The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-20 00:00:00

ALLIANCE BETWEEN ENGLAND AND
FRANCE.
( From the Tames.)
No man who listened on Friday night to the
spitited and energetic language addressed by Lord
John Russell to the House of Commons could en-
tertain a dowbt that such a speech in the mouth of
a leading member of the Government is equivalent
to a declaration of war ; no one who heard the
unanimous acclamations with which that speech
was received could deny that her Majesty's Go-
vernment enter on this war with the entire support
of Parliament and of the people. We have reached
then, by slow but unwavering and continuous steps,
that point at which the last scheme of reconcilia-
tion is lost in the note of defiance, and the pro-
priety of discussion is to a great degree merged in
the duty of action. For the first time in the re-
membrance of men of this century, that peace in
which we have been brought up appears to be at
an end, and the Government are driven to arms to
vindicate the rights and interests of this country,
and of our allies, against the wanton disturber of
the tranquillity of Europe. The conscious pride with
which the na.: ton puts forth her strength—the con-
viction that r, o other course remains consistent with
that position we aspire to maintain in the world—
the knowledge that every resource of diplomacy has
been exhausted—the belief that we may rely on
the support and goodwill of all the greatest
States of Europe, but more especially of France,
conspire to encourage the Government in its
course. If it be war, it is a war to which every
party in the State, and almost every man in
the country gives assent, for, with instinctive una-
nimity, we are resolved to try the real strength of
that power which has sought to extend its ascend-
ancy over the East and over the West, until she
thinks herself a match for the combined resistance
of the world. Lord John Russell spoke on Friday,
night likea statesman in a great conjuncture opu
f b-
lic affairs, and the House of Commons gave him
and the Government the support which has never
been withheld from a British Minister on a mo-
mentous occasion and in a just cause. Mr. Layard
had attempted, in an able, but ill-judged speech,
to circumscribe the debate within a review of past
diplomatic transactions, but, in his eagerness to
detect what he conceives to be the errors and omis-
sions of the Government, he entirely lost sight of
the measures they had actually taken, and of the
important objects they have now in view. No
member of the Tory Opposition has yet followed
Mr. Layard in this invi, ions task, but Mr. Roe-
buck, whose reappearance was cordially greeted by
the house, raised the real question now before the
country in a few distinct and manly sentences.
That question is not so much what has been done,
as what is now o do. And to that question Lord
J. Russell gave an answer without disguise or re-
servation, amounting virtually to a declaration that
if we do not obtain the immediate acceptance of the
terms offered to the Emperor of Russia, we shall
resort to hostilities to enforce his submission. We
may here add that, although no direct information
has arrived in London from St. Petersburg since
the recall of Sir H. Seymour, an answer has been
received by the French Government to the last
communications, and that it is unsatisfactory.
The intimation on the part of the Government of
the policy they are resolved to pursue was accom-
panied by the announcement of certain definite
measures calculated to promote its objects. In the
first place, we are informed that there has now been
an exchange of Notes between England and France,
in which those Powers undertake to co-operate in
giving assistance to Turkey, and declaring, on the
part of both Powers, that no selfish interests and
no increase of territory or power are sought for.
Our readers may recollect that on several occasions,
and as much as months ago, we endeavoured to
point out the necessity of definite engagements
with our allies, for the purpose of establishing the
objects of our common intervention and the means
of effecting them. It would be rash indeed to
send the fleets and armies of England on an expe-
dition that may lead to war in defence of a foreign
Power, without having previously regulated by
convention the position in which our forces are to
be placed. It seems, therefore, that, in addition
to the exchange of Notes with France (which we
take to be a provisional arrangement), "an engage-
ment has been proposed to Turkey, by which we
shall be assured, besides other things which are
necessary on such occasions, that Turkey will
not agree to any peace with Russia, while we
are giving our aid and assistance, without our
consent and concurrence." In other words, we
understand Lord John Russell to mean that a de-
fensive treaty of alliance between England, France,
and Turkey, has been presented to the acceptance
of the Porte, to secure to the allies of Turkey
access to the theatre of war, conditions for carry-
ing it on, and powers to bring it to a termination.
