The Sun.
London, England, 1853-04-15 00:00:00

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and a tax indefensible either on grounds of principle •
policy as been doomed to its fall. The omnibus, the
railway carriage, the lumbering street van, the, peripa-
tetic boardmen, the wall-chalker, the pavement painter,
and the bill-sticker, are to surrender their monopoly.
The journals that pay a double tax in paper and stamp
have been declared entitled to relief from the third im-
post they have hitherto suffered under. The Eighteen-
penny Plunder on each advertisement is to fall, and
henceforth we may hope to see the business of the
Trader, the " want ' of the Servant, the school of the
Teacher, the sale of the Auctioneer, and the thousand
other needs of the active myriads who keep alive the
progress of civilised society, announceable in the press
without that monstrous check which has hitherto made
publicity in print a thing to be enjoyed only by high
payment. The maintenance of our social and com-
mercial position in the family of nations demands.
the removal of all needless restrictions on honest.
activity. We cannot run our race of trade with
fair chance of success —against America for instancii—
if our rulers surround us with regulations crippling
the energies needful for success. In New York the
trader can for a shilling tell, in a few lines, in the best
journals, what he has to sell, or wishes to buy, or desires
to hire, or intends to let. In England —from the opera-
tion of the advertisement and paper taxes—such a state-
ment in a journal costs at least five times the money.
The advertisement duty—like other duties—does not
simply put the full amount of its own weight upon the
thing charged to bear it, but superadds additional costs,
and hence to advertisers the eighteenpence which the
Government takes on each announcement in a journal
rises in costliness in proportion to the additional weight
induced by bad debts, cost of capital, and the other con-
sequences of keeping up unnaturally the price of a thing
which, if untaxed, would necessarily be cheap. The
string of reasons for the abolition of the advertisement
tax given in our columns yesterday seems to have had
its due weight in the House of Commons, and the vote
of last night having followed, it is needless for us now to
go again over the details of the subject—but one or twe
considerations still force themselves on our attention.
The defeat—for defeat it was in its way—on Kilmainham
Hospital, followed by this adverse division on the Adver-
tisement: nu
witht tendpopotolarshsyomwytahte::alitiThonoyCaebziinoet
thatethey cannot beard public opinion with impunity.
They
n"4?t' in accordance with constitutional right an
usage, shape their policy, fiscal and other, in something
only on the popular belief in their readiness to do right,
and the moment their views on general topics swerve
from those entertained by " the majority out of doors,
their become—es they must now feel—mere reeds in the
wind. On these subjects of taxation especially, the na-
iikeagreerotae:
tion are inclined to demand justice. There is no un-
willingness to pay—no desire to cripple by mean snip-
pings or ungenerous thrift the full payments required
for amply rewarding public service. But the nation has
grown wise enough to see that, by the equitable adjust-
ment of a few broad and common-sense imposts, the
taxpayer could know what to expect and how to provide
for the demands upon him, whilst his energies, his in-
dustry, his capital, and his intelligence might all be re-
leased from a number of petty and unprofitable demands
now emptying his pocket and chafing his temper. It is
not the just load that society puts on a man which makes
his journey through life wearisome, but those little
thorns in the foot which link each step with a twinge
of vexatious and unprofitable pain. Your petty taxes are
your great nuisances, making much grumble whilst bring-
ing little grist to the mill. So last night the House
of Commons seemed to think when they ended
the debate on Mr. Milner Gibson's advertisement
motion, by a majority of 31 in favour of removing the
Tax on Pnblicity. After that division, the Chancellor
of the Exchequer must surely deal, on Monday night,
with this paltry and unprofitable, yet irritating, impost.
He cannot well put at defiance the clearlrexpressed
opinion of the house, on whose votes his tenure of power
depends, nor can he so far stultify himself as to overlook
the advantages which the removal of
must accrue from
one of the three loads under which the Fourth Estate
now labours. The abolition of the Advertisement Tax
will, in truth, induce its own fiscal reward. Its removal
must give a stimulus, more or less, to all branches of
business—to say nothing of the special increase that
must take place in the consumption of paper and in the
Post-office revenue from enlarged written corres-
pondence. The tide of commerce raised by the advent
of Free Trade would by the absence of this check to
publicity grow still higher, and out of the expanding
wealth thus arising the Government must inevitably re-
ceive new revenue. The country cannot be prosperous
without the Exchequer sharing in the general good ;
and it should, therefore, be a sufficient consolation to
the Coalition Cabinet, that if the division of last night
must lead to the abolition of an obnoxious source of
income, the very striking off the fetter will set fret,
sources of general profit—all sure to tell satisfactorily
on the public as well as the:•,private resources of the
country.

