The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-20 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1853.

Hitherto the elections consequent upon the
change of Ministry have gone off to admiration,
so far as concerns her MAJESTY'S Government.
The temporary success obtained in the Oxford
University by Mr. PERCEVAL has long since been
eclipsed by the sustained triumph of Mr. GLAD-
STONE in the division of his old constituency.
Whatever may be the result of this day's pro-
ceedings, it will require a very extraordinary ex-
ertion on the part of the political antagonists of
the ABERDEEN Cabinet to exceed in numbers the
sum total of the voters who have already polled
for the Right Hon. Gentleman the CHANCEL-
Lon of the EXCHEQUER. Meanwhile the only
formidable obstacle yet, encountered by one
of the large group of public men who have
accepted office under the Coalition is observed
to have sprung to view in Ireland. The
-violent scenes witnessed the other morning in
front of the hustings at Carlow, augured some-
thing more formidable than an ordinary election-
eering brawl got up simply for the purposes of
intimidation. In testimony of this we may con-
tent ourselves with pointing to the intelligence
this day received from the opposite shore of St.
George's Channel, showing that up to two o'clock
yesterday afternoon, there was a majority of eight
in favour of Mr. ALEXANDER. It may prove,
doubtless, only a momentary advantage to the
opponents of the new Ministry, like that already
referred to as having been achieved in the first
instance in the struggle for the repre-
sentation of the Oxford University. But,
however matters may turn out in reference to the
success or failure of Mr. S IDLEIR, it is unques-
tionable that certain section's of the Irish Brigade
have acted somewhat ungraciously in the viru-
lence of their animosity towards the newly-ap-
pointed junior Lord of the Treasury. It might
been e
not unreasonably haveconjectured that the
members of the Brigade would
re-
membrance yet a little while longer the ino
urse
pursued in regard to themselves and their brotler
religionists in 1850, by some of the leadingj
statesmen in the present Administration 1,3;
such men, for example, as the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet the First Lord of the Admiralty, and
as the noble Earl the Chief of the existing
Government. Yet such would by no means ap-
pear to be the prominent events cherished just
now by the Irish Representatives in particular con-
sideration. In lieu of this, it would seem that
a considerable portion of them have determined,
with malice prepense, to oppose in -every possible
manner the yet undecided policy of the ABERDEEN
Administration. Against any such course i
we for
one, as am ong the exponents of public opinion n this
4ountry, must at once and most resolutely protest.
7h'3? indeed, is what may with all justice be stig-
matised as a really and intolerably factious oppo-
sition. Withoutfeeling for one moment disposed to
become the apologists
must, a.sindependenntecaensd.impartial
of the ABERDEEN Cabinet, we
betimes upon the
to them what they accorded
of aoliltivpjeaoresalaicsctsorindi'snis.gt
any edcie to their predecessors,
before pronouncing
their policy—and that is, in opinion upon
nweaswo_rd, a " hear-
ing." Strike, but hear me
A.zacltadeheer
saying of the ancient Greek.
no favour 1 is the simple demand goaltnaangthed
andold
of a struggle by every true-hearted Englishman.
eve
It would 'therefore behove the antagonisticman. sec-

