The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-25 00:00:00

FOR. EIG

U"JPEHIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS--(YESTAr RDAY.)
ROYAL COMMISSION.
The Royal assent was given
following public bills ;as
by
Houses ; Indemnity ;
Continuance commission, to the
Insurance on Liv P-s ; Abatement of the Income Tax
Charges !
—foo-r Law Board Onntinuance • Union
r''
lane',„ontinuance ; Linen Manufactures, L. (Ire-
• , Ecclesiastical Courts ; Commons Inclosure
(No, 2) ; Dublin Carriages ; New Forest ; Savings'
Banks ; Middlesex Industrial Schools.
The Royal Assent was given also to a considerable
number of private bills.
The Lords Commissioners were, the Lord Chancellor,
Earl Granville, and Lord Stanley of Alderley.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE gave notice that
on Monday next he would ask what were the intentions
of the Government with respect to the continuance of
the Encumbered Estates Court in Ireland.
MESSAGE FROM THE QUEEN—ADDRESS.
The Clerk of the house then read her Majesty's Mes-
sage as delivered on Friday to the house, viz. :
" VicToeu R.—Her Majesty, deeming it expedient
to provide for any additional expense which may arise in
consequence of the war in which her Majesty is now en-
gaged against the Emperor of Russia, relies on the
affection of the House of Lords for their concurrence in
such measures as may be necessary for making provision
accordingly."
The Earl of ABERDEEN—My lords, in moving the
address to thank her Majesty for her gracious message,
I assume that this house concurs in the desire expressed
in that message ; and, therefore, I do not anticipate any
objeetiou to it on the part of your lordships. Whatever
sisiferences of opinion may exist on the subject of the
war, I shad assume further that your lordships are of
agreement as to the necessity of adopting all such mea-
sures as may lead to its effective and successful termi-
nation. (Hear, hear.) I shall also assume that this
result is mainly to be produced by the activity and
energy of England and France, with the concurrence of
other powers. At the present period of the year, when
the close of the session may be anticipated, it may like-
wise be assumed that, the vote may not be delayed. It
is also highly probe;ole, that in the course of the year
contingencies msey arise of which it will be of the ut-
most importance that we should avail ourselves in pro-
secution of these efforts. It is intended for this reason,
my lords, following all former precedents on such occa-
sions, to ask Parliament for a vote of credit of three
millions—a large sum undoubtedly, and one which pos-
sibly some noble lords would prefer to see entrusted to
other hands for disposal than those of her Majesty's
Government : but I am unwilling to believe, my lords,
that any such wish will be permitted by those
noble lords to interfere with the desire which I
believe exists on all hands to promote and as-
sist as far as possible the efforts which shall
be made by her Majesty's Government in the circum-
stances. Your lordships will, however, clearly under-
stand that this money has been already voted and pro-
vided by Parliament. There is no question now of
additional burdens on the public—no question of new
taxation—no question of a loan. What we ask for is an
authorisation to employ funds already provided, but not
hitherto appropriated to the purpose by Parliament.
Under these circumstances I think we are not taking
an unreasonable course in following on this occasion the
course pursued by all preceding Governments in analo-
gous cases, and in asking your lordships' concurrence
with the other House of Parliament in such measures
as may be necessary for making provision accordingly.
The noble earl then moved the address ; which was to
the effect that the House of Lords cheerfully concurred
in the desire of her Majesty to make due provision for
any additional expeuse which might arise in consequence
of the war in which she is now engaged against the
Emperor of Russia.
The Earl of ELLENBORO UGH did not think that
a convenient opportunity for entering into a review of
the general question ; and he should therefore abstain
from so doing. He could have no objection to the pro
posal of the Government, engaged as they were in a just,
necessary, and politic war ; less still could he have any
objection, because he believed that if a similar motion
had been made last year, it would probably have brought
a successful termination of the war before this, by show-
oeg Russia that this country was ready and prepared for
every contingency. This, however, he would say, and
only say, that in granting these funds, he hoped her Ma-
jesty's Government, while consulting the honour and
glory of the country, would not be forgetful of economy;
that they would ca: ry that economy into the administra-
tion of the civil departments of the state, where no eco-
nomy could impair the progress of the war, but by attend-
ing to which it ought be conducted, without further bur-
dens to the already overtaxed people of the cuuutry, to a
favourable issue. Ile knew that in periods of great wars
men did not usually attend to economy ithe civil de-
partments of the state ; but, on the contrary the expendi-
ture in those departments were usually largely increased,
from want of due consideration and thought on the part
of the Government. It seemed to him, therefore, to be
most specially the duty of his noble friend at the head of
the Government to take into his consideration the most
minute details of the expenditure in the civil service of
the State, with the view to effect the strictest economy
in its administration, and so to satisfy the people of this
country that there was no extravagance, and that what
they had given willingly bad been expended honestly and
economically. (Hear, hear.) This point deeply im-
pressed upon the mind of the noble lord at the com-
mencement of a war of which no man could see the ter-
ruination, would avert the necessity of appealing to the
people to carry on the war except under circumstances
which could meet with no refusal.
