The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-03 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING; JANUARY 3, 1853.

NEW WORK BY SIR E. BIILWER LYTTON BART.

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THE 138th Number of the HYGEIST and
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NEW QUARTERLY REVIEW.
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CONTENTS :—I. Retrospect of the Literature of the Quarter.—
11. Moore's Memoirs, Journal, and Correspondence.—lll. Thackeray
and the Age of Queen Anne.—lV. Smatterers in Oriental Literature.
—V. Falsifications of Food.—Vl. Whimwams and Opinions of Sir
Archibald Alison, Bart.—Vll. India: How THE HINDU TnaALL IS
RIILED.—VIII. Anecdotes of Wellington, &c.—Present Condition of
Dt edical Science.—Together with separate Reviews of every Book of
any interest published in America, France, or Germany during the
past Quarter.

Hookham's, 16, Old Bond-street.

THE ABERDEEN MINISTRY.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
(From the Times.l,'
A good deal of admiration has been lavished on
the facility with which Aberdeen, Palmerston, Rus-
sell, Graham, and Gladstone finds themselves able
to meet at one Council Table. ,The public were
certainly aware that, in these higher regions, men
had more perfect mastery over their opinions, their
personal feelings, and even their very recollections,
than in the more fervid sphere of vulgar partisan-
ship. But, somehow or other, the men in this case
had come to be regarded as downright natural op-
posites as incapable of agreeing as ice and flames ;
so speculation was speedily at work, suggesting the
occasions and topics that would inevitably blow up
this great coalition. Meanwhile, under the cover
of these official magnates, the Most remarkable
member of the new Cabinet almost escaped without
remark. Sir William Molesworth, the out-and-
out Radical Reforrger, the advocate of the ballot,
of " complete religious equality," and the annual
censor of our colonial policy, became the col-
league of Conservatives, Whigs, high churchmen,
and old stagers nearly half-a-century in office,
as if it were the most natural thing in the
world. That the fine shades of difference that
separated the chiefs should be got over was
very wonderful indeed ; not so that the inter-
val which separates them all from a Radical Re-
former should disappear in one moment. How is
this ? How comes it to pass thal.: a nva, who, had
1104 ot been cast in the neighbouring metropolis,
would long ere this have been a member of a provi-
sional Government, and at this moment probably
in exile, can here become at once a member of a
moderate Government, and that, as we have said,
without exciting any remark. Nobody predicts,
with horror, that Sir William's theories will be
thrown to the wind, and himself swamped in the
mud of office ; or, on the other hand, that he will
break up the Government. Nay, favoured, it
would be said, by the blindness or negligence of the
public, the great philosophical reformer goes to his
borough for re-election. It is a populous borough,
a democratic borough, and without a single member
of the aristocracy residing in it. Tooley-street is
there, and many other scenes of plebeian debate.
Its constituency may be termed a pure democracy,
we are told, for real household suffrage is there,
the number of electors being nearly equal to the
number of houses. By such a constituency this
Radical Reformer, after accepting office under Lord
Aberdeen, is returned, not only without opposition,
but even with immense and unanimous congratula-
tion.

The question we set out with was, why this
strange combination of political opposite does not
so much as excite the least surprise ? The answer
is found in the very simple statement of Sir William
Molesworth, echoed by his friends, and practically
adopted by the 10,000 electors of Southwark, that
the right hon. baronet will do a great deal more
good in the Cabinet than out of it. Out of office all

that Sir William has done, or can do, is occasionally
to review our colonial policy, exposing numberless
evils in very powerful language, and propounding
sound theories in a very uncompromising 'tone.
He has invariably been met with the answer that
the evils could not be helped, and the theories did
not apply, and so the matter ended for the mo-
ment. Sir William made a strong ease, and the
Under-Secretary replied that it was too strong a
one. Sir William was told that his views were
not practical, and the Under-Secretary was not at
all concerned to reduce them to a practical form.
. .

