The Sun.
London, England, 1838-04-21 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 21, 1838.

say that he spoke with very cordial respect ; but sure he was,
that the impression left by his speech would be feeble indeed
if the statements on the other side had been heard. Under
these circumstances, he was convinced that it did not require
many arguments to induce the concurrence of all parties in
favour of a further discussion of the question in Parliament.
He did consider, for his own part, that such a renewed discus-
sion was absolutely called for, and, if there was one subject
more than another that required the immediate at-
tention of the Legislature, it was the Nett In-
dia question.—( Hear.) He had watched the progress of
than question more than twenty years, and from the moment
Wilberforce entered on the splendid career, which reflected
undying lustre on his name, some such course as the ono that
had been adopted, was pursued every time the subject was
brought before Parliament. ( Hear, hear.) The allegations
Nm,eardyebeasgtaianustthotrhiety, Wbraedst,
almost in
itoho
eyehrysuopapsoorfehdeoon un-
blushingly the
blushingly denied, and the highest names were adduced by the
House of Commons in endeavouring to show that such allega-
tions were not correct. Discussion after discussion were how..
ever forced upon the legislature, until at length they had
been enabled to rest their case not only upon individual testi-
mony, but upon the testimony of the Colonial Office itself,
and y upon the resolutions of the British Parliament._
( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The country he believed had
not yet awoke from the delusion under which it was labouring
on this subject. It was supposed when the Apprenticeship
Act had been carried that the question was satisfactorily
settled, and when disabused upon this point it seemed to think
that it was fettered by something like a compact.—( Hear.)
Were they now to allow this momentous question to rest
of the
cwrhueerl where it e s
tinjury
presentr
y
o d, they
owf.oulctlhobsee gwuhilotym
they
professed to defend. He was fearful that he was quarrelling
with those who were zealously sensitive on every word that
might reflect on the British name, and who imagined that it
was a violation of good faith again to agitate the question.
But he was satisfied when the subject came to be fully dis-
cussed, whatever might be their opinion of the com-
pact at present, the more the obscurity that hung about it
would be dispelled, the more certainly would they come to
the conclusion that that compact had been flagrantly, griev.
ously, and generally broken—that it had been so broken, that
it was, in fact, abolished, and that the ground was left clear.
--(Loud cheers.) The more the question was discussed, the
sooner would they be restored to their proper position as arbiters
between the negro and the planter, and as protectors of the
negro race.—( Renewed cheers.) But he might be allowed
to ask, wherefore all this sensitive feeling, on every thing con-
nected with the planters—wherefore this constant appeal to
justice, wherever the planter was concerned? Why did they
look to one side only of the question—and why he asked,
were all the difficulties of the question to be settled
at the expense of the negroes.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.)
They had been accustomed in this country when a man was
placed upon his trial, to hear the Judge from the Judicial
Bench tell the Jury, that if they had any reasonable
doubt upon their minds, that they should give the pri-
soner the benefit of it. And why, if a criminal was thus
dealt with, did they deprive of the benefit of a rea-
sonable doubt one who had never committed any
offence—who had never been charged with the
commission of a crime, and who had never been brought be-
fore a Judge or Jury, but who, on the contrary, had been
ground down by oppression and violence, who had been re-
duced to captivity by force, and who had been made to cat the
bitter bread of slavery for a number of years.--( Loud cheers.)
The question of the violation of the compact was one
hich they had endeavoured at their last meeting to es-
tablish by facts and arguments. There was no occasion,
however, to do that now. The question had been referred to
a jury of their country, and that jury returned its verdict in
the votes of their representatives, not in the votes of the
minority only, but in the votes of every one who voted for the
resolution of Sir George Strickland, and the Bill of Lord
Glenelg. Yes, lie repeated, they had the unanimous
vote of the House of Commons, that that compact had been
violated.---(Renewed cheers.) Convinced as he was that
that that compact had been violated—satisfied as he was, from
past experience, and all that he had heard and read and
learned from public and private channels—some of them,
too, planters in British Guiana—of the impossibility of
carrying Lord Glenelg's Bill into effect—finding that
every argument against them was fallen to the
ground—with these convictions, he could not sit down with-
out stating that nothing ought to satisfy their judgments, their
consciences, or their feelings, without raising up one universal
voice for immediate and unconditional emancipation.—( Loud
applause.)
2. That this meeting regard the endeavour to set aside the motion of
Sir George Strickland, and the advantage taken of that opportunity to
press forward the Bid then before the House of Commons, together with
the abrupt termination of the debate, when the partial statements of the
advocates of the Colonists were in great measure unanswered, as mani-
festly calculated to prejudice the decision of the question in opposition
to the prayer of numerous petitioners, and that the further discussion
of tilt ir claims for the speedy abolition of the apprenticeship is therefore.
endered absolutely necessary. •
The Rev. Mr. SQUANCR rose to second the resolution.,
He could not bring such powers of eloquence to the ad-'
vocacy of the subject as he had listened to that.
