The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-14 00:00:00

TEAM from LONDON to YARMOUTH
/..7 and NORWICH, from alongside St. Katherine Steam
Wharf.

The Splendid and Elegant New Steamer CIRCASSIAN, 400
tons, 150 horse power, leaves the above Wharf every SATURDAY
EvxruNo, at Ten o'clock, and returns from Yarmouth every
Wednesday.
Saloon, 12s.—Fore Cabin, Gs.
Passengers will find this an expeditions and desirable conveyance.
The trip is estimated at thirteen hours.
Shippers will experience great advantages by having their Goods
conveyed with the greatest certainty, at the same rate, as by
sailing craft.

Hammond and Cherry, Yarmouth; W. Bell, Norwich ; St.
Katherine Steam Wharf; or the Depot, 41, Fish-street hill,
London.

AGRICULTURAL AND COMMERCIAL
BANK OF IRELAND.
On Monday, 16th April, 1838, the Half-yearly General Meeting
of the Agricultural and Commercial Bank of Irelanclwas held at the
Company's House, Fleet-street, at eleven o'clock.
On the motion of J. DWYER, Esq., seconded by S. P.AarEa, Esq.,
Alderman WILLIAM HODGES (Member of the Board of
Directors), was unanimously called to the Chair, and road to the
Meeting the Report of the Board as fellows :
" GENTLEMEN—In compliance with the resolutions passed at
the last half-yearly meeting, the Directors have paid to Proprie-
tors a balance of 9,0001. received on account of third instalment,
and 5,0001. on account of dividend struck in October, 1836. They
have also paid off all remaining balances due to bankers, arisinc,
from the final close of accounts with them on foot of returned bills,'
or otherwise—making a total of payments since last meeting, on
these accounts, of 24,312/.

" Your Directors further proceeded with the gradual reduction
of branches in those districts wherein a profitable return had not
accrued, and the resumption of discount business, as well as the
continuance of the ordinary operation of banking, at those branches
which have proved remunerative, and from which past experience
demonstrated that a fair profit might be anticipated. The result
has been satisfactory, and progressive improvement is manifest both
in the business and character of the transactions. The greatest
circumspection has been used in the accommodation granted, and
the issues at the several branches have been regulated solely by the
legitimate action of commerce.
" It is gratifying to reflect that the principle of Joint-stock
Banks has been fully sustained by your Company, which, notwith-
standing the unparalleled difficulties in which it was placed by the
peculiar crisis of the autumn of 1836, aggravated by the unreason-
able conduct of a portion of the proprietary, has, in little more than
one year, fully and entirely paid off all liabilities existing at the
period of the pressure, without loss to any individual, including the
full payment and cancelling of the note issue then outstanding ; re-
suming the ordinary course of business at the agency in Dublin and
at twenty of the selected branches, with a new plate and issue, a
numerous and wealthy proprietary located in those districts best
adapted for profitable commerce.
" Your Directors trust that consideration for the welfare of the
country will induce the other Joint-stock Banks in Ireland to act
without reference to petty jealousies or narrow objects ; and that
they will see that the interests of all parties are best promoted by
fairly expanding, in place of unduly cramping, the energies of the
country. Its resources are great, and the manner in which the
agricultural districts of Ireland have paid off the obligations con-
tracted therein to your Company, warrant your Board in asserting
that they are deserving of encouragement and support ; whilst, on
the other hand, improvident speculation should be discouraged, every
legitimate assistance should be extended to develope the resources
of the country, and assist the industry of the people. A Joint-
stock Bank should, to a fair extent, sympathise with the popula-
tion, and not be governed by the merely sordid consideration of
pecuniary profit. The nobility and gentry should naturally support
those institutions which best support the general interest and per-
manent welfare of their tenantry.
" At this crisis your Board consider that such remarks are not
irrelevant, as the subject of the Bank of Ireland Charter (which
has, in date, expired) may now be considered as before the Le-
gislature. Connected as that subject is with the best interests of
Ireland and of the empire, your Directors anticipate that no system
of expediency or of compromise will retard or control the broad
principle involved in freedom of trade ; and that, whilst the Bank
Corporation may fairly retain privileges as a chartered body, yet
that unwise restrictions upon other banking institutions will be
removed, leaving open to all (under such salutary regulations as
the wisdom of the Legislature may dictate) the trade of banking
free, as in Scotland, unimpeded by invidious monopoly, thus in-
viting a legitimate rivalry with an equality of rights, (as far as
legislation is concerned,) which must conduce to the well-being of
the community.
" The importance of the subject will naturally ehallenge the at-
tention of the leading men of all parties ; and your Directors,
fully aware of its importance, deem it their duty to call your atten-
tion to it, and to impress upon the proprietary the utility of exertion
to advance the interests of their property, by sealons co-operation
with your Board.
" In conclusion, your Board feel quite warranted by the progress
made since the last meting, in stating their conviction that the
prospects of the Company are cheering, the best evidence of which
will be found in the statement of assets and liabilities now sub-
mitted to you, which, with the guarantee of a numerous and
wealthy proprietary (registered pursuant to the provisions of 6 Geo.
IV., chap. 42), present a security to the public for the transac-
tions of your Company of an undoubted character. Without enter-
ing into minute particulars as to the nature of your surplus assets
(amounting to 261,1971.) your Board feel justified in giving their
opinion that, making those allowances which are usually incidental
to banking transactions, an available capital, adequate for the dee
conduct of twenty branches, with perfect security to the public,
combining safety and profit to the proprietary, may be fairly counted
upon. Your Board refrains from adverting to the pleasing con-
trast which the present state of your Company preterits to that
which twelve months ago was sought to be imposed upon you, under
circumstances rendered the more peculiar from results since ascer-
tained, the best vindication of the Board is found in dee fact of your
present position—with all liabilities then existing paid off, the
security of the shareholders demonstrated, and the property of the
Company (in place of being wasted by litigation) preserved with
the Institution. .

" What has passed, however, may be buried in oblivion, and union,
perseverance, and fair reciprocity inculcated for the general good.
" Signed on behalf of the Daily Board,
" JOHN VANCE (Belfast), Chairman."

Adopted by the General Meeting,
WM. HODGES (Alderman) Chairman.
It was then moved by WILLIA.m EDMONSTON, of Belfast, Esq. ;
and seconded by Mr. JOHN M'Coy, of Clones :
Resolved—That the Report and Accounts now submitted be
received and entered on the minutes.

