The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-16 00:00:00

LEIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

THIS DAY —Morning 55 min. after 6 Evening 16 min.aft. 7
To-Ifoaaow—N I orning 40 min. after 7 Evening 10 min.aft- 8

DAILY WEAMER TABLE.

WEDNESDAT, FEB. 16, 1853.

State of the -wind and weather at each of the following
places at nine o'clock yesterday morning. The stations
hare arranged in order of latitude.
HASTINGS—N., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
SOUTHAMPTON—N., strong breeze—overcast.
FOLKESTONE—N., light air—overcast.
TUNBRIDGE—N.W., gentle breeze—cloudless;
GREENWlCH—Calm—overcast.
GREENWICH—W., calm—partially cloudy.
SWINDON—E., light air—partially cloudy.
CAMBRIDGE—N.W., gentle breeze—cloudy.
YARMOUTH— N.W., calm—partially cloudy.
The returns from the following places indicate the state
of the weather on Monday morning at nine o'clock :
LnitEnica—S.E., gentle breeze—cloudless, severe frost,
slight snow in the night.
MULLINGAR—N.,_strong breeze—cloudless.
SOITTHAMPTON-:-.N.E., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
HOLYHEAD—E„ gentle breeze—snow.
LANCASTER—N., gentle breeze—snow.
WHITBY—N.E., strong breeze—overcast, hard frost,
snow.
• SNAP—N., calm—snow.

TEE WEATHER.—Sux OFFICE, FEB. 16.
THERMODOTEB, IN THE SHADE.
30—highest since noon yesterday.
25—lowest this morning and during the night.
31—this day at noon.

BAROMETBII2 29.83.
WIND, N.N.E.—Fine breeze, and sunshine.

The Publication of

" THE SUN"
Commences every afternoon at
THREE O'CLOCK,
and the Late or Third Edition, containing the
DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT ON THE SAME EVENING,
with all other news ariving in London
up to the hour of Post, at
SEVEN O'CLOCK.

EXPRESS EDITIONS
will be forwarded after the Post is closed by the

Latest Trains.

7 144,
44.
..••• Iltno
r no.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 16, 1853,

Still procrastination and uncertainty—nothing
but procrastination and uncertainty. These are
the guiding principles of the Joint-Stock Admin-
istration—the only matters on which the Mem-
bers of the Government can agree the one with
the other, or cordially co-operate together. Sir
CHARLES WOOD will become practically the most
efficient and useful of the body, as he is more
versed in the art of disappointing the community,
and shelving for an indeterminate period, any
question on which the popular enthusiasm was
strongly excited. Lord Jogs RUSSELL, although
not quite so practised a hand in this respect, is
proving himself to be a worthy pupil of his
faineant colleague. The Noble Lord appears
desirous of enveloping himself in a cloud of rays-
tery—of refusing the slightest information even
on the most important and urgent matters. He
not only declines to say what will be done, but
whether anything of any kind is to be at-
tempted ; and, in answer to the interpella-
tions addressed to him, only renders statements
already sufficiently doubtful, still more vague
and unintelligible, merely declaring that "it is
not the intention of the Government to furnish
any information whatsoever."
This may be a very independent, but we cannot
consider it a ,very judicious or politic course, more
especially in reference to a Member so generally
respected as the veteran JOSEPH HUME, on a sub-
ject of such vital importance as the renewal of the
Property and Income Tax. It may be very con-
venient for the Ministerial Leader and his coad-
jutors to delude the country with the idea that
something is to be done with respect to the im-
post, so as to render it more equitable and more
tolerable, and then, at the eleventh hour, to come
down, declaring that they have been unable to
overcome the difficulties and impediments to a
Satisfactory solution of the problem. An appeal
--to prevent the serious injury to public credit
and the best interests of the community, by per-
mitting so productive a branch of revenue to
ell:dm—might possibly be successful. The ordeal
would thus be avoided for another year. But
will the people be duped by a piece of jugglery so
easy of detection--an attempt at humbug so very
transparent ? Will they be thereby induced to
postpone the necessary agitation—the salutary
pressure from without, that is so very valuable
rial is to be worked on ? when a squeezable mate
We hope not. Fiscal Ref424l2,lers would be untrue
to themselves and to their country if they could
u
be so easily diverted from their Pllose—the great
end and object of their labours.
Let there be no mistake about the matter.
The Act under which the Tax is levied, 15 vIo.,
C. 20, will expire on the sth of April next.
This we assent positively, notwithstanding the
rumour to a different effect, most industriously
circulated, and which appears not to have been
made without an object. It was declared that
"the duties on profits,. arising from property, pro-
fessions, trades, and offices," would be continued
for twelve months, from the time of the passing
of the Act—the 28th May, 1852—the natural
inference being, that there was no necessity for
speedy legislation on a matter which need not
be disposed of until the end of May. Now, no-
thing can be more erroneous than this statement.
The words of the Ist section are as follows, viz.:—
" The several rates and duties by the said first-recited
act granted. shall be and the same are hereby continued,
and shall be charged, raised, levied, collected, and paid
is-Fie,z-pAp Elf? and for the use of her Majesty, her heirs and suc-
rs, from aud after the fifth day o f April, one thou-
c 3; 17-s--Pr;
Wsit'

