Rus-
sian eagle floated from the towers of St. Sophia and on
the Sea of Marmora—as surely as a new Constantine or
Alexander established his dominion in its stead, so surely
would an unrelenting and merciless crusade be com-
menced against that popular government of which this
country was the hated representative, and, unless spe-
cially preserved, would be the most distinguished victim.
(Hear, hear.) This much, he thought, was too evident
through all the mist and hues of diplomacy, that whilst
the conduct of that power by whose ambition the peace
of Europe was threatened had been marked by singular
vigour and astuteness, ours had been rendered as remark-
able by the timidity and humiliation which has made us
the scorn of our enemies, the distrust of our confederates,
and all but the subject of derision to the world; and he
believed that at the present moment no man knew what
were our real intentions, or the ultimate line of conduct
we were to pursue. (Cheers.)
Captain HARRIS seconded the resolution, contending,
from his own personal observation in Turkey, that
a more fallacious representation had never been put
forth than that the Turks were a barbarous
people. So far from that, he was bold to say
that they were among the most enlightened of the
nations of Europe, that was, if by enlightenment was
understood high moral principle and rectitude. As a
Christian he had received marks of the highest respect
and most generous hospitality from all classes of people
in Turkey, especially because he was an Englishman, and
he trusted that the respect entertained for the character
of an Englishman would not be allowed to suffer in the
eyes of the Turks by the conduct pursued by our go-
vernment in the present crisis. (Cheers.) The power
of Russia was great, so also was the power of this
country ; and if England were but true to herself, he
did not think she had anything to fear from the northern
bear, and that she might easily put a muzzle upon him.
He hoped that England would keep the peace as long
as she could— that she would never provoke a needless
or unjust war. At the same time we must not follow
the advice of the Peace Society, and allow ourselves to
be trampled upon by every despot. (Hear.) In this
particular instance, he was most anxious that the rela-
tions between France and England should be drawn yet
closer. (Cheers.) The French Emperor, whatever else
might be said of him, had, at least, in this case, acted
nobly. (Hear.) He had never shown any hesitation
throughout the whole of this quarrel, and was ready, no
doubt, to go whatever length England was disposed to
go with him. (Hear.)
The resolution was agreed to amidst immense cheering.
The Rev. J. B. MURSELL moved, and Mr. J. BIGGS
seconded, the next resolution—" That a memorial em-
bodying the above resolutions be laid before Lord Cla-
rendon, Secretary for State for Foreign Affairs, and
that the members for the borough be respectfully re-
quested to undertake its presentation."
The resolution was adopted unanimously.
At the request of the Mayor,
Mr SMALLFIELD here read the announcement which
appeared in one of the evening papers yesterday, to
the effect that the Sultan had declared war against
Russia; and the reading of which was received with
tremendous cheering ; but when Mr. Smallfield
came to the remaining portion of the paragraph,
that " hostilities had commenced against the advice of
the four powers," the indignation of the meeting was
expressed in most unequivocal terms. "Shame upon
them," echoed from all parts of the room, followed by
cries of " Aberdeen, Aberdeen," and loud and universal
groaning,

- Dr. i\''''OßLE then advanced to the front of the platform
and exclaimed—lf this be true, the Sultan has been
forced to it by the insults and provocations he has re-
ceived from Russia, which insults and provocations have
been increased by the vacillation and pusillanimity of
his advisers, until at last his patience has broken down
under them. (Hear, hear.) If this be true, then, I say,
"Long life and success to the Sultan." (Vociferous
and protracted cheering.)
A vote of thanks having been passed to the Mayor for
convening the meeting and presiding on the occasion, the
proceedings terminated with a broadside of groans for
Russia, and a flying shot for Austria, after which the
assembly broke up in the most orderly manner.

RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE.

WEST KENT.

A numerous and influential meeting of noblemen and
gentlemen, proprietors of land in West Kent, was held
yesterday in the large room of the Crown Hotel, Seven-
oaks, to consider the expediency of forming a line of rail-
way from Sydenham to Bromley, by Otford to Maidstone,
with branches to Lewisham, Greenwich, Eltham, and
Newington-causeway, for local and suburban traffic, and
with duplicate lines, and independent termini for the
Crystal Palace traffic. Among the noblemen and gentle-
men present were the following :—The Most Noble the
Marquis of Camden, Viscount Homesdale, the Right
Hon. Mr. Herries, Sir John Lubbock, Bart. ; Sir Samuel
Hancock, Sir John B. W. Maunsell, Bart., Mr. Peter
Cator, Mr. W. Lambarde, Mr. J. P. Atkins, Mr. H.
Hughes, Mr. I. N. Hargrave, Mr. W. Hicks, Mr.
Robert Main, &c.
On the motion of Viscount HOMESDALE, the Marquis
of Camden was called to the chair.

