The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-28 00:00:00

DEPUTATIO Ar FROM THE MANCHESTER PEACE
CONFERENCE TO THE EARL OF ABERDEEN.

The deputation appointed at the late conference of the
Friends of Peace at Manchester, to present an address
to the Earl of Aberdeen, waited upon his lordship, by
appointment, on Saturday, at Downing-street. Among
those present were the following gentlemen :
T. Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P. ; Richard Cobden' Esq.'
M.P. ; Joseph Hume, Esq., M.P. ; Wm. Brown Esq'
M.P.; George Hadfield, Esq., M.P.; Wm. Laslett, Esq:'
M.P. ; Joseph Brotherton, Esq., M.P. ; Joseph Crook'
Esq., M.P. ; James Bell, Esq., M.P. ; Frank Crossley,
Esq., M.P. ; James Kershaw, Esq., MP. ; W. A.
Wilkinson, Esq., M.P. ; William Ewart, Esq., M.P. ;
J. B. Smith, Esq., M.P. ; Edward Miall, Esq.,
M.P. ; John Cheetham, Esq., M.P. ; Samuel Gur-
ney, Esq. ; G. W. Alexander, Esq. ; Edward Smith,
Esq., Sheffield; Joseph Sturge, Esq., Birmingham;
Henry Pease, Esq., Darlington; Samuel Gurney, jun.,
Esq.; John Lee, Esq., LL.D.; Lawrence Heyworth,
Esq., Liverpool; Frederick Ashby, Esq., Staines ;
George Edmunds, Esq., Birmingham; Robert Charlo-
tan, Esq., Bristol ; E. F. Collins, Esq., Hull ; John
Morland, Esq., 'Croydon ; Richard Storry, Esq., Croy-
don ; J. D. Bassett, Esq., Leighton ; Samuel Lucas,
Esq., Hitchin ; William Edwards, Esq., London ; Rus-
sell Jeffrey, Esq.; Rev. John Burnet; Joseph Cooper,
Esq.; Rev. Henry Richard ; Charles Gilpin, Esq.;
James Ellis, M.D.; Samuel Carter, Esq.; Henry Storry,
Esq.; Thomas Beggs, Esq.; Rev. Clement Dukes; Rev.
Edward Giles; John Jenkins, Esq.; Alfred Rosling,
Esq.; J. Livesey, Esq.; Messrs. Perry, Alsop, Bendall,
Jones, &c.
Mr. T. MILNER GIBSON, M.P., introduced the depu-
tation by remarking that it did not represent any par
ticular locality, but was composed of gentlemen from
Manchester, Leeds, Hull, and various other parts of the
country, who had met at the recent Peace Conference at
Manchester. Their object was to call the attention of
the Government to the evils resulting from large standing
armaments in time of peace—not merely with relation
to the present moment, but as a question of permanent
policy. They wished the Government to endeavour, by
diplomatic influence, to effect of reduction of these arma-
ments. Efforts had been made to excite the feelings' of
the English nation against the French Government anti
people, and much irritation and alarm had been the re:
suit, but this circumstance furnished only an additional
reason for the adoption of the course of policy which he
had suggested. He wished to add, that the object of
the deputation was limited to the practical measures to
which he had referred, and did not seek to enforce those
abstract views on the peace question which some of the
members of the deputation individually held. Mr. Gib-
son then introduced the secretary, Mr. Richard, who
read the address, which was as follows :
"To the Right Honourable the Earl of Aberdeen, the
First Lord of the Treasury.
_

" My Lord,—We have been deputed Co wait upon your
lordships by the Conference of the Friends of Peace, which
met at Manchester on the 27th and 28th of January.
. .