It is extremely fitting that such a treaty be con-
cluded before we engage in active operations in
the dominions of a foreign Sovereign ; and, with
the objects we have exclusively in view, there is
no reason that this engagement should not be of
the most public nature, to be acceded to, now or
hereafter, by the other great Powers of Europe.
It now remains for us to mention a measure
which hasalready been taken, and which has com-
monly been adopted shortly before the outbreak of
hostilities. At a Privy Council, held on Saturday
afternoon, the Queen was pleased to issue a Pro-
clamation, which we publish elsewuere, prohibiting
under a clause of the Customs' Consolidation Act,
the export or carrying coastwise of arms, gun-
powder, and all other stores of war, and also of
marine engines, screw-propellers, and all other
machinery or parts of machinery which may be
used in steam-vessels. This prohibition is general
and absolute, and the officers of Customs are
thereby authorised to stop all such commodities or
merchandise from leaving our ports. The s ispen-
sion of the trade in gunpowder and the stores of
war is a measure always resorted to in or before war,
and was first legalised by an act of Charles 11. The
Customs Consolsdation Act of last year has vested
in the Crown more general powers of the same
nature • and it will at once be seen that the expor-
tation of steam machinery for ships would supply to
our adversary a most important implement of war,
and precisely of that species which this country pro-
duces in the highest perfection. Without entering
into details, we have reason to believe that the
Government have information that certain con-
signments of warlike stores and marine steam ma-
chinery were about to be despatched to Holland on
account of the Russian Government, and these it
became important to the public service to stop.
To accomplish this necessary object, it is of course
necessary that the export trade in these articles
should be interrupted altogether; but it is pro-
bably the intention of the Government to issue
licenses of export under certain well-ascertained
circumstances, though on this point we have as -
no information.

( From the Morning Herald.)

•
Those of our readers who remember the part
taken by this journal with reference to the French
Emperor in the spring of last year, will, perhaps,
pardon us for the expression of a natural and cer-
tainly excusable pride. Against the influence of
most .of our contemporaries at the press—against
what at first was popular opinion, we earnestly
urged the absolute necessity of a cordial union be-
tween this na' ion and the chosen ruler of the French
people. While day after day the Times thundered ,
'its anathemas against Louis Napoleon, and by its ,
indiscreet invective was stiffing up national anti- I
pathies, we laboured as sedulously to point out that
the natural alliance of England was with France—
that upon that alliance rested the hopes of Euro-
pean liberty, and that if England and France were
once so estranged as to be incapable of cordial ope-
ration, Europe was at the mercy of the first com-
bination of the des: ,otic powers which Russia might
be able to organise for her subjugation.
The alliance with France is now become a part
of our national policy. The Queen has announced
it from the Throne. Every Minister who speaks
upon foreign politics goes out of his way to pro-
nounce a eulogium upon the Emperor of France.
Every journal in the Empire now treats the union
between England and France as the safety of Eu-
ropean independence. It is not easy, in this uni-
versal enthusiasm of the French alliance, to recal
the state of things that existed this time twelve-
month. Men forget that Sir Charles Wood then
selected Louis Napoleon as the object of the not
very respectable ribaldry of a hustings speech—
that day after day the columns of the Times teemed
with the most insulting abuse of the French So-
vereign and nation Nay, when our efforts had
been at last successful in evoking that magnificent
(lemonstration of amity with France in which the
merchant princes of Loudon conveyed to that So-
vereign the true sentiments of England—the con-
sistent and patriotic Times sneered at that demon-
stration as one representing only the servility of
railway speculators anxious for "concessions."
The short space of a year has done ample justice
to our policy. As we pointed out at the time, if
the efforts of the Times had succeeded in separating

France and England, Nicholas would at this mo-
ment be master of 'continental Europe. What
share this journal may have had in averting such
a catastrophe, it, perhaps, does not become us to
say. It is, however, impossible for us not to feel
pride in the recollection that our efforts were then
strenuously, and, as the result proved, not unsuc-
cessfully directed to prevent the invectives of the
Time's' being mistaken for the voice of the English
nation.
