The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-20 00:00:00

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e eag convenientewhiewhich,
like-
wise, the right hon. gentleman took care not to quote :
"The desertion is terrible, and is quite inconceivable, parti-
cularly among the British troops. lam not astonished that
the foreigners should go—(Opposition cheers)—as those who
unlisted the foreigners for Government have taken them in
general from the prisons." (Loud counter cheers) Such was
the ingenious way in which the right hon. gentleman read
extracts from these despatches; bit we know very well that
the Duke of Wellington said, not only in 1852, but also in
repeated despatches, that he admired the courage of the Ger-
man troops. In ono place he says—" I wish I had 3,000
cavalry, either British or German ;" and he placed, in fact,
the greatest reliance on these troops; and then the right hon.
gentleman gets up some case where German prisoners had
been enlisted, and chooses, that as a fair sample of the duke's
opinions. (Hear, hear.) We were told, not very long ago,
in the public papers, upon the authority of the hon. baronet
the member for Lincolnshire, that there was great enthusiasm
in Germany against the Russians, and in behalf of the Western
Powers, and we thought it was possible, seeing that such en-
thusiasm existed, to find a considerable body of men who,
having been already trained to arms; would be of use as an
addition to the ferce which is now serving in the Crimea
The hon. gentleman who spoke last referred lo the French.
Undoubtedly, the Einpeior of t'ac French has said that what-
ever troops he bad ready to go he should be r eady to send to
the Crimea, but it would be just as if wa said -" Know-
ing how ready an ally you are, we will make no exertions,
but we will rely entirely on the French army in order to in-
crease the forces in the Crimea." (Hear.) The right hon. gen-
tleman has said that I referred to that campaign. Nciw, Ido
not wish to go inte,details respecting what has occurred since
the beginning of the war; but I think, if hon. gentlemen will
look for a moment to results, they will find that there have
been few occasionsin which this country, having been only
nine months at war, the results were so considerable as those
which have now been obtained. At the end of the last war,
after various combats, we were exceedingly satisfied and
proud because we found ourselves complete masters of the
sea, and the enemy could not come out of their ports; Lord
Nelson and Lord Collingwood did not think of going and -de-
stroyine Cadiz'; it was never thought necessary that the gal-
lant fleet which was always in the Channel should destroy'
Brest and other ports of the French; but now it seems that
we obtained no complete triumph in the last war, and our
having obtained the complete mastership of the sea, and suc-
ceeded in enclosing the enemy in hie harbours, iserather
matter of reproach. I beg to submit to you the present posi-
tion of the Emperor of Russia. What is the situation of his
fleets? Here is a great marine force, a fleet of 27 sail of the
line in one place, and of 18 sail of the line in another place;
in time of peace sailing about with great show and
but the moment-war is declltefl, these fleets are shut up in
their harbours. Is that a very agreeable position t Is it not
rather a very humiliating position for a naval Power? (Hear,
hear.) You speak of long negotiations; but let us remember
what were the pretensions of the Emperor of Russia at the
commencement. The Emperor of Russia then pretended to
get the signature of a note from the Sultan, which the Sultan's
Ministers declared was entirely subversive of his independence.
Dees he require that now ? He hag entirely given up any pre-
tensions to it. The Emperor of Russia said, " Yes, I will
occupy the principalities as a material guarantee." But does he
occupy them now I (Cheers.) There were certain terms laid
down in protocols at Vienna. The
Emperor of Russia said,
" I will not accept them," but in a little time afterwards he
was quite ready to accept them. The Allies have gone
on, and they agreectupon certain conditions with Austria, to