This unsatisfactory exhibition might have been re-
peated year by year to the end of the chapter ; and
in other countries and other times it would have been

so repeated. Just now, however, we are beginning
to see the folly of this perpetual antagonism be-
tween theory and practice. We are beginning to
understand that it will not do to protect official
practice from just correction, and drive sound
theory to impracticable extremes, and we therefore
bring the two in combination. We invite the theo-
rist to step into office, and help to set his theories
to work. It is very true that Sir W. Molesworth
is not in the Colonial-office, and that he will not be
called on to test his principles immediately. But
he is placed in a position where he may tender his
advice on every possible colonial question, and
where his general consent will be required to the
course actually taken. That is quite as much as
a sensible theorist would desire. His present
position, as compared with that out of office,
will make just the difference between the possi-
bility and the impossibility of conference between
philosophy and practice, if that deserves to be called
practice which is often little more than the obstinacy
of officials.

We have seen how the matter has stood hitherto
' so long as Sir William Mopportunity or occupation than to make a telling
speech once or twice a year on
oles
our colonial woh had no better
admin-
istration, and publish it in the form of a pamphlet.
Let us see how the matter will stand now. When
the next colonial difficulty comes before the Cabi-
net—when some flourishing colony demands the
entire control over its revenue, the appointment of
purely representative Government, or any other
all its public functionaries, the sale of its land, a
reasonable object of colonial ambition—Sir Wil-
liam will be called on to advise, and to recommend
the concession or the denial of the demand, or any
other course that may be proposed. Now, if; on
the one hand, the cause of the colonists and the
cause of liberty and progress
will g
Wil-
liam a good and influential vote, so, on the other
hand, he will probably give ain in Sir
more deliberation to
that vote than he would to every
word in an Op-
position speech, or every flourish of his pen in
a declamatory pamphlet. Re will probably think
rather more about the actual consequences of the
proposed measure than he would about the effect
of a telling sentence, a brilliant antithesis, a highly-
wrought picture, or a bold anticipationit was out of Sir William's power to offer just that
sort of advice which would
haveb.eenHoitfherretoal
utility. Had his opinion been asked on this or
would that
havepoint, the
beenonlythat he
he could have made
he
and where, declined to advise where
he w a snho
et
could regularlyne t engagedassist
conse-
quently in carrying out his
advice. On the other hand, it was absolutely
necessary to state his case, in an appeal to
the Legislature and the people--all the appeal
hitherto allowed him—in the broadest and most
striking characters. Compromise, qualification of
allsorts,
through
are all: out of place
process of making his cause known. Confessedly,
sgn in
gtac,
the preliminary
t
in the application of the soundest principles there
whenmoderation,i a man
is great difficulty, and with that difficulty the phi-
losopher will not embarrass himself while he is in-
culcating the first principles of his science. Why
should he volunteer limitations and considerations
of prudence which could not succeed in purchasing
the approbation of office, but would sink the theory
in the dull understanding of the people ? There is
no longer this gulf between the Minister and the
philosopher. Sir William Molesworth can now
consult on the best practical moans for giving safe
and lasting effect to his views of colonial self-
government. This opportunity of allying theory
and practice, or rather giving theory the means
of adapting itself to the actual state of things, we
owe to that patriotism which has merged all consi-
derations of party or self in the common pursuit of
the public good. Without a " coalition" Ministry,
Sir William Molesworth would, probably, never
have done more than make long speeches to be ad-
mired and disregarded.

(From the Morning Herald.)
We have great pleasure in stating that our
readers will find in another part of our paper an
advertisement announcing a fact for which we were
unprepared—namely, that it has been decided on
nominating the Marquis of Chandos as a repre-
sentative for the University of Oxford on Tuesday
(to-morrow), when the poll will be kept open till
the latest possible hour. We need hardly add,
that we most earnestly and most respectfully en-
treat all members of Convocation, who take an
interest in the character and welfare of the Uni-
versity, to throw aside for the moment considera-
tions of private convenience, and to attend at
Oxford on Tuesday next.
Whilst upon this subject, we copy, with pleasure,
a letter that appeared in the Standard of Saturday,
and are glad to find that Mr. Gladstone's late
tortuous conduct is likely, if good feeling and
moderation prevail, to bring back many members
of the University to our cause, whom the course of
events, or perhaps the failings of temper, to which
all men are liable, may have led further than they
originally intended. For ourselves, we would wish
to say, that although the Morning Herald has been
stigmatised as " Evangelical," " Low Church,"
&c., &c., we have never been of any extreme
party ; we have endeavoured to advocate, feebly
perhaps, moderate High Church principles ; wo
have always sincerely deplored the schism which
has taken place in the University of Oxford, and
we will even go further than this—that we have
ever believed the Oxford Tracts were originally
commenced with the best views ; but when we have

