The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-11 00:00:00

THE EMPEROR OF BUSNIA'S ALLIES IN

_ENGLAND.

He who at this stage of the controversy throws a
doubt on the groi.nad of quarrel is a traitor to his country,
We are pledged to the French—we are plighted to the
Turks—we have committed ourselves to the Czar— we
have called upon Austria and Prussia to send their con-
tingent to the field—we have taken up the gauntlet
which the Autocrat has thrown down—we have drawn
on Omet Pacha and his brave cohorts to the banks of
the Danube, and at this point of the crisis there are
actually Englishmen among us who bawl out that we
should leave everybody in the lurch, fire a Royal salute
in honour of the Russian Emperor, as he passes through
the Dardanelles, and,send an ambassador extraordinary
to congratulate him on his entry to Constantinople, and
to represent Queen Victoria at his coronation ! Mere
there is undoubtedly a very large spare assortment of
moral courage, which ventures to brave the conscience,
the spirit, the common sense, and the good feeling of
the whole of the rest of mankind. But what are we to
say of that sneaking faction of dreary word-mongers who
nightly abuse the ears of hearers, and daily the eyes
of readers with the most elaborate sophistry to prove
that the Emperor of Russia is entirely justified in all
that he has done—that our Government is solely to
blame for the war, and that the war is totally un-
necessary ; while at the same time they are cowardly
enough to shelter themselves from the indignation
which the tendency of their fallacies is calculated to
excite by yet voting supplies, and declaring the war to
be just ! Conceive the Emperor of Russia reading an
elaborate justification of the position he has assumed, by
the late Prime Minister of England, still leader of a
majority in the Lords, and the largest single party in
the Commons. What is Prussia, what is Austria, to
think of the policy they should pursue, when they find
themselves advised by our late Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer that the quarrel is altogether a mistake of John
Bull—and that we have repeatedly approved of that very
protectorate by the Czar of the Greeks in Turkey, his
assumption of which we are now going to oppose at the
utmost cost of our blood and treasure ? Are distracted
councils all that we can show in the hour of peril and in
the din of strife ? Will Germany court alliance, or
Russia sue for peace, when they find that not even
among ourselves is there one heart and one arm ; but
that, on the contrary, Manchester desires the House of
Romanoff to • be enthroned at Constantinople—and
Young England declatio thot Nicholas is rightfully
the Protector of the Greeks of Turkey? Let us have
no more of this folly. If it will insist upon crying
aloud in the street let no man regard it. We have
done with the past. Wordy garble on that subject will
henceforth meet with no- toleration from the public.
The utterers are only intolerable bores—and their
nonsense ought no longer to be reported. Look
ahead ! "See the front of battle lour." Our
work is cut out for us. What we have got to do is, not
to debate, but to fight. The function of Parliament is
no longer to stutter over protocols, or prose through
secret correspondence, but to encourage the heart of
the nation, to find the sinews of war, to develope our
resources, to put forth all our strength, to give it an
effective direction. "We are in for it now." We de-
mur even to the propriety of presenting to the nation a
lugubrious inventory of the taxes we shall have to pay,
the dangers we will have to encounter, the protracted
period over which the struggle will be spread. "You
should have spoken sooner," as the Irishman said when
the chirp of a chicken was heard from the egg he was
swallowing. Whatever the cost, it must be paid—what-
ever the peril, it must be faced—whatever the length of
the contest, it must be persevered in to the last. Let
us have no gloomy forebodings, or mere wiseacre cau-
tions. Better that we should shut our eyes 'to every-
thing but the enemy straight before us, burn our tran-
sports, and throw away our scabbards. Is not our
quarrel just ? If we cannot answer that with an un-
hesitating " Yes," then, at whatever cost of pride or
policy, let us confess our error, and seek peace. But if
our enemy is the wrong-doer—if our client is weak in
might, but strong in right—if we can lay our bands
on our hearts, and say sincerely that our honest
aim is to throw our strength aroma the innocent de-
fenceless, to vindicate the general rights common to
mankind against overbearing lust of power, and to main-
tain the public law of nations and of Europe against a
common brawler and peace disturber—then let us be as-
sured that there is a God above, and that He is with us,
and that t his world no less than the next is under a wise
moral government. An old theologian said truly of the
mystics of evangelical orthodoxy—" They cry out against
carnal reason, because reason cries out against them."
We can perfectly understand Mr. Bright's denunciations
of the press, and his newly discovered amiable view of
the character of the House of Commons, as being above

