The Sun.
London, England, 1853-03-28 00:00:00

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Well, :as a stopped clock is. certain to tell the time:
correctly nce in every tWelve hours; we think .it'
very likely that our • neighbOur's lucky hour haw
come round, in reference to this announcement.-
We have observed • that the. ex-Chancellor of the:
Exchequer has been very moody Of-late. We can-;
not say he has been sulky, .because no man of genius
is•ever so.' Butt-he has been in a state of solitary
contemplation and' unwonted taciturnity—moping',
like Gray's owi, and menially complaining— •
Of such as,'-‘,/aoering near his secret bower,
Molest his ancient 'solitary xeign..
:First, he has had competitors for berth.,---7then,
we suspect,. a . virtual .suecessor. The -fact is Sir
R. H.
sTnelis is,.:endeavouring to beliei.O hip:L.44lf
into the assurance . (consummate as "'that- May
be) . that he is leader of the OPposition. • On
him i has fallen . the' luck of having chosen the field
of " battle of the constitutions.'' : Whatever he op-

poses is opposed by the Opposition, Whether by
chance, or by design, he has " awakened and found
himself famous." Formerly he brought up the
roar of faction. Now he leads its van. The reason
is this : Protection is dead, buried, and condemned
to. Fiddler's Green. There is no longer-" a good

cry." Tories are without a capse--vrithout even a
theory. Before the Reform Bill,. when the mon-
archy .was something, and•.the• aristocracy all in all,
they had a budget .of principles. They fought for
the prerogatives of the Crown—they!defended the
priyileges of the oligarchical institution--they re-
sisted the encroachments of democracy. Later—
when the Reform Bill swept away all these crotchets
—they fell back upon the patronage of great inte-
rests, as contradistinguished from the general weal
of the public. But these have been broken down
one by one, by the irresistible progress of common
sense and common honesty ; and especially by the
growth of a great population, dependent upon none
of those patent privileges of public plunder. Cor-
ruption has been bereaved of its clients by the
besom of destruction and the new broom of reform.
The sugar-hogshead party care nothing now for
that factious sympathy which is impotent, either
to bring back slavery to the West Indies, or a
differential duty in favour of Jamaica. Canada
has lost its timber tax, and its preferential privi-
leges in the shape of protection to its flour and
grain. It cares nothing for champions who only
bewail without restoring it against the loss of its
10s. a barrel and 2/. per load. The shipping in-
terest hears volunteer friends prophesying its ruin
from the repeal of the navigation laws, and lament-
ing the destruction of the " nursery for British
seamen." But it also finds practically that the
navigation laws are abolished—that there is no
chance of their restoratien, and that it is wiser to
make the best of a free trade than to dissipate its

