The Sun.
London, England, 1854-03-04 00:00:00

doubt them, sincere and conscientious reformers, but who
think it an inopportune season to deal with the reconstruc-
tion of Parliament when we are engaged in a war which
may be a war of magnitude. I will not discuss that ques-
tion. If ever there should be an opportunity, we shall
discuss it on the amendment of the hon. baronet, though I
confess I am not very sanguine that the speeches intended
to be made on that subject will ever, sir, be addressed to
you. (A laugh.) But look at the fact. If the policy recom-
mended by the hon. member for East Kent be right—and
unquestionably it is one supported, if not by a majority, by
large numbers in this house (that is evident from the tone of
this discussion)—look at the position inwhich the noble lord
places the house by introducing his measure in detail to us,
and at the same time not being able to carry it. Now, sir,
our supplies have been voted with a feeling of unanimity
which the noble lord, I think in a very proper tone, did
justice, but which the right hon. gentleman who last
addressed the house cavilled at with less correct feeling.
(Cheers.) But, sir, whatever may be the fortune of this
war, we shall not be wise men to suppose, as is frequently
supposed, that it is to be a brief war—that its end is to be
accomplished in a moment. It is wiser to suppose we are
about to embark in a severe, and even a protracted strug-
gle. (Cheers.) All men agree that it is wiser to prepare
for such a contingency. Well, sir, no Ministry, not even
a Ministry as favoured as those who sit on the bench before
me, can suppose that year after year they can proceed with
a war of that character always with success, always with
enthusiasm on the part of the people, always with ready
and generous sympathy on the part of the House of Com-
mons, even on the part of their opponents. There will be
moments of gloom, despondency, and discontent. There
may be—which God forbid !--there may be disasters.
There may be moments when it will be difficult to appeal
to the support of the House of Common's. You may not
have political parties in the same spirit which now animates
them. You may have near divisions on these questions of
increased or new taxes. The ministry may carry an un-
popular tax or continue an unpopular war by a very near
majority, and then, when the people of this country come
to look at the majority of 20, perhaps which doubles the
income-tax or reimposes the soap duty, they will say,
" Here are 20 fellows, 18 of whom ought not to have seats
in the House of Commons—(cheers)—here are 12 fellows in
schedule A, here are 6 fellows in schedule B—(loud cheers)
—these are supporters of the Government ;" and the very
men would be denounced, and marked, and branded as per-
sons unworthy of public confidence. (Renewed cheers.)
And it would be added, " Yet these are the men who are
carrying on war with the Emperor of all the Russias ;
these are the men who are inflicting these colossal imposts
on the people of this country." (Protracted cheers.) The
wisdom of these facts should alone have made the noble
lord hesitate before he introduced his measure in detail,
and should certainly make him hesitate before he makes
up his mind to relinquish it for ever. (Hear, hear, and a
laugh.) In my mind, it would be of advantage that the
House of Commons should decide upon this scheme. I
know the noble lord has already stated that he himself sees
no objection to proceeding with a measure of parliamentary
reform in a time of war, and of all wars the one most op-
portune for parliamentary reform is a Russian war. (Hear.)
Those are admissions which have been generously and
voluntarily offered to us and made by the noble lord. I am
therefore to suppose that the noble will find it his duty
some day to propose the second reading of this bill, difficult
as it is to imagine that such a result will occur. But the
noble lord will, of course, be in some degree influenced by
the sentiments of his chief supporters. I have listened to
them to-night with some dismay; and if the noble lord can
extract from the expression of their opinions any harmony
of feeling to guide him in what I admit is a most difficult
conjuncture, and which I believe, if there is any one in
this house equal to it, the noble lord will be, he will ac-

complish greater efforts almost than he has ever yet
aehieved. For contrast the support which he has received
to-night from the right hon. gentleman the member for
Taunton and the right hon. baronet the member for Mor-
peth with that which has been authoritatively expressed
on the part of English radicals by the patriarch of reform,
the member for Montrose. The right hon. member for
Taunton tells us he is for postponement, but the only thing
he more particularly wishes is entire withdrawal. That, I
infer, world be the policy recommended by the member
for Taunton. The member for Morpeth, who read an un-
necessary lecture to my right hon. friend—the member for
Morpeth has sung in the same note as the member for
Taunton—that there is nothing in the world more prudent
than postponement, except giving up the bill altogether.