Moved by JAMES DwrER, Esq. ; and secondedbyßWHlTE, Esq.:
Resolved—That we approve of the limitation of Branches which
has taken place, as mentioned in the Report ; and we further re-
commend such judicious curtailment of those existing Branches as
the opinion of the Board, upon full investigation, may point out as
proper and expedient.
Moved by FRANCIS WELDON, of Lisburn, Esq. ; seconded by
JOHN CHAMBERS, Esq.:
Resolved—That we recommend that every practisable measure of
prudent economy shall be observed coincident with the judicious lo-
cation and curtailment of branches.

Moved by HExaT WATsoic, Esq., J. P., seconded by W. H. N.
DOWNER, Esq.,
Resolved—That we earnestly impress on the Proprietors the great
advantage which must be derived from strenuous eo• operation in
the several localities, to advance the interests of the Company by
judicious and solleetive exertion.

(Signed) WILLIAM HODGES, Chairman.
JOSEPH R. PIM, Esq., was then called to the Chair, and it was
Mond by JAioEs DWYER, Esq., and seconded by P. JONES, Esq.,
and resolved unanimously,
That the warm thanks of the Proprietors are due and hereby
given to Alderman Hodges, for his proper and dignified conduct in
the Chair, and his zealous exertion at all times to promote the in-
terests of our native Institution. _ _ _

Resolved—That the Report and Resolutions be eirculated
amongst the Proprietors, under the direction of the Board.
(Signed) JOSEPH R. PINT, Chairman.
THOMAS BRIERLY, General Superintendent.
And then the meeting adjourned.

NO. 10, :LUDGATE-HILL, OPPOSITE THE BELLE SAUVAGE.
TEETH.— I MPORTANT TO THE PUBLIC.
IVIONS. JAMES M. MALLAN, Surgeon
Dentist, No. 10, Ludgate-hill, opposite the Belle S. auvage,
most respectfully acquaints his Friends and the Public, that in conse-
quence of his IMPROVEMENTS in the MECHANICAL DErA RT.
MENT of DENTISTRY, he is enabled to REDUCE his CHARGE to
the following;Scale :
A Single Artificial Tooth .... Xs) 10 0
A Set ...... . ............ 5 5 0
. ..................................... ...............
A Set of Natural Teeth, ou fine gold plate l5 0 0
A Set of Mons. Mallan's Incol rodible Teeth, highly finished
with the gold sockets
Filling a decayed Tooth with Mineral Succedaneum 0 5 0
All teeth supplied by
extracting the stumps, or causing any incumbrance, and guaranteed to
Mons. M. are fixed without any wires or ligatures,
answer every purpose of MASTICATION and ARTICULATION. lie
continues to fill decayed teeth with his MINERAL SUCCEDANEUM.
Loose teeth fastened, whether arising from age, the use of calomel, or any
other causes. Scurvy in tie Gums effectually cured and prevented.—
Attendace from Ten till Six.— No. 10, Ludgate-hill.

WHITE TEETH.
R 0 WLA ND's ODONTO.
or PEARL DENTIFRICE,
A Vegetable White Powder, prepared from Oriental Herbs of the most
Delicious Odour and Sweetness, and free from any mineral or pernicious
ingredient—the usual. but just objection to other Dentifrices; it eradi-
cates the Tartar from the Teeth, removes decayed Spots, preserves the
Enamel, and fixes the Teeth firmly in their sockets, rendering there
beautifully White. Being an Anti-Scorbutic, it eradicates the Scurvy
from the Gums, strengthens, braces, and renders thorn of a healthy red ;
it removes unpleasant tastes from the mouth, which often remain after
taking medicines, &c,, and imparts a delightful fragrance to the
Price Pd. per box, duty included.
ROWLAND'S ALSAA EXTRACT,
brervelcarnrdsml.ediately relieves the most Violent Tooth-Ache, Gum Boils,
Swelled Face, &c. ,• it is also an excellent Stomachic, in cases of Flatu-
lency Spasmodic Affections, &c., and gives instantaneous relief.
Price 2s. Vd. —4s. 6d. and 10s. 6d. per bottle.
11•• Notice—The Nam eand Address of the Proprietors,
A. ROWLAND and SON, 20, HA [TON GARDEN, LON DON
is engraved on the Government Stamp, which in pasted on each ; also
printed in red, on the Wrapper in which this Article is enclosed
Be sure to ask for " ROWLAND'S."
Sold by them, and by respectable Perfumers and Medicine Venders.

THE NEW ORIENTAL ROMANCE.
This day, in 3 vols. post Bvo.
OUR M A H A L,
THE LIGHT OF THE HAREM.

By M. J. QUIN, Esq.
" The scene of this work opens in the wilds of Tartary, then
passes to Hindostan, at a period when that region was in the height
of its splendour under the Mogul Emperor, next traverses the
Himalayan Mountains, and the enchanting vallies of Cashmere, and
finally returns to Hindustan. Thus the author has been able to
avail himself of all that is sublime and beautiful in the most
pictu-
resque territories of the East; and by adding to these natural at-
tractions a story of the most intense interest, and the seductive
traditions of a eountry famed for those tales which have commanded
the admiration of age and youth in every land, he has succeeded in
producing one of the most charming romances we have ever
perused."—Dublin Morning Register.
Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

CHRISTIE ON THE DIVINE UNITY.
Fourth Edition. 3s.
We presume it will be admitted by every human being, not from
one cause or other insane, that a proposition so incredible—com-
parably so incredible—as that God, or (if it were possible to make
it more incredible !) one of two Equals of God, once upon a time,
literally speaking, BECAIIIE an embryo in a woman's wornb—a
child at her breast—a boy—au adult—and an adult lying perdu upon
earth some ten or a dozen years—could not be addressed• to the
human mind. A question arises, whether, upon the overwhelming
evidence of a certain Record, such a proposition MUST be believed
by every right-thinking Christian ? The reader, even of the author-
ised (!) version of a Bible, smiles. We now challenge the most
orthodox seer alive, for one moment to reconcile only his hypotheti-
cal person, God the Son, with any one authentic discourse of the
Lord Christ Jesus.

G. Fawdon, May's-buildings, St. Martin's-lane.

Just published, prise 45.,
AN HISTORICAL AND PRACTICAL
TREATISE on PRIMARY and SYPHILITIC
DI-
SEASES ; their Varieties, Treatment, and Cure. To which is
added, Concluding Observations on certain Urethral Disorders, ac-
companied by Morbid Secretions; for the removal of which a
speedy and effectual mode of treatment is recommended, whereby
the administration of Nauseous and too often Ineffectual Balsamic
and such like preparations are rendered unnecessary.
By C. B. COURTENAY, M.D.,
42, Great .Marlborough-street, Regent-street.
Sold by J. Hill, Medical Bookseller, 55, Great Windmill-street,
Haymarket ; Simpkin and Marshall, Stationers'-court; Onwhyn,
Catherine-street, Strand ; Templeman, 234, Regent-street ;
Chappell, 19, Cornhill ; and by Booksellers in town or country.