[PRICE SD.

TAXES ON KNOWLEDGE-THE DEBATE.

(From the Times.)

The trumpeter who fell into the hands of the
enemy pleaded hard for his life on the ground that he
had taken no part in the fight, but he was nevertheless
slain because he had sounded the call and given the sti-
mulus to war. That is the precise case of the press.
When the tax-gatherer comes down on us, we reply, not
to the actual functionary, but to the Legislature which
sends him to our doors, that we are about the very last
persons who ought to be taxed. Tax worldly vanities,
tax creature comforts, tax the luxuries, tax pomp and
pride, tax wealth, place, and power, but tax not your
instructors and advisers ; tax not the light of the under-
standing ; tax not the fountains of knowledge ; tax not
that heavenly medium in which we become more than
animal, more than mortal, more than human. The an-
swer is too obvious. The press is taxed in order that it
may feel its responsibilities. It is the press, in one form
or another, that persuades men to peace or to war. It
is the chief guardian of the public morals, and the
chief holder of the national purse-strings. If we don't
like paying taxes, then let us do our best to promote
economy. Why should we alone be scot free ? The
old woman who has not a word to say on the sub-
ject contributes her millions out of her dish of tea ;
labourer tastes war and water in his beer. All the
the poor sot contributes millions from his gin ; the
toiling sons and daughters of poverty are up to their
knees in taxation. By far the greater part of the re-
venue is contributed by those who have no vote, voice,
or influence in the matter any more than sheep in their
shearing. It is for others to act, but for them to suffer.
But the press is a demigod, all knowing, all powerful,
all good, and all wise—at least by the humble measure
of human understanding. Why should it not be taxed'
It can defend itself. If it likes not taxation, then let it
set to work manfully and abate the nuisance altogether ;
but not protect itself alone, and leave others in the
lurch.

