The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-03 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, J U N.E 3, 1854.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

of the Exchequer might adopt _Alen it was given,
or whether that course would be hostile to or in agree-
ment with the Bank. The first paper moved for by the
noble lord, had indeed been already laid before the
other house of Parliament, and there would be no objec-
tion to its production, if he thought it was worth while
reprinting it. He was sure the noble lord did not ex-
pect the Government to lay the other papers on the
table. The noble lord, after moving for these papers,
said that lie would very shortly tell them the reasons
for his motion, and then for twenty-five minutes he
dwelt upon the reasons why her Majesty's Government
should not enter upon a course which he presumed,
though somewhat faintly, they had no intention of
doing—that of issuing paper money by their own act.
Now he could say nothing more in answer to that
speech than that he, and he believed his colleagues also
behind him—(hear, hear, from the Ministers)—were
perfectly ignorant of any such plan or intention if it
existed.

-----
HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.)
The house met at five o'clock.
ROYAL COMMISSION.
The Royal assent was given by commission to the
fallowing bills :—County Court Extension Acts Amend-
ment, Boundary Survey (Ireland) Navy Pay, &c., Man-
ning the Navy, Devonport and Keyham Tunnel (No. 2),
Burry Port, Whitehaven Junction Railway, Port Gor-
don Harbour, Rossendale Union Gas, Imperial Gas
Company, Clitheroe Waterworks, Madras Railway Com-
pany, Weymoath and Melcombe Regis Markets and
Pier, Manchester Improvement, Salford Borough and
Manchester Division, Harrow Waterworks, Ridghill
Lanes and Holehouse Road, Hereford Improvement,
Ashton-under-Lyne and Dukinfield Bridge, Cardiff Gas,
National Assurance and Investment Association, Great
Indian Peninsula Railway Company, Belfast Harbour,
Birmingham Waterworks, Manchester Corporation Wa-
terworks, New River Company (Hertford Sewerage Diver-
sion, &c.), Wellington (Salop) Improvement, West Hartle-
pool Improvement, Rosall Sea Wall, South Shields
Roads, Horsmonden and Marden Roads, Abergavenny
Improvement, Buckingham and Towcester Road, Louth
Waterworks, Glasgow New Street, Newcastle-upon-
Tyne and Carlisle Railway, Lancashire and York-
shide Railway (Liverpool Dock Branches), Lanca-
shire and Yorkshire Railway (Middleton Branch),
Whittle Dean Waterworks ; London, Brighton, and
South Coast Railway ; Newcastle-upon-Tyne Docks,
Saint Mawes Port, Harbour, and Pier ; Brighton and
Hove Gas, Guild of Literature and Art, and South
Staffordshire Railway.
The Lords Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor,
Earl Granville, and the Duke of Argyle.
UNAUTHORISED NEGOTIATIONS BILL.
Lord CAMPBELL said that, considering the ad-
vanced period of session, and that this was an inauspi-
cious occasion for bringing forward any salutary mea-
sure of reform, he intended to postpone his bill for pre-
venting unauthorised negotiations with foreign Powers,
undertaking early next session to present it to their lord-
ships in a form which was more likely to meet with their
approval.
Lord BROUGHAM thought the noble and learned
lord had adopted a wise course in withdrawing the bill
for the present.
THE BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY
(SCOTLAND) BILL.
The LORD CHANCELLOR presented a petition
from the Faculty of Advocates at Edinburgh against
this bill.
Lord BROUGHAM contended that the bill had met
with the unanimous approval of the cemmercial and
mercantile interests of Scotland.
THE GOVERNMENT AND THE BANK.
Lord MONTEAGLE, pursuant to notice, moved for
a copy of the agreement entered into between the right
honourable Henry Goulburn, as Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, and the Bank of England, respecting the al-
lowances made to the Bank for public services ; and
also, copies of all correspondence which may have taken
place between the Government and the Bank in 1854,
respecting the advances required on deficiency bills,
and the state of the public balances. Ho said he could
not fancy that any objection would be made by the Go-
vernment to lay on the table documents of that de-
scription. One reason for his making that motion was,
that their lordships would have again occasion to dis-
cuss the question of the transactions between the Trea-
sury and the Bank, and undoubtedly they would see
that the documents which were referred to as public do-
cuments in the other house of Parliament ought to be
in the hands of their lordships. He had other and more
important reasons for wishing to obtain every possible
information on this subject. The last arrangements
with the Bank of England were made in 1844, and were
terminable on notice being given, in the course of next
year. It had been agitated and strongly urged on pub-
lic attention, that in reference to their existing arrange.
