The Sun.
London, England, 1853-08-02 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 1, 1853.

Something of advantage to the rest of the
world may be derived from the Chinese Revolu-
tion. Of this we feel assured. Reflection satis-
fies us that benefits of an extraordinary character
might be extracted from these oriental ,calamities
by the adroit application to the bane of the anti-
dote of occidental statesmanship. Such a con-
viction of good capable of being thus effected we
have already intimated. A calmer consideration
of events cannot fail to impress the majority of
dispassionate observers with the reasonableness of
these somewhat consolatory and encouraging cal- ,
culations.

America has now during a considerable time
past determined to break asunder at the earliest
opportunity the odious taboo of the Japanese.
England has long aspired to destroy the system of
insulation hitherto maintained by the vast balk
of the Chinese population. As recently as 1842,
it was conjectured that we had succeeded in open-
ing up to the rest of mankind a readier inter-
course with the inhabitants of the Celestial
Empire. Instead of having only one =harbour
along the coast of that gigantic and 'populous
country accessible to our commerce, we con-
trived to secure five different ports on the
seaboard of China, through which it was hoped
that much might be gradually obtained in
the way of conceded facilities for intercommuni-
cation. After the establishment of the peace
brought about by the formal notification of the
treaty of Nankin, it was imagined by the more
sanguine amongst us that everything in this re-
spect at all desirable was actually accomplished.
An experience of more than ten years' duration
has
_compelled us to admit, however, that in the
indulgence of those beautiful day dreams we have
allowed ourselves to be deceived by the most
shadowy if the most attractive of political hallu-
cinations. China has continued up to this
moment—in spite of all her concessions, in
spite of the treaty of Nankin, in spite of the
peace of 1842, in spite of our mercantile
establishment at Hong Kong, in spite of Dr.
BOWRING'S Consulate, in spite of gunpowder and
negotiations—impervious to all the influences
of European civilisation. Notwithstanding
everything that has been done with a view to
beat down the barriers of prejudice, and to dis-
sipate the darknesi of ignorance, absolutely
nothing has been done in the way of effecting any
substantial improvement. What, indeed, is the
result of all our ingenious diplomacy as applied to
the policy
of the Chinese Government according
to the recent declaration of an intelligent re-
viewer in the Whig Quarterly ? Why, it is briefly
remarked by him that " our commerce with this
vast country (China) in 1846," proves to have
been " very considerably less valuable than that
which in 1788 France carried on with its colony
of St. Domingo r,
and one of most A melancholy comparison—
miserable significance. What !
The commerce carried on by France in 1788 with
its colony of St. Domingo, considerably greater
than that developed in 1846,
after such warlike
struggles and diplomatic exertion between China
and England, between the wealthiest the strop
est, and the most enterpg-
risingof
marvellous
souson
rtalicee
gre-
one hand, and on the other, that
comprising in itself one-third of the
great ag
gate of the human family ! unquestionably,
after this, it must be obvious that there is ample
reason for some renewed, and more ene rge
.deavours on our part to establish- a more secure
and facile intercourse between the Chinese and
ourselves.
It might have been hoped, on the 25th of
February, 1850, when the Celestial Emperor
TAOU-KWANG expired, after enjoying nearly thirty
years' supremacy, that changes of a beneficial kind
might at length proclaim the downfall of the
ancient order of things. Especially might such
anticipations have been cherished, when it was
remembered that his successor, the present Empe-
ror TIEN-TIH, was, at the period of his succession,
under twenty years of age, and, what was yet
more, a stripling prince who had enjoyed the pri-
vileges of a liberal and, all things considered, a
tolerably enlightened education. The new Sove-
reign was regarded, consequently, with some de-
gree of favour beyond the frontiers of his domi-
nion, as a Monarch called to Power at a time when
the mind is generally in its most remarkable state
of plasticity ; and it was deemed possible he
might, in consequence, prove
in
more happily qualified than hispreedveeZsZasrttioculpuatr
an end to the stand-still scheme of the cad Chinese