That is the case against the press, if there is any case
or reason in the matter except the law of might, which
is perhaps the first principle of taxation. Such a case
admits, of course, what none can deny, that the taxes
affecting the press are pure, unmitigated evils. A tax
en paper must restrict the use of one of the most con-
venient and beautiful of those inventions which mark
the difference of ancient and modern times. A
tax on each copy of a newspaper is upon one of the
first necessities of civilisation. A tax on adver-
tisements, besides its gross inequalities, is a tax on
that commercial communication which it is the
great boast of our age to make as free as possible.
Nobody can say a word for one of these taxes. We
may not agree with every argument or every expression
in popular use about them. "Taxes on Knowledge" is
a fine sounding title, but not exactly correct. Two-
thirds of the duty on paper is on brown paper, wrapping
paper of all sorts, and paper hangings, more useful and
ornamental than instructive and edifying. Advertise-
ments only communicate the knowledge that such an
estate is to be sold, such a house to be let, such an ar-
ticle to be procured good and cheap at such a dealer's,
and that such a girl wants a place as housemaid or as
cook. This is "knowledge" in the strict sense of the
word, but only as the titles and announcements of all
the shops in the Strand are knowledge. If this is all
that is meant, "Taxes on Knowledge" are a minor
grievance. But whatever is meant by the term, the
thing is decidedly an evil. The unfairness of all these
taxes is continually on the increase, as change of cir-
cumstances, and the sharpened ingenuity of man con-
spire to evade them. It is only a question of taste
whether you will paper or paint your dining-room. If
you paper it you are taxed. Your five coats of paint
go free of duty. If you advertise on a huge van that
stops the traffic of the greatest thoroughfare in the
world, or on an empty house, or in a "'bus," or on the
pavement, or on the walls of a railway station, or in
any way that may most strike the senses and offend
the taste, you are untaxed. Advertise decorously
and inoffensively in a newspaper, and you must
pay your eighteenpence for every act of advertis-
ing, though its virtue werrs out before night-
fall. With regard to stamps, we are ourselves
an example of the greatest unfairness, in having
to pay for a second stamp on our gratuitous supplements.
But the operation of the Stamp Duties is worse than
unfair ;it is positively ridiculous. When Mr. Savory,
having entered into a bond not to publish anything
seditious or blasphemous, circulates his illustrated cata-
logue of candlesticks, castors, and teapots, with a stamp,
as public intelligence, and so procures for it a free pas-
sage through the post, it must be admitted that, at all
events, the law requires revision, for this can never have
been contemplated by the Legislature. These taxes,
then, though they do not quite deserve the high-flying
title of " taxes on knowledge," are not only evils but
growing evils, and becoming more and more absurd and
ridiculous. The objection against them grows stronger
every day, and it is plain that the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer cannot much longer maintain them on the single
ground that while other things are taxed, paper, news-
papers, and advertisements must be taxed too.
Mr. Milner Gibson met last night with a success in
this hitherto fruitless agitation, and actually carried
against Government his resolution for the repeal of the
duty on advertisements. For this he has to thank, not
so much the increasing merits of his cause as the oppor-
tunity of a rather unusual alliance. Mr. Disraeli,
though he had no room for this measure in his own bud-
get, took care to give its promoters a little encouragement;
so now we witness the singular spectacle of the Protection-
ists combining with the Manchester School againsta mo-
derate Administration. Against such tactics we have no-
thing to say, except what prudence will probably have sug-
gested already to some members of the new alliance.
In politics one coalition is held to justify another, but it
is difficult to see what future assistance Messrs. Bright
and Disraeli will be able to interchange, and what direct
benefit either will receive from the triumph of the other.
Meanwhile Government has received another blow.
There is no:disguising the moral effect of such blows if
frequently repeated, and we certainly think it is high
time for Ministers to be mustering their adherents,
closing their ranks, and, above all, considering betimes
what they are prepared to concede and what to refuse.
If they choose their own policy well they need fear no
combination against them, as tactics of a purely factious
character soon wear themselves out by the mere force of
disrepute and disgust. They will, we presume, offer no
further resistance to the repeal of the tax condemned by
the resolution of last night. For obvious reasons it is a
question on which we should never assume the initiative.
It is not for us in our position to press for the removal
of our own burndens, as our duty is rather to the public
than to ourselves. But that the tax is heavy, oppressive
to certain classes, liable to be evaded by other methods
of advertising, and not very consistent with the great
principle of free and cheap communication, we have ever
maintained • and must therefore congratulate the public
on its probable removal.

(From, the Morning Advertiser.)
It will be seen, from our Parliamentary report, that
the debate on Mr. Milner Gibson's motion for the
repeal of the taxes on knowledge, has this year assumed
a much greater importance than it ever did on any pre-
vious occasion. The fact of Mr. Disraeli and Sir John
Pakington— as the leaders of the Conservative party,
now divided into two sections—having severally spoken
in favour of the resolutions of the member for Man
chester, converted the question into one involving
stability of the Ministry. The result was one of

most Crowded houses Of the session. The debate ex
tended to a much later hour than on any former occ
sion. To the speeches delivered on either side, we
not space to advert to-day. On a division, the first re
solution, affirming the expediency of abolishing the duty
on advertisements—was carried by a majority of 31,
the numbers being—for the resolution, 200 ; against it,
169. The other two resolutions were negatived.
The defeat of Ministers on the first resolution will
give them a severe shake. Mr. Gladstone and his col-
leagues will feel it all the more, because of the strenuous
opposition which he and the friends of Governmen
offered to it, as well as to the other resolutions. Two
defeats in one week are awkward affairs for the Coali-
tion Cabinet. And we believe we do not speak without
book when we say, that should Mr. Gladstone pc► sist in
his determination to make no distinction between pre-
carious and fixed incomes, when he brings forward his
budget on Monday. Ministers will be defeated again
on that evening.