The CHAIRMAN having stated that Viscount Sydney,
Mr. Glendining, Mr. Mildmay, and other gentlemen
interested in the project were unable to attend, observed
that the district of West Kent was the largest and most
populous in any of the home counties which was unpro-
vided with railway accommodation. It was only natural,
therefore, that the landowners of West Kent should be
anxious for direct railway communication between Maid-
stone and the metropolis. The East Kent Railway
Company having last session succeeded in obtaining
powers to construct a railway from Stroud to Canter-
bury, it occurred to many of the landowners of the we division of the county to inquire into the modes by
which they had accomplished their object. Having been
informed that Sir Charles Fox was mainly instrumental
in procuring the East Kent Railway, he (the chairman),
Lord Homesdale. and other gentlemen, thought it desir-
able to communicate with that gentleman, to ascertain
how far it might be in his power to assist them to make their
line. At their request Sir Charles Fox met them at
Seven-oaks, and stated the terms upon which he felt in-
clined to assist them. He had favoured them with the
outline of 'a project, and it now remained for the land-
owners of the county to say whether they would approve
it. (Hear, hear.) Sir Charles Fox estimated the ex-
pense of the line from Sydenham to Maidstone at
500,0001., which it was now proposed to raise by 20,000
shares of 251. each. Of this sum, it was proposed that
one-fourth, or 5,000 shares, should be taken up by re-
sidents in the district, and three-fourths by non-local
capitalists. This was the substance of the proposition
which Lord Homesdale and himself were anxious to
consult the gentlemen of the county upon, and it ap-
peared to them to be so reasonable and advantageous
to the district proposed to be served, that they were pre-
pared to give it every support in their power. (Hear.)
Mr. P. CATOR pointed out the general features of the
proposed line of railway, and stated that the plan bad a
three-fold object. There was to be, in the first instance,
a direct line of railway through central Kent to the
county town of Maidstone, by which the mileageear)
This
would
be reduced from 56 to 34 miles. (Hear,
h
line would proceed from Sydenham, by
wd also be a line
way
of Bromley
and Otford, to Maidstone. There
nwweul ich, and Eltham ;
from Sydenham to Lewisham, G
and also a line from Sydenham
ttore public advantage of
Greenwich, and
It was impossible to overrate
h
the latter line, for no or:
e e who had not experience of it
could form an estimate of the extent to which the
Brighton line waesniomwaburdened and blocked up with
traffic. If the line from Sydenham to Newington-
causeway were made, the traffic of the, east and west
of the metropolis could be brought over the direct
He had no doubt that the line would be a paying
line.
one, as there was now no line from Dulwich, Peckham,
and Camberwell to Sydenharn, nor was there any means
of reaching the Crystal Palace without goin
into the
heart of
th the
line metropolis. The surveyors engaged had
laid out e to the satisfaction of the owners of pro-
perty to be affected, and from all he could hear the
principal landowners from Sydenham to Maidstone were
favourable to it. They had agreed to sell their land on
very equitable terms, the ruling price to be thirty years'
purchase for freehold agricultural land on a fair rental,
and a corresponding value for building land. He hoped
the landowners of the county would at length procure
the railway of
of which they had been too
long deprived, and that their endeavours on the present
occasion would be crowned with success. (Hear, hear.)
In reply to questions from Lord Homesdale and Mr.
Dent, Mr. COBB stated that the proposed direct line
would commence by a junction with the Brighton line