" This meeting consisted of more than five hundi:ed gen-
tlemen of station and character from all parts of the United
Kingdom, including seventeen members of Parliament, the
chief magistrates of several of our largest towns, more than
seventy ministers of religion, and a large body of merchants,
manufacturers, and professional men, representing, we
believe, not their own sentiments only, but those also of
many of their fellow-citizens, inferior to no class in this ,
country for their intelligence and moral and religious
worth. Among the resolutions passed by the assembly
was the following :
" That the standing armaments with which the Govern-
ments of Europe menace each other, amid professions of
mutual friendship and confidefte, being a prolific source
of social immorality, fiancial embarrassments, and national
sufferings, while they excite constant disquietude and irri-
tation among the nations, and imminently jeopardise the
continuance of peace, this Congress would earnestly urge
upon the Governments the imperative necessity of enter-
ing upon a system of international disarmament.'
"On this subject, my lord, wo were appointed respect-
fully to represent to your lordship the sentiments of the
Conference. They look with the deepest regret and alarm
upon the present system of enormous peace establishments
which prevails in Europe, under which the Governments
of the most civilised nations in the world are constantly
augmenting their forces on a principle of reciprocal rivalry,
to which it is impossible to see any rational or probable
limit. It is calculated that there are more than three mil-
lions of men under arms in Europe, the very flower of its
youth and manhood, withdrawn from all the occupation of
productive industry, and maintained in enforced idleness
at an expense to the rest of the community, of, at least,
one hundred and twenty millions of pounds sterling an-
nually. This gigantic incarnation of brute force, lifting
up its head in the very centre of Christendom, forms a
standing and bitter sarcasm on that religion of peace and
goodwill which all these nations profess to believe, while
it entails the most fearful practical evils upon all the
highest interests of society—restraining the development
of liberty—demoralising the character of comm anities—
fomenting a warlike spirit among the people—imminently
jeopardising the continuance of peace, by keeping the
nations' in a constant state of reciprocal jealousy and
euspicion;Jekhausting the resources of state to such an
extent as to menace with bankruptcy the etchequers of
almost all Enropean countries, and, leikling, by exces-
sive taxation, and the intolerable oppression of military
service, to misery, crime, discontent, and revolution.
'ls not the time come,' to employ the language
of that illustrious statesman whom your lordship so
powerfully aided to give commercial freedom to this coun-
try—' Is not the time come when the powerful countries
of Europe should reduce those military armaments which
they have so sedulously raised ? Is not the time come
when they should be prepared to declare that there is no
use in such overgrows establishments? What is the ad-
vantage of one power greatlyincreasing its army and navy ?
Does it not see that if it possesses such increase for self-
protection and defence, the other po.vers will follow its
example ? The consequence of this state must be that no
increase of relative strength will accrue to any one power,
but there must be a universal consumption of the resources
of every country in military preparations. What,' con-
tinues Sir Robert Peel, `is at present the danger of foreign
invasion compared to the danger of producing dissatisfac-
tion and discontent, and curtailing the comforts of the
people by undue taxation ? The answer must be this—
that tho danger of aggression is infinitely less than the dan-
ger of those sufferings to which the present exorbitant ex-
penditure must give rise.' It is difficult to conceive what
rational justification can be pleaded for the continuance of
a system so fraught with suffering to the people, and with
danger to the Governments. To the reason usually assigned
in its defence, that in order to preserve peace it is neces-
sary to be prepared for war, it would be impossible to
reply in language more reasonable and conclusive than that
employed by your lordship in the House of Lords in 1849 :
—` I am disposed,' your lordship observed on that occa-
sion, ' to dissent from the maxim which has of late years
received very general assent, that the best security for the
continuance of peace was to be prepared for war ; that is a
maxim which might have been applied to the nations of
antiquity, and to society in a comparatively barbarous and
uncivilised state, when warlike preparations cost but little,
but it is not a maxim which ought to be applied to modern
nations, when the facilities of the preparation for war
are very diffarent. Men, when they adopted such a
maxim, and made large preparations in time of peace
that would be sufficient in time of war, were apt to be
influenced by the desire to put the efficiency to the test,
that all their great preparations and the result of their toil
and expense might not be thrown away. I think, there-
fore, that it is no security to any country against the
chances of war, to incur great expense, and make prepara-
tions for warlike purposes. I cannot be at ease as regards
the stability of peace until I see a great reduction in the
establishments of Europe. Such should be the great ob-
ject of all Governments, and more especially of the Go-
vernment of this country.'
"We are instructed, my lord, respectfully to suggest
that your lordship's present position is eminently favour-
able for carrying into effect these admirable sentiments, by
making an overture, in any form which to your lordship
may seem good to the Government of Europe to enter sim-
ultaneously upon a-reduction of these oppressive military
establishments.