the popular clamours of the multitude, and removed into
the altitudes of his own serene intellectual atmosphere.
Let us give him this advice—either be a demagogue or
a Tory, not both, .or either alternately. To despise
popularity is simply to despise the people. To ignore
the press, or, because it is unanimous in the sup-
port of a policy to which he is opposed, to endeavour
to destroy its influence by insinuations of its corrup-
tion, is to contemn the mighty engine by which
Toryism has been made to bite the dust. That the press,
at the latter portion of the late war, was unanimous
in its execration of the common pest and curse of Europo
who swept over it like a destroying tine, and who could
never rest from rapine and bloodshed, is a fact for which
it has no reason to be ashamed. And now it will be
most clearly in its duty, and best earn the gratitude of
posterity, by exposing to the contempt and indignation
of the country the craven counsels of those who venture
to abuse the patience and to degrade the moral sense of
the people by telling them to mind their calicoes and
save their taxes, while the common thief of Europe com-
mits his brazen burglaries, crushes the weak, and enslaves
the innocent ; and to stand by calmly look on, while a
miscreant whose kingdom is but a camp, and whose
whole people are the mere trained instruments of aggres
sion and destruction, grows by fraud and force into uni
versal empire—

Bestriding the narrow world
Like a Colossus, while we petty men
Walk under his huge legs, and peep about
To find ourselves dishonourable graves.
Rather than this should be, let the spirit which once " ful-
min'd over Greece," but all too late to save civilisation from
military despotism, again arouse Europe to the dangers of
the Philip of the North ; and, if need be, to harry the nest
of the pirate and the robber, to whose insolent pretensions
it is solely owing that we have to quit the plough.
share for the spear, to save our altars and our homes
from the curse of a second universal conqueror, unscru-
pulous and insatiable as Rome, but destitute either of
its politic humanity, or its wisdom in council and in the
science of government. You, Pease and Sturge, an-
swer us this. For what purpose does your idol keep
constantly on foot twelve hundred thousand armed men?
Is his Government so execrable that no smaller force
can keep his own subjects down ? Then what must be
the responsibility of those who advise us to invite him
to extend his sway over, the fairest regions of the earth ?
If it be to defend him from without, what sort of a
neighbour must he be ? If it be to feed the lust of con-
quest, and to extend a dominion already made up of
huge thefts from every surrounding country, what must
be the judicial blindness of those who dare to counsel
toleration of such n. system ? Nothing is so easy—pro-
bably at an early period nothing will be so popular,
when the pinch of warlike taxation comes—as that " save-
your-bacon" morality which sneaks from public duty,
and shirks the noblest obligations of humanity, to shelter
itself beneath the cant of cheap fanaticism and the crea-
ture comfort of thrifty hypocrisy. We have shown too
often that we can venture to deny ourselves either the
pleasures of popularity or the profits of self-interest, at
the dictates of conscience, to render it necessary for us
to repel with the scorn it merits the Insinuation of wise-
of war is a gainful enthu-
Ecacccylesiastical Titles Bill almost
tahtdheveoPreston Strike now at a cost of
which rivals have not failed to take
asami
lcuoersrnemese
popularity, that.ww7 the
re
exposee ps irsetosefsd
advantage.
chance, not by design, that we now
,
• and partake the gale," by re-
sistance to a tyrant and to the lust of conquest. We
pursue t
h e It
triumph,
m i s
mbpyh
rejoice that the country is with us. We say that he is
a traitor to the common cause who now seeks to distract,
our counsels, to weaken the force of our unanimity, to
encourage our enemy, the common foe of Europa, with
the hope that internal discord may paralyse our energies
and second .his nefarious ends. We have put our hand
to the plough, and can never look back.—. Dispatch.

AMSTERDAM AND ROTTERDAM PRODUCE MARKETS.—
The weekly reviews from the AmsterdaTi and Rotter-
dam Produce Markets mention that business was rather
more active. In coffee the operations, although not ex-
tensive, were at a slight improvement, the better de-
scriptions especially commanding higher quotations.
Sugar, raw and refined, continued steady. The demand
for rice had increased, and rates were generally well sup-
ported. No material alteration bad occured in indigo
size, the termination of the late ?isles.