On Saturday a sumptuous complimentary entertainment was given in
Merchant Tailors'-hall, to Sir Robert Peel, Bart., by 313 Conservati►e
Members of the House of Commons, as a mark of their admiration and
respect for his personal character and undeviating confidence in his ta-
lents, sagacity and prudence, as the great political leader of the party.
The galleries at each end were filled with ladies in rich and beautiful
dressea, among whom we observed Lady and Miss Peel, the Dowager
Duchess of Richmond, the Countess of Harrowby, the Duchess of Beau-
fort, Lady Jersey, Lady Catherine Jermyn, Lady F. Egerton, Lady
Wilton, Lady G. Somerset, Lady Graham, &c. The dinner, which was
supplied by Mr. Lovegrove, embraced every delicacy of the season, with
wines of the rarest quality iced to a nicety. The Marquis of CriaNDos
officiated as Chairman, supported on the right by Sir R. Peel, Lord F.
Egerton, Mr. Goulburn, Mr. Alliston, (Master of the Merchant Tailors'
Company), Mr. C. Wynn, Sir Edward Sugden, Sir Henry Hardinge,
Lord Lowther, Hon. Henry Corry, Mr. G, Knight, Sir It. Inglis, Sir
R. Planta, Sir Francis Burdett, Mr. Lascelles ; and on the left by Lord
Stanley, Lord Castlereagh, Sir James Graham, Sir George Rose, Mr.
Herries, Sir Edward Knatchbull, Lord Granville Somerset, Sir S. Can-
ning, Mr. Shaw, Mr. Lefroy, &c.
The cloth havingbeen removed, Benedictus was sung in excellent style
by Messrs. T. Cooke, Bellamy, Sale, Francis, Vaughan, Knyvett, Mas.
ters, and Coward.

The Noble CHAIRMAN, in proposing the first toast, said it was one
which in this country would, he was sure, ever command the respect,
love, and affection of Englishmen—" The health of our Sovereign Lady
the Queen—(Loud cheers)—and may she long live to reign over a
happy, a prosperous, and contented people."—(Three-times-three.)
" God save the Queen."

The CHAIRMAN said, the next toast was one which he was confident
they would receive with the warmest approbation, he might acid, with
their affectionate regard—" The health of the Queen Dowager."—(Loud
cheers.) He felt assured the amiable qualities of that illustrious person
would ever endear her to the recollections of the British nation.—
(Cheers.) Ile begged to couple with her health the rest of the Royal
Farnily..--(Three-times-three.)
" Hall, smiling morn."
The CHAIRMAN in proposing the next toast said, he felt confident
that by so large a number of the Conservative Members of the House of
Commons it would be received with expressions of regard and affection
which would make that magnificent hall ring with their applause, and
prove to the country the high regard in which they held his Right Hon.
Friend.—(Loud cheers.) The toast he should now take the liberty of
proposing was,
he might say, the great toast of the evening—the
health of their distinguished guest the Right Honourable Sir
Robert Peel.—(Vthement cheering.) In the whole of his public
career he was sure his Right Honourable Friend never experienced
so mu. h pride, pleasure, and gratification as he did at this mo-
ment, the guest of 313 Conservative Members of the House of Corn.
mons.—(Cheers.) His Right Hon. Friend held the high and distill-
guishei position of being at the head of a party more powerful than ever
was known in the British House of Commons as an opposition to the
existing Adnsinistration—(Cheers)—powerful indeed, inasmuch as it
enabled him to keep in cheek the Administration, and prove to them,
that although not the Minister of the Crown, they would only pass such
measures as bethought conducive to the liberties of tie people and the
Interest: of the country at large.—(Cheers.) Looking back to the pub.
lie conduct of his Right Hon. Friend, it was not many years ago since

they saw him at the head of power, ruling this country, but compelled
to retire from the councils of his Sovereign by the passing of resolutions
the effact of which had not yet been ascertained, but which might still
he disastrous to the interests of our Protestant establishment.—(Hear.)
It would soon, however, be seen whether the principles which actuated
his Right Hon. Friend, or those who succeeded him in office, were
the best; but in their opinion, and he believed in the opinion of the
country, no man ever resigned the helm of power with greater honour
or enjoying more the confidence of the nation than his Right lion.
Friend —(Loud cheers.) Although he was not her Majesty's prin-
cipal adviser, yet as the leader of such a Conservative Opposi.
lion he had the proud satisfaction of knowing that he could check
the career of revolution in the country—(Cheers)—and whenever he
pleased to put himself at their head and look to office, he was confident
the country would respond no one was more fit for the situation of Prime
Minister than his Right Hon. Friend.—(Loud cheers.) It could not be
long before, with the extraordinary power and confidence which had
been reposed in him by the country, he would again be placed in the
proud situation of Prime Minister of England.—(Loud cheers.) Then
the liberal statesmanlike measures which he had prepared as Minister of
the late King would be carried into effect, and render him one of the
most popular, as he was the most honest and best of Minister., that ever
ruled over this country. For his own part, with the most fervent feel-
ings, and he was sure he spoke their sentiments also of regard for the
individual publicly and privately, personally and politically, he begged
to give " The health of the Right Hon. siir Robert Peel, and may he
long enjoy life and happiness, and rule over this country as a Minister."
(The toast was drunk with nine distinct and most hearty rounds of
cheers, the ladies in the galleries joining in the compliment by waving
their handkerchiefs )
Sir R. PzEr.., on presenting himself, was received with renewed shouts
of applause, loud and long continued. When the cheering had sub-
sided the Right Hon. Baronet said—l am deeply grateful for the mo-

tives which have influenced you in paying to me this mark of re-
spect, unparalleled in the political. annals of this country—(Cheers)
—and for the corresponding feelings with which you have just re-
ceived the proposition of my Noble Friend. I wish I had any corn.
'nand over language, at least over appropriate and befitting lan_
guago, to convey to you the sensations which, as you must per-
ceive, almost overpower me.—(Loud cheers.) But I feel it infi-
nitely better to appeal to your own feelings to form an estimate
of the state of my mind—to the consciousness of each of you, that
were you placed in my present situation you would rather remain per-
Lctly silent tharrtry to express your gratitude in any of the trite and
exhausted forms of complimentary acknowledgment.—(Cheers.) You