tion of the Irish Brigade, if the members of that
section needs must strike, first of all to "hear"
the views announced by her MAJESTY'S Govern-
ment. Again, while we, at least, by no means
demand anything like " favour" for the councils
of the ABERDEEN Cabinet—(viewing the mere
manner of its construction, as we do, as most
sinister in reference to the integrity of public
men, as well as in reference to the stability of
their political principles)—we aver, in terms most
plain and unmistakeable, the necessity of accord-
ing at least a " clear stage" to the ABERDEEN
Government. Difficulties enough that Govern-
ment will have internally—difficulties so great,
we fear, as to impede, if not altogether to inter-
rupt, the general labours of administration.
Let not those difficulties be enhanced by any un
generous or factious opposition. Listen to what
Ministers may have to submit 'to the considera-
tion—the acceptance or refusal—of the Legisla-
ture. Listen : and then, but not before then,
decide. If good measures are the result of pre-
sent deliberation, they should command the sup-
port of all parties indiscriminately, no matter
upon what side those parties may sit in the Upper
or the Lower House of the Imperial Parlia-
ment. The feelings of the patriot ought
then to set aside the minor hopes and
aspirations of the partisan. The courage and
civism of the Government ought to be responded
to by the magnanimity of the Opposition.
It is unfortunately but very improbable that
good can come out of so dark and sinister a Coali-
tion. Before, however, we arrive at any decision
upon this head, we shall await with as much pa-
tience as is at all possible under the circum-
stances, for the revelation of their policy by the
leading members of the new Administration. Im-
probable we conceive it to be, we repeat, that ad-
vantage can come from any compact so glaringly
in defiance of all the dictates of consistency :
but, still, we believe it to be just a
hair's breadth within the limits of possibility.
Time alone can remove uncertainty in this par-
ticular. Until then, we must learn to wait confi-
dent, at least, in the integrity of our wishes for
the national good, whether it be Lord DERBY or
Lord ABERDEEN who presides over the councils of
her MAJESTY'S Government. The excellence of
the intentions of our leading statesmen, we believe
with scarcely one solitary exception. We are not
among those who credit the old-wives-tales, too fre-
quently current of late years, as to the sinister pro-
jects cherished by this or by that eminent statesman.
We rest satisfied that all alike are at heart solicitous
to forward the general good to the utmost of their
ability. The excellence of their intentions, we
repeat, is to us, rather more than matter of mere
credibility. It is not with intentions, however,
that a great country like England can rest satis-
fied. The Whigs for five long years endeavoured
to glut the popular appetite for reform with pro-
mises, and it was in consequence of this that they
were at last compelled to withdraw from the re-
sponsibility of filling the various offices of the
Government. The Tories, by whom they were
followed, had at any rate, to say the very least
of them, the merit of displaying something
more like Ministerial activity—the reforms
effected under their auspices during eight
or nine months' possession of power spreading
more or less throughout the whole of the nume-
rous departments of the Administration. Lat-
terly, it is true, those reforms—possibly from
their unavoidable precipitation—were rather ill-
considered in character : the Budget, for example,
removing only half of the obnoxious Malt Tax,
without attempting in any way to break down the
intolerable monopoly of the Brewers ; and, while
peddling thus with the operations of the maltsters
and of the agriculturists, estranging the towns
from the DERBY Cabinet by the imposition of a
double Tax upon Houses. Hence the downfall of
the recent Administration—hence the construction
of this eccentric Cabinet of All the Talents, and, we
might even add, of All the Principles ! Upon the
members of the Happy Family—upon the mem-
bers of the ABERDEEN Ministry, more burthen-
some responsibilities will now accumulate than
have perhaps ever before pressed simultaneously
during a time of peape and,of mercantile prosperity
upon the British Government. The Whigs will
have to redeem their lost reputation as reformers.
The Peelites will have to abandon for once some
of their favourite crotchets, and to throw over-
board some of their more stubborn ideas as to
Ultra-Conservatism. These two great parties will
have to coalesce intimately with each other, and,
while doing so, will be expected to eclipse the
triumphs of the Tory Reformers lately in posses-
sion of the affairs of her MAJESTY'S Government.
Enormous expectations ! Will they be realised ?
For answer, we must look to the future acts of the
Earl of ABERDEEN and his Ministerial colleagues
in the present Government.

We would earnestly invite attention to the

letter of " A FREE-TRADER," which will be found
in another part of this day's impression. The
subject is one of *no ordinary' importance. It is
neither more nor less than "'Free Trade in
Money." Whether the moneybcracy are still to
be permitted td make their own terms for the use
of capital, and thereby to secure for themselves

the lion's share of every speculation and every
improvement ?—or whether a number of less
wealthy individuals may be permitted to co-ope-
rate together, and, by combining their resources,
to obtain the means of carrying out undertakings
beyond the powers of any but the leading mem-
bers of this highly-favoured class.

