The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-13 00:00:00

[PRICE SD.

ment, Great Britain does not-know her aim. For the
third source of instruction there are the Vienna protocols,
to which Great Britain is pledged. In that regard the
world is indebted to Lord Lyndhurst for such a vivid,
logical, and forcibly impressive elucidation of the subject
that it would be unbecoming in me to enlarge upon it.
I, therefore, will restrict myself to a few quotations. In
the memorandum of Austria and Prussia to their en-
voys at the Germanic Diet, these powers declare that
the war should, under no circumstances, have for result
any change in the co-existing territorial positions of
Turkey and of Russia. This is not a private view of
Austria and Prussia. In the Vienna protocol of Dec.
sth, to which Greet Britain and France are parties, the
plenipotentiaries of the four Powers record with satis-
faction, that the existing war cannot in any case lead to
modifications in the territorial boundaries of the two
empires, altering the state of possession in the East esta-
blished for a length of time, and which is equally neces-
sary for the tranquillity of all the other Powers. Oie
by all that is sacred to men, how could Great Britain
sign such a—why, such a nonsense, that the uncrippled
territorial position of Russia, with all the ill-gotten
plunder secured to her, is necessary to the tranquillity of
Great Britain ? Why, it is enough to make one mad
only to hear of such a profanation of human intellect.
(Loud cheering.) However, so much is clear from the
quotation, that Great Britain has pledged her signature
to the principle that the Status quo ante bdluta—that is,
all as it was before—shall be the end of the war. To
this, as a fourth course, Lord Clarendon answers that
this may be the will of Austria and Prussia, but it is
not yours—Austria and Prussia's will does not inter-
fere with the will of England and France. Really ? but,
my lord, Britain and France have signed the protocol of
December 5 ; they profess to act upon the principles laid
down therein. And again, if your lordship does not
agree with Austria, how can you ally Great Britain to
Austria ?—nay, allow her to occupy the Danubian
Turkish provinces, not because the Russians are there,
but because the Russians are no more 'there ? Why it
is enough to drive one mad ! Therefore the matter
stands thus—Lord John Russell means security for the '
future ; Lord Aberdeen sees no danger, and means
an unknown quantity in mathematics, and mul-
tiplied with twenty-five years' peace—(laughter)—
the diplomatic protocols mean the status quo—Lord
Clarendon means Austria's alliance at any price,
though Austria be bent on an object which Lord Cla-
rendon disowns, _and. the _ people !—why the people
means to fight fur freedom. Such is the-position. And
what is the result !—a war without a defined positive
British aim, but made subservient to Austrian despotism.
However, if there be no harmonious chiming, rather a
clashing charivari, between the words, and acts, and
writings of the Government with respect to the proposed
aim of the war, certainly every impartial and intelligent
man can tell what should be the object of the war. It
is simply the definitive solution of that Oriental ques-
tion which I believe to have in the right manner ex-
plained. Now, what is the definitive solution of that
question ? Please to remember the definition I gave.
The Oriental question consists in thus regulating the
position of Turkey to her neighbours, as to have her
secured from the danger of being absorbed or partitioned
by them. In what manner can that be achieved ? Please
to mark, gentlemen, how the problem is clearing before
the eyes, if we proceed with the torch of logic and truth,
instead of following the jack-with-a-lantern of political
expediency. (Hear, hear.) There are two countries in
the neighbourhood of Turkey—Poland and Hungary.
But their condition may be different. Either subject to
Russia and Austria, or independent and free. 1.1 subject
to Russia and Austria, they are the sources of strength and
power to them fortf hhte occupation and partition of the
areTu therkis m
Turkish empire.ostperfectl
seeyouarrietyinadgeapieonsdtent
the
ioanadefereeses,to ofhey
the Turkish territory by conquest or by partition to the
power of either or both of those mortal enemies of Tur-
keys f Austria possessing Hungary, and Russia posses-
ing Poland, will, be always two, neighbours ready to '
combine for the partition of Turkey ; and you cannot
always stay or go there to assist her=you will not al- '
ways be in alliance with France. Turkey may be a match
for either Russia or Austria, as in fact she is, but may
not always be found a match for both—she may have her
weak, her unprepared moments, which her enemies shall
watch—she may have her engaged moments, and nobody
at hand, when she cries out, " Help, Cassius, or I sink." '
Thus, you see, with Austria and Ruesiaretaining all Hun-
gary
and Poland, the Oriental question is not to be settled.
But Hungary and Poland restored to independence and
freedom, the danger is entirely cleared for all eternity.