Lftlhou d
cheers)—
you
mieeeogrri tot
have conferred upon me the highest reward which can be conferred
upon a public man who does aspthireetodistinction, but to that distinction
esteem andh
ssthhcdoonifid ambitiousence of intelligent
of power, but
alone,a,,,i,oatn.edd,
In,
enlightenedthat
tifo which
tl oiC, hs.
power
s wf,
which,
ini
cnehid:
esteemvis
extinct.
(Laconfidence,ud
there
e are office,
other and
_edha(,Ll:iponue:d'ictshereorost).
in es
awnidt
hseirg oaunrd todtelem.
yw iieo authority w
officialhicsloluoic.
cheers.) You have also proved to me and to otheerrr.siytedha(t
bonds of connection—that there are other sympathieseots which unite us,
besides the cold concurrence in political sentiments—(Loud
you have proved that those who are treading the rugged
hand laborious
path that leads to political eminence may have their waypersoncaleaered bY
the
cordial voice of friendship, and by the approvals of
and opinion.—(Cheers.) By this meeting you have done much more
my satisfaction.—you have given a public demonstration that
object to which for some years past my exertions have been mainly di-
rected has been completely accomplished. My object for some years
pist—that for which I have chiefly laboured, has been to lay the founda.
tions of a great party; which, existing the House of Commons, and de.
riving its strensth from the popular will, should diminish the
risk and deaden the shock of collisions between the two delibera.
live branches of the Legislature—(loud cheers)—which should be en.
inthatthe constitution and laws of this
abled to check the too impatient eagerness of the well.intentioned for
the repre
pitate chareimigLiensg
country—(Cheers)—and say with a voice of authority to the restless
spirit of revolutionary encroachment, " Here are the bounds by which
hasty and I,reci
"—(Loud cheers.) I was deeply impressed
precipitate
party from the period that the
sht(a)stee sawowfhionibli
lopinion—l am confident they
great shock shock ori •
tative system of this country;
progress
r,:
great
and
oeydt
:lit: theec vibrationssailiTanonf importanceg
ee,w,
eta,st shallconfident7nanabit,
dieteh:ftsaltit, aifeiy •t
because
those who w
who were the most convinced of the
abstract merits of that change,
heard
fearf
public
fearful
thee x absolute sol ut
admite necessity
ti,
e t
time,
eo r , i
thatt in
uitsintoirrational experiment—(Cheers)—thatcourses
which was necessarily given to
thoughtitlleeeosryced: cpcialtu,si
el
dndecrae nsoc .
authority
wusestraha:l:
kern:sintt still
e ,tvt the
to
hii
gtagth t
perfectly good intentions
perfec-
supported that measure, too sanguine in theh
hops of attaining
on t h •
risk that those who had lately becom " athly ; there was
tion, which is unattainable, might be urged
e possessed o f
think that power was useless if it were permitted new power, night
to
not brought into constant and daily display_ (Cheers)
remain dormant, and
;—and that con
viction led me to feel that it was necessary
hy moderation, by pa
tience, by assuming a defensive attitude, by
the rejection of the old
tactics of party—suited to other times, and
justifiable
in other
circumstances—that it was desirable at that time
to
attempt to form a
party whose bond of connexion should be the maintenance of that mea-
sure of Reform—(Cheers)—but the determination to resist further con-
stitutional change's having a tendency to disturb the balance
Government.—(Loud and continued cheering.)
Ther of a mixed
There were at that pe-
riod in operation other disturbing causes, which had
flprobably mainly in-
uenced that change of opinion which rapidly took place with respect to
the necessity of Reform. There had been lately exhibited to astonished
Europe those events in France which in three short days had trampled
in the dust an ancient dynasty—(Beer, hear) —which ich had shown phy.
seal power triumphant over constituted authority, what is much
more important, had ranged the sympathies of mankind, and,
not in favour
of constituted authorities, but in favour of those who appeared to be re.
sistipg violations of the law and constitution of that country. I did not
disguise from myself the difficulties that attended the formation of
such a party. Our own part, had been reduced by the Reform Bill
to little more than 100 Ai embers; ; at least I believe that in the Ses.
sion which Elthat
lowed the passing of '
Act
not more than 100 Mem-
Vera voted with me upon any
occasion. But I did not d , ' ispair.—(Loud
cheers.) How could I despair?
I was acting in intimate concert
and union with that illustrious man the Duke of Wellington--(Loud
choers)—whose name does not shed lustre merely on a party, or on the
country which he has defended, but sheds a lustre on the age in which
he lives.—(Continued cheering.) I was acting in intimate union with
that man, who has exhibited through life " qualities that are rare," as
oneilas somewhere said, " in their separate excellence, but wonderful
in their combination"—(Great /
cheering)—that man who is not without
ambitions
without
periods of his life, alloys—.(Cheers)—who has shown at different
both in military ' •
and civil alFairs, a combination of the
rarest fortitude and '
valour with the greatest circumspection and pro.
who has in dance—(Cheers)—who has, I neednot
speak of his military life, but
civil at life one time stood forward to assume upon his own
undivided responsibility' the whole chargeand functions of a Government
—(Loud cheers)
without eced ent for the purpose of exhibiting an instance of self-denial
Pr (Loud cheers)—and who at other to times, when the
sense of Public dirty prompted him, has had the real courage to assume
and to maintain
a defensive attitude—(Loud cheers)—and, if I may so
within speak, retire the moral lines which are fortified by circurn.
spection, prudence, and resolution.—(Loud cheers.) It was aided by
his authority and
with his co-operation that I did look forward ultimately
to the formation believe
of such a party as that of which I speak. I did
that the sense of this country would ultimately rally round aparty
good
that did not profess hostility to improvement—(Cheers)—but manifested
a determination to abide b leading -
y the principles British Consti-
tuti°n•—(Loud
cheers.)
Ay, but allow me also to say, that I did look
forward with
confidence to the ultimate formation of that happy union
that now
subsists between us and many to whom we had been formerly
uil cheers.) I looked forward to it with confidence, be.
vposed._,l,
caose 1 relied upon their adherence to the principles which they pro.
fessed—bus
.a ecae I heard them
say, and I believed them when they
' RI, they desired
:edged that Reform should be according to the acknow.
principles
of the Constitution ; because 1 heard them declare that
in their opinion it would add new stability to tile settled institutions of
the country in a e—( , eers) e ause heard them de.
Church and St t Ch —b e I
are that they would not give their assent to it if they believed it to be
incompatible ~,,' ith the maintenance of the prerogatives of the Crown,
and the privileges
iof the other House of Parliament.—(Loud cheers.)
I did think,
without lout having then any personal acquaintance with them,
hat union must
tot the Oirsprinig i
flitmately be formed—not the result of conferences—
negotiations, but originally brought about by the
•Orce of circumstances by the sense of a common danger—(Cheers)—
mil which should afterwards erwards be cemented by mutual co-operation, by
reciprocal confidence and respect.—(Loud cheers.) I saw them the
chief pride, ornament,
and mainstays of the party with which they were
then associated
—(Chee I 13 . )