c)\

and eight hundred and fifty-two, for the term of one
year thence next ensuing, and until the assessments
made or which ought to be made fir the said last-
mentioned term, or for any preceding year, shall be
completed, collected, levied, and paid."

Under this enactment, no duties will accrue, or
become payable, after the sth April next, and
the powers under the former statutes are only con-
tinued, so far as may be necessary, to enable
the tax-gatherers to collect all such arrears
as may become due up to that period. The im-
post itself expires on the sth April, and unless it
be renewed in some form, there must, notwith-
standing the present flourishing state of the re-
venue, be a very serious deficiency in that na-
tional revenue--a deficiency that may be pro-
ductive of very serious results.
Under such circumstances, then, we ask again,
is it just or proper—is it respectful to Parliament
or the people, to defer any explanations as to the
Ministerial intentions until after Faster when
the law is on the verge of dissolution I Much
care and attention, requiring many weeks, if not
months, must necessarily be bestowed on the sub-
ject before it can finally or satisfactorily be dis-
posed of; but days are not even allowed. If due
allowance be made for the discussions on the
Budget, it will scarcely be practicable even to
introduce the Bill before the sth of April, and most
assuredly impossible that it should receive the
legislative sanction before that day. Great incon-
venience may therefore arise from the gross lathes
and negligence of her MAJESTY'S Government, and
the decisive refusal to satisfy the national curiosity
of the community on such a point. But however
great that inconvenience however pressing the
emergency—we can assure them that they will not
be averted by a consent to allow a renewal of the
Act for even a single day in its present objection-
able form. Ministers have deliberately delayed
their explanations on the point. They must,
therefore, be responsible for the injurious conse-
iquences of their own procrastinating and tempo-
rising policy.

Mrs. JELLYBY had her " mission,". and so has
the Duchess of SUTHERLAND. It was a very
grievous mistake, however, on the part of the
respondent to the Stafford-house Appeal to sup-
pose that between the two there is little else than
a distinction without a difference. Such actually
appears to have been the impression of Mrs. JULIA
G. TYLER, in her voluble and discordant response
to the recent Address of the Englishwomen to the
women of the -United States. A careful examina-
tion of that reply, reduces us necessarily to the
belief that when the fair and accomplished wife of
the ex-PRESIDENT sat down to write, she was—
(there is only one word for it)—cantankerous.
The :authoress of this singular document must
be aware, on due revision of the whole, that she
has only been nagging, when, perhaps, she fancied
herself rhetorical. Instead of reasoning calmly,
and, if possible (which could scarcely be expected
under the circumstances), dispassionately, upon the
moot-question, the question of slavery—Mrs.
JULIA G. TYLER does nothing from first to last, from
the commencement to the conclusion, but scold her
" good sisters" on the other, meaning, of course,
on this, side of the Atlantic. Indeed it would
seem that she finds it difficult to commend her
own countrywomen without directing one or two
spiteful allusions to the countrywomen of her
Grace the Duchess of SUTHERLAND. Among the
fernier she says, for example, " You might find
no splended vestments of dress [what possibly can
be "vestments of dress r], no glittering diamonds
[fancy diamonds or even paste without the 4‘ glit-
ter !"], no aristocratic displays." We have not
forgotten how Miss PETOWKER reminded the
KENWIGSES, in allusion to Nicholas Nickleby's
appearance, that it was—" what do you call
breaking watchmen's heads and pulling off door-
knockers ?"—aristocratic ! And so Mrs. Julia.
G. TYLER sneers at "aristocratic displays," tell-
ing us that among her country-women we
should no more find those than we should
discover " glittering diamonds " or " vestments
of dress !" Adding with a thin hysterical excla-
mation, "No ! the vestments they wear are those
of meekness and charity, their diamonds are gems
of the heari, and the splendour, the neatness, and
contentment which everywhere meets the eye."
Splendour by the way had not been mentioned
before, except in connexion with the " vestments
of dress "—for the third non erit inventus was
surely the " aristocratic displays " already parti-
cularised. And then the verb in the singular,

