The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-11 00:00:00

LONDON,- FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 11, 1853.

This Day is published, price 2s. 6d.,
r ICJ INTELLECTUAL AND MORAL
DEVELOPMENT of the PRESENT AGE.

By SAMUEL WARREN, F.R S.,

One of her Majesty's Counsel, and Recorder for Hull.
William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London.

New Work by the Author of "Jane Eyre," "Shirley," Sce.
Just published, and may be had at all *the Libraries,
VILLETT E. By CIIRRER BELL,
• Three vols., post Bvo. _

" Thls navel amply sustains the fame of the author of Jane Eyre'
and Shirley' .as an original and powerful writer. Villette' is a
most admirably written novel, everywhere original, everywhere
shrewd, and at heart everywhere kinaly."—Examiner.
"'Phis book would have made Currer Bell famous had she not
been already. It retrieves all the ground she lost in Shirley,' and
it will engage a wider circle of readers than Jane Eyre,' for it has
all tlu• hest qualities of that remarkable book. There is throughout
a charm of freshness which is infinitely dellghtful."—Literary
Gazette. • '
" Villette' is not only a very able but a very pleasant book. It is
abundant In clear, clear-cut, strongly-drawn etchings, presenting so
pleasant and effective a transcript of manners, English and Conti-
nental, that its success cannot fait to be remarkable."—Morning
Chronicle,

" Everything written by Curer Bell is remarkable. She can
touch nothing without leaving on it the stamp of originality. Of her
three novels this is perhaps the strangest, the most astonishing,
though not the best. The sustained ability is perhaps greater in
Villette' than in its two predecessors. The whole three volumes
are crowded with beauties."—Daily News.
"" A fiction of extraordinary literary power, and of singular fascina-
tion ; it is one of the most absorbing of books, one of the most in-
teresting of stories."—Globe.

London:pnith,EUder, and Co, €5, Cornhill.

T° ,ALL -
WHO DRINK PALE ALE. A
Word with you next week.
lIARRINGTON PARKER,
5% Pallifet

" Familiar to their mouths as household words."

This sentiment Shakespere might have applied
in various ways. When We think of Law-making, Stock-
transferring, or mon<y-chsnging. Parliament, Exchange, or Bank,
becomes "familiar to our mouths as household words." On the
same principle, when attire of any description is wanted, the name
of E. MOSES and SON, drops from our lips "familiar as household
words; " and to every one their establishments are well known for
the Manufacture of Clothing in the most accomplished styles com-
bined with Taste and Art, or Ready-made Goods the best, the most
fashionable, and the cheapest. Millions are now " familiar " with
the fact that E. MOSES and SON occcupy the first and fo'emost po-
sition in the city and provinces —as Merchant-tailors, Hosiers,
Hatter.,, Furriers, Root and Shoe-makers, and Outfitters for Ladies
and Gentlemen to all parts of the world, anti it Is now necessary for
all classes to become " familiar" with the variety and seasonableness
of their present stock,'ln which warmth, comfort, novelty, style, and
economy is d,splayed in thousands of new designs in Dress for Ladies,
entlemen, or Children. To specify the number of improvements
introduced by E. MOSES and SON, is beyond the range of possibility,
but insocct.on of their n ,velties in Overcoats, Paletots, &c., &c., and
dress for all ciasses awl professions, will afford the greatest pleasure.
E. MJ,,E3 and SON'S Juvenile Clothing, Sporting Dress, Clothing
for Artizans and Mechanics, is charged as previously —the lowest
prices. The Hat and Cap, Hosiery, Fur and Shawl departments con-
tinue attractive by matchless exhibitions of taste, splendour, and
cheapness.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

---...0...--.-

THE MINISTERIAL MEASURES.
(Front the Times.)