" Expert° credite, quantus
In clypeum assurgat quo turbine torqueat hastam "—(Loud cheers.)
knew the sacrifices they would be called upon to make. I was the man

who could well judge how painful is the separation from old party recol-
lections—what a sacrifice it is to forego adherence to party engagemenU,
from an overpowering sense of public duty.—(Loud cheers.) I knew
well it was not the loss of power or the clouded prospects of official life,
but I knew how painful was the averted eye and the alienated aspect of
personal friends whom they had sincerely loved and respected—(Cheers)
—I knew this sacrifice they would be called on to make, without the
prospect of that generous construction which I myself had experienced—
(Loud cheers)—but I had such confidence in their acuteness, that it
would enable them to discriminate between the path which leads to im-
provement and that which leads to revolution, and I had such confidone3
in their integrity and moral courage, that convinced me, when that dis-
crimination had been made, office, friendships. party connexions—all
would be sacrificed, rather than they would be parties to any attempt to
undermine the Protestant establishments of this country, or disturb the
mixed Government of a temperate monaxchy.—(Loud cheers.) As I said
before, without conference, without anyother negociation than that which
led to the rejection of office, when removed from office that union has
been formed—(Cheers)—and I think I may say that the anticipations,
the fond hopes I entertained, that once formed it must gain strength
from reciprocal esteem and confidence, have also been realized.—
(Cheers.) Thus has this party been brought into existence, and we
have this day fresh evidence of the strength it has acquired.—(Cheers.)
It has been submitted twice to the test of public opinion. Twice has a
dissolution taken place under circumstances calculated to determine
whether this party has or has not the public confidence. One dissolu-
tion took place when it was in power, the other when power was in the
hands of its opponents. On the first dissolution, which took place in
1885, when I was at the head of the Government of the country, the
Conservative numbers were suddenly swollen from about 150 to more
than double that number.—(Loud cheers.) I believe we divided on the
nomination of Speaker 306 members.—(Loud cheers.) But it was then
said, " You owe success to the possession of power; wait till another dis.
solution takes place—wait till your opponents exercise those functions of
Government which you discharged when Parliament was assembled in

835, and be prepared for a reduction in your numbers more rapid and

striking than their increase."—(Hear, hear.) Well, to that second test
we have at length been submitted.—(Cheers.) The dissolution took
place in the course of the last year with every circumstance calculated
to be favourable to those in power,—(Cheers.) There was the accession
of a youthful and beloved Queen—(Cheers)—there was one universal
feeling of personal loyalty and attachment towards the Sovereign
ascending the Throne, with everything to prepossess in her favour.—
(Cheers.) There was a lavish use of her Majesty's name for the pur-
pose of influencing the elections.—(Loud cheers.) There was a curious
coincidence--a happy, a fortunate one, for the Government—of de-
spatches approving of the conduct of public officers printed and circu-
lated on the eve of a general election.—(Loud cheers.) There was no
fastidious delicacy in the choice of candidates; for the hustings of
Westminster exhibited a Secretary of State voting in favour of one who
had defended insurrection in Canada, and warmly advocated the cause
of the Canadian revolt—(Loud cheers)—and yet, notwithstanding this
combination of favourable circumstances—the accession of her Majesty,
the prodigal use of her name, the absence of all squeamish scruples in
the selection of candidates—still the result of the general election exhi-
bited our numbers unbroken; for, as we voted 306, having had all the
advantages of dissolution during the tenure of Government, the names
attached to the invitation of this day, comprising 313 Members of the
House of Commons, will, I think; sufficiently demonstrate that, notwith.
standing the adverse predictions to the contrary, the public confidence
has not permitted our numbers to be reduced in consequence of the se-
cond dissolution. My Noble Friend has justly said, that in the whole
course of my public life no event has been so gratifying and satisfactory
as the meeting of this day : but there is connected with it one feeling
of a more serious and anxious character, which chastens and subdues the
disposition to triumph and self-gratulation. I don't disgui+e from myself
the power I possess in consequence of your esteem and confidence ; and
when I see the numbers that surround me—when I recollect the great
interests you represent—when I recollect that by the Clergy, by the Ma-
gistrates, by the Yeomen, by the Gentry, by the great proportion also of
the trading community of this country we are supported—(Cheers)—it
would be vain to disguise from ourselves the influence we possess in the
national councils.—(Loud cheers.) But the feeling which, as I said
before, subdued in some degree those which vanity or personal gratula-
tion might inspire is one of anxiety, that as I possess your confidence, I
may exercise the power which it confers upon me, in such a manner as
may contribute to the permanent interests of this party—(Cheers)—and
that by no act, by no advice of mine, your interests and honour be corn-
promised.—(Loud cheers.) The possession of strength, the demon-
strotion of power, naturally brings with it some slight inconvenience.—
(Cheers.) There is impatience in some quarters, that seeing the strength
we possess, it is not called into more frequent action,--(Cheers.) Allow
me to observe that if I have a well-grounded title to your confidence, it
is because I have always ventured respectfully but explicitly to state my
opinion, and give the best advice I could, even though sometimes it
should not be in precise conformity with the prevailing sentiment—
(Cheers)—but the seception I have uniformly met with has always em.
boldened me to take that course, fully confident you would put a proper
construction on my motives.—(Loud cheers.) It is said, and justly said,
that the Opposition is now conducted on different principles from those
on which opposition would be conducted to us if we were in power.—
(Cheers.) Nothing can be more perfectly true than that.—(Cheers.)
But we must bear in mind, that the particular course .vhich an Oppo-
sition should take must partly depend on the principles they maintain—
(Cheers.) Our most impatient friends in the country must recollect
that our vepy name almost implies a contradiction; we are a Conserva-
tive Opposition; we adopt the principles which used to be said to
prevail in an Administration ; we not only adopt the principles of a
Government, but we perform many of its functions—(Loudcheers)—and
it must be borne in mind, that we cannot, in conformity with our opi-
nions, take that latitude of action which might befit an Opposition
acting on precisely contrary principles.—(Cheers.) An Opposition
which professed to think the ancient institutions of this country a
grievance, which considered Eaglish society a mass of abuse, has a
double ground of opposition against a Government ; it has, first, the
ground of personal dissatisfaction with the course taken by Government,
censuring and disapproving of the acts of Government, together with
no indisposition to inflame popular discontent against the institutions
of the country..—(Cheers.) But we must bear in mind that our duty
prescribed to us by our principles is to maintain the ancient institutions
of this country.—(Loud cheers.) We have no desire to exalt the au-
thority of the House of Commons above the prerogative of the Crown—
(Cheers)—we have no desire to undermine the privileges of the House
of Lords—(Loud cheers)—on the contrary it is our duty to defend
there.—(Cheers.) The field of opposition occupied by those who seek
to reduce and cripple our establishments is denied to us, because we
wish to see the naval and military establishments of the country main-
tained in proper vigour and efficiency.—(Cheers.) It is not for us to ,
. _