What says the hon. member for Montrose. If the bill is
given up, its projectors are abased—they cannot hold up
their heads on the Treasury bench—their character is lost
for ever ; but he knows them so well, his confidence in them
is so unbounddd, that he is as certain on the 24th of April
to have the second reading of this bill as that he is now
sitting in his wonted seat in the Ilouse of Commons. But
these very expressions of the hon. gentleman must prepare
the Government for what awaits them if on that day that
which he deems impossible may occur, and the bill should
not be read for a second time. Sir, cannot congratulate
them on the prospective contemplation of the hon. gentle-
man's amiable credulity, for certainly, if he speaks the
language of his party, when the Ides of March, or rather
of a later month, have arrived, and he finds he does
not receive the boon on which he counts so fondly, I think
the hon. gentleman himself—all England being in commu-

•cation with him, and he being aware of the feelings of
every one—will have to rise in his place, and make, like
the noble lord, an explanation as to the feelings of the re-
formers of England, and what they then think with regard
to the measure to which he looks forward with so much
confidence. The right hon. baronet the member for Mor-
peth has just, according to his wont, delivered some sen-
tentious dogmas to the house for the guidance of their con-
duct. The right hon. gentleman will not hear of states-
men placed in the situation of the noble lord, as leader of
the house, being influenced in these great matters of state
and politics by what are called feelings of personal honour.
The right hon. gentleman says, " A. statesman is to do that
which he believes best for the country, and he is not to be
hampered by feelings of personal consideration, arising out
of pledges which he may have given, and representations
which he may have made ;" and the right hon. gentleman
reproved those members of the house who referred to a
feeling of private honour as one which ought to guide the
noble lord, and said it ought not to guide him. I will not
enter into a controversy upon one of the finest points of
ethics; but when the right hon. gentleman lectures the
house so freely, has he forgotten that only within, I may
say, a few days, the Prime Minister of England, in another
place, excusing and apologising as it were for the conduct
of the Government in introducing this bill, said it was im-
possible not to introduce it, for they were bound to do it
as a matter of honour. (Cheers.) Sir, lam always ready
to do justice to the great position of the noble lord, and I
am perfectly ready to defer to his opinion, as that of one
of the guiding spirits of the Ministry, but, if only as a
matter of courtesy, some credit is to be given to the public
declaration of the First Minister of the Crown, and
when I read, authoritatively declared to us, the
declaration, that the Government in introducing this bill
were influenced by a feeling of personal honour, I think
the lecture which we have received from the right hon.
member for Morpeth is both unauthorised and misplaced.
(Loud cheers). The declaration, sir, which was made by
Lord Aberdeen in another place reminds me of one point
which I cannot leave untouched, because it has a consider-
able relation and reference to the subject before us. What
were the conditions upon which the present Government
was formed, according to the present Prime Minister ?
What was—to use a word which is not English, and is per-
haps used too often here—what was the political pro-
gramme of the noble earl a little more than a year ago,
-when he acceded to office? It was very remarkable ; and
this is an occasion on which the country should be re-
minded of it. The nation was then told that the Govern-
ment was formed on four great principles—the extension
of free trade, which has not been extended—(hear)—the
maintenance of peace, which has become one of war—
(hear, hear)—the principle of public education, to be proved
by the production of a great legislative measure. We have
not had the great legislative measure ; but this we have re-
ceived from her Majesty Government —opposition to the
only educational measure which has been introduced into
the house. (Hear, hear.) And lastly, and above all, a great
measure of Parliamentary reform. When that great mea-
sure of Parliamentary reform may be carried, I pretend
not to profess any opinion. Some may be as sanguine as
the hon. member for Montrose ; others, on the contrary,
may be as hopeful as the members for Taunton and Mor-
peth. (Cheers and laughter.) But one thing, I think, is
pretty well ascertained, that, notwithstanding the Empe-
ror of Russia, before April elapses the question will at
least be set at rest, and we shall know whether the house
is ts be reconstructed, or whether we are to continue the
same as at present, appearing before the country with the
character of nearly 100 of our members held up to the pub-
lic by the Ministry as men not entitled or qualified to
exercise the office of representative of the people. (Cheers.)