ments and the late transactions between the Govern-
ment and the Bank, that the notice should be given as
early as the law would permit, and that an experiment,
which he believed to be pregnant with the utmost
danger to the public and private interests of the country,
should be tried with regard to the monetary transac-
tions of the Government. That suggestion was no less
than that the Government should cease all communica-
tion whatever with the Bank of England, and that a
new department connected with the Government itself
should be instituted by the executive Government for
the purpose of discharging those functions which were
now co, ried on, on behalf of the Government, by the
Bank itself. It was suggested that Government
should become issuers of circulating paper, and
undertake, not only their own interests, but also
the interests of the whole commercial community
of England. He confessed he viewed such a suggestion
as that with the greatest possible alarm. He did not
know of an instance in which Government had interfered
in transactions of that kind, in which the result was not
both dangerous to the Government itself, and extremely
prejudicial to the interests of the commercial community.
Their lordships knew that the issue of coin had been
made by unprincipled and lavish Governments the source
of wide-spread danger and calamity. If that had been
the case almost all over Europe, and if our own country,
from the reign of Elizabeth to the present time, afforded
a noble example of fidelity to its engagements, standing
almost alone in that respect, how much greater would be
the danger if, as rash speculators and inquirers would
have us to believe, the Government of the day could by
any possibility undertake the task of becoming makers
and issuers of paper? If they entrusted to the Govern-
ment of the day thepower of issuing paper, and especially
paper payable on demand, they would find that in every
case of exigency, and if that exigency was coupled with
the existence of a weak and unprincipled Government,
that power would be extensively exercised to the preju-
dice alike of the Government itself and the mercantile
community in general. They all knew that in times of
commercial depression the great difficulty was to prevent
the pressure from without compelling the Government
to sacrifice principle to a temporary expediency. The
times of great difficulty with the Bank of England were
in 1791 and 1792, during the French revolution, and
finally in 1797, when the Bank restriction took place,
which was brought about by the acts of the Govern-
ment rather than of the Bank itself ; and it was in 1797
that the Bank prayed the Government to resort to cash
payments. If the terms which the Bank imposed upon
the Government were exhorbitant, thst was a separate
question. Let the money question be discussed as a
money question ; pay the Bank for its services ; but do
not have recourse to a principle which was to operate both
as a remedy and as an act of vengeance. If the Bank had
not shown so much of readiness to accommodate the
Government as could have been wished, do not let their
lordships for that reason Introduce a principle of danger,
which, great as it would be in every country, became
infinitely greater in proportion as this country was a
great commercial community, and in proportion as its
large commercial undertakings rested on credit. It was
just because the Government had very large transactions
that they ought not to have a bank of their own. It
was but the other day that it had been determined, and
very properly determined, that the Government ought
not to be the manufacturer of its small arms. If the
Government were not to undertake the manufacture of
muskets because they could get them at Birmingham,
there were immensely stronger reasons for their not
undertaking the trade of banking, because that could be
done much better by others. Some reasoners had, in-
deed, talked as if the privileges conceded to the Bank
had been given to it for its own advantage alone ; but
the ssthole course of our recent legislation had shown
that the privileges given to this corporation were for the
sake of the country. Of course, if there was any inten-
tion on the part of the Government to give notice to the
Bank that they proposed terminating the existing con-
nection between the Government avid the Bank, and the
existing privileges of that institution, there would be a
Parliamentary inquiry into the subject, as there had
been in 1844, and on each of the ten occasions on which
the Bank Charter Act had been renewed. Until notice
of such an inquiry was given, therefore, he did not think
that the public need entertain any apprehensions on this
subject. And until that time he (Lord Monteagle) cer-
tainly would not impute to her Majesty's Government a
design which would, he believed, lead to the unfortunate
results which he had described. The noble lord con-
cluded by moving for the returns.
Earl GRANVILLE said that the difficulty which
he usually felt in replying to his noble friend on
questions of this kind, with which his past and
present official position had rendered him so in-
timately acquainted, was materially increased
on the present occasion by the fact that the noble lord,
not content with discussing the past and present finan-
cial policy of the Government, had now dived into futu-
rity. The speech of the noble lord remided him (Earl
Granville) very forcibly of a story which he had heard
a short time since with respect to an Irish judge, who
terms, how his
frequently annoyed counsel by interrupting their state-
mentsfeelings had a short time before been harrowed by what
he had seen at a neighbouring market when a butcher
was engaged in killing a pig. He said that the string by
to
him, the
described,jnrYr
in Curranvery
forciblebeingone day pleading
before
which the pig was tied broke, and he then described the
manner in which the man with the murderous weapon in
his hand rushed to a door out of which a little boy was
coming. "And he killed the boy," said the judge.