The existing law of partnership can only be
regarded as a protective code for millionaires. It

is as if a law were enacted by which the occupiers
of small farms should not be allowed to cultivate
certain crops of the most remunerative charac-

ter—for example, as if the growth of wheat
were sanctioned only on holdings of five hundred
acres, and upwards, and that less influential
farmers were restricted to produce of a less pro-
fitable description. It is, indeed, the great
damper of joint stock enterprise--the matter which
enhances the price of money to all but capitalists
—or the holders of first-rate securities. Through
its baneful operation no person is allowed to invest
a limited amount a money in any undertaking,
unless prepared to risk his entire fortune on its
success, and to become a bankrupt or insolvent in
case of failure. A single share of even 51. or 101.,
held in any concern, renders a party responsible
for all its debts and liabilities. The creditor may
obtain a judgment against the Company—and such
judgments have frequently been entered up by
collusion, and for the purpose of getting rid of a
troublesome shareholder—without any notice to
the party on whom it is subsequently to be
levied.

The first intimation of danger received by
a man who had invested 201. in a concern
which he believed to be 9f public utility might be
the service of a notice for liberty to issue a scire
facias against him personally, under which his
person or property might be taken in execution.
If he endeavw to show cause against the rule,
he will not be allowed to question the validity of
the debt. To that extent the judgment will be
considered final and conclusive. All he can do is
to prove that he had removed his name from the
list of shareholders a certain time before judgment
hadp r i
remainede obeen
f enteredin
nsotek h o-
e up, so that he was not a pr
at the time • but if his money
him from proceedilinngsd,ertaluthe *cnogn nothinge s
co a if w
hsai. vc
he
may be destructive to all his future prospects.
It may be said that there is a mode by which a
remedy to this acknowledged grievance may be
y
obtained. A Royal Charter generally limits its the
liability of shareholders to the amounts for which
they have subscribed, and for which they have
expressed themselves willing to become responsible.
But this is the exception, and not the rule, and
it is at best an expensive and a tedious remedy.
Under the most favourable terms, 1,0001. must be
sacrificed thebefore
the undertaking
charter
c can b be b
btaei obtained—.a
-e—oaf
heavy outlay, unless
immense magnitude.
The costs, too, will be
considerably increased,
and great trouble im-
posed
intoenretshteedapp
Free-traders, may
monopolists, disguised as concession. Sturdy
im-
pede undertakings of unimpeachable
partiesli cants,
oi f tahney
may
-unquestionable utility. The expenses
charactaebrsaonrbd

a considerable proportion of the profits to be rea-
lised, and the shareholders be thereby disappointed
and disspirited, and their reasonable anticipa-
tions blasted in consequence of the vexatious
interposition of the enemies of unrestricted com-
petition ; but there is no remedy. A law favour-
able to monopoly is in fault ; and nothing but a
decisive movement on the part of the Legislature
can abate the nuisance.