NAVAL INTELLIGENCE.

DEATH OF REAR-ADMIRAL SIR THOMAS

FELLO WES, C. B.
Accounts have just reached us of the death of Rear-
Admiral Sir Thomas Fellowes, C. 8., aged 75. The gal-
lant officer died in Dorset, where he had been detained
by severe illness, which prevented his return to his resi-
dence, Tamerton Folliott, near Plymouth.
Sir Thomas was one of the most distinguished officers
in the navy. He served about 20 years afloat, and three
years as superintendent of the Royal Naval Hospital and
Royal -William Victualling-yard, Stonehouse, He was
knighted for his share at Navarino, where, in com-
mand of the Dartmouth, 42. gun-frigate, he had charge
of a squadron of five ships, and saved the French
admiral's ship from destruction. He will also be
remembered as captain of the Pembroke, 72, and Van-
guard, 80. He has a son in the service, who is first
lieutenant of the Spartan, 26, now in the East Indies.
Had he been a " Parker," an "Elliot," or a " Grey,"
his father's war services would have been made the ex-
cuse for conferring upon him a captain's commission
years since ; and he has another son, a commander, who
was promoted in 1850, after 20 years' service at sea.
Sir Thomas Fellowes was on the reserved half-pay list,
in receipt of a service pension ; but his death will make
a vacancy in the active list by the acceptance of the pen-
sion by an eligible officer ' • consequently, Capt. William
James Hope Johnston (1823) will be promoted to his ac-
tive flag rank, relinquishing thereby his appointment of
the superintendentship of Haslar Hospital and a good-
service pension. Capt. James Ryder Burton, K.H., will
then be the senior on the active list, but not having
served his time for promotion to the retired list, the pro-
motion to be rear-admiral of the blue on the next va-
cancy will fall to Captain William Fanshawe Martin
(1824).

(From the Morning Herald.)
In the House of Commons last night, Mr. Milner
Gibson brought forward, according to notice, three re-
solutions relating to the taxes on knowledge :
" 1. That the advertisement duty should be repealed.
"2. That the penny stamp on newspapers is inexpe-
dient, and the attention of Parliament ought to be
directed to the subject.
" That the Excise duty on paper impedes the efforts
now making to promote education among the great body
of the people."
The first resolution was carried by a majority of 200
against 169, leaving the Government in a minority of
thirty-one I—the second defeat Ministers have sustained
during the present week.

The second resolution was lost by a majority of 182 ;
and the third resolution by a majority of 195.
The result of these divisions we think will be satisfac-
tory to the public. The amount of the advertisement
duty is small—we believe about 180,0001.—and the loss
to the revenue, therefore, of little moment, when corn-
pared with the boon afforded to traders by its reduc-
tion, for in these days of puffs and quackory, who does
not desire to advertise, if the price of the advertisement
did not too often prohibit the small capitalist from
doing so. Speaking for ourselves, we regret that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer did not offer a com-
promise, by reducing the duty to 6d., which, we confi-
dently believe, would have effected a great reduction in
the price of short advertisements, without producing any
loss to the revenue, for, unquestionably, the number of
such advertisements would rapidly increase were the
price materially reduced.
For the reduction of the penny stamp no good or valid
reasons can be given. Stamped newspapers are sent
gratis by the post, and the vast majority of newspapers
pass through the post-office more than once. The stamp
is, then, no more than a postage stamp, and the reduc-
tion would be no boon to the public generally, for every
one not resident in London who subscribes to a newspa-
per would have to pay to the post-office what is now paid
to the stamp-office. But one great evil would infallibly
arise from the reduction of the penny stamp—all sorts
of cheap newspapers would spring up in every direction ;
and the newspaper press, which is now generally con-
ducted by respectable persons, and constitutes one of the
principal bulwarks of our liberties, would most probably
be converted into a licentious and tyrannical engine,
from which we should most anxiously desire to be
quickly eul icetvi
oe
nd' The edof the duty on paper would, undoubtedly,
r
materially contribute to theproductionoEf lite- quer could
al--
and is therefore desirable, if the state of the revenue
works,
revenue
our humble opi
were such that the Chancellor
of
olt
afford to lose so large a sum ; but, i
n
Mon, other taxes which press more heavily,
be named, if there were any chance of theirmi repeal and
therefore we rejoice that the resolution was lost by
large majority.