" No, my lord," replied Mr. Curran ; " your lordship
sometimes jumps too readily at conclusions. It was not
the boy but the pig." (Laughter.) Now, the noble lord
(Lord Monteagle) seemed to have jumped to his conclu-
sions somewhat in the same way. A short time ago he
made an able but severe attack not only upon the past
but upon the future policy of the Government, before
they had availed themselves of the undoubted privilege
of making their first explanations on these subjects in
another place, and by the mouth of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer. And now, because he supposed the
noble lord had since seen that the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer had stated that lie was asking the opinion of
the law officers of the Crown upon some point that was
in dispute between him and the Bank, lie brought for-
ward a motion for the production of the correspondence
which was entirely of a private character, before the
opinion of the law officers was known or even given,
and before it was known what course the Chancellor

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE expressed the
satisfaction with which he had heard the noble earl's
statement that the Government had no intention to
disturb the present excellent arrangement under which
the Bank of England exercised the functions allotted to
it by act of Parliament. He believed that the adoption
of any such scheme as that which had been referred to
by the noble loid (Lord Monteagle) would be most
dangerous to the country ; and he was sure that he had
done good service by eliciting from the Government a
contradiction to a report which, if spread throughout
the country, which give rise to considerable inconve-
nience.

Earl GRANVILLE thought the noble marquis
jumped quite as rapidly to a conclusion as either the
Irish judge or the noble lord (Lord Monteagle.) The
noble lord having described an elaborate plan for a se-
paration between the Government and the Bank, which
he argued would lead to disastrous consequences, he
(Earl Granville) said that he was perfectly ignorant that
any such plan was in existence, or was approved of by
the Government. Upon this, the noble marquis jumps
up and says that he had heard with satisfaction a formal
declaration on the part of the Government that they
had not the slightest intention to disturb, either in a
great or little degree, the present relations be-
tween the Government and the Bank. Now,
he (Earl Granville) certainly reserved himself from bind-
ing the Government not to make any alterations in any
future arrangements, if they could do so with advantage
to the public.
The Marquis of CL A.NRICARDE said that of course
the Government might next month or at any future
time entertain the intention of making an alteration
in the relations between themselves and the Bank.
But they had at any rate elicited a declaration from
the nolle earl that he was not aware of any present in-
tention to do so. _ _ _

Lord MONTEAGLE remarked that he had merely
said that the plan to which he had alluded, and which
he had condemned was imputed to the Government.
For his own part he was perfectly convinced that they
had never had any intention to adopt it. with
respect to the papers embraced in his motion, as it
was not his intention to move for any correspondence
which it might be inconvenient to produce, he was per-
fectly willing to confine his motion to the paper which
the noble earl had stated his willingness to lay on the
table.
The motion for the production of the agreement be-
tween Mr. Goulburn when Chancellor of the Exchequer
and the Bank of England, was then agreed to.
The report of the committee upon the Episcopal and
Capitular Estates (1854) Bill was then received and
agreed to.
The Consolidated Fund (8,000,0001.) Bill passed
through committee.
The Railway and Canal Traffic Regulation Bill was
reported with amendments.
The Prisoners' Removal Bill was read a third time and
passed.

THE LAW OF DIVORCE.
The LORD CHANCELLOR then laid upon the table
a bill for carrying into effect some slight modifications
in the law of divorce, which had been recommended by
the commission which had inquired into this subject.
He hoped that their lordships would now read it a first
time, and in that case he would take the second reading
on Tuesday, the 13th instant.
Lord CAMPBELL would take that opportunity of
asking his noble and learned friend if there was any
truth in a report which was widely circulated in the
profession, that it was the intention of her Majesty's
Government to abandon that most useful measure, the
Testamentary Jurisdiction Bill, which had passed their
lordships' house, and was now in another place ?
The LORD CHANCELLOR was happy to be able
to assure his noble friend that there was not the slightest
foundation for the report in question. It was undoubt-
edly the fact that a largo number of petitions had been
presented against the bill in another place, and that
considerable opposition was likely to be offered to it ;
but it was also certain that it was the intention of her
Majesty's Government to do their utmost to pass it.
No doubt, it was his own opinion, and that of the Go-
vernment, that it was not so perfect as it would have
been if its operation had not been limited to personal
property, but still nothing could be more absurd, petu-
lant, and discreditable than for the Government to say :
"Because we cannot carry the bill exactly as we wish,
therefore we will not carry it at all." If, as he hoped,
it turned out to be a great boon even in its present
form, their lordships might, at a future time, be willing
to entertain favourably the question of its extension to
real property.