" But we would wish more especially to express our
conviction of the necessity at this moment of endeavour-
ing to apply your lordship's wise policy to the unsatisfac-
tory relations of England and France, between which great
and civilised countries a spirit of armed rivalry is now, and
has for some time been carried on, which, if it do not tend
to war, seems to promise a continual and indefinite in-
crease of warlike expenditure ; for, as these hostile pre-
parations have no reference to any specific ground of quar-
rel, there is no necessary, or indeed probable, termination
to such a ruinous rivalry, unless it be met by diplomacy
in the spirit to which your lordship has given your sanc-
tion. And, moreover, we would suggest that these arma-
ments, being plainly of a maritime character, admit of
none of the pleas of maintaining internal order;which are some-
times urged in the case of the military establishments of
the Continent.

"In conclusion, we would add, in all sincerity, that to
your lordship's hands may our cause be most appropriately
entrusted. Your recorded opinions, your known con-
ciliatory temper in the administration of our foreign affairs,
and the courage with which yon have maintained your views
even when they were opposed to the momentary impulses
of public feeling, all point to your lordship as the Minister
to whom may be confided the task of placing our inter-
national relations on a footing more in consonance with the
spirit of the age ; and of assigning to diplomatists the new
and beneficent functions of mitigating their country's
burdens, guarding usfrom the repetition of degrading alarms
and panics, and substituting. for the suspicion and hate
which now characterise our relations, reciprocal sentiments
of confidence and friendship.
._,.. .

(Signed) "GEORGE WILSON, Chairman.
" HENRY RICHARD, Secretary."

The Earl of ABERDEEN said that he had never met
any deputation with whose objects he more completely
agreed than the present. No one could more earnestly,
he might say more passionately, desire the attainment
of these objects as a security for the peace of Europe
than he did, and he believed that by no other means
could any government more effectually promote the
happiness of mankind, and bring real glory to this
nation. These opinions he had not adopted recently,
They had often formed the subject of discussion ten years.
ago with his late eminent friend Sir Robert Peel ' • but at
that period the state of Europe was perhaps more favour-
able than it now is for carrying out the plans proposed.
Admitting, as he had done, the duty of the Government,
vthiLy,.mussttrceonngslyidedrestihring the subject
jecatttainin a practical point of
im-
portant object, they must look at the measures of
this
omf
ao spt
r Ic
tic'eal nature by which it must be carried out. First, there
was the influence ofetnhteeirrieloidtv‘a• ry own example,
on xample, and he might say on
thispointth
had
atth the military
principle
measures which the
Government
(whether
those measures were
right or wrong), were entirely
refer-
ence, and he thought they were not inconsistent with his
views formerly
expressed in Parliament. What he
meant to say was, that i
300,000 or 400,000 men,
f athceoreunwtryas kgrepeatt adnanagremryleostf
they might be disposed to indulge the taste in which
such forces originated. But the arrangements here were
not at all of an aggressive character. There had existed
in the country, as had been remarked, a strong feeling
of alarm, and had the Government desired it, they might
easily have availed themselves of this feeling, and have
greatly increased the armaments. But, whatever differ-
ence of opinion might exist as to the wisdom of the mea-
sures adopted, and they were fairly open to criticism,
their sincere desire had been to do nothing more than