after two nominatives, must clearly be recognised

as a novelty that might have thrown LINDLEY
MURRAY into a state of comma, if it had not
actually brought his existence to a full
stop. The " neatness and contentment
which meets the eye " everywhere in the
United States would seem to indicate
that the manuscript of this extraordinary effu-
sion, before crossing the ocean, had .been revised
by the ghost of Dr. SLOP—brought, perchance,
into communication with the writer for that pur-
pose through the " medium" of one of the Ameri-
can Rappen.

Even with the fear of General CASS before our
eyes, and at the risk of calling forth another of
Mr. JOHN BRIGHT'S grateful and authoritative
panegyrics, we find it altogether impracticable to
treat seriously so very spiteful and slovenly a re-
ply as that which has been vouchsafed by Mrs.
JULIA G. TYLER to the Appeal addressed to her
fellow-countrywomen by their English sisters,
headed by her Grace the Duchess of SUTHER-
LAND. The style alone is enough to set one's teeth
on edge, it is throughout so very shrewdly (might
we venture to say shrewishly) acidulated. Besides
which the argument is as inexact as the grammar.
It is wholly impossible to treat otherwise than wo
are doing a document so obviously begging the
question. That question was simple enough in
its entirety. It was condensed into the fact that
certain humane ladies in these islands appealed to
the women of the slave-holding states of America,
in behalf of the unfortunate negro population.
After the magnificent act, by which England
paid down in hard cash 20,000,0001. sterling,
to enable her to manumit all the bondsmen in her
dominions, it was glaringly permissible for the
women of a land thus magnanimous to plead in
the same holy cause with the women of the slave-
holding divisions of the United States. Mrs.
JULIA G. TYLER retorts by allusions directed
against England, as it was in the age of Queen
AXNE and the Prince of DENMARK. Mail now
aeons change tout cela. That generation has been
succeeded by others more generous and enlightened.
It is allowable now to waive all serious reference
to the peccadilloes of PENN, in consideration of the
glorious public virtues of such men as CLARKSON
and WILBERFORCE. In reminding her sisters in
England, therefore, of the bygone sins of Great
Britain in regard to the encouragement of slavery,
Mrs. JULIA G. TYLER has, as we have already ob-
served, merely been begging the question by an
evasion of the most paltry description—an evasion
indicative of the very reverse of magnanimity.
Because a reply of this peculiarly unsatis-
factory kind has been elicited from the
women of the United States by the ap-
peal, addressed to them from Stafford-house,
by the women of the United Kingdom—excep-
tions are being made, in some quarters, on the
score of its impropriety. For ourselves, we can re-
cognise no impropriety whatever in a proceeding
which manifests throughout so many amiable
emotions, and which found utterance in language
of such winning and persuasive gentleness. Re-
member it was simply an appeal—an appeal from
women to women —an appeal dictated in
no terms of arrogance or self-sufficiency—
an evidence of the generosity of those from
whom it proceeded, while it constituted, at
the same time, an indirect but very manifest tri-
bute to the humanity of the recipients. It has
been mistaken. Judging from the tone of the
reply transmitted to this country from the hand
of the young, and beautiful, and accomplished
wife of the eX-PRESIDriT, speaking to her sisters
across the broad Atlantic in the name of her own
countrywomen—the appeal has been most pain-
fully and most lamentably misapprehenhed. The
interposition of our English wives, and mothers,
and sisters, and daughters would seem to have
been petulantly resented, and at last sarcastically
and bitterly repelled.