In reply to Lord WYNFORD,
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that it was cer-
tainly not the intention of the Government to propose
the grant of any compensation to the
they conceived that it would be unjust and wrong to do
SO. proctors, because

The bill was then read a first time.
The LORD CHANCELLOR then laid upon the
table some reports, embracing proposals for the consoli-
dation of branches of the law, from the gentlemen who
had been entrusted with their preparation. Tue noble
and learned lord was at the same time understood to
state that he hoped to be able to bring forward bills
founded upon s,nie of these reports at an early period.
Lord CAMPBELL remarked that he by DO means
despaired of see'ng a criminal code which he had always
thought was practic tble. But the only hope of attaining
that object was by having the whole of the code digested
and perfected at once. it was in vain to hope that any
good could arise from piecemeal legislation.
THE BLOCKADE OF ARCHANGEL.

The Marquis of CLA.NRICARDE said that he wished
to ask her Majesty's Government a question with respect
to what was said to have occurred in another place on
the previous evening. It related toa point of the greatest
importance not only in a mercantile but also in a political
and national point of view. He had that afternoon heard
to his great surprise that the First Lord of the Admi-
ralty had on the previous evening stated in another place
that the Government had decided that there was to be
no blockade of the port of Archangel during the present
year. Now, it appeared to him that if we had any
chance of bringing the present war to a speedy and
satisfactory conclusion, it must be mainly by means of
our fleets, and by the general pressure that we could
bring to bear upon the Russian empire, and not by any
merely military achievements, however brilliant they
might be. That being the case, the question of blockade
was the most important to which the attention of the
Government could be directed. That their attention
had been directed to it, though as yet without any satis-
factory results, was evident from the fact that some little
time ago we received information that an effective block-
ade was established iii the Baltic. He was, however,
told that letters of the 25th ult., from St. Petersburg and
Riga, stated that at that time there was free egress from
into both ports. He had, however, the assurance of the
Government that there should be an efficient blockade in
the Baltic and Black Seas. Still, the blockade of
Archangel was of quite as much and indeed of more im-
portance. It was generally-troderstood about ten daysago
that three of our ships had sailed for the White Sea. He
(the Marquis of Clanricarde) then thought that they were
gone to establish a blockade, for which they would be an
ample force, since the entrance to the port of Archangel
was very narrow, and Russia had no force there. There
was only one other port in the White Sea, and the ex-
ports from that place were limited to timber. Arch-
angel, on the other hand, was the port from which was
shipped all the produce of the wonderfully fertile pro-
vinces in the north of Russia, which were the very pro-
vinces whose inhabitants it was most easy to make feel
sensibly the inconveniences of the present war. He was
told that so long ago as a fortnight information was sent
to the Dutch merchants at Amsterdam that the Govern-
ment had decided not to blockade Archangel. He could
not believe that this was true, but thus much was known,
that the Dutch had chartered a great many ships to pro-
ceed to Archangel to bring away the Russian produce.
If that was the case, we were in fact carrying on the
war, not against the Russians but against the English
merchants, because, while the Russians would thus be
able to dispose of their produce, and we should be able
to get what we wanted through Holland, the English
merchants would be the only persons debarred from a
participation in the advantages of the trade. He had
indeed heard it said that it would be hard to prevent the
people of Holland from getting their usual supply of rye
from the northern ports of Russia. But if we did not
do so, we were in fact giving to Russia an advantage
which no belligerent ever before gave to another. Be-
sides that, we were in fact making it to the advantage of
Holland and Germany not to join us in the war, but to
remain neutral. Now this was very mistaken policy.
We ought to make the inconveniences of this war felt as
widely as possible, for it was by that means that we
should eventually put an end to it. When the Russian
people felt the war to be such an evil as we had
the power to make it to them, he had no doubt
they would find means to enforce upon their Govern-
ment the necessity of making peace ' and that, too,
much sooner than we could do by direc mili-
tary operations, however brilliant. He hoped, therefore,
to receive from the noble duke an assurance that the
Government had not determined not to blockade Arch-
angel, but that the whole power of this country would
be brought to bear in order to impede and destroy the
trade of Russia as much as possible. He had indeed
doubts whether it would not be. wise altogether to pro-
hibit the importation of Russian produce into this
country. This measure would be quite practicable, for

[PRICE SD.

