The Sun.
London, England, 1853-11-28 00:00:00

THEATRE ROYAL ADELPHI.

Proprietor, Mr. B. Webster.—Direetreas, Madame Celeste.
THIS EVENING. Nov. 28,

Will be performed THE DISCARDED SON. Characters by
Leigh Murray, Paul Bedford, and Keeley; Mrs. Keeley add Miss
Woolgar, &c.
To be followed by WHITEBAIT AT GREENWICH.
After which, THE CAMP AT CHOBHAM.
To be followed by "HOTEL CHARGES!" or, How to Cook
"A Biftin."

ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE.

Lessee and Manager, Mr. A. Wigan.

THIS EVENI.NG, Nov. 28,

Will be performed PLOT AND PASSION. Principal characterB
by Mr F. Robson and Mrs. Stirling.
To be followed by THE CAMP AT THE OLYMPIC. Charac-
ters by Messrs. A. Wigan, Emery, F. Robson, Cooper, and Galli ;
Mesdames A. Wigan, Stirling, P. Horton, Chatterley, E. Turner, and
Wyndham.
To conclude with THE WANDERING MINSTREL.

ASTLEY'S EUROPE'S NATIONAL AMPHITHEATRE.:

Lessee and Manager, Mr. W. Cooke,

who respectfully announces to the Nobility, Gentry, and Public:in
general, that a GRANO EQUESTRIAN CHINESE SPECTACLE
14 in active preparation, written expressly to introduce Mr William
Cooke's most extraordinary TRAINED ELEPHANTS, surpassing
everything hitherto witnessed—their marvellous feats never having
been previously attempted, and which they accomplish with unerr-
ing certainty. The spectacle will be produced immediately.
Second week of Six Clowns in the Arena. Third week of the re-
appearance of the premier horseman, Mr. ALFRED COOKE. In-
creasing popularity of the daring Equestrienne, Madlle. MASOTTA

- - ---
On MONDAY EVENING, Nov. 28, 1853 (and during the week)
the grand spectacle of BONAPARTE'S IN VASION OF RUSSIA
Or, The Burning of Moscow.

Followed by William Cooke's matchless scenes of the ARENA,
by unequalled artistes.

Concluding with JUPITER'S DECREE ; Or, The Fall of Pho=ton.
Box-office open from Eleven till Four. Stage Manager, Mr. W.
West.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tars DAY —Morning 44 min.after 11 Evening 0 min.aft. 0
To-Moaaow—Morning 8 min.after 12' Evening 30 miu.aft.l2

THE WEATHER.--Stot OFFICE, Nov. 27.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.

45 —highest since noon yesterday.
40—lowest this morning and during the night.
44—this day at noon.

BAROMETER, 30'19.
WIND, N.E.—Light breeze, slight rain, and dull weathe!,
NOVEMBER 28.
46 highest since noon yesterday.
40—lowest this morning and during the night.
41—this day, at noon.

BAROMETER, 30'24.
WIND, S.S.E. to S.E.---Light breeze, and dull, hazy
weather.

rt
8, , *
44/0

thought, therefore quite unconcerned shout Uni-
ersal Suffrage, and all the other points of the
Charter. This is a great mistake. The Charter
taught them a lesson they will never forget.
They will never lose again their belief in a right
to the Suffrage, whether they proclaim it
noisily or not. They will never think
themselves fully represented by members for
whom they have not voted. If they be
now passed by , because they are peaceful,
what a fatal warning may it prove to them to get
up an irresistible agitation. If they are left out
of two Reform Bills, out of the first under pro-
mise that if they agitated for their betters their
betters would agitate for them ; out of the second
because they did not agitate for themselves, they
can draw but one inference ; and when the next
time of pressure comes, the excluded of two
Reform Bills may be a fearful class for the
Statesmen of the House to deal with. It will,
moreover, be an additional source of bitter-
ness between the middle and the working classes
that the promise of twenty years ago has not
only been lying unredeemed all this time, but
that even when the time was notoriously come it
was repudiated or consigned to oblivion.

