The Sun.
London, England, 1853-12-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING. DECEMBER 9, 1853.

taken before his lordship, and appeared at the justice-
room to give evidence on the occasion.
Sir R. W. Carden—l thought it right to give this
child into custody for having asked alms of me to-day,
at about half-past one o'clock, in Finch-lane. She said
that her mother had sent her out to beg. Of course it
is not my object to have the poor child punished, but to
assist her and to have justice done to those who have
sent her out to beg for their support and comfort in their
idleness and vice at home. She is, as is evident, well
fed, but ehe has been placed in the street in this state of
almost nudity, to excite sympathy amongst those who
never think upon the injurious consequences of giving
money to street beggars.
The Lord Mayor—The evil is one of the most deplor-
able description, and requires the active interference of
the magistracy, and I shall, during my year of office,
upon all occasions pay especial attention to every case
of the kind. This mode of begging is, I regret to say,
now generally and effectively pursued. The idea of
children crying for charity in the streets has an effect
upon all who are not aware of the extraordinary arts
used by the profligate for their indulgence in abandoned
courses.

Sir R. W. Carden—The result of my experience con-
vinces me that the public must exert themselves for the
reform of this desperate evil by the easy process of re-
fusing to give to the value of a farthing to one of these
artificial objects of charity. Those wretched children,
who are regularly brought up as beggars and thieves,
are furnished by their parents or those other profligate
wretches who derive a profit from their exposure to wet
and cold, with lucifers or flowers, or other trifles, as a
protection against the charge of begging, and I find
that the practice is adopted by the very worst order of
mendicants. The people who pass along cur crowded
streets suppose that their little petitioners are doing all
they can to get an honest livelihood. Never was a
greater deception practised.
The Lord Mayor perfectly agreed with Sir R. W.
Carden in the views and opinions expressed upon the
subject. It was indispensable that the public should
join the magistrates. There was a difficulty in the law
to connect the acts of the parent and child in cases of
mendicacy, and he trusted that some remedy would be
found for so serious a defect.

Sir R. W. Carden observed that the public fancied
the police ought to put a stop to the evil ; but that was
impossible. The children ran off the moment they saw
a policeman, and wherever they went, continued to beg
with an earnestness which none but the experienced
could resist. The monsters who sent them out were
always in readiness to take from them what wrong-
headed charity entrusted them with, and their must,
if steady and resolute exertions were not made, be a
constant supply of infant traders in mendicancy.
The Lord Mayor then said he would send the child to
the union, and order that the parents should be sought
for and brought before him.
When the police had made the necessary inquiry, the
child was again brought before his lordship.
The officer said that a woman whom he believed to be
the mother, but who said she was the aunt, of the little
girl, was present.
The Lord. Mayor asked her how it was that the child
was found begging in the streets ?
The woman said, " Oh, then, the Lord knows, I don't
know anythirtg about it. Sure she is my niece, and its
bard for me to support so many of them. My husband
is a poor labouring man out of work, barring now and
then."

The policeman said he had long known the woman as
an idle, drinking woman, and he had every reason to
believe that she was the mother of the poor little
creature at the bar, but he could not prove that to
be the case.

The woman—Oh, then, the Lord knows I ai'nt.

The Lord Mayor--I shall not give the poor child into
the care of such a wretched woman as this. I shall sen-
tence her to fourteen days' imprisonment. The prison
is a better place for her than the place to which she
must otherwise, go. I shall take care to have her parti-
cularly attended to, and see by and bye what can be
done about hex.

Sir R. W. Carden uponaiearing of the adjudication of
the Lord Mayor, expressed his satisfaction at the result,
and said he was gratified to be able to state that since
the publicatiom of what took place at the Guildhall three
days ago respecting begging children, there had not been
one instance of the kind in the neighbourhood of the
Bank and Royal Exchange.

GUILDHA_IL.—Robert James Smith and Eliza Wil-
kinson appeared before Alderman Copeland to answer a
charge of keeping a common brothel at No. 6, Caven-
dish-court, Devonshire-square, Bishopsgate.
The depositZons of Kilby, he keeper of Devonshire-
square, were then read over, from which it appeared
that he had been in the receipt of from ss. to 10s. per
week from the defendants for the last 12 years, for the
purpose, as he stated, of keeping the passage to the
brothel quiet mind orderly.
Alderman Copeland (to Kilby)—Do I understand you
rightly, that you were the porter of Devonshire-square ?
Kilby—Yes„ sir.
Alderman Cc peland—What wages did you receive ?
Kilby-255. per week, sir.
Alderman Copeland—And you have been also re-
ceiving ss. per week from the defendants for prevent-
ing any nuisance from the loose characters using the
brothel ?