inflame popular discontent by the exaggeration of public abuses.—
(Cheers.) Nor can we lend the Crown our arm to shake or curtail the
liberties of the people.—(Cheers.) And, therefore, in estimating the
course we have adopted, those who feel some impatience with our ap-
parent indifference and passiveness should always recollect that the
principles maintained by zn Opposition do impose some practical re.
straint on the conduct they must pursue —(Loud cheering.) I said,
and I said with perfect truth, that we maintain the principles and per-
form some of the functions of a Government.—(Cheers.) I will prove
this to be the case—that the position of the Administration and the Go.
♦ernment is inverted—th it we hold the principles generally said to be-
long to Government, repudiating those which are powerful instruments
when wielded by Opposition. I heard it laid down, some months since,
as the principle 011 which a Government must be conducted, that there
should be a constant concession to popular demands. That is an excel.
lent and most convenient doctrine for an Opposition, but a dangerous
and hazardous one for a Government. It was possible for Mr. Fox to
hold in Opposition language of this kind. In 1797, speaking of Ire-
land, he said, " I would therefore concede, and if I found I had not
conceded enough, I would concede more. I know no way of govern.
ing mankind, but by conciliating them ; and, according to the for-
cible way which the Irish have of expressing their meaning—' I know
of mode of governing the people, but by letting them have their own
way.' "—(A laugh.) The leader of the House of Commons, Lord John
Russell, being in office, said he adopted that principle of Mr. Fox's, as
the best for conducting the Government of the country—(Cheers)—
and, of course, nothing could equal the satisfaction created among
the popular party, or the compliments which were paid to the wise
and Liberal Minister who avowed such a canon of Government.
(Cheers.) A few months elapsed, and the people of Lower Canada re-
solved to ',put this favourite principle to the test.—(Cheers.) It was
fairly put to the test, and then it was discovered that there must be
other modes of governing the people then by letting them have their own
way—(Cheers) ; it was found that the principle, however convenient for
an irresponsible Opposition, was a dangerous principle for a Minister to
apply to the Government of a great empire, or a portion of it, that when
he found he had not conceded enough, he should go on always conced-
ing more; and it became absolutely necessary practically to convince the
people of Lower Canada, that however enlightened and liberal the
principle might be in theory, they must form the first exception to the
rule.—(Loud cheers.) So much for the principle of the Government.
Now, I want to convince you, that we have also been exercising some of
the practical functions of a Government, so far as the Legislature is con-
cerned. I will select three main questions, without going through the
great number of di►isions in which, without the aid of the Conservative
party, Her Majesty's Government must frequently have had to la-
ment the smallness of their numbers in competion with their Radi-
cal allies.—(Cheers, and hear, hear.) I will take three questions—one
connected with the religious establishments of the country, another
connected with an important branch of domestic industry and internal
commerce, and the third connected with the foundations of civil go-
vernment, and the maintenance of the constitution of the House of
Commons. The first question to which I refer merely as a specimen—
for there are hundreds of others—the first I select is the motion made
in the year 1837 for excluding the Bishops from the House of Lords—
" for relieving them," I believe it was called, " from the performance
of their legislative duties in Parliament."—(Cheers.) That motion was
manfully resisted, as far as speeches went, by her Majesty's Ministers;
it was resisted also by ourselves; but coming to the division, the ayes in
favour of excluding the bishops were 92, the noes 197—(Cheers)—the
adherents of the Government mustering only 50, whilst the Conser-
vatives numbered 147.—(Loud cheers,) That is the first proof I give
that I am not overstating our strength and influence, when I say that
we do execute some of the important functions of government.—
(Cheers.) The second question involved the repeal of the Corn Laws.
On that oceasiun (in 1838) the ayes were 95, the noes, 300—(cheers)—
but 226 of the 300 were Conservatives—(Loud cheers)—the Whigs
only mustering 74, being, in fact, in a minority of 21. (Loud
cheering.) The last question to which I would refer, also in the
pt esent session, is the vote by Ballot. Don't let it be said that lam
overrating the importance of that question. The vote by Ballot was
declared by the Minister of the Crown in the House of Commons to be
not only important in itself, but as involving mighty changes in the re-
presentative constitution of this country.—(Cheers.) It was said, and
truly in my opinion, that vote by Ballot must lead to extended suffrage,
to shorter Parliaments, to a complete revolution in the constitution and
practice of the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) It was resisted ou that
ground—not merely on the abstract objection to the Ballot, but be-
cause it was interwoven necessarily with other and more important con-
requences.—(Cheers.) There voted for the Ballot 198; against it 315
—(Cheers)---254 being Conservatives—(Cheers), and only 61, com-
posed of those who, acknowledging the Minister as their leader, sup.
ported him in the objections be had taken to the adoption of that mea-
sure.—(Cheers.) Now where had those questions beer if we had aban•
dolled our duty, and left the conflict to be decided between the strength
of the Government and their opponents on those various occasions ?
(Loud cheers.) But we have also had other opportunities of ex.
pressing our opinions in disapprobation of the policy of Govern.
ment. It has been our duty to hang over them the rod of cep.
sure—( Loud cheer,;—and when my Noble Friend brought
forward the expenses of Lord Durham's mission to Canada,
which Ministers construed into a motion of censure, that rod was pre-
vented from falling on their head; by only two voles.—(Loud cheers.)
But I should not, when speaking of the Ballot, have omitted to say, that
it is absolutely necessary we should continue, as my Noble Friend said,
united in our resistance to those great constitutional changes--(Cheers)
—because see what has taken place since the question of the Ballot was
decided. The Government, some of the leading members of which pro-
fessed so strongly to repudiate that measure, but which only mustered
61 votes against it—that Government showed themselves so grateful for