These two nations cannot be imagined such fools as to desire
to destroy what they want to maintain. Austria cannot
more think of occupying some Turkish provinces, as she
shall have Hungary in front and flank, and Poland in
the rear. And Russia having lost the Polish forces, will
neither have the power nor can think to attack Turkey,
having Poland and Hungary in her flanks and rear, in
case of such attack meditated. Neither could Hungary
and Poland, bavieg Turkey for their natural ally, fear
any attack from Russia and Austria. (Cheers.) Thus,
and thus only, is the Oriental question to be, solved de-
finitively, and in no way else: Tuns solved, there is no
danger more from whatever may happen in the interior
of Turkey. She may develops her internal vitality,
which she will, I trust, provided Great Britain wilt dis-
continue to meddle with the private affairs of Turkey,
because Great Britain's dipping her kitchen spoon in
every Turkish pot has done as much harm to Turkey as
the open attack of an enemy could 'do. This 1 dare
attest, because I know it, or it may happen that the
Turkish empire changes into an empire of confederate
states, or even may be decomposed into several indepen-
dent states ; yet whatever may happen, once the Eastern
question is definitively disposed of in the manner I indi-
cated, none of these possible emergencies can affect the
security of Europe, because none of them can throw the
Turkish territory into the hands of powerful neighbours,
who, by this accession, would become over dangerous to
the rest of Europe. Thus it is clear to demonstration
that it is only by Poland and Hungary that the Oriental
question is to be settled definitively, and the world for I
ever relieved from the certain recurrence of wars about
the same subject. And it is of this benefit that your
country in particular and the world in general is to be
deprived by the jack-with-a-lantern man of short-sighted
expediency, whose entire wisdom is but bent on escaping
a momentary embarrassment at the sacrifice of the
future. Gentlemen, Ido not like to say anything which
might look like boasting of my own poor sagacity ; still,
as I desire to convey conviction to your heart, I must
beg leave to mention that it is scarely one month since I
first spoke on this subjectpublicly, and already manythings
of what I foretold have been justified by the course of events
with striking celerity. I have told the British public that
in this war nothing of a decisive nature can he done by
your fleets ; that they are certainly a very valuable sub-
sidiary means, but no decisive instrumentality. And
look how the organs of the Ministry are already soothing
down the people, by trying to persuade them that it
would be rather dangerous should Admiral Napier do
anything. I have told the British public, that you
never will bring Austria to do anything else but to oc-
cupy some Turkish provinces, where she shall not have
to ineet Russian bayonets—my words are fulfilled. I
have told that Austria may promise you to fight the
Russians in case they do not recross the Pruth, but that,
if she throws the dust of that false promise in your eyes,
be sure of it, you will be already sold and betrayed ; it
will be done in collusion with the Czar. Scarcely a fort-
' night has passed since I told the word—and the fact I
foretold has occurred, and the collusion I argued became
evident, I have told, that if the Russians recross the
Pruth, Great Britain and France will not dare to follow
them—my words are fulfilled. You dare not, and you
cannot dare follow them, without Poland and Hiingary
to help you. I have foretold, that entangled as Great
Britain and France are in the snares of a false alliance
with Austria, the most embarrassing stress which can
befall them is to hear that the Russians recross the
Pruth. In scarcely three weeks after I thus spoke, the
tidings arrive, and look ! what terror has spread over all
quarters at the glad tidings of that success ; lookhow
the Ministerial organs stare, struck with horror, and ap-
palled with fear. Oh, it would be supremely ludicrous,,
were it not so terrible—but I really almost dread t,
to speak,the seeingwords the
pronounce.l shadow
Matters
o accomplishedare
vfactser y clingingevident,
gentlemen ! Either the aim which Lord J. Russell ap-
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resorted tFootrheanmeaonffsensvjiuuet contrary
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and by doing
sacrifices and .more
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pHuTtueunragknasyryw snore.
Hungary alone is a match for Austria— because we have
proved it in 1849—just so clear is it that the Turks are
a match to Russia in a defensive war. They have proved
it just now on the Danube. That which at the utmost
would have been advisable, is to have assured the Turks
that they have nothing to fear, as in case of finding
themselves inferior to the task, they shall be assisted,
and, as an indication of your sincerity to have sent the
fleet to the Black Sea, the very moment one Russian
crossed the Pruth. And even this had been only neces-
sary, because Great Britain's eternal meddli g with
Turkish matters had PO intimidated and demoralised the
spirit of the Turkish Government (except a few brave
men, such as Mehemet Ali discarded just by British
influence), that without such assurances the intimidated
Divan would nut have raised his resolution to a level
with the vigour of the people, and would not have had
the courage to command what the Turkish army we,-
able to do. But for a mere defensive war you did not
want Austrian alliances ; that is clear to demonstration.
On the contrary, if you meant an inoffensive war, then
it was the greatest possible blunder to court the alliance
with Austria, which does not, and will not, act with
you in an offensive scale against Russia; rather is it
an obvious impediment to you, as it did not only protest
in the name of "time-hallowed territorial limits 'against
any offensive attempt against Russia, but is really acting
accordingly at this very moment, to the infinite erubar. _
rasanaent of your wise politicians. But in that
regard
hradvie
often hear the nonsensical sophistry that you ,xuu:t.
Atutria beclips oho is $10,900 men itrorg.
•