The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-22 00:00:00

suaded to join in alliance with the Western
Powers, and to take up cudgels on our behalf
against Russia. Looking, however, to the pro-
tracted negotiations and vexatious procrastination
that has already taken place in all our dealings
with German Potentates, we must feel a thorough
conviction that the fate of Sebastopol, and the
Allied Armies in the Crimea, must be decided be-
fore the ratifications of any new treaty can be

exchanged.
Nothing then remains but to seduce German
citizens from their allegiance to their lawful Sove-
reigns. Now considering the just indignation
already expressed against all sympathisers, priva-
teers-men, and others not absolutely concerned in
the quarrel—recollecting, too, the tone adopted
in the first instance, and the rose-water manner
in which it was proposed to wage the War, the
sentimentality that spared Odessa and the foreign
trade of Russia, it seems strange that we should
now at once plunge into the most obnoxious prin-
ciple ever promulgated—the employment of mer-
cenaries, who may be regarded as mere pirates,
and not allowed the ordinary honours of war.
This brings us to the second point. How will
these men be treated by the Russians should they
become prisoners, and what will be our course
if MENSCHIKOFF should cause the ignominious
execution of any of the number ? Will it lead to
reprisals on our part ? Or, if not, what will be the
course adopted by Lord RAGLAN and his colleagues?
These are questions that should be considered,
and a:satisfactory decision arrived at before we
expose the unfortunate men to dangers far greater
than those to which any man enlisted to fight
his country's battles can be called on to en-
counter. These matters should be seriously con-
sidered before we adopt a principle in haste which
it is more than probable that we may bitterly re-
pent at leisure.

We ought, perhaps, to have noticed sooner the
Message of the American President, which occu-
pied nearly six columns in our impression of the
18th. It is hardly to be expected that ordinary
readers can spare time to wade through such
lengthy documents, which, nevertheless, as dif-
ferent parts may be all-important to individuals,
and as they should be weighty state papers, it is
our duty to give entire. In apology for extra-
ordinary length, it should be remembered that
FRANKLIN PIERCE is not a Potentate like our
QUEEN, addressing her subjects ; he is but primes
inter pares, a President of a Council and even a

nation of sovereigns, who expect, therefore, to be
made familiar with the why and the wherefore of
all his doings. Wearisomely long as the Message
is, it contains but little matter of general interest;
certainly not more than an ordinary Royal Speech
to our Parliament. The twdinm is, consequently,
so much sheer loss.

Mr. PIERCE, we are happy to say, informs us
that, notwithstanding serious injury to their crops
in certain districts they have not only an ample
supply for their domestic wants, but a large sur-
plus for exportation ; and that, notwithstanding
unusually severe pestilence, trade and commerce
have resumed their natural -course. Amongst
domestic matters, the fact most striking to English-
men is that their surplus revenue (about
3,000,0001.) is actually considerably in excess of
the redeemable public debt. Their entire debt
does not amount to more than 9,000,0001., and
this cannot, except with the consent of the credi-
tors, be liquidated in less than fourteen years.
Mr. PIERCE is necessitated, therefore, to take a
step in the direction of Free Trade, and to pro-
pose &reduction of import duties. Of course, it
never occurs to hicn that some millions of
dollars spent in slave emancipation might, in
process of time, convert his lauded country
into a Republic of Freemen. The redemption of
the debt due to the oppressed coloured Americans
he never thinks of. He prefers to be a President
of Kidnappers--to seize the bondsmen who would
seek freedom in what are nicknamed the Free
States, and at the muzzle of revolvers to lead them
back to the whip, the rack, and the bloodhound,
that under those native institutions they may
bleed out their days in slavery for the sin of try-
ing to be free.

We very much fear that the accursed love of
slavery is also at the bottom of American sym-
pathies with Russia. The great majority of the
American whites cherish a swaggering feeling of
their right to flog niggers at their will. In re-
gard to coloured Americans they consider them-
selves as thorough autocrats as the CZAR does in
regard to his serfs, and more so. The nation of
autocrats, therefore, sympathises, unconsciously
we believe, with Russian autocracy. It boasts of
freedom, but it means a freedom to work niggers
to death or to lick them as they please. Hence
this very Message records how easily they and the
CZAR come to terms, while with England and
Prussia it is not found so easy. His Majesty of
Naples, too, he who keeps the noble POERIO in
fetters and chains heavier than a murderer's, hits
it off, we are informed, most exactly with the pro-
slavery President. Mr. PIERCE comments largely
on his zeal for securing the acknowledgment of
the principle that " free ships make free goods,"
and is gratified that our country and France as-
sented to it as a " concession" for the commence-
ment of the War. He found, however, that
Prussia demanded to include the repudiation of
privateering also, and of course that Great Britain
would wish the same. This he thinks specially
objectionable for the United States to concede.
It would place them, in case of war, at a serious
disadvantage with the great naval Powers, as the
latter would have ready for use the means of
annihilating American commerce. True ; but
then, it comes to this, that America will not
join to give up a practice infinitely more
barbarous and revolting than taking enemies' pro-
perty out of free ships just because she thinks it
against her interest. America observes the single
rule of undisguised selfishness in her proposals.
Why should she expect, then, that we should vo-
lunteer international generosity without any re-
turn ?

Mr. PIERCE opens his Message with commen-
dations of American policy as being essentially
pacific. Surely, he must have forgotten the not
very peaceful annexations of Texas and half
Mexico ; the former the most inexcusable piece
of brigandage in behalf of slavery ever heard of,
and denounced so eloquently and indignantly by
her own CHANNING ; the latter a transaction
much upon a par with Russian annexations of
Poland. Singularly enough, too, he defends, out-
and-out, the barbarous and bullying destruction
of Greytown, so honourably condemned for its
wanton and unmanly injustice by the American
press, and so strongly protested against by her
MAJESTY'S representative on the spot. We sup-
pose that when the New York papers and the
commander of an English war schooner coincide
in their verdict, England and the world will be
slow to accept the judgment of the man who ar-
ranged the business. It was a piece of brutal
cowardice, and nothing else. Sheer envy of the
commercial success of the settlers. But, even
_hmueor:rwethhpearrertloven-foot of the slaveholder peeps out.
The community,
ibolfe blacks
must
h e
absidytsph.,cerwstaiaoisins‘
to'
ofcomposed mixed
isxleadv ebrl
blood
of
dowrlht
when