day, but he brought as warm a heart as ever throbbed for the
sufferings of his fellow-creatures.—( Cheers.) He regarded
negro slavery as one of the foulest stains that had darkened
the page of British history.—( Hear, hear.) He main-
teined that no man could claim right of property in
his fellow man—all were born equally free, and the man who
should be deprived of that boon, which heaven at his birth be-
stows upon him, he, and he alone had a right to cry aloud
againstinjustice, and he alone deserved and ought to re-
ceive compensation.—( Hear, hear, and cheering.) Many
of those who differed with them, were, he knew, ardent lovers
of the negro race, and they feared that by interfering in this
question they would place the negro in worse circumstances
than they were at present. But they took their stand on much
higher ground—they took their stand on the eternal princi-
ples of justice and mercy, leaving to the God of Justice the
consequences which might ensue.—( Loud cheers.) These
individuals feared that the negro, if left to his own unrestrained
liberty, would cease to labour for themselves or others, and by
this means increase, instead of diminish the evils under which
they at present latoured.—( Cheers.) But he confessed
he had no apprehensions ox this ground, for the negroes would
release themselves from the vassalage of those who treated
them with cruelty, so soon as they were left free to make
their choice, and would give their voluntaay labour to those
c. ho had treated, or were likely to act kindly and justly to them.
The negroes of the West Indies were capable of reasoning,
rind reasoning rationally, upon every subject which concerned
their temporal and eternal welfare, and although there were
some who would place them almost on a level with the
ourang outang, yet the negro had proved that he possessed
wit an keen and hearts as feelingly alive to kindness as those
who, for their own unworthy purposes, endeavoured thus to
disqualify him from takinz his place amongst the more fa-
voured members of the human family.—( Cheers.) The
Reverend Gentleman concluded an excellent address by se-
conding the resolution.
JOHN SCOBEL, Esq., came forward amidst loud cheers to
support the resolution. He said that nothing but a stern sense
of duty could have induced him, in the present state of his
health, to travel a distance of '2OO miles in order to attend
that meeting. But as he thought it possible that
some gentleman might conic forward to reply to the state-
ments which he had made at the public meeting in London, he
felt it his duty to be there to meet such a one, if such a
one should happen to come forward to contradict what
he then said.—( Cheers.) It had been said by more
than one speaker that the cause of abolition had sustained a
temporary defeat. It had so—but that did not arise front
the badness of their cause. The noble aim of their cause was
universally admitted; and the testimony of the people of Eng
land to the justice of their cause, as contained in their petitions,
warranted him in saying that there would not he found, through-
out the length and breadth of the land, a single man who
would come forward and say that they were acting wrong
when they were advocating the cause of justice for the
oppressed and injured negro.—(Cheers). He might
refer to the deliberations of the Houses of the Legis-
lature to bear him out in saying that justice to the negro must
be done, however long it might be delayed.—(Cheers.) Va-
rious rcasous bad been alleged as to the cause of
their defeat. Some said it was occasioned by Lord
Brougham haying placed himself at the head of
the abolition movement in the House of Lords.
Lard Brougham, it was true, had advocated the measure with
all the zeal and energy and eloquence of a statesman, but let
it be recollected that the abolitionists did not place him there
to advocate their cause. They knew no man as regarded his
political sentiments—but wherever they found a sincere
and ardent fiend to suffering humanity they gladly availed
themselves of his assistance. Others attributed their defeat to
that great and eloquent man the leader of Ireland, who led the
movement party in the House of Commons. Of Mr. O'Connell
he might also say that he had not been selected by the abh-
li:ionists to plead the cause. He had been placed in the si-
tuation he had been found, and lie (Mr. Scobel), for one,
would ever give his strenuous assistance to him, or any other
man, who would do justice to the negro.—( Cries of " Hear,
hear," and loud cheering.) Their defeat had arisen, not
from the want of' any wisdom in their measures, or any energy
in their action ; and he appealed fearlessly to the gigantic
efforts made by the people of Britain to do justice to a
long oppressed, calumniated, and down-trodden race.—
( Load and tremendous cheering.) What, he asked, was
it that had drawn together and filled that theatre'
with such a brilliant assemblage, as he saw before him
Was it to hear how the subject would be advocated? No, for
they had heard it advocated before, but it was the love of jus-
tice to the negro, and he was much deceived if that
meeting did not tell powerfulty throughout the land,
and on the Government of the country, (cheers)
It had been said that, in their advocacy of the cause of the op-
pressed slave, they must not deal with individuals. It ap-
peared that their mouths were to be shut in reference to men
in high station.—( Cries of " No, no," and " Yes, yes.") He
( Mr. S.) had no notion of separating the dice from
the gambler—(Cheers)—he had no notion of separating the
sinner from his sin—(Cheers)—he hadno notion of separating
the usurper of human nature from the system lie was found
sepporting—( Great cheering)--and he much marvelled to
hear an individual, estimable for virtue, tor talent, and for
piety—he marvelled to hear that individual above all others
Say, that they should not deal with persons.—( Immense cheer-
in, arid expressions of disapprobation, in the midst of which,
cheer-
in,
Rev. HUGTI NI`NEILL came forward amidst renewed
uproar, and cries of " order, orde:," and " chair, chair."
The CHAIRMAN endeavoured to obt in order, in which he
partially succeeded, when the Rev. Gentleman again came
forward and claimed a few moments' exolatee. ion. He ob-
served that he merely wished to set himself right freal what he
was sure was an unintentional misrepresentation. He did not
say that they were net to allude to individuals, but lie did
say that to dilate at length on the private personal motives of