So much for the great principles on which the Government
of Lord Aberdeen was founded. So much for the four
great measures that were to be introduced. This was the
fast to which the supporters of the Government seem to
have a claim, and they had a right to believe that
this was a promise which would be fulfilled, because re-
presentation was made to their followers not in slight,
and not in ordinary terms, because expectations were
held out to the country not of a trivial character. We are
told now that wars and rumours of wars are the sufficient
Causes for the present Government not fulfilling this their
positive and most important pledge. But, remember ! At
the time when war, and even invasion, was deemed to be
instant and impending, this promise was repeated, this
pledge was renewed, and there were those members of the
present Cabinet who went even to the hustings when they
were appointed, and at the same time dilated on the ter-
tors of invasion and the blessings of reform. Remember,
tr, that at the difficult crisis when the present Govern-
ment Was constructed we were told that it was framed on
a Principle of enormous personal sacrifice—that men de-
Scended to occupy posts inferior to their previous situa-
tionaofehi, re;dwe7rtea
talent. even inferior to their own opinion of their own
(Cheers and laughter.) We were told then that
t.h
lextreme difficulties in bringing together a band
of the eountented patriots to sacrifice all self upon the altar
country, so that the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
for example
meet togethe and the President of Public Works could
r
their
country, But
to concert for the prosperity of
Parliamentary a great principle did bring them toge-
ther.the Exchequer war concerned,
so the President of the so far as the Chancellor of
ncerned, in a conservative, and so far
Board of Works, was concerned, in
a form that would satisfy
as
ll the disciples of Grote and Ben
tham, and others
the pervading influence wstiral
ous. (Hear, hear.) This was
loallowed elements, apparently
so discordant, to be brought
advan-
tage of the country, but the specwork equally for the
seems to have evaporated
though it is the only conditio to which we are indebted
for enjoying, at this moment, the unrivalled administrative
abilities of the First Lord of the Admiralty. (Laughter.
At a time when we have two considerable fleets, when we
have penetrated the mysteries of the Laxine
and when we
shall soon break through the ice of the Baltic, it is a satis-
faction to recollect that if they had not agreed to bring for-
ward a large measure of parliamentary: eform—not a
Measure, not a moderate measure—(hear)—but a wise
measure of parliamentary reform, then for aught we can see
the energy, the zeal, the experience which distineuish the
right hon. gentleman the First Lord of the Admiralty
would not have been enlisted in the service of his Sove-
reign and his country. (Cheers and laughter.) Sir, these
considerations 1 offer for the consolation of parliamentary
reformers. (Renewed laughter.) I fear they can hardly
hope to have their measure, but there is some magic in a
name. Under that standard, at least, those have enlisted
who, I have no doubt, will contribute to the greatness of
the country and the glory of Parliament. They, at least,
have been led by that phrase to form a Coalition Govern-
ment, and their supporter, must be satisfied that though
the large measure which they looked forward to with so
much eagerness cannot be passed, still if the phrase had
not been circulated, the Ministers who have disappointed
them would not now be sitting on those benches. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, it is not necessary for me to
add anything to the statement which I made before, with
,view to explain that statement. But the speech of the
right hot. gentleman who has just sat down does seem
reri—ticism to ca
or some observations from me, because it was
ingeniously framed, which left himself entirely
etincooronamins
n it
t;tteci—it had no sort of bearing upon the question
f
dseems really to have been intended for no
Other purpose than to show forth his own ability. (Laugh-
,