" They manage these things better in France,"
in America, and, indeed, in every civilised coun-
try in the world. It is in England alone—in ,
what was once termed " the nation of shopkeep-
ers"—that we retain these absurd and antiquated
regulations, that we refuse to recognise a
" Societe anonymes," or partnership "en cam-
mandite," by which a subscriber may limit
his liability in any concern. It is difficult
to conceive how the addition of considerable
funds, advanced by parties who would not under-
take unlimited liability, can render a concern less
solvent. Our commercial code in this particular
renders us the laughing-stock of our neighbours,
who are, however, willing enough to profit by the
antiquated—we wish we could say obsolete—rules
that send so much English money abroad for
foreign loans and foreign investments, while much
sounder speculations at home are neglected.
The " Red Emperor," it is said, speculates on
raising £10,000,000 in England—the very coun-
try which his advisers refused to recognise in
the last Austrian Loan ; but which may now be so
far favoured (I) He may obtain the amount, and
the circulating medium—the very life-blood of in-
dustry—be drawn from our shores for purposes
unknown and unapproved of by the lenders. If he
succeed, it will be solely from the operation of
what our correspondent truly terms the " absurd
Law of Partnership." A reform in this respect
would be really advantageous to the country ; and
we may hope that it will not be lost sight of by
those who are desirous of extending and carrying out
a policy that has been truly designated as " wise,
just, and beneficial." That it will be so, sooner
or later, we have not the slightest doubt. Men
of all parties and shades of political opinion may,
therefore, endeavour to obtain the credit of that
which will receive almost universal acceptance
when brought forward. It is a subject of legiti-
mate competition, in which the Members of the
present and the late Government may fairly vie
with each other for the public approbation that
will assuredly attend any successful legislation on
the point.

" 0 wad some pow'r the giftie gie us,
To see oursels as ithers see us,
It wad frae monis a blunder free us,

And foolish notion."

Thus sung our immortal Scottish bard, and
thousands of times have thousands of hearts said
"Amen" to his prayer. It is plain, nevertheless, that
this seeing ourselves as others see us, however de-
sirable, is not a very pleasant sight ; and, most
unfortunately, when " others" hold the mirror, it
requires no ordinary patience to look with peni-
tent and self-reforming calmness on our own image.
The very sex most accustomed to the use of the
glass are in danger of returning very cold side-
glances at the holder, and even to present a mirror
in return, although the first might have been prof-
fered with all the refined amenities of the best-
bred and the most benevolent of our English aris-
tocracy. Our readers will understand at once
that we allude to the Stafford-house assembly of
ladies, and the Address first circulated in the
papers of the day by the Earl of SHAFTESBURY,
and, after adoption by the ladies, sent abroad far
wide for signature. Now, however much many
of our ablest journals and their correspondents
have questioned the wisdom and expediency
of sending such an address, none would
deny that, if one were sent at all, it was
scarcely possible to conceive of its being drawn
up in a spirit more befitting Christian and culti-
vated females. Not a taunting, assuming, self-
righteous" word can be found throughout ; not an
innuendo for the most jealous captiousness to de-