the tallow and hemp which came from that country were
easily distinguishable from the corresponding products
of other countries.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE said it was exceedingly
inconvenient that questions of this kind should be put
without full intimation that they were to be asked had
been previously given. The inconvenience was, however,
materially augmented when, as in the present case, the
questions related to what had passed in the other house
of Parliament. He thought indeed that he had a right
to complain that the question should have been put
under the peculiar circumstances of the case. He held
in his hand the note, dated from his own house at four
o'clock, in which his noble friend had conveyed to him
an intimation of his intention to ask this question. From
an accident that letter was not delivered to him (the
Duke of Newcastle) until he had arrived in that house,
and he then informed his noble friend that, as his note
had not reached him until the business of the house was
actually proceeding, he had not been able to commu-
nicate with his right honourable friend the First Lord
of the Admiralty (Sir J. Graham) as to what had fallen
from him in another place. He was, therefore, quite
unable to answer the question, except from what he
knew with reference to the policy and the determination
of the Government. He did not complain on the part
of the Government ; there were much greater and higher
interests involved than any question of convenience to
the Government ; the public might be greatly pre-
judiced by questions being put to which the Government
could not give distinct and categorical answers. No.
doubt what his right honourable friend had said
was that Archangel was not blockaded ; and perhaps
the hon. gentleman who asked the question put it in
ignorance of the fact—unless he was actuated by the
desire which some persons felt of seeing their names in
the papers as members putting questions to the Govern-
ment—that no blockade could be established of any
port, unless an announcement of that blockade had ap-
peared previously in the Gazette. Therefore the hon.
gentleman might have saved himself the trouble of put.
ting that question to his right hon. friend. They had
been in communication with the French Government,
and for reasons which the noble marquis must forgive
him for not explaining to him, they had decided not to
blockade Archangel at present. How long that deter-
mination was to continue was a matter of a different
character, and the noble marquis must excuse him for
not giving a more detailed answer. The question had
not been neglected, and the determination had been
come to on mature consideration, and after a careful
intercommunication and discussion with the French Go.
vernment. He hoped, therefore, that the noble marquis
would feel assured that the determination was not come
to on light grounds, and with regard to any future de-
termination it would appear in the proper form in the
Gazette whenever that determination was arrived at. His
noble friend might rely upon it that no blockade would
be established by the present Government, or he hoped
by any Government, of that country that would be any
other than an effective blockade. They would be no
parties to the establishment of any blockade which
would go by the mere name of a paper blockade.
Lord BEAUMONT did not agree with the noble
duke that there could be no blockade unless it was an-
nounced in the Gazette. Surely an admiral had a right to
institute a blockade. There would be no possibility of
carrying on a war according to the plan which had been
laid down by the noble duke. An admiral carrying on a
war, and finding it conducive to that object to blockade
any port, had a right to blockade that port, and it might
be one month or two months before the announcement
of the blockade appeared in the Gazette. (Hear, hear.)
He understood the noble earl to intimate that he (Lord
Beaumont) was right, but he understood the noble duke
to say that it was first necessary for the announcement
of the blockade to appear in the Gazette, and against that
doctrine he (Lord Beaumont) protested. He must own
that having now the declaration of the noble duke that
it is not the intention of the Government to blockade
Archangel, lie deeply regretted to_hear such an announce-
ment made. (Hear.) He did not ask, and was not
entitled to ask, the reason why the Government had
come to that conclusion, but he regretted the existence
of that circumstance, and that they were to carry on this
war through means of the Gazette. He regretted to hear
that they were to make war merely on one point—that
it was merely in the Black Sea they were to make war
seriously, and to leave the rest of the Russian empire to
have the same benefits as if peace still existed. That
would be a mere trifling system, and injurious to this
country. He (Lord Beaumont) was of opinion that, for
the good of humanity generally—for securing all the
advantages that were obtained by peace—for the inte-
rests of this country—and even for the interests of the
people of Russia—they ought to carry on this war as
effectively as they could • and they should have no polite
notes passing between the governors of cities and admi-
rals commanding fleets, saying, " we will spare this place
—we will give up prisoners—we want an exchange."
and offering not to attack and not to fire upon certain
portions of a town. Instead of that course, they should
leave it to the judgment of the admirals themselves to
decide on the best mode of carrying out their instruc-
tions ; but their instructions should be to do as much
harm as they could to the enemy. NEW WRITS.