Our policy was founded, not upon the personal
character of Louis Napoleon, high as was our esti-
mate of that character;:it certainly was not founded
upon any sympathy with the form of government
which national exigencies had necessitated ix
France. We sought the alliance with France be-
cause we saw that in intelligence, in feeling, in
true liberality of opinion, the two nations were
already united. We Cordially accepted, the alliance
of Louis Napoleon, because he was freely and fairly
chosen to be the Sovereign of the great and en-
lightened nation with 'which, for the sake of free-
dom and civilisation, we desired England to be
cordially united.
These views, we say, have now become so general
that no one any longer ventures to dispute them.
The only contest is who shall be most zealous and
most energetic in expressing them. This we do
not disguise is our triumph. We may safely exult
in it, because it is the triumph of the cause of
England.
It does, however, add to that triumph if we can
feel that those who assailed Louis Napoleon were
as unjust to the individual as they were false to the
cause of England. This, too, is now beginning to
be thoroughly understood. The character of Louis
Napoleon is now rightly estimated, and those who
twelve months ago donounced him are now to be
classed among, the admirers of his integrity, his
energy, and Nis courage.
A pamphlet is now before us which attempts to
do justice to this extraordinary man. It deals with
the personal character of Louis Napoleon. It dis-
cusses that character freely, and with the skill of a
writer intimately acquainted with the Emperor's
career. It is utterly impossible to rise from its
perusal without the conviction that the ruling So-
vereign of France possesses qualities which in
themselves attract us to his alliance, and that re-
spect for the French Sovereign fortunately coincides
with our sympathy with the French nation.
The pamphlet to which we refer is published
under the title of " Napoleon the Third." It is in
the form of a letter to Lord Londonderry, and
bears the signature of " A Man of the World"—a
signature that we suspect conceals a name of autho-
rity and influence. The writer professes to have
had personal opportunities of forming the estimate
which he now gives to the world :
" It was during this visit in 1839 I formed an ac-
quaintance with the present Emperor— an event in one's
life not to be forgotten. I was introduced to him by
his uncle Joseph, the ex-King of Naples and Spain, a
man of the kindliest nature the world ever saw. Ma-
dame Junot calls him well and truly, 'the good Joseph.'
and he was wise and gracious as well as good. With
such an introduction, opportunities were not wanting
for studying the character of Napoleon Louis—a spe-
cies of study to which much of my time has been neces-
sarily devoted. The problem was difficult—for a long
time its solution seemed impossible. Frigidly affable
and repulsively polite he avoided either offence or
familiarity, but seemed' instinctively to coil up his
nature from observation. In phrase and demeanour
all that became his birth, still the man was perfectly in-
accessible. It was scarcely to be wondered at. Even
from his boyhood beset by espionage, reserve became an
armour. Scarcely at home in the household of his uncle,
the object of homage as much as of respect, he stood
isolated and original. None presumed to interrupt his
reveries, and to few, if indeed to any, did he accord his
confidence. Yet even through thathabitual reserve there
would at times gleam forth indications of a character
replete with kindness, and of a disposition generous and.
noble. There was much of peculiarity—much of con-
trast—abstracted yet vigilant - inquisitive in everything
but studiously, incommunicative—diligent in acquiring
all men's knowledge, retentive of his own—cold and im-
passive, but full of latent energy—cautious in decision,
but once in action, prompt, rapid, and impetuous—al-
most intuitive in grasping opportunity or detecting
weakness— improved by study, steeled by adversity,
disciplined for every vicissitude of fortune—he has ines-
timable qualifications for his high position. Nor in
private life is he at all deficient in commanding respect
or captivatinc, sympathy -of themost winning manners
when minded to assume them ; perfectly munificent by
nature and by habit ; chivalrous, sincere, constant—of
I him, my lord, rely on it, it never will be said that he
forgot a kindness or abandoned a friend. The ingra-
titude which stained our English Restoration will find
no imitator in him. The sharers in his sorrows are as-
sociated with his prosperity, and the claims alike of
Ham and St. Helena found no tardy welcome in the
Palace of the Elys6e. The companion of his prison is
now the first phy,sician of his Court, and the legatees of
his uncle were amoriist-the object of his earliest solici-
tude. Let ignorance, mistake, and prejudice misconstrue
and animosity misrepresent him, his life has been, and
wfll be, their refutation. While strangers paint him,
fashioning the portrait from rumour or from impulse,
my appliances are more authentic. He sat for the
urope.
