The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-14 00:00:00

COPYHOLD ENFRANCHISEMENT BILL.

An HON. Meiaea presented a petition from the county of Leicester,
praying for alterations in the Copyhold Enfranchisement Bill.
Mr. PALMER presented petitions from three parishes in Essex,
praying that any surplus which might be produced by improvements in
Church property be applied to Church purposes.
Mr. S. O'BRIEN presented several petitions from infirmaries and
other bodies in Limerick, praying fo► a good Medical Charities Bill.
Mr. F. FRENCH would take that opportunity of asking when the
report of the Committee would be laid on the table of the House, and
whether anything would he done this Session.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXI4IEQIIEII. was understood to say
that the Report was nearly ready, and would soon be presented.
Mr. JAMES presented a number of petitions from East and West
Cumberland, praying for the immediate abolition of the system of
negro apprenticeship.
Mr. F. SHA W presented a petition nom the diocese of Limerick
against the Irish Tithe Bill.
MILITARY COMMISSION.

Captain EOLDERO wished to ask the Home Secretary a question
relative to the Military Commission. He believed there were
Gelleets in that Commission to represent every department of her
Majesty's service, both naval and military, except one—the corps of
.3taidneets; and he wished to know whether there was any objection to
IsiCoromend to her —majesty the appointment of some officer attached to
fflßtswrPs en the Commission.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied that the Master-General of the
*Ordnance, who was at the head
of that department, was on that com-
mission.

TITHES (IRELAND.)
Lola JOHN RUSSELL moved the Order of the My for the
Rouse going into Committee on the Tithes (Ireland) Bill. In