But surely this whole policy of yielding nothing
except to inconvenient or unbearable pressure is
not the one to conciliate all classes to each other,
or the larger class to the Government under
which it lives. Is there never to be a pre-
mium for peace as well as for turbulence ?
Are prizes to be always reserved for the
FEARGUS O'CONNORS, FROSTS, and JONESES ?
Will the frankness and manliness of no Statesman
deprive the demagogue of real pretexts for his
selfish purposes ? And are the answers of the
celebrated Noodle's Catechism to be reiterated
for ever ? Surely the working classes will not
bear to be told at one time, " This is not the time
to give you the franchise, you demand it too
fiercely ;" and next, " This is not the time, you
are too quiet about it." If, indeed, they are,
even when on strike, so much quieter than could
be hoped, if there is general contentment
amongst them, what time could be more safe
and desirable for beginning at least an
extension of the suffrage to them ? As we have
said we will not cavil about the particular amount
or mode of extension, provided it be a real one ;
but that there must be an extension, if there is to
be subsequent political contentment, we hold to be
most certain. A feeling of hopeless disappoint-
ment at the best, or of rancorous and dangerous
displeasure, quite as probable, is almost sure to
follow a Reform Bill which shall not bona fide
include the elite, at least, of the working classes.

Nothing oan be more unfair than to hold forth
the old freemen and potwallopers as samples of
the better sort of operatives generally. They
are the corrupt relics of a system the counterpart
of which are the FRAILS, MORGANS, FLEWKERS,
and even the W. B.s. They are corrupt by tra-
dition and custom far more than from necessity.
Like a certain old corporation, they think they
have a prescriptive right to levy an inexcusable
tax ; and middle class electioneering agents have
combined to nourish this delusion. It were about
as reasonable to disfranchise the middle and upper
classes, because they furnish FRAILS and W. 8.5.,
as to disfranchise the working classes, because
they furnish corrupt freemen. A clause in the
new bill disfranchising the present freemen en-
tirely would have the support of every Liberal,
nor should we regret to see them denied
the franchise in any other form. They have been
so bred and brought up to corruption, that we
deem them incurables. Their children may be a
better race. The 5/. rated householders are most
certainly a different class from them. Other tests
which have been mentioned include also a body
of working men, who would be ashamed to be
mentioned in connection with " long-shoremen,"
" colourmen," and all that class. We do not think
the difficulty will be great in finding a reasonable,
and, at present, acceptable line considerably short
of Universal Suffrage ; but we are confident that
the Liberals in the Cabinet cannot afford to be
less liberal than Lord JOHN in 1852, without
entirely renouncing their position before the
country.