The Earl of HARDWICKE—There was no question
of greater importance than that before their lordships.
The noble earl at the head of the Government had
stated, that perhaps many noble lords in that house
wished to see the conduct of the war in other hands
than those of her Majesty's Government. This might
be, but he (the Earl of Hardwicke) nevertheless felt
assured that the loyalty of their lordships and the
necessities of the case would remove all obstacles on
that score. For his own part, he could only say that
he, for one, was quite ready to place in the hands of
the noble earl those powers which he demanded on the
present occasion. There was no question that, under
the circumstances, and in a case like that under consi-
deration, discussion was unadvisable ; but, nevertheless,
he felt bound to remark that the house had no know-
ledge of the plans of the Government. (Hear, hear.)
Great exertions had been made by the country, and a
large force had been set on foot both in the Baltic and
the Black Sea, while a considerable army, perhaps the
most considerable ever sent from these shores—had been
despatched to the scene of operations. So far the pro-
gress of the war had advanced ; but beyond that fact
there was nothing known to the house or to the country.
He (the Earl of Hardwicke) only hoped and trusted with
his noble friend that with the means in their hands, her
Majesty's Government, under God's providence, would
be enabled to direct the war to a happy issue. ut they
were in this peculiar position—by means of that great
force they had raised the hopes, and wishes, and expec-
tations of the people of this country to such a high
pitch, that if the campaign should pass away without
some feat of arms commensurate with the power, glory,
and dignity of this country, he felt a great responsibility
would rest With her Majesty's' Government. He acqui-
esced in the necessity of arming the Government with all
the power requisite to carry on the war, and, therefore,
he concurred in the address to her Majesty.
Earl FITZWILLIAM agreed with his noble friend
who spoke last, as well as with his noble friend who pre-
ceded_ him, that if it was desirable the conduct of the
war should be vigorous, it was also desirable that a most
searching investigation should be made into its econo-
mical management. He could not go so far, however,
a 3 his noble friend, when he said this country was the
most highly-taxed country in the world. So far from it,
he (Earl Fitzwilliam) believed that in no one of the other
States of Europe were the people so capable of paying
as those of this country ; consequently, there was no
State in Europe on the people of which the burden of
taxation fell so lightly. Nevertheless, he (Earl Fitz-
william) was in favour of the most strict economy in
the administration of those funds which were placed at
the disposal of her Majesty's Ministers. Their lord-
ships' house and the other house of Parliament were,
however, placed in a singular position, he was bound to
say, by the silence of her Majesty's Government ; and
he was bound to add that never was a speech made that
conveyed less information on the subject at issue than
that of the noble earl. But there did fall from that
noble earl an observation to which he (Earl Fitzwilliam)
wished to draw the attention of the house, and he should
not regret if he could attract.also the attention of the
public. His noble friend had used the ominous expres-
sion, speaking of the restoration of peace, "with the
concurrence of the other powers." He (Earl Fitzwilliam)
desired to know who were those powers whose concur-
rence his noble friend was so desirous of obtaining for
the restoration of peace.
Lord BROUGHAM—In carrying on the war.
The Earl of ABERDEEN said the noble earl had
totally mistaken his words. He had said nothing of the
sort. 'What he said had no reference to the concurrence
of other powers with respect to peace ; it certainly had
reference only to their concurrence with respect to the
war.
Earl FITZWILLIAM regretted he had misstated his
noble friend's words ; but he did not think still that he
mistook them. He could not quite understand the dis-
tinction drawn by the noble earl ; for, according to the
noble earl's own theory, the only object of the war was
to secure peace. Therefore, the concurrence of the
other powers in the war implied their concurrence in
peace. (Laughter.) If his noble friend stated that no
negotiation for peace would be undertaken without the
concurrence of France and Turkey, then he could under-
stand the statement. But was that the position of the
question. The great object of his noble friend was the
restoration of peace ; 'but if that object was to be at-
tained, it could only be attained by serious blows struck
against the power with whom this country was at war.
He (Earl Fitzwilliam) felt compelled to avail himself of
the present opportunity to express his deep regret that
any portion of the exertions of this country should
be diverted from the great object in view— namely,
to strike those blows on the enemy in all parts of the
world which would he the most likely to induce him to
make peace. It was not by attacks upon small ports in
the Baltic] or in the Black Sea that an impression could
be made calculated to produce the peace sought on the
terms on which alone it ought to be made. He (Earl
Fitzwilliam) entertained great apprehension as to the
terms on which peace might possibly be made by her Ma-
jesty's Government. He trusted they would be such as to
secure the Turkish empire from being placed ever again
at the mercy of Russia. That was the true object to be
held in view. He was afraid, however, that through a
weak consideration for the wishes of other powers the
Government might be led to accept certain objects of a
meaner character, as sufficient to justify them in aban.