tect. England's guilty share in the existence of
American Slavery is strongly asserted and humbly
confessed, and the dangers of immediate emanci-
pation acknowledged also. American ladies are
kindly invited to consider how far the system of
Negro Slavery is in accordance with " GOD'S Holy
Word, the inalienable rights of immortal souls,
and the pure and merciful spirit of the Christian
Religion." The necessity of preparation for eman-
cipation is admitted ; and they are kindly re-
minded that, as a part of that preparation, the
sanctity of marriage between negroes should be
respected, and their education permitted and en-
couraged. Indeed so moderate are the sugges-
tions of the Address, that the well-known and re-
spectable Abolitionists, Sir E. N. BUXTON, JOSEPH
SPURGE, SAMUEL GURNEY, and G. W. ALEXANDER,
felt constrained, after a perfectly amicable cor-
respondence with the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, to
issue, with his entire concurrence, another for
signature by ladies holding their views—an Ad-
dress identical with the former, except in the
statement that it is a " Christian duty to termi-
nate, without delay, a system which deprives man
of his rightful freedom," &c., &c. The ad-
dress was received by the English press with
the courtesy which could not well be refused
either to its authors or to the unaffected blandness
of its tone. General CAss, however, the hot
pro-slavery and fugitive slave-law advocate, and
his English protector, Mr. JOHN BRIGHT, would
have been utterly non-plussed in seeking cause of
irritation in the English journals (unless perhaps
in some obscure one)—for the expediency of the
address was much called in question--though it
was • impossible for an English freeman to dissent
from its statements ; and plenty of condemnatory
and even sarcastic letters were freely admitted.
Soon, however, the " American Sisters " began
to answer for themselves. The first communica-
tion was dated, oddly enough, from Milan ; but,
though professing to be written by American
ladies there, and sent to the papers through Mr.
HUME, yet, as we have not seen any voucher
from him of its authenticity, we hardly feel war-
ranted in regarding it as in all respects genuine.
It was, however, merely a sarcastic retort, aimed
in no very graceful style or spirit at the aristo-
cratic circles and the Church to which the origi-
nators of the movement belong. In our paper of
Friday, the 14th, however, we gave a very long
reply, occupying a full column of small type,
" from many thousands of the women of the
United States of America, to their sisters the
women of England." We extracted it from the
New York Courier and Inquirer.
We fear we need hardly mention that this also
is a retort, and certainly a very able one. We
should have said, from its total contrast in style
to the moral qualities of that of the Stafford-house
Address, that it is a thoroughly masculine compo-
sition, did we not know that America just now
abounds with strong-minded women ; moreover,
the et to quoque form of its remarks, certainly
smacks very strongly of one of the characteristics
of feminine displeasure. " You are as bad as we,"
is, alas ! the sole argument which pervades it.
We will not, however, retaliate on behalf of our
fair memorialists at home. We know that the
ladies of Stafford-house can command their tem-
per ; we are confident they would shrink from
recrimination ; we believe, indeed, that they will
earnestly inspect the indictment of the American
ladies, to see whether it suggests to them any new
form of benevolence at home.