h enUistanCe .ued thane. and _
te
. PITr
kie_ on the first opportunity which occurred of snaking el
high and confidential office connected with tie
selected for it not an opponent of the Ballot, buy an wh
had voted in its favour.—(Cheers.) I say, then, contintef-,
firmly united in our determination to resist those tution
changes.—(Cheers.) I ask those friends who are . .or trioreSk Art
decisive action, to remember the steps by which our _ "has been
daily advancing. I call upon them to remember that it has been by
moderation, by prudence, by an undeviating adherence to our principles
that we have attainel our present position.—(Cheeers.) This I
advis e that on every occasion, be the consequence what it may, we
should resist the acts of the Government when we believe them to be
injurious--(Cheers)—and avoid no fitting opportunity of enforcing the
principles we maintain—(Cheers);—that for the purpose of averting
any change in the Government, we should, on no account, abate in the
slightest degree one of those principles which we consider essential to
the security of our institutions in Church and State—(Cheers) ;—but I
do hope we shall never be betrayed, for the sake of any temporary ad.
vantage, into an union with those from whose principles we wholly
disagree.—(Loud cheers.) I also hope that we shall never adopt the
advice which we sometimes receive from ardent friends and professed
admirers—namely, to abandon altogether our duty in the House of
Commons, for the purpose of creating embarrassment, by leaving the
Government to fight it out by themselves. My firm belief is, that by
steadily performing our legislative functions, by attending to our duty,
by censuring Ministers, or attempting to censure them, when censure
may be required, on all occasions by enforcing our principles, by amend-
ing their measures where they require amendment, though at the same
time we should rescue them from temporary embarrassment, yet we
shall thereby be establishing new claims on the public approbation
(Cheers.) It is not our fault if our efforts have someiimcs been un-
successful. On several occasions, when we might Lave relied on
the assertion of principles maintained when in Opposition by many sit.
ring now on the Ministerial side of the House, we found that as soon as
the question threatened the existence of the Government, ancient princi-
ples were forgotten, and the only consideration was, how Ministers could
best be maintained.—(Cheers) It is not, to be sure, a very satisfactory
mode ofjustification and escape to be told, as the Government constantly
are by their friends, •' You arc decidedly in the wrong—you deserve cen-
sure; but rather than inflict it on you, I will vote in your favour, in
order that you may have space for repentance "—(Cheers.) This re-
minds me of a proposition made upwards of an hundred years ago by
:Mr. Addison, who, lamenting the violence of party feeling, the
heats and resentments which appeared to him to obstruct the
'execution of the public service, suggested that some bond of union,
'some form of association, might be produced, which should combine
neutral men in defence of their common rights. He thought it
might be possible to frame some covenant which all moderate men
might subscribe and co-operate only for the public good. But
he found the greatest difficulty in drawing up the terms of this
association; however, after much reflection he thought he had
hit on the form of covenant which all moderate men might subscribe.
I will read to you the form of the Association which Mr. Addison pro-
posed ; certainly his expectations that men might be found to subscribe
the covenant do not appear at first sight unreasonable ; but I want to
know if even this moderate form ef subscription would embrace all
in these times. Mr. Addison, in 1711, proposed this as the form of an
Association—" We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, do solemnly
declare, that we do in our conscience believe that two and two make
four, and that we shall adjudge any man to be our enemy who endea-
vours to persuade us to the contrary. We are likewise ready to main-
tain, at the hazard of all that is near and dear to us, that six is less
than seven in all times and places. We do also firmly declare, that it is
our resolution as long as we live to call black black and white white ;
and we shall upon all occasions oppose such persons as upon any day of
the year shall vote black to be white, or white to be black with the ut-
most perils of our lives and fortunes."—(A laugh.) Now, if Mr. Addison
were alive we could prove to him that his form of Association would not
be applicable to the present times, but that he must so model it as that it
should run thus—" That we will on all occasions, upon any day of the
year, vote black to be white, or white to be black, whenever her Ma-
jesty's Government may be in danger."—(Loud cheers and laughter.)
That form of covenant will insure more signatures than the test Mr.
Addison proposed—namely, consenting that two and two make four, and
that on every day in the year black shall be considered black, and white,
white.—(Continued cheers and laughter.) But lam aware I have de.
tained you too long—(Cheers)—and in drawing my observations to a
close, let me express an anxious hope that this meeting may supply a
new bond of connexion to this party; and that the recollections of this
day may long animate us in active and united co-operation.—(Loud
cheers.) I believe the motto of this ancient Company under whose roof
we are now assembled is this—Concordia res pares crescent.—(Cheers.)
These words are taken from the dying admonition which was addressed
by Micipsa to Jugurtha and his sons, when he exhorted them to maintain
concord and union as one main instrument and essential condition of
success—Concordia res parts crescunt. He added, with equal truth,
discordia maximec dilabuntur.—(Loud cheers.) We have profited
by the maxim involved in the first part of the sentence—
(Loud cheers)—by concord, by good understanding, and union,
we have increased from small beginnings to strength and in-
fluence, which is now all but predominant.—(Continued cheering.)
The solemn warning involved in the latter part—the warning that
the utmost prosperity and apparent success are endangered by discord
and disunion, is not necessary for our admonition. We feel deeply and
intimately, that in the union of the Conservative party of this country,
Is one of the best guarantees for internal tranquillity, and the mainte-
nance of oar ancient institutions. It is impossible, I think, to look
around upon the condition of affairs without some feelings of anxiety
and apprehension. I wish not to exaggerate them in the slightest de-
gree, but still it cannot be denied that there are causes for anxiety and
distrust. If we look at time financial condition of the country, we find
a defalcation of revenue with a fair prospect of increased expenditure.
If we look to our colonial possessions, we find in the chief of them
heartburnings that follow a recently-suppressed insurrection, and the
dying embers of revolt ready to be fanned into flame by an external
spirit which appears to defy all controul.—(Loud cheering.) If we look
to our foreign relations, we find civil discord still prevailing in the most
important parts of the peninsula; civil discord fomented, I must always
think, by our presumptuous and unnecessary interference. If we look to
those countries of Europe which from local situation and the relations
Nature has established have been considered the intimate and na-
tural allies of England—if we look to Portugal and Hollaud, we
shall find in the one a government established at once the child and
champion of anarchy and in both the name of England and Englishmen
contemplated with very different feelings from those with which we
were accustomed to be regarded in days gone by.—(Cheers.) We are
indeed in the enjoyment of peace, but we have not that confidence—we
do not see prevailing throughout Europe that confidence which ought
to be its attendant.—(Cheers.) We do not find in contemplating
our foreign relations that any one of the questions which most materially
involve the maintenance and continuance of peace approaches nearer to
a settlement than it did several years since.—(Cheers.) Whether we
look at the relations of Holland to Belgium, or the state of the contro-
versy relative to the American boundary on the north-east of the Uni-
ted States, I think I am warranted in saying that the great questions by
which peace may be disturbed, and without the solution of which there
can be little guarantee for its continuance, still remain unsettled.
These are reasons not for despondence nor unmanly fear, but for con-
tinued exertion and union among the members of the Conservative
party.—(Loud cheers.) By that union we shall best be enabled to
maintain the mild predominance of the Protestant faith in every part of
the United Kingdom ; by that union, and by it atone, we stall
be enabled to promote what we call Conservative principles.— (Loud
cheers.) If asked " What do you mean by Conservative principles ?"
as we are sometimes taunted with giving a vague and unsatisfactory de.
scription of them, I would, in conclusion, briefly state the meaning I
attach to them. By Conservative principles, then, I mean, and I be-
lieve you mean, the maintenance of the prerogative of the Monarchy,
the maintenance of the just powers and attributes of Queen, Lords, and
Commons of the country—(Cheers),—and the determination to resist
every encroachment which can curtail the just rights and settled pri-
vileges of one or other of those three branches of the Constitution.—
(Cheers.) By Conservative principles we mean, that co-existent with
the equality of civil rights and privileges, there shall be an established
religion, paid and encouraged by the State—(Cheers) ;—and that this
established religions shall maintain the doctrines of the Protestant Re-
formed faith.—(Loud cheers.) By Conservative principles we mean
a steady resistance to every project for the alienation of Church pro-
perty from strictly spiritual purposes.—(Cheers.) We do not mean
to raise an unnecessary cry, to serve a political end, that the
Church is in danger; but we do put it to every reasonable man to
say whether those proposals do not endanger the Church, which if car-
ried into effect would, in Ireland, alienate from the establishment a cer-
tain proportion ef her property, in violation of binding compacts and the
most solemn assurances, and devote it to the purposes of education, ex.
Pressly excluding instruction in the main principles and precepts of the
Protestant religion—(Cheers)—we do put it to every reasonable man to
say whether, although their property be improved, If concurrently the
bishops in England should be made stipendiaries of the State, the Church
could be free from danger, its own revenues being applied to relieve pro.
perty from a burden to which it has been immemorially subject—.
(Cheers)—if those two measures, the unlimited alienation of Church
property in Ireland to secular purposes, aunt the application of the eccle-
siastical revenues in England to the relief of property from charges to
whirls it has always been liable, thereby threatening the dissolution of
that connection between Church and State implied in the contribution
of property to the maintenance of the fabric of the Church,
and which Lord Alihorp regarded as essential to the integrity of
the establishment—(Cheers)—we do ask, if those two measures
were passed, whether they would not greatly endanger the mainte-
nonce of the establishment in both countries?—(Cheers.) By Con-
servative principles we mean the rescuing from threatened danger
our Protestant establishments.—(Cheers.) Nay more, we mean the
infliction, if we can, of " a heavy blow and a great discouragement"
upon those principles which are antagonist to the establishment of the
Protestant faith in these realms.—(Loud cheers.) By Conservative
principles we means the maintenance of our settled institutions in
Church and State—(Cheers)—and we mean also tine preservation and
defence of that combination of law, of institutions, of usages, of habits,
and manners, which have contributed to mould and form the character
of Englishmen, and which have enabled this country in the contentions
and fearful rivalry of war to extort the admiration of her enemies—
(Cheers)—and in the equally glorious career of peaceful industry, of
commercial enterprise, of mechanical skill, of social improvement, have
endeared the name of England and of Englishmen in every country of
the world to those who seek for the establishment of liberty without
license, and look to the maintenance of that pure form of religion which
is at once the consolation of the virtuous man, and the best guarantee
which human institutions can afford of Civil and Religious Liberty.
(The Right Hon. Baronet sat clown amidst loud and protracted cheers.
The next toast was, the " Army and Navy."
Sir E. KERRISON, on behalf of the Army, returned thanks.
Captain GORDON returned thanks on behalf of the Navy. He was
most happy in being present on that occasion, when so well-merited a
compliment was paid to the Right Hon. Baronet, to whom this country
was so deeply indebted. The policy of that Right lion. Gentleman was
wise and statesmanlike—(Cheesy—and so long as he pursued his
manly course, he might not only calculate upon, but demand, the
support of the 313 Conservative members by whom he was now sur-
rounded.—(Great cheering.)
" Rule Britannia," was then sung in excellent style, the company
jaining in chorus.