Inspired in the first instance by the pathetic

writings of Mrs. HARRIET B. STOWE, the appeal
made by the women of England has been scorn-
fully thrust aside by Mrs. JULIA G. TYLER—both
of them eminently distinguished, though in a very
different reann.er, among the more gifted matrons
of the United States. We had at one moment,
we will confess it, anticipated some other result
from the supplication forwarded from Stafford-
house to America—some other result than its angry
rejection as an impertinence. Nor cal. we imagine for
one moment that we are alone in our disappointment.
Every one who perused thinkingly the tearful nar-
rative of " Uncle Tom's Cabin"—and who has
not done so?—must have felt at some time of
other a consequent aspiration for the downfall of
that evil system which we ourselves as a nation
have still the accursed remembrance of having
encouraged, though we have long since striven to
efface the crime from our conscience by sincere
and earnest efforts at its expiation. Yes—we
may have felt that the picture was over-coloured
—,-that the lights were too diaphonous rand. the
shadows too sombre—that the slave was idealised
in goodness, and the tyrant was exaggerated
in atrocity, but knowing well that such things
are—that there are fellow-creatures, men and
women, young virgins and aged patriarchs, sold
by auction like so many dogs, to do in all respects
the bidding of their accidental purchasers—we
have hoped, we have surely, one and all of us,
yearned from the very depths of our heart for the
arrival of that day to slavery which shall witness
its complete and permanent abolition. And that
day will certainly come—sooner or later it must
come. What though the Stafford-house appeal
be despised ? What though it be scouted. by a
hundred thousand Mrs. JULIA G. TYLERS speak-
ing in the name of generation after generation of
the women of the United. States ? Yes !—the day
will come when the outcast children of Africa will
witness their final emancipation.

After a day or two's reflection, we cannot re-
lish the Tory-Whig programme for the Session
much better than at first ; and we are pleased to
observe that such of our liberal contemporaries as
have any character to Jose, dislike it as much as
we do. We were amongst the first, if not the
first, to call the attention of Reformers to the in-
solvent supplications of Lord Ram RUSSELL and
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT for time ; and to the kind
aid furnished them by some of the magnates and
some of the plebs also of the press, in the contem-
plated resuscitation of Whig tactics for Tory pur-
poses. We must, therefore, be pardoned if the
truth of our prophecies does not console us for
our distaste to that which fulfils them. Indeed,
they. are more than fulfilled. We foretold delay,
but we have to lament delay, and curtailment of
promises too. The Reform Bill, when it does
come, is to be a second birth of last year's abortion.
Our little corrupt Ninevehs of one or two hundred
voters each, are, as we reluctantly predicted, to
be saved; and we, unlike the Hebrew Prophet, in
regard to concern for our own reputation, but
thoroughly like him in desiring the destruction of
the justly doomed, and in this case the irreclaim-
able, think that we do well to be angry.
What is the grand plea for the procrastinators ?
The amount of real work they mean to do, and
the danger of division and weakness if they touch
Reform. Neither are quite fair. The House of Lords
will, as befits it, take the chief labour of nearly
all the law reforms off their hands, and Lord ST.
LEONARDS has, we are glad to see, proffered them
his valuable and safe aid in carrying out his own
work, leaving them all their time for such mea-
sures as they mean to propose. The Jews' Bill
need not waste time in the House of Commons.
The incurables may be allowed to talk themselves
out on an exhausted theme without reply, and the
votes of the large majority recorded as soon as
bigotry " feels itself spent, and fumbles for its
brains." The Canada Clergy Reserves Bill
too will be little more than a measure to
vote upon and have done with. The Income
Tax again, when it is brought forward, can be-
come a matter of much debate only through the
most culpable wilfulness. No one believes that
brains are wanting in the Cabinet to understand
the grand principles which Mr. DISRAELI and all
his " Chairmen of Quarter Sessions," as their op-
ponents termed them, so honourably recognised,
and the highest practical talent in the kingdom is
at the command of any Government, in revising the
schedules. All the Opposition are prepared, much
to their honour, to support cordially an Income
Tax as honest as their own.