We hope, however, we may venture, without
offence to either side, to explain a little on behalf
of our countrywomen ; we will pass over the sar-
castic adoption throughout of the language of the
Stafford-house Address, and at once remark on two
things which strongly strike us English people,
while reading over the catalogue of evils tolerated
in the midst of us, whether it be misgoverned
Ireland, poverty, ignorance, or vice. The first is,
that we are not interdicted from petitioning our
Legislature on these subjects, nor from freely dis-
cussing them there as well as elsewhere. No
standing order or resolution prohibits the Earl of
SHAFTESBURY now, or prohibited the Lord ASHLEY
of the House of Commons, from raising the long-
est debates on any one of them.
The American ladies must at once perceive the
vast difference of their case. Neither by means
of debate, nor committees of investigation, .com-

posed of members of opposite opinions, can the
evils of the slave system be brought into a form,
authenticated by the Legislature, before the pub-
lic. Our very Parliamentary Reports and collected
statistics, on which they profess to found their re-
criminatory statements, bear witness to the fact
that we are not quite unwilling to " see ourselves as
others see us." They taunt our ladies with taking
their views of the evils of Slavery from works of
fiction (alluding, of course, to Mrs. STOWE'S too
truthful fiction), and boast that they found theirs
upon our own Parliamentary documents. We are sure
that the Stafford-house ladies will rejoin, though
in their own well-bred tone, "Sisters, get your
husbands and brothers to originate similar legisla-
tive statistics, and we will dismiss even fictions
founded on facts, accept your Congressional Blue
Books,' and regard them as the db.wn of negro
liberty." Another thing which strikes us, is,
that the evils so ably laid to our charge, are evils
which we are openly and actively striving to re-
dress. Ireland, with which the list begins,—
with all our neglects, what have we not done for
it ? and how much are we still doing for it ? We
hare been ready to vote enormous sums of money,
equal to the whole revenue of the United States,
for relief to bodily necessities, and we have pro-
vided ample means of education there, at least,
for all classes. Then, as to our land be-
ing " filled with slaves to ignorance, penury,
and vice," and our comparatively small votes
for National Education. What is more noto-
rious than the enormous voluntary tax raised
throughout the country for educational purposes,
and the efforts made to fill the ample school
accommodation provided, at least in such towns
as Manchester and Leeds ? National Education
is, and long has been, a prominent public object,
the chief difficulty being how to make it work
with the vast amount of voluntary agency already
in existence. We accept, however, on the part
of our countrywomen the advice tendered us in
the peroration of the long American Address ; we
acknowledge that our more impoverished and
ignorant classes claim at our hands all the edu-
cation, guidance, and means of employment with
which we can furnish them. We are willing to
be stimulated to far greater zeal in our charitable
efforts than we have yet shown. Still we must
remind our Transatlantic sisters of the broad dis-
tinction between all these evils and Slavery, as it
is in America. Females are not here, by law, at
the mercy of their purchasers, nor can husbands,
wives, and children be sold apart, or sold at
all. The MONARCH herself cannot beat her
servant at will ; no penalties prohibit the
education of the meanest, no prison awaits the
coloured freeman who visits our shores. In a
word, no law here converts three millions of our
population into the mere goods and chattels of the
rich. Our American ladies must 'not, therefore,
affect to forget that " ignorance, penury, and
vice" is compulsory with them in some sixteen of
their States, and that the other half are now
compelled to catch the fugitives from these evils,
and to return them to their hopeless bondage.
We trust, however, that when our American
female friends come to consider the matter calmly,
they will do full justice, both to the spirit of the
English Address and to the difference between the
evils noticed by them and by us. That they will
see and feel that we do not cherish " ignorance,
penury, and vice" as a " domestic institution,"
do not plead for it from Scripture, do not enforce
it by our legislation ; and, above all, do not shrink
from thoroughly investigating the evils amongst
us, or sensitively resent their being laid honestly
before us. We have confidence in the women of
America generally ; Mrs. STOWE, the admired one
of England, is no less admired in the United
States, and we perceive with pleasure that she
is about to add to her painfully interesting, yet
bewitching fiction, a book of the facts on which
it is founded—" A key to Uncle Tom's Cabin."
We are confident it will be as truthful as our
" Blue Books," and far more readable ; and we
hope that next time we hear from our " American
sisters," they will be able to send us some appro-
priate quotations from it.

MR. DISRAELL—We have authority for stating that
there is no truth whatever in the report that Mr. Dis-
raeli is about to go abroad for two years. The right
hon. gentleman was never in better health, and had
never less intention of absenting himself from his Parlia-
mentary duties.—Times.