The Earl of ABERDEEN considered that the noble Lord J. RUSSELL moved that in the cases of the city
lord had misapprehended his noble friend in what he had of Canterbury and the boroughs of Cambridge, Kingston-
said respecting the validity of a blockade. No doubt an uponh-Hull,
veifail)deeonn,dea:ldare nstaple, tehoenasme
seats
void by electionwhere
admiral might establish a blockade in any part of the
onn'emthe groauneds of bribery or treating, no motions for the
world where he found himself carrying on warlike opera- issuing of new writs shall be made without seven days'
tions ; but what was essential was that, as soon as that previous notice being given in the votes.
blockade came to the knowledge of the Government, Mr. W. 0. STANLEY contended that it was highly un-
they were bound to insert it in the Gazette forthwith, or satisfactory to allow these cases to remain in their present
they would render themselves liable to all the damage position. He was chairman of the committee which sat
which might ensue to parties they were bound to in- upon the Barnstaple petition, and the bribery and corrup-
form of it. As to the manner in which this war was to tion established in that case was of so glaring a character
be carried on, the noble lord might set himself at rest. that steps should be taken to put a stoptsoiinofutuurl
(Hear, hear.) He might depend upon it that no war In 1819 this house passed a bill todisfranchise
the borough
which chill was throwgn
the
which was ever undertaken would be carried on so far ou account of its corrupt
Thestate,
bu
same
parties who carried
e
as their power admitted, with more vigour and with out
he of
bribery Lords.
in 1819 were also the parties guilty of
more determination. (Hear, hear.) Without firing then t
corruption in 1852, and something ought to
upon all parts of a town, even the hospital for the sick, be done beyond merely suspending the writ. He
without such a proceeding as that, the noble lord might wished, therefore, to ask the noble lord if the Government
depend upon it that, as regarded everything that was have any intention to propose any further measures for
necessary for the vigorous prosecution of the war, the repression of bribery and corruption in those boroughs
nothing would be wanting to carry it on and bring it to which have been the subject of inquiry under commis-
a favourable conclusion,
sioners specially appointed ; and if they propose the sus-
ension of the writs until any such measures shall have
Tim Earl of ELLENBOROUGH rose for the purpose teen considered by the house.
of putting a question to the noble earl in relation to the Mr. BUCK thought the Conservative party of Barnstaple
subject under discussion, but was interrupted by had been very badly treated by the house. Attempts
The Duke of NEWCASTLE, who begged to explain had been made to establish bribery against them by means
that since he had addressed their lordships he had corn- of perjury which was wholly unnecessary, because at the
municated with his right honourable friend who made commission 240 electors came for ward voluntarily to con-
the statement in the House of Commons, and he found fess their past faults, on the understanding that
that his right hon. friend's statement was in entire con- they would not be punished for the confession.
formity with what he (the Duko of Newcastle) had thatan effortl e hadot beneon.w uttillsallteCteisiseful l-
-1;41 v‘enlacie:ertehdbrraeak
stated. His right hon. friend did not say there would
whichpwea'sgtO have accomplished that, he naospea thei wn
be no blockade this year of Archangel, but stated what would let byegones be byegones, and consent to issue a housenew
he (the Duke of Newcastle) had also stated, that for the writ for the borough.
present it was decided there should be no blockade ; that Mr. F. FRENCH thought the house was taking an un-
that determination had been arrived at after communi- constitutional course in delaying the issue of these writs.
cation and in full concert with the French Government ; Mr. L. KING moved, as an amendment, that no new
and that no alteration of that determination would be writ should issue in any of these cases, until the 30th of
come to except by the same means of an intercommu. December next..
nication between the two Governments. Mr. DISRAELI supported the original motion but at
the same time he announced that at the expiration of the
THE SECRETARYSHIP FOR THE WAR DE- seven days notice he should not be prepared to consent
PARTMENT. to any further postponement of these writs.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH begged to call their Mr. BOUVERIE reminded the house that the course
lordships' attention to a subject to which reference had they were taking was likely to be attended with great in-
been made in the early part of the session by a noble convenience,uot iee
te mboetciaouns of
for
rn
issuing consequencet worfi t thiswou
would take
ed days'
lord (Earl Grey), whom he regretted was not then motion out of the category of a question of privilege, and
present, respecting the constitution of the various mini- it could not be brought on at an early period of the even-
tary departments. There was a report, which at least ing, but could only be taken in its turn. He should there-
appeared under circumstances that entitled it undoubt- fore move that when the motion was to be made for the
edly to very great consideration, that it is the intention issue of one of these writs, it should take the precedence
of her Majesty's Government, after having fully consi- of all other business.
dered the subject, to propose that for the present the de- Mr. GOULBURN should object to that addition to the
pertinent of Secretary of State for War shall be separated motion.