Kilby—l have, sir.
Mr. Warwick said—l am one of the inhabitants of
Devonshire-square. On the last examination Kilby said
he had told Mr. Town and myself all the circumstances
connected with the brothel in Cavendish-court. In
answer to this I beg to say that Kilby never men-
tioned them •to any of the inhabitants until at the
meeting convened on the receipt of a communication
from the commissioners. I have a family of grown
up daughters resident with me, and when I first went
to live there I was informed there was a custom among
the inhabitants to pay a servant of their own to keep
the square free from immoral and disorderly charac-
ters, on hearing which I expressed great willingness
to subscribe to it. Accordingly Kilby called a few days
afterwards with a book for my signature, and I gave
him a cheque for 0., the amount of the annual subscrip-
tion paid by all the other inhabitants individually. My
surprise was therefore very great on entering the square
some days afterwards, accompanied by my daughters,
and seeing a crowd collected round Cavendish-court, in
consequence of a row among some of the girls using the
brothel. The language used was most disgusting and
obscene, and after hurrying my daughters through the
crowd I returned and asked Kilby why he allowed such
a scene to occur, and his answer was that every thing
had been tried to put down the nuisance and nothing
more could be done.

Alderman Copeland—This house is in my own ward,
and at any time I would, on hearing of a complaint of
this kind, go into the ward and inquire into it there. I
used to be required there frequently, and as many as
from 300 to 400 summonses have been brought before
me to dispose of ; but from some cause I am not ac-
quainted with my attendance for such a purpose is only
required now about once in the year. However, I re-
gret such a house should have existed in my ward, and
I should be glad to assist the parish in every way in my
power to suppress it.

saying you wanted to go to the workhouse, and I sent
you there.
Prisoner—l'm that same, your worship, but I never
said I wanted to go to Ireland.

- Several witnesses to the character of the house having
been examined,
Mr. Lee, one of the clerks to the guardians, said part
of my premises adjoin the house in Cavendish-court. I
know the defendant Smith. He keeps the house, I
believe, and resides in it.
Alderman Copeland—ls he rated ?
Mr. Lee—He is, sir.
Alderman Copeland—ln what name ?
Mr. Lee—The rates are paid regularly, and no name
iv given. I have called several times, but never could
ascertain his name. I have seen him when disturbances
have occurred present himself at the door as the master.
I have often been disturbed by bearing cries of " mur-
der" issuing from the house, and have called the atten-
tion of the police to it, but they have said they could
not go into the house.

Alderman Copeland—What ! Do you mean to say
the police have no power to enter a house when they
hear the cries of "murder " coming from it ?
Inspector Howard said—The instructions to the police
were to enter any house under such circumstances, and
it was only a short time ago a policeman got his leg
broken by going into a house of that description.
Alderman Copeland—l am sorry for the man, but it is
important that the police should interfere in such cases,
and I am surprised they have not done so in Mr.
Lee's case.

Mr. Hall—Well, I shall seud you to prison for a month
and see how you'll like that.
Committed accordingly.

Mr. Eee said—Perhaps the constable did not 124.ar the
cries that I heard.

Cross-examined---I have paupers constantly applying
to me for relief, and among them some of the moat idle
and dissolute characters ; but loose characters ar•e not
continually applying. I have been solicited to accom-
pany such characters to the house in question, but of
course never availed myself of the invitation. T. have
never seen the female there that I am aware of.

TILE STRIKES.

( From the Times.)
Considering the passions 'as well as the punishment
which must be at work in the North in consequence of
the "strikes," it is undoubtedly credible to the national
character that disturbances of the public peace should
have been so comparatively rare. We feel bound, how-
ever, again to call attention to the utterly inadequate
provision made in those parts of the country against
those contingencies of riotous outbreaks to which they
are notoriously subject, and which the protraction of the
present disputes, combined with the pressure of the ap-
proaching season, may very probably augment. Last
week we published a memorial which had been forwarded
to the Home Secretary by certain manufacturers and
merchants of Preston who had been hunted off the
Blackburn Exchange, while in pursuit of their lawful
calling by the operatives of that town. We do not in-
vestigate the origin of this outbreak. It is quite enough
to know—what could not be denied—that the persons in
question, being engaged in their lawful business, were
forcibly driven from the place where such business was
usually transacted. In other words, the town of Black-
burn was at the mercy of a mob. As it happened, the
mob proceeded to no further acts ; but we are assured
that "the safety of the persons and property in the
principal hotel in the town could only be secured by al-
lowing six delegates from the mob to search every room
in the house for those whom they wish to attack ;" and
it is plain that the peace of the borough depended absof
lutely on the forbearance of the street rioters. For al
the protection that could be given by the authorities o
the town, every house in it might have been sacked and
burnt.