doing so (said his Lordship) I should net have thought it necessary
to say one word—l should have reserved myself for the Com-
mittee, and it would have been my object to explain, in as
full a manner as possible, the resolutions which were about to be
proposed, as the groundwork of a measure to be introduced
on the subject of tithes, and of the Church in Ireland.
I should have done that, endeavouring to state those resolutions in
such a manner as both to entitle them to every favourable consideration,
and to give room for those who objected to them, to propose any amend.
ments which they could lay before the House, to induce the House to
modify or alter that measure. I am compelled to take a different
course. It has pleased those who are opposed to us to say they will not
permit us to go into this measure, and they will not permit that Mem-
ber of the Government who is entitled to make the proposition to ex-
plain what that proposition is, but that they will interpose an.
other question, and that they will raise a debate, and pro-
duce a division upon that question before they will allow these
resolutions to be considered in Committee. I am, therefore, ready to
meet that course in the way in which I think it should be met. I am
ready to state now the general purport and intent of the resolutions, be-
cause I think it would not be fair to the House or fair to ourselves,
that theyshould enter into a consideration of that question without these
resolutions having been explained to the House, and with regard to the
proposition which is to be made by the Honourable Baronet the Mem-
ber for North Devon, instigated, no doubt, by his diocesan.—(Laughter.)
After I have explained the nature of these resolutions I shall then con-
sider the motion which is to be brought forward, in order to raise discord
amongst us—(Cheers)—to produce bitterness, and to prevent a dis-
passionate settlement of the question of tithes in Ireland.—(Loud
cheers.) Sir, I shall then consider how far it is conformable or
consistent with the professions of those who hold the opinions
professed by the Gentlemen opposite.—(Cheers.) Sir, I shall therefore
proceed to detail the provisions of the resolutions which I shall have
the honour to propose. Upon this occasion, Sir, I think it necessary to
notice some opinions of mine with respect to the Church of Ireland, be-
cause those opinions have been alluded to both here and elsewhere, in a
manner whieh showed that they had either been misunderstood or wil-
fully misrepresented. Sir, the condition of the Chnrch of Ireland I
must ever consider a very peculiar one, and that that
peculiarity must influence any legislation which takes place upon that
subject. Sir, I must consider the mode in which the Established
Church in this country stands. It stands upon a ground to which
I have ever yielded my willing consent, but at the same time I
must place in juxta position to the present condition of that Establishment
in Ireland—Sir, among those who have written upon this subject,
although his theory is of itself a fanciful one, still I con-
sider that the best writing on the subject is to be found in
the Treatise of Warburton on the Alliance between Church
and State. He said that a benefit was conferred upon
both parties, and foremost amongst those advantages he places
the endowment of the clergy, and that certain elergyrnen should
form a part of the supreme Legislature of the Empire. On
the other hand, he states that the State derived from the Church
this great advantage, that it is a subsidiary force—a subsidiary power
that gives a sanction to morality and enforces the precepts of re-
ligion, and that induces the great mass of the people to
subdue those passions, which it is the business of the Civil Magistrate
to punish. If we compare this system with the condition of the Church
of Ireland, we must see that while there is every condition required by the
State complied with by the State, on the other side the Church of Ireland
is unable to comply with the other parts of the provision—it cannot enforce
among the people of Ireland those doctrines of morality and precepts of
religion, because the great majority of the people of Ireland, are unwil-
ling to receive them from such hands. I will state however the utility of
the Church, not upon any abstract authority or less moral doctrine. I will
state words represented to have been delivered by the Archbishop of
Canterbury, the Primate of the Church of England, a few weeks ago.
I have found these words stets d by him, and as I quote them, and state
my concurrence with them, it must be supposed that I entirely
adopt them. He says—What were Churches instituted for? except
the good of the people, except for the spiritual welfare and advantage
of the great body of the people. The State is instituted for the same pur-
pose, and those two things could not be separated. The extension of mo-
rality—the diminution of vice, and the suppression ofcrime, must always
stand upon the basis of religion. That being the ground upon which so
high an authority a Church is established connected with the State,l
say again, however applicable that description can be to England, it can
hardly be applied to Ireland, when the ministers of religion, however
well inclined to inculcate the suppression of crime, and the
diminution of vice—there is that difference of religious faith between
them and the great body of the people as will make the inculca-
tion of such doctrine from their hands totally useless, and in
some eases impossible. I may give some examples, though
often quoted, for the purpose of showing how little. the clergy of the
Church of Ireland will have this influence over the great body o e the
people. It appears by the last census that the populatian of that country
is upwards of eight millions, of which six millions and a half are Ro-
man Catholiss, six hundred and fifty thousand Presbyterian, and eight
hundred end fifty-two thousand members of the Established Church. The
greater part of the members of the Establishment were in one of the
;Our ecclesiastical provinces of Ireland. In the province of Armagh
there was more than 500,000 members of the Established Church.
and that in the dioceses of Cashel and Derry, where the Roman Ca-
tholics numbered 3,408,000, the number of Pt otestants altogether were
but 150,470. In Cashel the Roman Catholics were 95 per cent. of
the whole population. In the diocese of Derry, containing a population
of eS,OOO, the me:fleet's of the Established Church are but 1 it per cent
of the whole population; yet they are not without endowments. But
it appeared likewise, Sir, that there were 41 benefices without
single Protestant, and 99 with from 1 to '2O. There were other
benefices in which there is a very small number of Protestants—
a very small number of members of the Established Church—and
a very large number of Roman Catholics. I say, then, give to the
:Ministers of the E•tablished Church any benefit you please—give them
the credit of the utmost attention to their duties, although in many of