politicians. It required but a little while, however,
to demonstrate that here again the more credulous
were counting without their host, as the saying
goes, in these visions of a golden age of intercourse
between the Chinese, and the remaining two-
thirds of the earth's motley population. True, the
mysterious empire still continued open to us at
five separate points, in lieu of our finding, as of
yore, but one solitary and insignificant inlet on
the seaboard for the commerce of the different
nations of Christendom. But then, in defiance
of all those fancied facilities, we were, neverthe-
less, still denied access to the enormous mass of
350,000,000 of ourfellow-creatures--350,000,000
consumers--or, as they have been significantly
designated, 350,000,000 calico-wearing human
beings ! There was, there, in fact, is—up to the
present moment—the rub ! How to get at those
new customers ! How to obtain more easily the
produce of their industry, and to discover amongst
them new markets for our manufactures ! Such
is the problem requiring solution at the hands of
our Government.
A few particulars will be sufficient to demon-
strate how miserably small have been the results
of all our vaunted diplomacy and boasted negotia-
tions in reference to the amount of our commer-
cial intercourse of late years with the vast
Chinese population. It must be borne in
recollection, then, that 1846 has proved, all
things considered, about the most successful of
the commercial years since peace was in 1842
established. Yet, on an examination of the con-
sular returns for 1846, it will be seen that the
whole value of the trade in that year with Great
Britain, amounted at Canton to 2,213,116/.
6s. 4d. imports, and to 3,332,021/. exports—
while at Amoythe imports amounted to 106,0001.,
and the exports to 8,6001.—at Shanghae the
imports being 810, 2001., and the exports
1,352,5301. Perhaps the unsatisfactory nature
of this disproportion between the imports and ex-
ports will become on the instant more apparent,
if it be observed, that while in 1836 the exports of
British produce to China amounted in value to
1,326,388/., it attained in 1846 only an increase
of value to the amount of 465,051/., being, there-
fore, in effect, simply 1,791,4391. Nay, in 1847,
the exports hadfallen again to 1,503,969/. ; and yet
further, in 1848, to 1,465,959/. ; rising once
more, in 1849, to nearly 1,573,1091. in the
aggregate !. This, after the throwing open of five
different ports on the seaboard of China to our
commercial enterprise—yielding us, as we have
seen, an increase of exports from Great Britain
and her possessions, in the most successful com-
mercial year since the pacification effected in 1842,
namely, during 1846, to the enormous amount of
465,0511. additional ! 465,0511. worth of
British products being consumed in 1846, over
and above the quantity exported ten years before
—products, remember, exported by the wealthiest
of the Maritime Powers of the nineteenth cen-
tury, and consumed by a country comprising
350,000,000 as the sum total of its population.
Is not this, we ask, " proof positive " that
hitherto, in regard to China, Squire BULL
has acted more upon the Quieta non movers
principle than Squire HAZTITMEAN did towards
the parishioners of that ilk ? He has left
not well alone but ill alone—and here we have
the delectable consequences. Instead of any pro-
portionable increase in the ektent of commercial
intercourse between China and England, an ad-
vance in the value of exports from the latter
country to the former, between the aggregate in
1836 and the aggregate in 1846, of just 465,051/. !
Instead of a hugely accumulated bulk, a mere frac-
tional atom ! Instead of activity, stagnation !
Precisely at the juncture when experience is
forcing these -truths more and more convincingly
upon our recognition, our rulers find themselves
suddenly brought, as it were, face to face with the
inestimable opportunity for good yielded by the
Chinese Revolution. It remains next to be dis

covered how from this " nettle Danger" may be
plucked the " flower Safety"—safety for the
future, and not only safety but prosperity also,
and wisdom, and happiness. How—we ourselves
cannot but regard as clearly enough apparent.
It remains, at this critical moment, as a few in-
stances may sufficiently well indicate, within reach
of the grasp of her Britannic MAJESTY'S Govern-
ment.