which they also obtained the assent of Prussia, unwilling as
Prussia is to dO anything unpalatable at St. Petersburg before
they were sent to the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor of
Austria then sent these conditions to St. Petersburg. What
was the reply of the Emperor of Russia ? He sent, through
Count Nesselrode, a haughty and indignant reply, that these
conditions were destructive to the power of Russia, that they
were Such Conditions as could only be agreed to after a long
and disastrous war, and that it would be humiliating in
Russia to agree to them. But what is the language of Russia
now ? The Russian Minister declared at Vienna, only the
other day, that the Eniperor is willing to accept these pro-
positions as the basis of the conditions, which in August he.'
had rejected. (Hear.) Well, sir, is that a triumphant posi-
tion for Russia, or one that is humiliating for us ? (Hear.)
We are carrying on military operations of great hazard. I
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to pages
was one who believed that the facilities of attacking Sebasto-
pol were greater than they have turned out to be, and, in
consequence, there has been a degree of privation and hard-
ship among our troops, and, at the same time, the necessity
for displaying a degree of courage which has hardly ever
been paralleled in the higtory of the world. (Cheers.) I ad-
mit I was mistaken, and high military and naval authorities
both of England and France were also mistaken in, their esti-
mates of the strength of Sebastopol. Sir, the right hon.
gentleman gloats over the prospect of disaster—(loud Minis-
do not envy him his satisfaction. (Cheers.) I still trust
t e
nations,be ee t
i victorious—thatnthrfighting
t ipehgi; thetthh
ee
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Athenianhi his
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England Crimea-and British
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t
cause of the liberties of Europe and of European civilisation,
will still triumph over every obstacle that numbers and bar-
barism can boast. (Loud cheering.)
Colonel SIBTHORP had deeply felt the gross insult offered
to the body to which ho belonged—the militia of the United
Kingdom. He firmly believed that almost any number
of good and true Englishmen could be obtained; and, as to
the noble lord's talk about 30 and 35 years of age, he lead seen
devilish good soldiers much older than that. (Laughter.) He
was confident English soldiers could be had, and that by -their
conduct they would defy the aspersions of men who were no
soldiers.' He should with pleasure give a firm negative
against this measure of the Governmenie as well as any other
measure of which they might be the forerunner. The conduct
of ministers was underhand, low, dirty, mean, cowardly—
(laughter)—unworthy of Englishmen. Save and except the
noble lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department
they had no proper feeling. With that exception, the Lord
have mercy on such a set. (Laughter.)
The Marquis of BLANDFORD was met by loud calls for a
division. He observed that no ono who had heard the aebats
could help feeling the deep solemnity and-uncertainty of the
position in which they were placed. He had no intention to
diminish the responsibility of Government in this measure.
Theirs was the responsibility, Awl on them let it rest. (Hear.)
He wished to make ono appeal to the noble lord, connected-
with the motion on the notice paper of the right hon. gentle-
man the member for the University of Dublin. (Murmurs of
impatience.) Ile would suggest that Government should take
into its serious consideration the propriety of preparing a
public form of prayer in the present emergency. tie No !"
and " hear.") ,
For the second reading . : 241
Against it 202
Majority
The announcement of the numbers was received with loud
cheers from the ministerial side of the house.
The bill was then read a second time.
Lord sl. RUSSELL proposed going into committee upon the
bill this day, but he thought it would be convenient if the
right hon. gentleman opposite would state what course he in-
tended to pursue. _ _