The Duke of Buccleuch, whose Crown lease of Mon-
tagu-house, Whitehall-gardens, has just expired, has,
after some negotiations with the Commissioners of
Woods and Forests, renewed it for another 99 years.
The edifice, which is a very ancient mansion, will be
rebuilt at the expense of the noble Duke, on precisely
the same site.
GOVERNMENT EMIGRATION TO AUSTRALlA.—Notwith-
standing the large number of emigrants that were sent
out to our Australian colonies during the last year from
Gravesend, Plymouth, Liverpool, &c., under the Go-
vernment regulations, amounting to upwards of 45,000,
the applications at the chief office, in Park-street, West-
minster, continue unabated daily, from all parts of the
country, so much so, that her Majesty's Colonial Land
and Emigration Commissioners, so as to comply with a
portion of the applicants whose names had been down
upon the books for some months, who could not be sent
out last year, feel themselves compelled to recommence
the tide of emigration earlier than they intended this
year, for which purpose they have given notice that on
Saturday next, the 22d inst., they will be ready to re-
ceive tenders for three ships (not to be lower than the
red dipthong at Lloyd's) to carry emigrants to Western
Australia, New South Wales, and to Victoria.
FATAL OCCURRENCE AT THE Thew RECORDS-OFFICE.—
A frightful occurrence took place yesterday at the New
Records-office, now in course, of construction on a part
of the Rolls estate, Chancery-lane, by which John Rowe,
a stonemason, ho resided in Drummond-crescent,
Somers-tovvin, lost his life. It appears that the unfortu-
nate man was engaged on a scaffold at an elevation of
38 feet, when, by some means e missed his footing, and
before he could recover his e uilibrium was precipitated
to: the ground amongst aqu 'ty of, broken-stone rub-
bish. His fellow-workmen being alarnied by the terrific
c-rash, hastened to his assistance, and found him insensi-
ble and bleeding profusely from severe gashes 'on the
head. • lie Was then, with all possible speed, removed
to King's College Hospital, where he was at once ad-
mitted, and it was ascertained by Mr. G. Lawson, the
house-surgeon, that his skull was extensively fractured,
several ribs broken, besides sustaining serious internal
injuries. The poor man never rallied, and expired in a
few hours ;he has left a widow and family. Informa-
tion has been forwarded to Mr. Bedford, coroner for
Westminster, who has not as yet fixed the time for the
inquest.
FATAL ACCIDENT AT MESSRS. BRADBURY AND EVANS'S
PRINTING-OFFICE.----Mr. Bedford, the coroner for West-
minster, held an inquest yesterday at the PlOugh Tavern,
Carey-street, Lincoln's-inn-fields, touching the death
of John Lawrence, aged 22, a young/man in the employ
of Messrs. Bradbury and Evans, the extensive printers,
of Red Lion-court, Fleet-street, who died in King's
College Hospital, from the effects of injuries received
whilst at work, by the falling of an iron slab which he
was engaged in removing. The jury returned a verdict
of "Accidental death."
THE METROPOBITAN DISPENSARY AND CHARITABLE
FUND.—The triennial dinner of this institution took
place yesterday evening at the London Tavern, Bishops-
gate-street. The chair was taken by the Right Hon.
the Lord Mayor, who was supported by Sheriff Croll,
Mr. J. Dillon, Mr. C. Pearson, the Venerable Arch-
deacon Hale, the Rev. T. Jackson, and other active 1
friends of the charity. After the preliminary toasts,
including that of the Sheriffs of London and Middlesex,
the chairman proposed "Prosperity to the Institution."
In doing so, he took occasion to observe that
indiscriminate charity was, in his opinion, more likely
to injure than to benefit the community at large, but
that on the other hand no country was safe where
the masses were neglected and their misfortunes
unrelieved. This institution brought under their notice
not the idle and profligate but the industrious and the
deserving—those who, before requiring aid, had gained
the esteem and confidence of their employers by their
truthfulness and integrity. Here the sick and diseased
procured all the assistance that science could bestow, and
the limited funds of the society were applied on their be-
half in the most useful and beneficial manner. During
the past year more than seven thousand cases had been
cured or relieved, and upwards of four thousand visits had
been paid to patients at their own habitations ; yet the
ordinary income from all sources scarcely exceeded 3501.
There was an idea abroad that the benefits of the charity
'were confined to the city. That was not the fact ; the
whole metropolis might participate in the advantages
which it held out, and all that was needed to insure ex-
tended usefulness was an augmentation of funds. A cor-
dial response was given to the toast, which was succeeded
by several others, including the health of the Lord Mayor.
Among the subscriptions announced in the course of the
evening were the following :—The Lord Mayor, ten gui-
Sahnedrigo.C,rfiovlle,
gufivieneguasi;nemasr.;
J.
Desislrslo.n,Mfiovrrie son
gui-
neasDn eoalsl o;;n31r. C. Pearson, three guineas ; Baron Rothschild,
,
Herbertmessrs. Lloyd.vhitbtreen
guineas Miner'as ;
R. Chapman, ten guineas ; Miss Waller,
ten guineas
ineas ; Mr.
tsemnigthu,infievaesgu;
guineas ; Mr. H.
, Mr.
subscribed
was nearly 300/.
Whitbread and Co., twenty
• Beaumont, five guineas ; the Rev. F.
J. Blomfield, two guineas. The total amount
The works beneath the railway arch in the West-
minster-road, which, it will be remembered, sank some
time since in consequence of the recent heavy rains,
were yesterday finished, the bottom of the arch having
been completely rebuilt, and, although all the scaffolding'
is not yet removed, it is now perfectly safe. I