The CIIMRMAN next proposed the health of Lord Stanley.—(Great
cheering.) In giving his health he gave the health of a Nobleman who
preferred principle to place—(Cheers)—and who retired from the coun-
sels of his Sovereign, as soon as he found that his services were no longer
required in the way in which he could alone tender them. The toast was
drunk with long continued cheering.

Lord STANLEY rose to return thanks, but It was some time before the
cheering subsided and permitted him to proceed. The Noble Lord said
he felt the reception which they had given him the more sensibly, be..
came to many of those whom he now addressed—perhaps, he might say,
to the majority—he had been, by the conscientious discharge of his duty
at a prvious period of Isis public life, compelled to stand in opposition.
And why did he say that this circumstance gave him greater pleasure
than if he were receiving the same mark of respect from those with.
whom he had always acted ? Because he felt, with honest pride felt,
that they sunk the difference of opinion which had existed in their con_
viction of the honesty of the principle which had brought about the
change. It was because he knew that had be been so degraded or so base
as to join their ranks from any unworthy personal motive, front any con.,
sideration of private interest at the sacrifice or suppression of any p•-_,;0;6
principle, he would not have been received as he had been o:flat day.
—(Lnud cheers.) It was because he knew that though as politicians
they might have rejoiced in the accession of a re;,:ruit,
yen, as
gentlemen, gentlemen, thhiesy
Right wouldl hiveio, Is,rpiuernnde
had
n
truly
insi
said h
insincere a ltly.(Cheers.) yes,
3.t their union was
founded on Ligher and more enduring motives; it was founded on the.
strongest motives which could act on private feeling or influence publtcs.
conduct.—(llcar, hear.) It was founded on the sense of common dart—
ger—(Cheers)—on the conviction of a common interest ; not that ser.
did, base, and personal interest which might gratify and profit them as
individuals, hit on their conviction, and on their united opinion as to
the quarter from which clanger was threatened to our institutions, and.
as to the means by which that danger was to be warded otr, and our preserved.—(Loud cheers.) So far, therefore, from its requir..