at Sydenham, thence to a point at Bookinham-lane
w . • erthere would be a station, and thence by Bromley
to Orpwood, Farnborough, and Otford, to Maidstone,
following the old line as laid down by Sir William Cubitt.
It was considered desirable that land at St. Faith's-green
should be st,iured for the purposes of the Maidstone sta-
tion, and arrangements had been made to purchase it.
The line would take a somewhat different course to that
of the landowners' line of 1850, and would in some parts
be a great improvement upon it. There would be 110
gradient less than 1 in 132, instead of 1 in 103, and the
line would be the most direct and speedy that could be
laid down. The average cost would be 18,0001. per
mile, which would include the purchase of land, stations,
Parliamentary expenses, and every outlay, with the ex-
ception of rolling stock.
The Right Bon. Mr. HERRrES said that the land-
owners of West Kent were deeply sensible of the disad-
vantages under which they laboured from the want of
railway accommodation. They were, therefore, desirous
to remedy the present state of things as soon as possible ;
but, before they subscribed their capital to the extent of
the one-fourth required, they were anxious to know
from Sir Charles Fox whether the direct line from Syden-
ham to Maidstone was to be dependent upon the capital
Ibeing subscribed for the short lines, and whether they
could depend upon the remaining portion of the capital
being subscribed. He should also like to know what
arrangements could be made with the Brighton Company
to carry their traffic.
Sir CHARLES Fox replied that, although the intention
was to apply for three acts of Parliament, the main line
from Sydenham to Maidstone would be perfectly inde-
pendent of the others, and would in no way be contin-
gent upon their success or failure. (Hear, hear,) He
had had a conversation with Mr. Laing, the chairman of
the London and Brighton Company, and that gentleman
had informed him that they would only be too happy to
take up the traffic from Sydenham to London. The
promoters of the Crystal Palace line were also friendly
to them, for, feeling as they did their own inability to
carry the enormous number of passengers going to the
palace, they were anxious to have feeders in all direc-
tions. He had had experience of the traffic on the Paris
and Versailles Railway, and had found that, even by
crushing 12 persons into one first-class compartment, a
proceeding which John Bull would no way relish, the
utmost that could be effected was to carry 28,000 passen-
gers in a day. With regard to the lucrative character
of the proposed undertaking, he could say that he knew
of no line with a metropolitan terminus, made for the
price of the West Kent, which could contrast with it in
a commercial view. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the
manner in which the line was to be made, the nature of-
the proposal was that it should be put upon the footing
of the East Kent. Lord Sondes, the chairman
of
that company, had asked him to enter into an arrange-
ment with the company, the basis of which was simply
this—the local landowners and residents were to take
one-fourth of the capital, and sign the Parliamentary
contract, and he would be prepared with signatures
for the remaining three-fourths. In consideration of this
the company were not to enter into any contract for the
execution of the works for a lumped sum, which might
turn out to be fair or unfair according to the state of the
market for labour and materials, but the company were
to offer the contract to the house with which he was con-
nected, at prices to be agreed upon between the engineer
of the company and themselves—any matter in dispute
to be left to the absolute decision of Sir William Cubitt.
These were the only terms on which he had consented to
assist in the formation of the East Kent undertaking,
and he believed they were based upon a spirit of perfect
fairness to all parties concerned.
Sir JOHN LUBBOCK expressed his concurrence in the
object for which the meeting was called, and observed
that they were all agreed upon the necessity of the rail-
way, and also upon the line proposed ; the only question
that remained for consideration was subscribing for the
local shares. He understood that the liability of the
subscribers for preliminary expenses was not to exceed
2s. 6d. per share ; and, as they had a guarantee to this
effect, the only risk which they could run was the trum-
pery loss of 2s. 6d. per share. He believed that the line
as now laid out was the best that could be devised, and
he was, therefore, prepared to give it his cordial support.
The CHAIRMAN inquired whether the Parliamentary
expenses would be limited to 15s. per share, in respect of
any bill which did not receive the sanction of the Legis-
lature.

Sir CHARLES Fox would undertake to be responsible
that the Parliamentary expenses should not exceed 15s.
per share, or 31. per cent. He would be very glad to
make a bargain to take them at three per cent.
Lord HOMESDALE then proposed a resolution to the
effect that the meeting approved of the projected line,
and pledged itself to support it by subscribing towards
the proportion of shares to be taken up by the land-
owners of the county.
Mr. HENRY HUGHES seconded the resolution, which
was carried unanimously.
A list of share subscribers was then opened by the
noble chairman, and in a few minutes a large propor-
tion of the shares were subscribed for by the gentlemen
present.
Resolutions were then passed, that a copy of the list
of shares subscribed, as entered into at the meeting, be
circulated among tho landowners and residents gene-
rally in the district, and that an application, signed by
the chairman on behalf of the meeting, be addressed to
each, soliciting their co-operation and support ; that a
provisional committee be appointed to carry the under-
taking into effect ; and that the members for the bo-
roughs of Maidstone, Greenwich, and Southwark, and
for the county of Surrey, be requested to co-operate
with them.
After some other routine business was disposed of, a
vote of thanks was passed to the noble chairman for
his conduct while presiding, and the meeting separated.