The associated spinners and masters of Burnley
have evinced considerable magnanimity and
genuine kindness of heart in their dealings with
the locked-out operatives. The privations en-
dured by the families of those who, after being
led into the contest, were abandoned to their own
resources, operated as an inducement on the
masters to relax the stringency of their rules, and
to rescue, if not from starvation, at least from serious
suffering, the persons who had opposed their views,
and endeavoured practically to deprive them of the
control of their own establishments. They felt
that, having sufficiently proved their own power,
and the hollowness of the pretext of the agitators,
they might temper justice with mercy, and relying
on the efficacy of the salutary lesson that had
been inflicted, they might afford a locus penitentice
to the hands, and afford them an opportunity of
showing that they have received in a proper spirit,
and duly appreciated, the generosity exhibited to-
wards them. They are in a position to do so. They
have seen themselves deserted by theunionists—the
contributions received having been applied to the
locality where the battle was raging most fiercely,
the men of Burnley being sacrificed with as much
nonchalance as a general would abandon
an outpost to its fate—if its rescue involved
any danger to the main body, or derangement to
the operations he had deliberately planned. The
tactics might be very good, but the heartlessness
and want of feeling so clearly and unequivocally
evinced, could not be very agreeable to the victims
who, while they had the ability, added their subscrip-
tions to the general fund, on which, therefore, they
possessed an irresistible claim when the emergency
arrived. They were, however, abandoned—heart-
lessly and recklessly abandoned—the 2d. a week
paid to each person, while their brethren in Pres-
ton were receiving 45., being a mere mockery,
that could only be regarded as the addition of
gross insult to unwarranted injury. After such
treatment, it could scarcely be necessary to
enforce a pledge against any future subscrip-
tion to the funds of the society that had
behaved so scandalously towards them. The mas-
ters have therefore abstained from demanding any
such pledge, satisfied with explaining their own
views, and emphatically warning the " hands" of
the inevitable consequences of their again joining
the movement, or contributing any- portion of
their earnings to the support of the malcontents.
The address in which the masters have explained
their views and intentions, is an able, and what
Punch would denominate a "masterly" document.
It points out the causes which led to the formation
of the "Masters' Association." That Association
was constituted, not for the purpose of regulating
wages —a matter which it wisely and truly
declares to be " beyond the power of any associa-
tion either of masters or men—but simply in self-
defence, to annul the action of the union of work-
people, and to prevent the masters from. being
obliged, one at a time, to yield to ever-increasing
demands and encroachments, which would in the
end have brought ruin on both parties. " The
Associated Masters then decided on a general
stoppage of their mills on the 28th October,
in order, as they themselves clearl3r and
eloquently explain, "to meet the acts of the
trades' unions, to put an end to the subscriptions
for the support of turn-outs--to show that fa r the
future combined efforts should not be allowed to
be brought to bear on individuals, or eve n on
single towns—in consequence of certain ac is of
insubordination and violence on the part 49f cer-
tain work-people, and also to escape serious losses
from the badness of trade !"

This last reason exhibits in the clearest; light
the folly of which the leaders of the male= tents
have' been guilty in selecting a time for the con-
test—the most favourable to the masters that. .would
be, even if chosen by a committee of their own
body. The depression in trade, which con-
tinues, would probably have rendered a cess ;Wl=
of production indispensable, even had there been
no difference of opinion between the par ties.
Under the peculiar circumstances of the case, it
Was one of the greatest boons that could have
been bestowed on the employers to afford 1 them
the opportunity of closing their mills, and hj ding

+hr. h. i.fL +l,l* e,„1,1 11,

most favourable terms.

The conditions on which the mills are to be re-
opened have not been stated. They are to be learned
on application at the several establishments, and
being matters that can with propriety only be
arranged between the employers and workpeople
should not be publicly alluded to. One con-
dition is, however, stated to be indispensable,
compliance with which will alone enable the mas-
ters to hold out a hope that they can relinquish
their associated capacity -- that condition is,
"that no collection be made among their work-
people for the support of local or distant turn-
outs." They declare that they do not intend to
exact any promise to that effect from individuals,
but plainly state that they shall resist such a
course, by every means in their power, even again
to having recourse to the total stoppage of their
mills ! We hope, then, that this forbearance
may be fairly responded to by the operatives who
have suffered so severely for their previous oppo-
sition. It could not be supposed that any mas-
ter would be so foolish as to render any as-
sistance in supplying the sinews of war to their
opponents. It is the duty of every em-
ployer to adopt a similar course. A duty
incumbent not merely on cotton manufac-
turers, but on all persons employing skilled
labour. The malcontents speak of a " Labour
Parliament," of a general confederacy of all trades,
for the purpose of controlling all masters. Surely
such a threat should not be passed without notice
or observation. If any attempt be made to carry
it into operation it should be met with equally
decided action on the other side. If all trades
are to subscribe for the support of the " lock-
outs and turn-outs," it is incumbent on all masters
—aye, and on all capitalists—for the war is against
capital—to come forward to alleviate the losses
which those who are placed in the vanguard and
fighting their battle are sustaining, or by any
possibility may sustain during the crisis.