Owing partly to senatorial ignorance of India,
partly to the heat of the weather, the fatigue of
so long a Session, and the consequent wish to get
through a troublesome and ill-relished task as
soon as possible, and partly, no doubt, to the in-
fluence of Government and of the sympathising
monied interests, the India Bill, with Sir CHAS.
WOOD at the wheel, has been steered through the
House of Commons, and the soundings, when-
ever taken, have showed a good depth of votes ;
sail was shortened a little, and the course slightly
changed once or twice, to let us see how free and
easy the pilot could be if he liked, or just to
show, for the nonce, that he could work the ship
as he pleased ; but the absolutely WOOD-en con-
trol of the Bill was never surrendered for a
single clause. Enough was conceded to reason
to prove that there was power to hearken to
reason throughout ; but so much un-reason, as
CARLYLE would phrase it, was doggedly main-
tained throughout, as to satisfy honest Reformers
that the name of the President of the Board of
Control was a warning from Fate, not a mere ac-
cident ; and that whoever would propose any-
thing for India worthy of a statesman, ran his
head in reality against a—post.
In no instances was this more clearly exhibited
than, in last week's debate, on the clauses
proposed by Mr. HUME and Mr. NEWDEGATE.
It is not often that we agree with the latter
gentleman, but the proposal which he made
was based upon a thgroughly sound view ;
that is, supposing we have first admitted,
as the. House had done, that the Govern-
ment was to continue double, and that
part of the Directors were to be chosen by elec-
tion. Mr. HUarE proposed to increase the present
electoral constituency, by adding—lst, all persons
holding 5001. of the Company's stock ; 2dly, all
holders of the Company's paper to the value of
10,000 rupees ; 3dly, all retired and military
and civil servants of the Company who had been
in the service 20 years ; and 4thly, we may add,
all who could vote only by proxy. The third
class alone, according to Mr. WISE, would have
added 1,800 electors. Mr. NEWDEGATE, who
absurdly contributed to the WOOD majority of
126,. against Mr. Hun, lest by introducing
so many others he should fail to introduce his
own voters, proposed to add to the present elec-
tors " certain proprietors of stock or shares in
undertakings for the internal improvement of
India." Paid up stock of 2,0001. was to give
one vote ; 4,0001. two votes ; 7,000/. three votes;
10,000/. four votes. This would add, he calcu-
lated, about one-seventh to the present constitu-
ency of 2,322 votes; and it would, of course, be
an increasing constituency. Mr. NEWDEGATE'S
inconsistent vote against Mr. Flum.E's proposition
was repaid, as he deserved, by his own not coming
to a vote at all. He was coolly told by the inflexible
WOOD, we reject your proposal for the same rea-
son as we rejected Mr. Man's—please to with-
draw it. The modest Mr. NEWDEGATE knew his
fate (a thing he does not always seem to do), for
he bowed and withdrew.
And. what, now, were the main arguments
agaeinse t both ? Two. lit, Parliament had already
_ dto commit the government of India to the East
tuency
India co
Yas Sevuecnh
would increase the difficulty of canvassing.
To take ::alasnYt first,2d manr.imLinowEensedicod,nnstoit-
very logically—thelndia Bill,
ihowever,i was enough
to make any one forget all op, a, order--every
reader would naturally exclaim
) And if it did in-
crease the difficulty of canvassing And
of that "
We should prefer to see a constitu •
ency which even
rendered the justly odious canvassing impossible ;
which compelled the candidates, as in a West
Riding of Yorkshire Election, to canvass at pub-
lic meetings only, or in public prints. Mr. LOWE
alleged that the clauses prohibiting canvassing had
been repealed. This, however,
was because the
immaculate 24 would canvass law or no law ;

while the repealed law itself witnessed that it ,was
most undesirable in every way that they should

do so. It would have been wise then, we conceive,