from the department of the Colonies. If that bo true, Sir E. DERING supported the original motion.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE thought the issue of these writs
as he (the Earl of Ellenborough) trusted it was, it was a ought to be postponed until the noble lord's new reform
subject to him of very great gratification. He thought bill was introduced. (A laugh.) These were such gross
he might congratulate the country upon a measure cases of corruption that thero was no getting to the bottom
which, according to his view, would materially influence of them, and to allow these writs to be issued without
the due conduct of the war, and he should more particu- first taking steps to prevent a repetition of such abuses
larly venture to congratulate the noble duke now at the would be simply absurd. It would be tanta-
head of the two departments at being able to devote the mount to telling the country that the house was
entire of his time and attention to the most important not sincere in its desire to prevent bribery and cfnr:
subject that could occupy any man, and at being relieved ruption. These boroughs hadn beetnheconhvolucsed
shrank
from the annoyance connected with the colonial part of sufferable corruption,
.atiel
his duties ; but upon this subject he must also say, that fromwhieh ttlhieeytsaoskwelolfnireurfiltiecdti,nngamupooewlyn, tthoedmistfrahen
although he had heard with great gratification that this and establish new constituencies. The war could not last
step was to be taken, and that there would be one mem-but
for ever, though no doubt this
leer of the Government to whom could be solely confided purse of defeating all measuresi of
still any punishment tthe ,
the conduct of the war, and the responsibility of it and let the war be brought to anldent
remainunpopular in the
year i ticiiiv ould
reform ove the
all its details, he must say he did not desire that at the of Parliamentary R
present moment any further step should be taken.
(Hear.) He thought they had better pause—that it house,
that
a te itthhee rhtohuaste
erilflri.sl3l,lGHT had no difficulty
would not do to break up a number of different depart-
oueht to agree to the original resolution. The punishmente
ments in the State of very great importance, all con- of bribery as inflicted by the house was most ineffectual
nected with the conduct of the war, and that it was for its purpose, and since there was no means of meeting
the most prudent and con-
most advisable at the present moment, when they were these cases of bribery
in the presence of an enemy, to take no step which was stitutioTilcourwsreit.forthe house was to proceed to the
(Hear, hear.) Having disposed
not absolutely necessary—to make no movement in the issue f the
swhoolluld
be
eh
taken of po er n
way of change which was not dictated by clear experi- ohfetthtee
ence and urged upon them by the most important con- hheos of
cases o eionn
st
ihdaetr
what asteps
prevention of bribery, and then he should be prepared to
siderations. (Hear, heat.) It would be for the Secre-
tary of State, who would have the sole conduct of the . the ballot as the best remedy for the evil.
Sir J. V. SHELLEY also believed that bribery would
war, to see whether there was any conflict of authority, never be put an end to until the ballot was adopted.
and to communicate at once to his colleagues, and if ne- Lord J. RUSSELL, in reply to Mr. STANLEY'S ques-
cessary to Parliament, the existence of any obstacle to tion, stated that it was not understood to propose any
a select committee,
the execution of those orders which he might think fresh measures with regard to these boroughs ; but he be-
it necessary to give. (Hear, hear.) He (the Earl lieved if the writs were delayed until a new law of bribery,
of Ellenborough) could not doubt that he would which was now being investigated by
receive the full support of his colleagues and of Par-r there would bees me chance of the abuse being checked at
the next electi
liament, and that it would be the determination of
Mr. J. HUME asked if the law •
liament and of the country that the responsibility ofPtahe
Governmentrd J. RUSSELL
woorlea liede
failed, would there be an objection to t
new in contemplation
try the ballot.
conduct of the war should rest upon one head, and that
re are with some other
that if the new means failed
theLe
no one, whatever office or position he might fill, should
interfere in any manner to impede the public steorvhiacvee. remedy.
(Hear, hear.) It would not do in difficult timesin these The amendment was then withdrawn, and the original
men in office of whom he might express himself motion was agreed to.
terms—" injussu interpretari qua malunt ,
." because that.
NEWSPAPER STAMP.
which was most necessary was cordial co-operation. M. GIBSON gave notice that after the recess he
(Hear, hear.) While he said that, he must at the same should ask the Government what course they intended to
time express a hope that it would not be considered ne- take in consequence of the resolution which the house had
of civil clerks
cessary to create any new establishment
He come to on the subject of the newspaper stamp.
department. had
to carry on the duties of this new SALT MONOPOLY OF INDIA.
no faith in the public competition of clever young gen- In reply to Sir J. P AKINGTON,
tlemen. who passed a good
examination,
and who on that Sir C. WOOD stated that a correspondence had taken
offices of the highest class. What place with the Government of India on the subject of the
account were placed in
wanted
the Secretary for the War Department , was, not
salt . . .
t salt tax, and an inquiry was now going on with the view
an office of civil clerks, but a military staff.