was necessary, according to the opinion of competent
judges in such matters. He admitted that the danger of
aggression had been enormously exaggerated ; yet he
thought that a great country like ours ought not to be
left at the mercy of even the most pacific nation. With
respect to the definite measure proposed by the deputa-
tion, he doubted whether, in the present state of Europe,
such proposals would be listened to as favourably as they
might have been ten years ago ; but he again assured
the deputation that, whether their object was attained
or not, it would not be for the want of an inclination on
his part to promote it. He would keep the subject con-
stantly in view, and no one could more earnestly desire
so happy a result than himself.
Mr. COBDEN, in acknowledging the kindness and cour-
tesy with which his lordship had received the address,
remarked that the deputation were unanimously desirous
that, by means of diplomatic communications, at attempt
should be made to put a stop to the rivalry of hostile
preparations which was carried on between ourselves and
France, and if possible to effect a pro rata reduction of
the forces of the two countries. He thought it would
allay all irritation if it were publicly known that the two
Governments were in friendly communication upon the
subject. He was in constant correspondence with par-
ties in France, in whom he had the most implicit confi-
dence, anti he was satisfied that there was no foundation
for the fears of aggression from that country ; but if the
Government were to enter into diplomatic communica-
tions with France they would be in a position to contradict
such alarming rumours authoritatively. Such a course
was not without precedent, and he cited the convention
between America and England to limit the amount of
naval force to be kept up by the two countries on the
lakes which separate the United States from Canada. He
wished, in conclusion, to explain that whilst many gentle-
men present entertained conscientious convictions in oppo-
sition to war under every pretence, yet that they did not seek
by their presence to enforce upon his lordship the practical
application of their views ; but all those present, as well
as well as those whom they represented, wished to see
an effort made by our Government to bring reason and
common sense to bear upon the evil of our large warlike
preparations in time of peace ; and although the objects
and motives of the peace party, as it was called, had
been grossly misrepresented, he had no doubt that his
lordship would be sustained by the public opinion of the
country, if he would undertake to carry out practically
;lie reasonable plan which they had submitted to him.
Mr. HUME urged upon Lord Aberdeen, as the head of
the Government, the consideration of the subject, on the
ground of the enormous expenditure, the war establish-
ment costing 17,000,0001. per annum. This became
specially important, from the peculiar circumstances of
the country, occasioned by the discovery of gold in
Australia. Already the wages of labour began to affect
the cost of production so seriously, that the British ma-
nufacturer could not compete with his foreign competi-
tor. This was great mercantile and manufacturing
country, and tho'ee interests must be preserved. The
only practicable way of lessening the cost of production
to which he had refired, was by removing many of the
taxes which pressed upon industry ; and he looked con-
fidently to the present Government to remove such
pressure. He saw, however, small hope of such mea-
sures being adopted, unless a reduction could be made in
our naval and military establishments.
Mr. SAMUEL GURNE7 asked permission to add a few
words. From the positi,rm he occupied in connexion
with mercantile affairs he ii-ad an opportunity of know-
ing the state of opinion amon Q the mercantile commu-
nity, not only in this country, bit't he might say through-
out the world, and especially very oxtensively in France.
His belief was that there was no 1-tnfriendly feeling in
France towards this country until it ,had been excited
by our own warlike preparations and the comments of
the press. But he feared that now there was more bad
feeling excited on both sides than haul existed since
1815. He was one of those who believed that the great
principle of peace was in accordance with ,the doctrines
of the New Testament, but he admitted Oat was not
the time to argue that question. But on the
sground of
ordinary experience he thought that when tvo great
nations were arming themselves in this way, an d look-
ing with defiance at each other, that the clangor was
very great of their coming into collision. The, war
spirit was aroused by such means, and was more likely
to proceed to active aggression. _ The consequences of a
war would be most disastrous. The amount of propei-ty
that might be said to be afloat in our mercantile navy;.
and which could not be protected except by the good
understanding of different nations, could not be esti-
mated at less than eighty millions. He had no doubt
that a diplomatic negociation of a conciliatory nature
between the two governments on the subject of their
armaments could not fail to exercise the happiest influ-
ence on public opinion in both countries.
After a short reply from the Earl of Aberdeen, the
deputation retired.