-
energies upon the vain regrets of faction—and so
Mr. G. F. Young has retired to Switzerland.
Nay, even the farming and landed interests have
become tired of jeremiads over the depression of
British agriculture and the discouragement of na-
tive industry, in the face of a steady market and a
universal rise of wages, and display a disposition to
disown Derby and Newdegate—just as respectable
men who have been betrayed at night into the
Coal Hole, in the Strand, cut their scurvy
companions when they meet them in the so-
briety of the morning streets. A large (cer-
tainly not a great) party suddenly finds itself
without a cause, without principles, without
clients, without a grievance, except that of having
nothing to complain of. What the deuce is it to
dog It fills the Opposition benches, "as well as
better men." It is, indeed, but "an alligator
stuffed"—a " beggarly account of empty boxes ;"
but is not yet " thinly scattered to make up a
show." It has " very good friends," although no
longer "an excellent plot." Nobody will have it—
nobody will take it into its service. The Crown
endured its infliction only as a transitory make-
shift ; the people submitted to its interference
merely that they might not be absolutely without
a Government. It coheres simply by the repulsion
of every other interest in the State, and if it can-
not find clients, it must make them. It rattles the
dice—it posts it last stake—it gambles for power on
the purse of the Church. Yes—that is literally its
last trump card, and. it plays it badly. The Jew
Bill has served it for one week—the Clergy Re-
serves Bill has found it in talk for another—it has
spoken against time to prolong the postponement
of the final decision of the House upon the third
reading of the former measure. In short, it has
dwindled into a mere Church party—a purely
ecclesiastical opposition representing not the
country, but the prejudices of the bishops—not
the great interests of • the British people, but
the pickings and peculations of a sordid hierarchy.
We witnessed the discussion in committee of the
Canada Clergy Reserves Bill. Sir R. Inglis assumed
the most prominent position. Thesiger, Napier,
Walpole, Pakington, minimised the matter into a
squabble about commas, dots, and parentheses.
They so trifled with the time and patience of the
house, that Ministers at last scarcely deigned to
notice or to answer them. But ten o'clock came.
They had thereby tided over the other Church
question until after Easter—and so apparently they
felt they " had done the State some service."
Well, the " Ides of March will come," and we trust
the country will make up its mind to put an end to
this miserable faction and its nonsense. The Jew
Bill must be made law—that's flat. If it were for
no other reason than that the Commons have re-
peatedly passed it, their will must not again be
trifled with. Self-respect, a decent regard for the
rights of their constituents, demand that they
should no longer tolerate the lordly veto upon that
which has for upwards of twenty years, and by
large majorities, been again and again asserted as
the voice of the nation and of its constitutional re-
presentatives. We must not any more be fobbed
off with sophisms in place of reasons ; or cheated
out of our resolves by mean prejudices clumsily
disguised in pretended patriotism, and the conceited
malignity of bigotry passed off as zeal for religion.
We do not believe that the causes assigned are the
real grounds of opposition to the measure. We en-
counter a resistance on false pretences. No Dissenters,
no Catholics, hesitate to admit the Jews to the rights
of citizenship. The Church party alone would bar
the doors against them—and in their secret hearts
they would, on the same grounds, shut the gates of
the constitution in the faces of the Papists, the
Presbyterians, and the other Dissenting sects.
These are too numerous and too powerfulto be kept
out—that is all. The Jew, on the other hand, like
the charity boy, may be securely persecuted, be-
cause he is weak, and " has no friends." Just look
at the paltry excuses that are urged for his being
kept out on the wrong side of the pale of the con-
stitution. The chief is, that his admission will
" unchristianise the Legislature." If " a little
lea,ven," as Thesiger pleaded, " leavens the whole
lump," the question comes to be, which is the
dough, and which the yeast ? The Jews are called
exclusive, set apart, a peculiar people. If they
manifest a disposition to mingle with us, to identify
themselves with our institutions, to enter into our

habits, customs, laws, business, is it not infinitely
more true that, by the intercourse which the
Hebrew people hold with Gentiles, we are Chris-
tianising the Jew, than that the Jew is unchristian-
ising us ? Again—if, by the repeal of the Jew oath
in the case only of Jews, we are unchristianising

the Legislature, we have already dispensed with
the obnoxious words in the case of the Papists.
Have we unprotestantised the Legislature by the
Catholic oath, or disestablished the Episcopal
Church by the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts ? We do not care which answer we receive
to these questions. If parliament is still Protes-
tant, notwithstanding the Catholic Relief Oath, it
will still be Christian, although it does not ask a
Jew to swear to the New Testament. If the Church
be still established and united to the State, not-
withstanding the removal of Dissenting disabilities,
then is Christianity a " part and parcel of the law
of the land," although the Hebrews are no longer
robbed of their rights in the name of religion. If,
on the contrary, the status of Protestantism and
of the Church was destroyed by the Catholic and
Dissenting Relief Bills, then there is no longer any
pretext for pleading a national faith for exclusive-
ness in political rights. Then it is gravely urged
thhaavteJneowsid,
efrnotmitythoefvfeereylinnagtuorre oi
interest
t et
rheesi
with h
religion,te
nations among whom they settle
't'hfeaycesaraerea turned towards that their
thoughtssa lem and"—that
withi jeruthem-
selves, with Syria for their fatherland, and that
process of assimilation into ilever
their mind and heart can
the country in which.
they may happen to be born.undergo the
And this fanciful
crotchet of sentimental Churchmen is to bar a whole
people from the enjoyment of its prerogatives of
citizenship ! What have we do with that senti-
ment ? The idea of Baron Rothschild pining for
Jerusalem,
Duke dying for Forfar ; ;
Sir Peter Laurie or Sir
LS about as feasible as that of Sir James
John Pirie for Edinburgh or Mr. Hume for Mon-
trose ; Sir John Romilly, Larpent or Le Merchant,
Le Fevre, Labouchere, for Paris ; or the Barings
or Bentincks for Amsterdam. Look at the pharisaic
disingenuousness of this pretext. The sneaking
an oath from the Catholic that he will do nothing
hypocrites who make it are quite satisfied to take