these cases there is neither glebe house nor ch urrli —and that must be in the
way of their asefulness.Yet I do say the condition of Ireland furnishes a sin-
gular example of an established church, namely, an example of a church
in three parts out of four of which the members of:the Established Church
arc in a very small minority, and that the lessons given by those minis.
ters cannot reach the hearts or influence the conduct of the great
body of the people. Sir, I have partly made this statement, because
when I have declared more than once in this House my determination,
in any vote tirit I should give, to support the Established Church of
Ireland, I have been taunted with not placing that support on the
ground of the advantages to be gained in religion by the Church
Establishment. It does appear to ma that if we were to consider
solely and only the advantages of religion, it might be a very doubtful
question how far the present Establishment, in its present form, can
conduce to the promotion of that religion. But, Sir, there are other
grounds upon which, as I think, it is cur duty to support that Esta-
blishment.—(Hear.) In the first place, it is not the case which has
beers often put by those who are totally hostile to the Church, namely,
the case of Scotland, in which upon the revolution you at once gave up
your Established Church—you converted that Establishment into
one more in accordance with the general feelings of the
people—and by that means produced peace and concord in Scotland.
S r, in Scotland, not only were the great body of the people of the Pres-
byterian persuasion, but there was not that difference between them,
and any great proportion of the classes holding property, and having
instruction and education, which should prevent their harmonious
agreement with the Presbyterian form of worship.—(Continued
cries of " Hear, hear." , But, in Ireland, not only is there
a vast proportion of the property, but also a vast proportion of the
learned professions and others, whose importance cannot be denied, who
are attached to the Protestant Church, and by whom anything that
could be considered as at all tending to overturn the Established
Church, must be looked upon as placing them in a state of political
inferiority to the rest of their fellow-countrymen.—(Hear, hear.) And
beyond this, we have to consider that the fundamental principles, by
which the Irish Protestant Church is connected with the Established
Church of England.—(Hear, hear.) From this consideration,
Sir, I come to the conclusion, that anomalous as the condition of the
Irish Church is, and differing as it does from other Established
Church, recorded in history, or at present existing in the world.--
(Ministerial cheers.) Any measure which would involve the distrac-
tion of that Church, would involve an entire breach of the Act of
Union, by which the integrity of the empire would be en-
dangered.—(Tory cheers, and hear, hear.) That Act having passed
and having been many years the law of the land,
it would be such a rent in the whole Ecclesiastical Constitution of these
roalrns to separate the two countries, that I think the Established
Church of England would suffer deeply by any such measure.—
(Great Tory cheering.) But, Sir, when:l say this, lam obliged again
to look to the condition of the Church, with a view to the
welfare of the people of Ireland. I may say, Sir, to the people of Ire-
land :—" It is for your advantage—it is for the advantage of Ireland
that the principles of the Union should be maintained, and
that you should continue to form part of the United Kingdoms.
—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Your general advantage would greatly i
counterbalance the particular hardship you may complain of in the nch,
tutions of your country." !But I cannot expect that this will be entirely
satisfactory to the people of Ireland. It was for that reason that I have
earnestly, steadily, and at all times, endeavoured, by some means or other,
to conciliate Irish interests, and to involve Irish affections fn objects con-
nected wit's the Established Church, for the sake of its additional security.
It was for this reason that the resolutions which the Hon. Baronet is
about to impugn to-night seem to me, while they were cal.
cutated to award some satisfaction to the people of Ireland, to show that
at least there was one part of the endowment of that Church which
should be given for the general welfare and benefit of all classes of the
community, without distinction of sect or persuasion.—(Cries of
" Hear, hear.") But measures founded upon that resolution have
never met with the concurrence of Parliament, although they tnet
with the concurrence of the House. I am now to explain the
measure which I think may in a great degree tend to satisfy the people of
Ireland, while on the other hand it affords to the Church complete secu-
rity. In stating this measure, I will state at first that it is totally
different from the representations which have been made of it in
resolutions and in decisions which have been coma to by various
bodies. Many have taken a totally erroneous view of its provi-
sions, and founded their objections on matters which really did not
belonging to the resolution. With regard to the first part of this mea-
sure I do not wish to say anything, because it has been frequently before
the House, and, as I think, has in principle never met with any oppo-
sition. It is that part which goes to change the present tithe composi-
tion into a rent-charge, with a certain amount of deduetion.
With regard to the amount of deduction—with regard to the
pinciple I know not whether there be any difference. The next resolu-
tion I have to propose contemplates, on the expiration of existing inte-
rests, the conversion of that rent charge by redemption into a capital
which is to be laid out on lands or rent charges, or on such funds as the ec-
clesiastical Commissioners think best adapted to secure Its investment. The
propositions that have been made on this subject by persons sitting
on the opposite side of the Ilouse, have been accompanied by other
propositions, which, on mature consideration, we could not recom-
mend to the House. The Noble Lord opposite (Stanley)
in 1832, proposed that there should be a redemption of the rent charge
or tithe composition at 60 years' purchase, he then said that the
Clergy, who had had a tithe composition, would be able to buy
land at eighteen years' purchase—thus supposing they would gain
five-and-a-half per cent., by laying out this capital in land. This is an
assumption in which lam prepared to agree. The Honourable
Member for Launceston, in 1835, proposed another mode of
redemption. He prbposed that the tithe composition should be
reduced to seventy-five per cent., and twenty years' purchase given,
He proposed not that the deficiency should be made up from the pur-
chase of land, but that the Perpetuity Fund of the Church Temporali-
ties should be applied to make up the income of the Clergy. Now, Sir,