predictions li
ofe the
holdhsys e firs
(stato
Napoleon—predictions
b greatest
pic-
ture. To those who have studied him and known him
best I appeal, as to your lordship, for the fidelity of the
likeness. '
It is not only in sketching with truthful justice
the character of Louis Napoleon that the writer of
this pamphlet has done good service to the cause of
E
happilye ars e
aasl
ceed, t
athi
ne
s f far-seeing
withhiead
already h
i
speak to France from his grave
Napoleon)parpart
of Russia
Turkey,
and have
aavlel
Ge'
elc n at Constantinople,e. Tkfeehn few days
I
place. Almost all the cajolling and flattery
which Alexander used towards me was to effect this
object. Above all the powers Russia is most to be
feared, especially by you. In the natural course of
things
Russians.
thg s Turkey
population m
iluesatr
oe
nf al
Greeks,
r to
eo
ksßussia.
who,T
you h g e
may greatest t:as part
of area r t
hypothesis that France and
England may ever be allied with sincerity will be in
order to prevent this."
Upon this the writer of the pamphlet observes,
with equal eloquence of truth
;
"How strangely, how curiously prophetic, appear at
this moment these conversations of Napoleon, uttered
upwardF of 30 years ago ! The alliance does exist, and
we have now upon the French throne a monarch capable
of appreciating its value to the whole civilised world.
For the first time in our history we may confide in the
good faith of that alliance. The Bourbons ever had a
jealousy of England."
Those who see in the revolutions of dynasties
something more than the mere movements of poli-
tical chance, may perhaps regard as providential
the fact that Such a Sovereign should at this mo-
ment occupy the throne of France. Singular, at
all events, the fortune which, after so many changes
and chances, has left it to the nephew to verify the
prophecy of the uncle, and placed in the hand of
Napoleon the Third the sceptre of the First, when
France and England are allied with sincerity in
order to prevent the subjugation of Europe by
Russia.
yet

(From the Morning post.)
Lord John Russell announced to the House of
Commons, on Friday night, that " an exchange of
notes had taken place between England and
France," engaging those Powers "to co-operate
in giving assistance to Turkey,"
This alliance between the two great Powers of
Western Europe is an event of immense importance,
' both in its present aspect and future consequences.
We search in vain the pages of their annals for its
parallel. Those records tell chiefly of destructive
jealousies, of enmities and wars, mutually mis-
chievous, and of the difficult progress of each na-
tion, constantly injured by her neighbohr.
A happier event than ever took place in the his-
tory of the two countries has now to be written
down. England and France have entered into an
alliance for a just and noble cause, agreeing to
bear alike the chances of war, and, in common, to
accept its consequences, and to carry it to an issue,
, making war together and peace together_; stipu-
lating, with a magnanimity worthy of such coun-
tries, that, as stated by Lord John Russell, " No
selfish interest, no increase of territory or power,
is sought on the part of either State."
To these provisions the two. Governments have
bound themselves by an exchange of notes---a diplo-
matic form having all the binding force of a treaty
--by which more solemn engagement it will soon
be, no doubt, replaced.
The exchange of notes is a form invented by mo-
dern diplomacy ; for to our ancestors treaties and
conventions only were known. These documents,
however, occupying frequently a long time in their
negotiation, being intended for deposition in the'
national archives and as historical muniments, if,
has been of late years found more expeditious, when
the matter is of an excessively urgent or of a pro-.
visional nature, to supply the place of a treaty,
which is ratified by the Sovereign's own hand, by
an exchange of notes,
signed by their Ambassa-
dors, as a temporary, though equally valid, bond.
It is with this latter form that Lord John Rus-
sell has stated that England and France have
bound themselves to maintain the integrity of the
Ottoman Empire, and the independence of the
Sultan, against all attack. This is the purpose of
the engagement ; the method of carrying it out is,
of course, by war with 'Russia—provisions being