said thus much, we cannot help adding, that al-
though many good and clever men—aye, many sin-
cere Protestants, may at one time have given their
support to these tracts, yet the course pursued by
some of the writers has been productive of the
most serious and alarming results—many of the
most prominent of them having actually gone over
to the Church of Rome. We have, therefore,
thought it our duty strenuously, and by all means
in our power, to use the influence •we possess as
public journalists against the extreme views of those
vulgarly called " Tractarians."
We take this opportunity—and we think it a
good opportunity—of saying that nothing would
give us greater satisfaction than to see the existing
schism amongst Churchmen at an end, and no effort
on our part shall be wanting to produce this de-
sirable result.
The following is the letter to which we have be-
fore alluded :

" TO THE EDITOR OF THE STANDARD.

" Sir' —Although opposed in many points, yet I ven-
ture to address you on the present occasion, thinking
that the time has now arrived for a closer union and bet-
ter understanding between men of different views, who
may still be attached to the English Church. The
attempt of an individual may seem Quixotic, but if it be
right, the tiny spark will soon communicate itself, and a
blaze spring up.
" The ill-disguised vexation and annoyance displayed
by the future Drummer of the Pope's Brass Band,' the
traitorous Times, at the straightforward letter of Arch-
deacon Denison to the Peelite Gladstone, proves more
than ever the necessity of union at the present moment.
That letter will show the opponents at Oxford that the
opportunity has now come, when, by a combined move-
ment, the oracle's pet may be dismissed in the same
manner as his Protean prototype of old. Hine illce la-
ch,rymce. Hence the affected ridicule, hence the ill-
concealed hatred and rancour. But the Times may
depend upon it that a large body of the clergy will not
be bullied into submission to the present conglomeration
of opposites by such means.
" There are many, like myself, High Churchmen, but
anti-Romanisers, who would be ready to unite with the
more moderate Evangelicals against Popish insolence,
and Popish plots.

" Atthe time of the Papal aggression, I stood almost
alone at Southwark, and denounced the dastardly con-
duct' of Lord John, in his far-famed Durham letter. I
saw then that it was a cowardly attempt to shift the
blame from his own shoulders to that of others, and to
implicate, if possible, the whole of the High Church party
(who were known to be opposed to Whig notions) in the
doings of the Romanisers and ultra-Tractarians. I
showed, moreover, perhaps with more zeal than discre-
tion or ability, that the majority of that school had ema-
nated originally from the ultra-Low Church. But a
large body of the latter, contrary, tas I knew, to the
advice of some of the best and earnest men among
themselves, were bent upon following in the minister's
track.; and, instead of joining in points upon which
we could all agree, determined upon gaining an
ultra-Protestant victory, thereby placing the Church
beneath the heel of the Government. A similar course
was adopted through the country. Ido not say this
by way of reproach or retaliation. Many, I believe,
have since regretted a line of conduct calculated to
estrange their brethren, and in reality do the work of
Rome. They have also seen the hollowness and insin-
cerity of the much-lauded letter by the " boy who
chalked up 'No Popery,' and then ran away ;" and they
would gladly join such High Churchmen as they could
trust in opposing the continuance of the Papal sup-
porters in power.
" Now it does appear to me that the opportunity
which was then lost might now be revived, and that if
such men as Archdeacon Denison, Dr. Spry, and others
of a similar cast of mind, were conciliated instead of
being abused and often misrepresented by the so-called
Protestant party, that a real blow and heavy discou-
ragement' might eventually be struck at the present
semi-Popish, semi-Presbyterian administration. At all
events, Mr. Gladstone might be ousted with the greatest
possible ease from Oxford. Begging to apologise for this
liberty, I remain, sir, your obedient servant,

' Lambeth, Dec. 30, 1852."

" J. GILLMAN.