Alderman Copeland—How is it that the parish have
neglected to take any steps in this matter before
Mr. Town—The fact, is sir, the guardians are tho-
roughly disheartened at the failure of all their effarts to
suppress the nuisance, for as soon as the last conviction
took place, the house was opened again by ether par-
ties, and the only hope they had of putting an end to
it entirely was by reaching the landlady of the house,
Mrs. Rachel Levy.
Alderman Copeland then committed the defendants
to take their trial at the London Quarter Sessions..
The same bail was offered as before, but Harrison, the
plumber and glazier, of Bevis Marks, was objected to,
and Mr. Robert Carr, a stationer, of 101, Houndsditch,
was offered in his stead, and also rejected. Mr. Penson,
the landlord of the "Ben Jonson," in Houndsditch, who
was already accepted as one bail, offered to become bail
for the defendants in 200/., and no objection being made
to such an arrangement, it was agreed to, and the defen-
dants having also entered into their own recognisances
in 1007. each, left the court.
The offie;er, Kilby, was appointed by the inhabitants
of the square, and not by the guardians.

In the same impression of our paper which recorded
these particulars appeared a report from Blackburn, an-
nouncing that " a new era was about to dawn upon the
borough." The new Mayor, it was said, had addressed
the Town-council to the effect that " he was determined
to make the preservation of the peace paramount to
every other duty, and to effect this without regard to
cost." Nothing could be more promising than such a
declaration ; but, when this redoubtable resolution came
to be exemplified, what did we find ? Let the reader
remind himself that Blackburn contains at least 46,500
inhabitants, with proportionate resources and obliga-
tions. "It was the Mayor's intention," continued the
report, "with the concurrence of the Watch Committee,
to raise the numerical strength of the police to "—what?
To "thirty men, besides 13 firemen, who would be able
to act on emergencies !" After this illustration of the
Blackburn notions of a police force, the reader will not
be surprised to hear that the Mayor was understood to
have written at the same time to the Home Secretary,
and represented that, as the " public peace was liable,
under present circumstances, to be interrupted sud-
denly, and on the least excitement, by mobs which no
civil force would be able to suppress, it was the opinion
of the justices that it would be desirable to have a com-
pany of soldiers stationed in the borough during the
ensuing winter."
The requisition thus made seems to have been com-
plied with, but we must take leave to inform the justices
of Blackburn that the ideas of municipal obliga-
tions generally approved in this country differ most
materially from those apparently prevailing in their
thriving borough. Military force is not the agency by
which the peace of English towns ought to be preserved ;
and, though it may, of course, be kept in reserve against
extremities, it should never be employed except where
the emergency is too severe for the strength of the civil
power, adequately maintained. It is all very well to
allege that "no civil force" would be able to deal with a
Blackburn riot, but before we attach credit to this as-
sertion weldesire, at any rate, to see what a civil force,
when properly concentrated, can really perform. The
Mayor asks for a company of infantry—that is to say for
80 soldiers. Before invoking such assistance he should
have tried what 80 constables would do. Let him raise
his police force, as so magnanimously projected, from 30
men to a hundred, and then it will be time to ask for
bayonets in aid of staves. As for the "13 firemen,"
they, like all men impressed from one service to another,
will be of comparatively little use, not to mention that
in "emergencies" their hands might possibly be needed
in their own department. Everybody knows, and every
magistrate ought well to consider, that the real power of
a police force is commensurate with the numbers of its
regular members What gives a policeman's arm such
strength is the might of the law—of that unseen my-
sterious agency which he is supposed to represent.
But these attributes are wanting in l" firemen" and su-
pernumeraries. "Special constables," as everybody is
aware, carry no' more weight than ',so many indivi-
duals. It is the sworn professional policeman, attired
as such, and acting in a known and recognised capa-
city, who exerts the strength of a dozen rioters, and
paralyses opposition by the power which is felt to
be at his back. This is the kind of force, well-disciplined,
well-organised, and available at a moment's notice under
skilful command, which the justices of Blackburn are
bound to employ. Let them make this experiment on
an adequate scale, and they will discover, we think,
that the "civil force" will be " able to suppress" more
serious riots than they imagine even in a manufacturing
town. At any rate, the trial should be made. When
it has failed, and when a police force, calculated accord-
ing to the known exigencies and means of the borough,
has proved insufficient to preserve the peace, it will be
quite time enough to apply to the Horse Guards for the
extraordinary aid of ball-cartridges and bayonets.