with regard to that proposition likewise it is out of my power to go along
with him, because the whole of these funds, so far from showing a
surplus they constantly show a deficiency; and it would be a mere
_ _

. .. .
delusion upon the Clergy to consider it at all. Well, then, Sir, with re.
gard to the state of the Clergy, while I propose a reduction I have to

encounter the objection which those who have preceded me in this pro-

position endeavoured to obviate, but, In my opinion, not successfully—.

in my opinion, there would bo a great diminution, which it was

impossibly for us to calculate. I cannot see but that the clergy.

men having a sixteen years' purchase would be considerable
losers, and therefore I, for one, would not force it upon them.
I will therefore propose that the life-interest should be strictly preserved.
But if I say that those existing interests shall be preserved by the
clergyman continuing to receive the tithe composition, I am con-
tinuing for a long period the contentions and collision between the
clergy and the people which unhappily have already too often
taken place.—(Hear, hear.) I propose, therefore, that while there
is a security for the future in the redemption of the Tithe, there will be
a security to the amount of 70 per cent. by making the State the gua
rantee for that sum. So far utile Church is concerned, there can be no
reaionable objection to this plan. I propose to reduce the income; but I
reduce it less than the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir H. Hardinge)
where he proposed to give 1,5001. ; I give 1,600, and I give the security
of the State, therefore, Sir, I think no objection can be made to
this proposition, either on the ground of pressing hard upon
the Clergyman, or reducing him entirely, or of making him

LEFT SPEAKING.

LIIIIRL--VaIITE V. NEWMAN.

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, MA Y 14, 1838

a stipendiary on the State, and depriving him of the recut
rity of his endowment. It is for this reason, therefore, tha_
I think that many of these petitions, and among others that of
the clergy of Limerick, are founded upon a total misapprehen.
sion of the resolutions. They are afraid that they are to be
made dependent upon an annual vote of this House, but
that will not be the case, for they would be secured by an
Act of Parliament, and without another Act of Parliament that income
could not be affected. If they considered that it was exposed to any
danger, or from any spoliation from the State, I provide even for that—
for I provide that the clergyman may claim redemption.—(Hear,
hear.) So much for the details of the plan, as it affects the clergy. I
come now to that part of it which affects both the Church and the people.
Sir, I cannot think that the body of the clergy of Ireland are inimical
to the feeling of the people—that they are careless of the sufferings of
the people. The people have embibed, and I cannot say unnaturally—they
have embibed from their teachers to resist the payment of tithes
and were it not that circumstances have been favourable of late to the.
general maintenance of tranquillity, we should have seen a continuance
of aggravation of those conflicts in which the tithe-payers determined to
resist the law, met in vast numbers, came into conflict with the
military and with the police, and extended that resistance even till

bloodshed was caused. Now, Sir, in what manner does this plan propose
to remedy that evil ? It proposes to remedy it in this way—that in future
that which shall be asked of the occupier, that which shall be asked,
aye, even of the person having the first estate of inheritance, does not
immediately or necessarily go to the Church ; that tne motive
when the clergyman is secured, first by the payment of
the state and afterwards by the possession of property, similar
to any other property—the motive is taken away to resist the
payment of the rent charge, because that resistance is no prsof of the
principle, and the withholding of that payment would not in the
result affect the income of the Clergy.--(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear.") It is, therefore, proposed by one of the subsequent
resolutions that the payments to be made out of those rent charges
should not he payments merely out of: the Consolidated Fund, but it
is proposed that it should be in a great measure payments con-
nected with the Civil Government of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) if
there are payments connected with the Civil Government of
Ireland it can hardly be expected—no rational man can expect that,
so far as the physical resistance is concerned—so far as those
dreadful scenes of bloodshed and of massacre are concerned—
I say no rational man can possibly expect that the payments
will be resisted. I will state a few of the payments it is proposed should
be made. It is proposed that the constabulary force should be given at
100,0001. per annum, and the town police at 70,000/. It is proposed
that out of those sums, 100,0001. a-year should be secured on the Conso.
lidated Fund, to be paid out of the revenue for the purposes of Education
Sir, that income, for the present, would be collected by the
officers of the Woods and Forests, under the direction of
the State, and would be payable like any other sums which
are devoted for the purposes of a Civil Government. If it was
thought better that it should be made payable to the Treasurer
of the country that plan might be adopted. There would likewise be a
sum—it was impossible to state positively what it would be--
perhaps about 40,0001., arising from other sources, and in that
ease its my opinion that Parliament ought to devote that sum
to local charities in Ireland, and I must say the
more they can do to extend education, the more they perform their
duty towards Ireland, and the more likely they are to have the benefit
of order in that country. With respect to this question of
education in Ireland, unnecssary as it is for me to en-
force the advantage of a grant for this purpose I will
state that I have looked upon this question of education of
all classes in Ireland, proposed as it was by the Noble Lord op-
posite, and carried into effect with much more success than I
had thought possible—l have looked at it as of far deeper
importance than education in any other country. I look at it as of so
much importance, partly because being a friend to the Eestablished
Church, I see in Ireland that we can not have an Established Church.
It was stated most fairly by, a Member of the other House of Par-
liament, that in Ireland you have a Church connected with the
State, but not the majority of the people—(Hear, hear.)—