Commander William Poore (1847), on the retired list
of 1830, and in the receipt of an out-pension of Green-
wich Hospital, died recently at Andover, aged 63. He
was for many years a magistrate of that borough.
Inspector of Hospitals, Dr. James Anderson (1844),
died on the 10th inst. He was the junior medical in-
spector at Haslar.

APPOINTMENTS.
Surgeon.—J. W. Bowler (1837), to be superintendent
.n charge of the Phoebe Dunbar, convict-ship.
Clerk.—E. Faulkner, to the 13oscawen, guard-ship,
Chatham.

PLYMOUTH, WEDNESDAY.
sickness o
Tuesday, having
to the westward.
evening, steering
same c Captain King, anchored in the Sound at
Leander, 50, Captain Scontt,bwoharicdh, asarrilrievdeadahaeinretehns
Tuesday.
sived this morning (Wednesday). She
Scorpion,r
w7.i3lolbilenip as. it'd nao6mffeuaratr this port. She was mustered and in.
spected, and came into harbour this afternoon.
Nautilus, tender, had her bottom cleaned yesterday,
and was taken out of No. 5 dock this morning.
PORTSMOUTH, APRIL 14.
The senior Naval Lord of the Admiralty, Vice-Ad-
miral Hyde Parker, 0.13. has been visiting the dock-
yard officially. The gallant' admiral is staying in the
neighbourhood. He went round the yard to-day, ac-
companied by Rear-Admiral Superintendent Fanshawe,
C.B.

London, 90, Captain George R. Mundy, has been sig-
nalled "prepare for sea." The blue peter has been at
the fore the last two hours.
Imperieuse, 51, screw, Captain Rundle B. Watson,
has answered the most sanguine expectations in her
trial, yesterday, at the measured. mile, at Stokes Bay.
She averaged over ten knots an hour. It was blowing
a close-reeled topsail breeze. She is amazingly stiff and
weatherly.
The Sidon, 22, Captain G. Goldsmith, has had her
damaged shaft examined to-day. It is past recovery,
and a new one must be made at a distant port.
The ribs and keel of the hulk Menai, late target for
the Excellent, was towed down to-day by the Echo
steam-tug, and laid on the gridiron to complete the
breaking-up.
The Gorgon, 6, paddle, lit fires and got up steam this
morning, in the basin. She is being rigged as a brig,
and nearly complete.
The Pitt, old 72, large coal-depot for Spithead, has
nearly completed painting her hull, and will come out of
dock in a few days.
are
eTaht w
The
shipwrighttighhet
shci eve.s—seAl, gatarnedanruemobneirerohshoi
Polurkmio)enr, w
- -
ready for sea with all dispatch.

(From the Daily News.)
The House of Commons has decided, by a majority of
200 to 169, that the Tax on Publicity ought to be re-
pealed. Henceforth the housemaid searching for " a
place," and the governess for a pupil may hope to be
able to make their wants known without paying
eighteenpence out of their poverty into the money-bags
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. Milner Gib-
, son has followed Mr. 'Williams in getting a vote in
favour of a long•worked and well-advocated proposition,