The workman thus gets into bad habits which he cannot
easily shake off; he falls into the hands and under the
guidance of bad men, who lead him on from bad to
worse ; for the first time, perhaps, in his life he gets
drunk, and for the first time transgresses those laws
which the finger of God has written on the heart of mall ;
and when the Rubican is thus once passed the descent
is easy, and the decent and industrious workman may
become an outcast and a villain, full of remorse and un-
happiness, at war both with his better nature and with
the rest of society.

THE POLISH REFUGEES.

( From the Times. )

The address of Prince Czartoryski to his fellow-refu-
gees on the occasion of their anniversary will win more
interest for that unfortunate nation and cause than could
ever be worked out of ordinary minds by angry decla-
mations. The Prince calmly points to the openings
that now present themselves in the political heavens,
and hails a long-delayed restoration at hand. That he
should see better days for Poland in the proud infatua-
tion of Russia and the obstinate courage of Turkey, that
he should welcome the re-opening of a game which
closed before with the annihilation of his country, is
nothing but natural. There are conditions under which
men of honour will not love peace, and all the talking
in the world will not make it more lovely. Of the great
commonwealth of nations, as well as a society of men,
is it true that danger is to be apprehended where there
are many, as sometimes there are many, quibus utile
bellum. Nobody ever thought the worse of a Pole
or a Magyar for desiring a war that might weaken
and divide his enemies, and that might rouse and unite
his friends. But what the people of this country, not
less than the veriest despot on the continent, will not
endure, is that alliance of public sympathy and private
plotting that the Poles and their brothers in distress
have been too apt to make with wanton revolution. The
Pole of modern politics is not the man who is haunted
by the shades of a noble ancestry and the vision of a
shattered monarchy, but the bird of ill-omen that ever
reappears on the eve of confusion, and lends a new hor-
ror to anarchy itself. It is on Poland, as a magazine of
univeral mischief, that the statesmen of Europe observe
a gloomy silence, and suppress alike their compassion
and their terror. There is no one, unless it be the all-
grasping, all-devouring Russia, that would not rather
see a peaceful and happy kingdom than an oppressed,
but still groaning province, where, according to the
maps that amused our infancy, there once was Poland.
Prince C;artoryski does not overstate the recollections
or the humanity of the civilised world. But it is possi-
ble to love, and even to pity, with terror, and to stifle
per force every softer suggestion, from the certainty that
it is ruin to indulge them. The exiled noble of romance,
the wounded bandit of the picture-gallery, the Gracchi,
and the last of the Tribunes, are beings to be admired
as we see them at the distance of centuries on the
other side the abyss that shall never be passed. But
nevertheless, charged as we are with the peace of the
world, the progress of civilisation, and destinies that
cannot be appreciated or traced, we tremble to evoke
auxiliaries who begin with the destruction of society, and
promise to do everything by first undoing all that others
have done. That, is the prejudice that hems in the
remnant of the Poles, and hunts them that are scattered
among the Nations. Men would aid them if they durst,
and if the cost were less than the sacrifice of themselves.

Wise by long experience, as well as the promptings of
a brave and calm bosom, the Prince urges his fellow-
countrymen to keep their hands out of mischief and bide
their time. Nor is it by any means a preposterous idea
that a nation may still expect to rise again from a trance
of but two or three generations. What is the sleep of
Poland to the long oppression of Greece, to the hated
dominion of the Moots in Spain, to the corrupt tyranny
of the Bourbons, wherever they have reigned, or to
many other evils of long proscription and intolerable
hardship ? To peoples, as well as to kings, we may
apply the maxim that time never effaces their rights or
bars their vindication. So long as the Poles are a nation
—a nation, too, extraordinary for its heroism and its
genius—their fate is not wholly sealed, and a splendid
destiny may still be before them. Why should Provi-
dence suffer them to survive, and even foster their
national sentiments by unparalleled misfortune, except
for some such purpose, unless, indeed, we are to take
the gratuitous supposition that they pay the penalty of
some great national sin ? Everybody is asking,—What
is to restrain the violence of Russia ? Where is this in-
undation to end ? Is it wholly impossible to surround
that common enemy with some barriers of independent
and constitutional states ? May not the Danube as well
as the Rhine be at once a highway and a defence of
nations ? Such questions are in everybody's mouth,
for the necessity cries to Heaven, and the complaint
is that no answer can be found. But what answer
so ready as that which is found in the mysteriously
protracted existence of ancient and honourable races,
that seem the very instruments left for the pur-
pose ? Here are the very men, the very names, the very
clauses, the arms, the sceptres, the altars, and the whole
human material for the construction of the barriers we
desire. But, if the enemy is too great for barriers, too
proud for limits, too autocratic for law, then, perhaps,
still grander conclusions are to be tried, and we are fated
possibly to witness once more the old spectacle of bloody
conquest recoiling on its authors, and an empire falling
at the very moment when it seemed to menace the liberty
of the world.' •