. ,
and that you have a Church connected with the majorities of
people but not with the State. Ido not anticipate, however, much,
I should think it desirable that the clergy nos connected with
the State and the Roman Catholic and Presbyterian clergy
should be connected with the State, according to the resolution
passed in this House—there was a resolution passed that it was
expedient to provide by law for the payment of the Roman
Catholic Clergy. I know not whether after he has rescinded one
resolution, the Hon. Baronet intends to propose to rescind that.—
(Great cheering.) But with regard to any plan or scheme If that kind,
whatever any persons may think of its policy, I think no person
in the present circumstances of the times—considqng the opinions of
the Church of England—considering the :opinions of the Protestant
Dissenters, and considering, in the last Waco, the opinions of
the Roman Catholic clergy and laity will think that plan likely
to affect the object.—(Hear, hear, hsar.) Whether that plan b
wise or tint, I say that, by means of education, you may direct
in some degree, what I consider to be the effect of not having an
Established Church connected with the State. You may have men of
education—men cf learning and morality—men able to teach and
inculcate the common precepts of religion and morality, with-
out being exposed to the hostility of any sect or denomination.

COMMON PLEAS.-(THIS DAY)

This case, the particulars of which have frequently he•n before tl:c
pul;fle in the Police Reports, and also in motions in this Court, came on
this morning for trial.
Mr. Sergeant Wilde, with whom were Mr. Richards, and Mr.
Clarkson, conducted the case for the plaintiff; and the d:fendant ap-
peared for himself. •

Mr. Sergeant WILDE stated the case. The plaintiff was a respectab:e
solicitor, residing in Gordon-place, Euston-square, and the defendant,
Mr. Newman, who is a Barrister, residing in the Temple, was in the
year 1836 accepted as a suitor to Miss White, the plaintiff's daughter ;
from certain circumstances was induced to put an end to the interview.
Subsequently Mr. Newman persisted in forcing his attentions on Miss
White, and the letters which he wrote to her and ethers, after the
plaintiff's prohibition of her further reception of Mr. Newman as a
suitor, contained a decisive language and aspersions upon the character
of the plaintiff as well as personal threats, which constituted the libels
complained of.

Numerous letters addressed by the defendant to Miss Newman were
put in ; abounding in the most abusive language respecting her father,
and expressions or the most passionate affection towards herself. Those
of the most recent date reproached her bitterly with haring
broken her oath, and in one passage assured her that she would certainly
be damned as a perjuress. It appeared that in June, 1837, Miss White
wrote to defendant, saying that in consequence of the bad opi..
non which he entertained of her father and mother she
felt that she could never be happy with him, and she regretted
that she had been hoduced to renew the acquaintance with him after

her father's prohibition. From the date of this letter Miss White never
opened the letters afterwards written to her by the defendant, but sent
them unopened to her father.
A letter addressed to the Rev. A. Williams, Lecturer at St. Pancras
Chapel, where plaintiff's family attended, was also put in. It wits in the
handwriting of the defendant, but was framed in such terms as to
appear to have come from some one ,riendly to Mr. White, and hostile
to the defendant. Its purport was, that the opinion and advice of the
Rev. Gentleman respecting an oath, by which Mrs. White pledged
herself on the Bible to be the wife of Mr. Newman, and no other.
Mr. Newman having at the same time taken a similar oath. The letter
set forth the circumstances under which the oath was taken, and gave a
narrative of the defendant's " whole course of courtship." In 1833,
returning from France in a steam-boat, the parties became acquainted,
and, some time afterwards, defendant applied to plaintiff to be received as
a suitor to Miss White, but he was told that her affections were supposed to
be engaged to another. He was received, however, as a visitor and a
friend, and in some time, after more than one refusal, he was accepted
by Miss White, with her father's approbation. When he came, how-
ever, to press Mr. White as to what he proposed to give his daugh-
ter, that gentleman inquired into Mr. Newman's affairs, and not
finding that he was in a state of independence, put an end
to all nogociations of his daughter's marriage, and forbad Mr.
Newman's visits. From this time the correspondence commenced in
which the defendant aspersed the plaintiff's character in letters to Ins
daughter; and, in consequence of some letters containing violent threats,
Miss Newman called at defendant's chambers in the Temple to remonstrate,
and having remained there two hours with him, they pledged themselves
to each other:with solemn oaths on the bible. This was the case submitted
fur the Rev. Gentleman's opinions as to the obligation of the oath, and
several passages in Scripture were referred to pro and con. A copy of
verses, satirically:embodying the substance of the ci-devant lovers, ac-
companied this letter.