Mr. DISRAELI said that the course he should prefer would
be that the noble lord should postpone the committee until
after Christmas. The measure had not been long enough la*
fore the country, and had been very quickly hurried through
a second reading. With regard to the course he should pur-
sue, he could only say that he should be in his place, and
would offer every opposition to the further progress of the
bill.

The committee was then fixed for this day at 12 o'clock.
The house adjourhed at 2i minutes before 2.

THE FOREIGN ENLISTAUNT BILL.

( From the Times.)
The argument' for the Foreign Enlistment Bill deteriorates,
while the necessity, as we are assured, increases. All official
people say in au under tone that we must have the bill, and
in exact proportion to the urgency and success of that
4, must" the Parliamentary case assumes a reckless and almost
shameless character. In such au affair one would think the
best course would be to say as little as possible. It is said of
a judge that his judgments would have commanded respect
had he not given his reasons ; and if her Majesty's present
Ministers had asked for a few foreign regiments without re-
quiring our assent, not only to the regiments, but also to
some very serious principles, we might have been disposed to
acquiesce, simply as a matter of confidence. It is, in fact,
the reasons that we protest against. We felt it our duty to
repudiate the idea that what is asked is only the old expe-
dient, and that to ernloy against Russia io,oao foreign-
ers from countries at peace with Russia ,is the same
thing as employing
them against a common enemy.
Lord John Russell has now imposed on us the neces-
sity of another protest. Assuming that we have gone to war
with Russia to preserve the balance of power, and prevent
any dangerous enlargement of the Russian empire, he main-
tains that we may, on that account alone, invite not only the
co-operation of other States, but of volunteers and mercena-
ries from other States. Lest we should overstate the argu-
ment, hero are the words :—" Whenever any Power has
attained a preponderant force in Europe, o as-to threaten
the independence of smaller States 6" we may theu " use force
to obtain the adjustment of the balance ." or, in other words,
to maintain the indeiendence of the smaller Steles of Europe.
William M.,' he then tells us, went to war with Louis XIV.
because "he perceived his power and
preponderance to be
dangerous to the independence of Europe." In this and other
such instances the danger was common, and the cause there-
fore public. It
was quite natural and right, Lord John argues,
to invite the co-operation of foreigners. The present is only an-
other instance of the same sort, and therefore, as heretofore,
we may once more have our
Hanoverian regiments, our Hes-
sians, our Dutch, our Danes,
Spaniards and Portuguese. Theyour Swiss, and even our
are all threatened, and all
may come to the rescue, in order to save Europe from the
probable aggressions of an overweening Power. Such is the
theory to which we are suddenly invited to subscribe. The
unexpected nature of the demand, the mental operations of a
life to be gone through in a day, the violence offered to all
political purity, the enormous significance thus gratuitously
attached to a single vote in Parliament or a single line in
this paper, remind one of the terribly abrupt and comprehen-
sive surrender of all lingering doubts and cherished convictions
occasionally demanded by your neighbour at a dinner-table.
An enlightenedand energetic elderly ladyall at once asks you to
clok for her satisfaction a question which has disturbed you
ever since you came to years of discretion. You feel as if you were
suddenly accosted by a highwayman with the usual alterna-
tive. In a tone something between that of a strong-minded
woman and a professional footpad, Lord John Russell calls on
the House of Commons to assent to the whole theory of the
balance of power, as the justification of another not less ques-
tionable doctrine—viz., the propriety of employing foreign
mercenaries, of any country whatever, so long as the State to
which they belong can pretend a common interest in the pre-
servation of the balance of power.
As it happens, there is not the least occasion to talk of the
balance of power, of preponderant force, and the threatened
independence of smaller 'States, inasmuch as Russia has
committed an overt act against the peace of nations by
beg invasion of the Danubian provinces, Indeed it is
now some comfort to reflect that England his no
speculative justification for the war, merely
She is protect-
ing an old ally from the violent encroachments of a
neighbour. In this cause she has invited the co operation of
the German States, great and. small ; and it does'so happen
that Germany, besides being a collection of independent
States, is also, 'to some extent, a natural unity, included in
one circumference, having common interests, a common
language, common traditions, and, it cannot be entirely put
out of the question, certain common expectations. It cannot
be disguised_ that all Germany is in real jeopardy from the
designs of a neighbour not only ambitious_.not only strong—
not only preponderating, dangerous, and threatening, but
actually offending, and bursting like a torrent of lava
from the walls of its crater. All Germany under such
circumstances has a right, and indeed a duty, to stay tho
torrent of ambitious invasion. We are asking German States to
join us, and, should they consent, in that case the precedent
of the German Legion will strictly apply. We are willing to
admit that such a danger necessarily extends in a degree beyond
the adjacent countries, and it would not be easy to lay
down what States may lawfully go to war with Russia, and
what not. Had the present measure been demanded in order
to poet tho case 9f Rata inVirlds ilk the war, being ready
, -