Had the Poles alway had the benefit of such counsels,
and been content to be known as an injured, without
attempting to involve every nation in their quarrel, and
to ally every state with their foes, no one can say but
what so grand a spectacle would ere this have persuaded
the world. Instead of seeming to be at the bottom of
every trouble, those very troubles would have seemed
the Heaven-sent opportunities of their redemption. At
this moment it is impossible to deny that the aspect of
Eastern Europe is more in their favour than could have
been imagined by the most fervid political romancer last
year. Who would then have ventured to predict that a
day might arise when the fleets and battalions of Eng-
land and France might be co-operating with Magyars
and Poles to impose terms on Russia ? That we still
most fervently desire that such a crisis may not arrive,
in our time at least, is nothing to the question. It is
enough that such a crisis is now quite conceivable,
and that the very politicians who a few years ago
would have recoiled with horror from so revolu-
tionary an association might now feel compelled to
acquiesce in it for the peace of the world and the
interest of humanity. After all, statesmanship has only
a limited range in these terrible issues, which one en-
thusiasm may provoke against another. If Russia
chooses to appeal to the fanaticism of a sect against, not
the intolerance, but the very existence of an infidel in-
truder ; if a crusade is to be preached, not against the
profaner of holy places, but the long occupiers of their
own lands, then the example of one madness cannot but
raise up another. In a good or bad cause nothing is so
contagious as zeal, and nothing men so readily emulate
as the example of devotees rushing to death for some
object of religious or patriotic regard. If the space be-
tween the Danube and the Balkin, the still more memor-
able plains of Pharsalia and Philippi, are to be the arena
of a long struggle between a heady autocrat and a bigoted
communion on the one hand, and a desperate race on
the other, then we may be sure others will join the
bloody fray, which will hardly terminate till every na-
tion within reach has tried its opportunities and ex-
hausted its powers. Who shall tell the end of so fearful
a i,tournament, when every stranger is invited to the
lists, and the most noble personages are compelled to
try their prowess with every new stranger? Such wars
have never left things as they found them. But if there
is a power that is interested in keeping things as they
are, and letting well alone—in trusting to the inertness
of human power, and the finality of political arrange-
ments—that povAr is Russia, which has now taken the
lead in re-opening the compromises that bind not simply
two neighbouring nations, but all the three continents
of the Old World.

UNIVERSITY OF LONDON.—The following classical
subjects have been selected for examination in this Uni-
versity for the year 1855, viz. :—For the matriculation
examination : Xenophon, Hellenics, Book L ; Cicero,
Pro Milone. For the examination for the degree of
Bachelor of Arts : Demosthenes, Speech' against Lep-
tines ; Tacitus, Agricola Germania, Histories, Book I.
HORRIBLE MURDER OF A SLAVE.—A fiend in human
shape, named Thomas Motley, has been convicted, at
Walterborough, S.C., for the murder of a runaway slave.
It was proved on the trial that he first shot the slave,
wounding him severely, and then whipped him ; after
which he put him in a vice, and subjected him to the
most excruciating torture. He then set him loose,
malted bloodhounds after him, who ran him do.cm, ratit,
gling him horribly. Finally he cut him up and fed the
dogs with his flesh.—New York Tribune.

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BOWSTREET.—To/n Burns, a young Irishman,
dressed in the filthiest rags, was charged with having
absconded from St. Giles's Workhouse with some of the
wearing apparel belonging to the Union.
The Governor of the workhouse, Mr. Fowler, proved
that the prisoner was an inmate of the house On the 28th
of last month, but he absconded the same night, taking
with him the parochial suit with which he had been
supplied, and a new jacket, worth 12s. It had been
ascertained that he had pawned the clothes. He was
met accidentally by the stone•yard keeper, who gave him
into custody.
Prisoner —They was afther sending me back to Ire-
land, and in coorse, if I wanted to be there I shouldn't
have come here. I've no call to be in Ireland, so I ran
away.

Mr. Hall —Why, you are the same man, I think, that
came to me with a long pitiful story a week or two ago,