As to the Ecclesiastical Courts
of th et workhe cis
being done to their hand. Let them but place
testamentary affairs in the hands
Courts, abolish Church Rates, accept Lord
BROUGHAM'SBROUGHAS Divorce Bill, and refuse allpower
over the persons or property of laymen to Church
Courts, and no opposition could long impedelehat
every man of common sense has already made up
his mind to. The Education question is
we what
every
feel pretty confident they cannot so easily settle,
unless by overbearing much opposition from some
party without ! Inferior in importance to none,
it has its known difficulties ; but these we are cer-
tain would. be much lessened in a really reformed
Any extension of the franchise
wPoaruilidamaedndt.
a vast number of voters desirous of
Parliamentary action on this subject. Forth
the
cause of Education it is, therefore, bad general-
ship not to gain first so large a reinforcement of
friends to National Education. On this question,
however, the Budget will be the best test of their
honesty. They will encounter no opposition in
repealing the Excise and Stamp Taxes on the cir-
culation of knowledge. That is absolutely in their
power. It will do more than any Central Board
spending the money raised at a great cost, by
taxing heavily the greatest of educators. Ragged
Schools, which no Government can touch without
spoiling them, and a free press which Government
could grant by a word,—these are the Education
measures, which, though humble in appearance,
are the want of the age.
To come, then, to Reform itself. The great
Evasionist throws clean overboard the suggestion
of a Commission of Inquiry ; Government has
knowledge enough in its possession. No doubt
of it. We have been, and are quite at ono with
his Lordship there. The facts are patent to all
the country. They are not like those into which
the Poor-Law Commission had to inquire, the
hole-and-corner work of the great unpaid and of
parish vestries. They chiefly occur when every-
body knows everything, when newspapers are
filled with them, and when every borough and
county
rings with them, although the Hon.
Member, unseated on petition, had of course no
guilty knowledge of them. No, no ; it was not
the difficulty of doing the thing,—not the time
demanded by that or other measures which is the
real objection. Was it, then, the other excuse ?
Would a Reform Bill split up the Cabinet, and
perhaps create a storm in the House ? If it
would, then we must own that we have been
cheated. Liberal Members went to the hust-
ings in June, with the full impression that
the Convener of the Chesham-place Meeting
would give them a real Reform Bill if
they kindly placed him in Downing-street again ;
and electors thronged the hustings in mid-winter
to be assured of something substantial in the
amendment of our National Representation. There
has been talk enough of the infidelity of the DERBY
Ministry to the election promises of their sup-
porters. It certainly cannot surpass Lord JonN's
cool treachery to Reform on Thursday evening—a
treachery for which he presumes the country will
thank them ! Well, certainly the Lincolnshire
farmers thanked Mr. CHISTOPHER for his Free-trade
votes ; all England, however, is not Lincolnshire,
nor are all voters farmers, and possibly Lord JOHN
fraroamy hearL London
n doofno
thseer what votes
etrlei a
ins
svuoethe s
ao fp
ltahea:akss
me vaenn.
chaster. Pooh ! cares he about Manchester ?
he
It has but two members ; can neutralise it any
Ridingm?atchßethaot
Arundel, West R d
ease,day ry
r. Thetford.lvhip p e
rl_3i
nu t; t NV Andoverest w ill
nWu t eh°. Why
the pre-
We all:innygdtioulne, tiara__
ACsh°l3bnuErNtonal,oaoninreany
my.w6e6
tlhititnlke pitewtsillwsilolonbr
meansinga p pa him
scentsutrpo thatstrong one.
Go-
sent Government, as compared with the late Go-
vernment, is by no
can only exist by far more Cabinet compromise
e the other, it will have to
than the other, and, like

rely on forbearance, and on playing off one party
in the House of Commons against another. We
called the statement of Lord JOHN a Tory-Whig
programme. Such it manifestly is. It is the
proffer of a Tory-Whig Government with a
Radical tail—a Government which reminds us of
one of thosse anomalous animals of Australia which
combine in their structure and habits the bird
and the quadruped, and somewhat of the fish too.
The animal, however, is happily adapted to its
elements ; but a tri-form Government cannot be
quite at ease in the British House of Commons. It
must draw its supporters by turns from each
quarter, must successively affront each party if it
gratifies in succession each section in its own
body ; and if it presents a neutral policy, it will,
of course, in no long time disgust all. Just now
the old proverb "Age before' honesty," is in full
force. Lord ABERDEEN is plainly enough the head
of the Government. We suppose Lord JOHN is the
neck which supports it ; or, if he prefer it, its
mouthpiece in the House of Commons. The septe-
genarians and sexagenarians have it all their own
way. No one could imagine, reading Lord JOHN'S
announcements on Thursday night, that there
were any other mortals than Tory-Whigs and
Whig-Tories in the Government,—that six or
seven of its members were advocates of the Ballot,
and that three of them at least had long been con-
sistent, earnest, and able Radicals. We think this
portion of the Government must feel thoroughly
humiliated. To hear it announced on their be-
half that they were partners of a great company
for delaying a Reform which the Government
knew all about, which it intended, however, to
put off, and which, when it did bring it forward,
would be not a bit better than that which they
greeted with derision last Session ; to be thus
declared partners without a voice in, the firm of
ABERDEEN, RUSSELL, and Co., commission agents
for pocket boroughs and electoral corruption, must
have been a bitter mortification to men who cer-
tainly do not think themselves cyphers. There is
something shabby somewhera if a Reform Bill
cannot be at least laid before the House this
Session, for which MOLRSWORTH, OSBORNE, and
VILLIERS shall not absolutely blush.