Every duty o ascertaining if the duty could not be collected by way
of excise.
whicle he had to perform could be better performed by An Hon. MEMBER asked when the Indian budget,
military officers placed under him, having entirely his would be disclosed.
colludelieci, selected from the various departments of the Sir C. WOOD could not kin it forward until lie re.

service—engineers, artillery, cavalry, and infantry—men
who had served-in various parts of the globe, and were
acquainted with.the actual duties of a war; the business
could be better managed by them than by any civil
clerks it would be possible to find. (Hear, hear.) There
was one other advantage in carrying on the business of
a great department by officers ; they might be sure that
they would preserve the most absolute secresy. It was
a matter of honour with an officer to keep absolutely
secret anything that was confided to him. (Hear, hear.)
He would also venture to suggest fI. the consideration
of the Government that he thought it would be most un-
desirable to make any military change that could be
avoided ; but might it not be advisable to place under
the Secretary for the War Department all the military
in England, as well as the military abroad ? (Hear,
hear.) He believed that at the present moment the
disposition of the regular troops in England was within
the power, not of the Secretary for the War Depart-
ment, but of the Secretary of the Home Department ;
and on all occasions where the Secretary for the War
Department might think it necessary to send troops
to reinforce the stations abroad, it was necessary to com-
municate with the Home Secretary, who was in posses-
sion of those troops. He might be under a misappre-
hension on this subject, but he could not but think that
it would undoubtedly be most desirable that the military
arm of the country, at home and abroad, should be in
one hand. He could not omit to say, that the Secretary
of War could not but consider himself in reality, as he
was officially, the head of both services, and competent
to dispose of the naval as well as of the military forces
of the country. (Hear, hear.) If there should be a di-
versity of opinion or any disunion between the authori-
ties at the head of the military and naval services, espe-
cially in a war which must be carried on by combined
operations, the greatest inconvenience and detriment to
the public must ensue, He had now to refer to another
matter, which concerned more the members of the Go-
vernment than the public generally. At the same time,
he must say that it would be to him a subject of satis-
faction, and he thought it might be conducive to their
convenience, as well as to the convenience of the public,
if this constitution of a war department were not to lead
to the addition of any new person to the Cabinet, or to
any alteration in the distribution of official duties. It
might be found possible enough for a time, at least as an
experiment, to discharge the duties of the colonial de-
partment with the duties of some other department that
was not overburdened. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of ABERDEEN—The subject that has been
adverted to by my noble friend has for some time en-
gaged the consideration of the Government. The emer-
gency of the time imperatively demanded such conside-
ration ; but I am not in a condition to explain to my
noble friend or to the house what is the result of the in-
quiry, and of the consideration that has been given to
this subject. My noble friend has suggested various
measures for our adoption. We are obliged to him for
furnishing us with his ideas on the subject, and, of
course, whatever falls from him naturally deserves at-
tention on the part of those for whose advantage it is
uttered; but I will say this, that when the result on this
subject shall be arrived at, which will be without any
delay whatever, I trust it will be satisfactory to this
house and to the country. (Hear, hear.)
On the motion of the noble earl, their lordships then
adjourned to Friday next.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The Traethbacii Bridge and k;;d Bill wai read a third
time and passed.
The Ardrossan and Glasgow and South-Western Rail-
ways Bill was considered and agreed to, and ordered to be
read a third time.

The Portland, &c., Chapels Bill was read a second time,
and ordered to be committed.
ROYAL COMMISSION.
Mr. PULMAN, the Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod, ap-
peared at the table, and summoned the house to attend at
the bar of the Peers to hear the Royal assent given by com-
mission to several bills, for which see Lords' report.
PETITIONS.

Petitions were presented by Mr. FIENORY, from
places in Ireland, in favour of tenant right ; by
Mr. FERGUSON, from Carlisle, praying for the abo-
lition of church rates; by Mr. OLIVEIRA, from New-
market, praying for a reduction of the duties on wine ;
by Lord D. STUART, from a place in Wales, approving
of the war, but expressing a hope that ample guarantees
would be taken against any future aggressions of Russia,
and that at the conclusion of peace Russia would be made
to pay the expenses of the war ; by Mr. B. DENISON and
other hon. members, from various parts of the country,
against the opening of the public-houses on Sundays ; by
Mr. LAYARD, from the Aylesbury Board of Guardians, in
favour of a national poor-rate ; by Mr. R. LowE, signed
by 3,700 inhabitants of the colony of New South Wales,
against the constitution agreed to and sent home by their
Local Legislature. On the motion of the hon. member, this
petition was read by the Clerk at the table.