Mr. Newman spoke at great length in his defence, and stated the whole
history of his acquaintance with plaintiff's family from first to last. He
complained that he had been trifled with, and contended that he
had a right to press upon Miss White the obligation of the
oath by which she bound herself to him after he had been ac-
cepted as her future husband with her father's approbation. He had
entered a plea of justification, on the ground that two anonymous let-
ters, now acknowledged to have been sent by Mr. White, referring him
to the 34th chapter of Genesis, which would ba the first lesson for
the following Sunday. That lesson contained the narrative of Dinah
and Shechem, and the murder of the latter by Dinah's two
brothers. The imputation cast on him (defendant), and the threat
held out in that scandalous reference, elicited from him the letters
complained of. It was true Mr. White said that he had made a mis-
take—that the lesson was ceanged, and that he meant to refer to the
30c. of numbers, which related to the non obligdtion of the pledges of
maidens under ago.
The Loan CHIEF Jusricn—lt was a most unfortunate mistake

Mr. NEWTON then referred to a subsequent letter in which it was said
that the reference to the story of Shechem was a mistake, but that the
chapter was appropriate, as an example to injured brothers. Mr.
White having at this time two grown up sons, whom he (Mr. N.) had
supposed to be meant as the parallels of Simeon and Levi, who
slew Shechem for his conduct to Dinah. He (Mr. N.) had been most
cruelly treated. He had been indicted and imprisoned for those letters,
and now this action followed, because he would not give a pledge, which
would be equivalent to signing his own death.warrant.
Mr. Sergeant WILDE replied.
After which the Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff Damages,
250/.

TATTERSALL'S-(THIS EVENING.

tdaken
7 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Phcenix—taken
18 to agst Mr. Armitage's Nonplus colt—offered
4 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Grey Momus—
-18 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's D'Egville—offered
15 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's lon—taken
12 to 1 agst Mr. Bland's Young Rowton—offered
40 to 1 agst Mr. Worrall's Dormouse—taken
50 to 1 agst Sir G. Heathcote's Amato--taken
4 to 1 agst Mr. Scott's lot—taken
27 to 1 agst Mr. E. Peel's The Early Bird—taken
11 to 1 st Mr. Coombes's Cobham—taken
20 to 1 agst Lord. Stradbroke's Beggarman—taken
35 to 1 agst Lord Westminster's Richard Roe
45 to 1 agst Mr. Richardson's Moue Adam
35 to 1 agst Sir J. Mills's Volunteer
i2O to 1 agst Lord Exeter's Alemdar—taken
500 to 25 agst Mr. Ford's Quo Minus—offered
33 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Bretby—taken
THE OAKS.
7 to 1 agst Mr. Batson's Vespertilio
77 to 1 agst Lord Albemarle's Barcarolle
11 to 1 agst Lord Suffield's Calliste—taken
12 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Rowton's dam filly—offered
12 to 1 agst Mr. J. Scott's Mary Gray—taken

M A It
K:
93E06T
vv:v—aall
ll(ss MARKET.—(THIS
H1A:5ettiae:D.0.1A......31......)....22.21
86
COAL
Ships arrived since last market-day, 81.
s. if. Per
Per Ton.Ton' a. is
Affair's lB 0 Dixon's Butterknowl ............... 19 0
Dean's Primrose
Felling Main
rlolywell
Picton
17 0 Walls End Deanery... ....... 3 0
29 0 Walls End West 'fees ...
Pontop Windsor ........ 19 6
Russell's Iligh.,Main
Wylam
19 6 1 Walls End Seymour Tees .... 20 6
Walls End Bell and Brown
Walls End Bewicke and C 0.., 2191
60
wW:llll7sEEnndd 'fees . h..e. ...... ... . ............ :',...., 1
09
Walls End Grace
21 0 Walls End Hartley 0
. ........ •
Wails Walls End End HettonßKrilaitliTtl4'Ywll'nerth22 22 6

We have heard, but do not vouch for the ru-
mour, that there is a vacancy in the Borough of St. Ives, by the
death of Mr. liaise.