RAILWAY TO CENTRAL WALES.
In compliance with a numerously-signed requisition,
the Mayor of Shrewsbury, Mr. Richard Taylor, con-
vened a public meeting on Tuesday at the Guildhall, for
the purpose of considering the best means of obtaining
railway communication between Shrewsbury and Cen-
tral Wales. His worship occupied the chair.
Mr. KEATE said he certainly did not expect to have
bad an opportunity, so soon, of tendering his befit
thanks to their worthy chief magistrate for his kind-
ness and courtesy in having convened a meeting to fur-
ther the interest of the inhabitants and the prosperity of
the good old town of Shrewsbury. However they might
differ on minor points, they would all be unanimous in
adopting that scheme which would be best calculated to
promote the interests of the borough. The importance
of direct railway communication between Shrewsbury
and Central Wales was admitted on all hands ; and he
thought he should have no difficulty in convincing all
that the Rea Valley—not only on account of its mineral
products, but by opening a direct line of communication
between London and the North, with Milford Haven,
i!wmmhppic oo hrr
tt
aahnnett spbpo
oor
tkt h
ai ons f r ate
the
eadestinedo
en
it
co_
o_nvveoe
1;old
beoef
of person
hhee
mooss t
nlaa.ni
rodgn e
along
lanoonmnfdgoto
eiridtmhdpie.inrtwgoi commodities.
0. Ulel
ietnooerfsonitrailwayiel
line
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tlyheev, wce
was the
sumledxi
might
greatest
seabanteyee st
,etdbh
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cultytrootphmi
t
landlords of the property through which the Rea, Valley
passes are most anxious for its construction, are ready
and to dispose of their land at a moderate cost,
and will receive the price in shares. The cost would be
7,0001. per mile, and the gradients 1 in 400. The ex-
pense of this railway would, therefore, be comparatively
trifling. They were all equally conversant as he was
with the country through which the line would pass.
It would go through Hanwood, Pontesbury, Minsterley,
Worthen, Brockton, Marton, Chirbury, Montgomery,
and so on to Newtown, where it would meet the Llama-
loes and Newtown Railway. They all knew the enor-
mous amount of traffic which takes place to Aberystwith
in the summer. The line would also empty the rich
products into their market from Chirbury, Churchstok e,
Bishop's Castle, &c. He then moved a resolution
pledging the meeting to support the Shropshire and
Montgomeryshire Railway, via the Rea Valley.
Mr. BLACKMORE seconded the resolution, which was
put and carried, with but two_ hands held up against it.
A unanimous vote of thanks to the mayor for his im-
partiality and kindness in the chair, passed on the mo-
tion of Mr. BLAKEMORE, seconded by Mr. COOPER,
concluded the proceedings.

LONDON AND BRIGHTON RAILWAY.—The directors
have just contributed twenty-five guineas to the South
Down fox hounds.
MANCHESTER, ALTRINGHAM, AND WARRINGTON.--
We understand the Government inspector has appointed.
Friday, the 28th inst. for surveying the line from Al-
trincham to Warrington, and that if he should certify
that the line is fit for traffic, &c., the directors purpose
opening it on the Ist proximo for passengers only.
Manchester Examiner.
CARMARTHEN AND CARDlGAN.—Meetings in the lo-
cality have been held in support of this line, and the
landowners in both counties have expressed themselves
in its favour.
DUBLIN AND BRAY.—At a meeting of the directors
just held, resolutions were passed, declaring it expe-
dient to make a call of 5/.
BELFAST,AtNhDi Dcotimi3LpiaNn.y—wAas
of
s meetingtoDwew p Nrn Po
w AyiT
on
ssßio FwnrnuKal.drn i
numerously rect o r s
of
iaia ey,
Viscountl Bangor in the chair. The
h themselves.t tendeds. Sections ofmthheeeledtliinnigne
were produced by the
company's engineer, Mr. Blakis-
ton, from which it
appearel thatsom Some
matterso engin eoefribnugsidniftel
culties presentedhaying been disposed of, Mr. Blakiston was directed im-
mediately to proceed with the requisite plans and sec-
tions for next session of Parliament.—Belfast Mercury.
COMPLETION OF THE RICHMOND.—It is more than
probable that the Richmond Railway will be completed
before the winter sets in, and Quebec be thus in rapid
communication with every great city on this continent.
The road is made and the rails laid in many different
places. Should the iron for the bridges and the requisite
quantity of rails arrive in time, the road will undoubtedly
be in travelling order by the middle of November mext.
--Quebec Morning Chronicle.