(From the Morning Advertiser)

Now that the Aberdeen Administration is fairly
formed, we are willing to give it, what it has a
' right to expect—a fair trial. If it survive for some
time, and bring forward really liberal measures, it
' shall have our heartiest support ; but we must say
that our convictions of the impossibility of its hold-
ing long together remain as strong as they were at
first. If, indeed, there be any difference, it is
that those convictions are stronger than ever. We
have never supposed that the great danger which
the Aberdeen Administration would have to en.:
counter would arise from external attacks. It is
not from the assaults of the Opposition that their
perils—if to perils they are to be exposed—will pro-
ceed. The danger is to be apprehended from within.
It will spring from dissensions among themselves.
The friends of the Coalition Cabinet dwell with ex-
ultation on their superior administrative ability.
We have never questioned it. We have, on the
contrary, been, from the first, forward to admit '
that they are the most talented ministry, taking
them as a whole, which the present race of public
men could furnish. But that will prove one of
the main dangers to which they will be ex-
posed. The majority of the Aberdeen Cabinet
are too able—too clever by a great deal—to
agree among themselves. All will be striving for
the mastery. Lord John Russell, we all know,
was the Prime Minister. Lord Palmerston was
master of the situation, and had he stood aloof for
a few months, he would, most surely, have been
sent for by. the Queen to form another Ministry.
The Duke of Newcastle, it is well known in the
best informed political circles, most confidently
expected to be summoned into the presence of her
Majesty to receive her Majesty's commands to un-
dertake the construction of a new Cabinet. Sir
James Graham, it is well understood, is equally
ambitious of the Premiership. Nor does Mr.
Gladstone deem himself without pretensions to that
high office. With, therefore, at least five or six
members of the Ministry, all regarding themselves
as qualified to fill the post of Premier, it is not by
any means probable that there will be that har-
mony of feeling and unison of action which are in-
dispensable to the stability of the new Cabinet.
Nor must it be forgotten that Lord Aberdeen is
not the man to keep in check the jealousies of the
leading members of his Cabinet. There does not
attach such a prestige to his name as will overawe
or keep them in order. He is not the disciplinarian
that Sir Robert Peel was. He is a soft, easy man,
grievously lacking the decision of character and
energy of purpose which a person in his position
ought to possess. We are not, therefore, to expect
that he will crush any disposition to quarrel among
themselves, which he may discern among his col-
leagues, while that disposition is in an incipient
state.

It is on these grounds that we do not expect a long
life to the Coalition Cabinet. The event will show
whether or not our anticipations are correct. We
are willing to wait until the verdict of actual facts
has decided the matter.

In the meantime, the country would have MA
greater confidence in the popular tendencies of the
Aberdeen Ministry had there been a greater infu-
sion of the Liberal element in its composition.
Why is there only one man in the Cabinet who be-
longs to the class of politicians called Independent
Liberals ? Why, of all men in the world, if only
one such person was to be received into the new
Cabinet, was Sir William Molesworth the person
so selected ? His Liberalism has never been with-
out its drawbacks. He has systematically treated
his constituents with a superciliousness of manner
which few constituencies would have brooked. He

is by nature, and taste, and habits an aristocrat.
Beyond the fact that he has voted for certain popu-
lar measures, we do "not see what pretensions he
has to the character of a Liberal at all. He has
never manifested any sympathy with either of the
great popular movements which have taken place
since his introduction into public life. Who ever
saw him on the platform at public meetings in fa-
vour of Parliamentary Reform ? Who ever heard
his voice in behalf of Free Trade, when the mighty
agitation in favour of unrestricted competition was
being carried on under the auspices of the Anti-
Corn-law League ? We know of no man profess-
ing to be an Independent Liberal to whom the po-
pular cause is less indebted than to Sir William
Molesworth.

Had Lord Aberdeen been sincere in his profes-
sions of a determination to carry on his Govern-
ment on really popular principles, there are two
men to whom, as if by a sort of instinct, he would
have offered seats in the Cabinet. To these two
men Lord Aberdeen owes his present position as
Prime Minister. Need we mention their names ?
Every one, we are sure, will at once perceive that
we refer to Mr. Cobden and Mr. Villiers. To the
latter gentleman the country is indebted for having
originated the opposition to the corn laws. Year
after year he brought forward a motion for the re-
peal of those laws, amidst circumstances of dis-
couragement, arising from the ignorance and
apathy of the public mind on the subject, which
would have crushed the energies, and paralysed
the efforts, of a man of less firmness' of purpose
We doubt if there was then another man in the
House of Commons who would have persevered
with a yearly anti-corn law motion, in the face of