The Government measures are no longer a matter
of speculation. " You see your dinner," as the
master of the house says at a family gathering,
equally anxious to invite attention to the viands on
the table and to warn against rash expectations.
The public will not be disappointed, and certainly
will not be astonished at the programme. What
can be expected from Ministers who dropped from
the Christmas-tree' and who are barely half-way
through their first official quarter ? But, lest it
should 'be thought that while we defend we depreci-
ate, we will say at once that we are perfectly satis-
fied with the bill of fare before us, even though it
does not come up to German dimensions. All experi-
ence proves the dishonesty of promising much, for
much cannot be done in one session. If the measures
enumerated by Lord John Russell last night are
tolerably well digested, and really pass into law,
they will constitute an important mass of legisla-
tion. Taking them in the order in which they are
described, and in which they are to be introduced,
Lord John Russell announces a bill to enable the
Canadian Legislature to deal with the clergy re-
serves, a pilotage bill, to be accompanied with ex-
planations on various other matters respecting the
shipping interest, a bill for the removal of the
Jewish disabilities, a measure, or a "proposal,"
as Lord John calls it, " which will tend to great
improvements, and promote the cause of education
throughout the country ;" a proposition" with
respect to the Universities of Oxford and Cam-
bridge
and the recent commissions of inquiry, an
educational measure affecting Scotland, a " pro-
posal" with respect to the system of secondary
punishments, in order to supply the place of trans- 1
portation to the Australian colonies, which her
Majesty's Ministers have determined to stop forth-
with ; a Landlord and Tenant Bill for Ireland, of
a nature to settle that much agitated question—,
and nothing more this session. Immediately on
the opening of the session of 1854, Lord John
hopes to introduce a measure of Parliamentary
Reform, which, however, he cannot undertake to •
say will be much more comprehensive than that of
last year ; and he also trusts he may then be able
to put the income tax on a more satisfactory and
permanent footing. Such we believe to be the
substance of Lord John's statement last night.
Here and there the hint of a measure may have
escaped our attention, or our pen, but we have at
least given the chief heads of the work cut out for
the session.
Some of these measures are of sufficient mag-
nitude to distinguish a session that did nothing
else of a progressive or remedial character.
To provide a good substitute for penal colonies,
to devise a plan that would secure the means
of education for all without trenching upon reli-
gious liberty or truth, to make the Universities
really open and national institutions, and to give
Irish tenants a tithe of what they expect without
abolishing the interest of the landlord, are works
severally enough for one year—not to say one
Administration. To be candid, we do not expect
to see it all done by next August. None of
these things are done in a hurry. We have
to consider not merely whether Parliament will
have time to exhaust half a dozen important
subjects in as many months, but whether it
will be able to do so in addition to all the
other subjects which will be forced on its at-
tention by hostile or independent legislators.
Ireland
will come
infor a good deal. The
Financial Parli-
amentary Reformers will have their
say out. There are nearly two hundred new mem-
bers who will have to prove the wisdom of their
and
electors, by speaking on some subject or other.
The agricultural interest will not be wholly silent.
Cardinal Wiseman and Maynooth have already
been mentioned. The Crystal Palace is to be
opened this summer either on Sunday or not.
Sir Benjamin Hall and the Marquis of Bland-
ford are already at work on Church property
and episcopal incomes. The Ecclesiastical Courts
are really to have something done with them as
soon as a pending inquiry is concluded. Such are a
few of the seeds of prospective legislation dropped
on the waters last night in the space of one brief
hour, for the house was up at ten minutes past
' 6. We had almost forgotten that there are a
hundred and thirty election petitions, some of
them involving nice questions, and all of them
likely to bring out the fact of considerable bribery
and corruption. With all this before us, are we
wise or not to be satisfied with the moderate con-
tentswe ofkn tohwe
kMowiniisdtieeriaitl
is
sroto gramme
offer
inde-
pendent members. What does aandvi
member care for but his hobby, on whiche independente
he t o
rides.
ar
And what i
ofthes he when n
house, wheneverot on hobby itis humour ?
nand ur
in
odo so
Equally useless is it to reason with the Opposition.
It of an Opposition, before all
things, is the
ings,to cbueassineetsosbe the Opposition by changing
places with. the other side. For them to facilitate

public business is to bow their necks to the feet of
the enemy. So, at least, they imagine. Never-
theless, we cannot but urge on all 'sides the very
great public benefit of letting other subjects alone
for this session, and confining discussion to the
topics of the Ministerial programme, Next session
is not quite so uncertain an epoch as " to-morrow,"
for to-morrow depends not only'on the will, but
even on the life of the procrastinator, while, if the
world endures, next session will certainly arrive.
Then put off to next session, on the faith of the
Ministerial undertaking, the whole subject of Par-
liamentary Reform. Give it a rest for one year.
There is much virtue in rotation of crops, whether
in farming or in politics, and even a fallow is not
wholly thrown away. Let the ballot become a
novelty. Say nothing about 10/. county voters,
and we shall be glad to be reminded of them next
year. It is possible to surfeit even of Irish griev-
ances, and perhaps we may acquire a new taste
for them by a short abstinence. Messrs. Cobden
and Bright have stolen a march on the session by
a whole fortnight of publicity. Will not that con-
tent them for the present ? There is nothing
in the measures announced by Government
last night which need excite hostility or sus-
picion. Then, for one year, at least, let magna-
nimity and patriotism prevail, and let us have
a truce to faction. Next session parties may
resume their warfare with all the more grace for
their tempoiary self-denial: Last year at this time
we (urged " fair play" ,for. the Protectionist Cabi-
net, when it was in the powerAitLe Liberals to
terminate its reign at I very -$ - This
year we ask fair play, not for the Administration
which is safe enough for the present, and does not
want such an appeal, but for its measures, which
it is possible for faction or folly to retard, and even
to drown, in the hubbub of .desultory debate. All
that we ask is, that no subject be propounded ex-
cept with a view to present effect, and that no
measures be pressed on the attention of the Legis-
lature of which there is not a conceivable chance
that they can be passed this session.

• (From the Morning Herald.)
Things have come to a pretty pass. They are,
however, exactly in the position in which we anti-
cipated they would be when Lord Derby's Govern-
ment resigned in December last. The shabby,
unprincipled, and motley group by which the late
Administration was ousted, at a period, when, for
Imperial interests, its ability was most influential
and useful, made manifest their past purposes and
their pre sent intentions at the re-opening of the
Legislative Chambers yesterday. Their past pur-
poses (an unprincipled coalition destined to any
course of action) were undeniably rendered clear
by the fact that there was no common ground on
which the group were consentient, save two—the
first, a coalition to defeat and deprive of the offices
which they had never sought—a British— a patrio-
tic Government ; the second a betrayal of those
principles which Great Britain has marked espe-
cially to be her own—her Protestant Christianity.
To turn out by any means the Government of
Lord Derby, and to un-Christianise the Parliament
of Britain, are the only disclosures in reference to
the past and the present which were condescended
by Ministers in both houses last night.
At an early period a measure is to be introduced
to remove Jewish disabilities 1

Lord Derby, in a speech which well became him,
invoked, in the House of Lords, a friendly conces-
sion from the Premier--a statement of the intended
measures of the Government--professing that which
every man who knows Lord Derby is aware was
enounced with a thorough feeling of sincerity, his
anxiety to support and to forward every scheme of
policy which 'he should deem to be correct—dis-
daining faction—proclaiming himself the sincere
friend of progress in its legitimate sense, and de-
claring his desire to promote any honest and well-
matured measures of the Administration, if there
were any.
What was the response to this ? We quote our
Parliamentary reporter. After the statement of
the late Premier, and the becoming reply of the
present First Lord of the Treasury, which will be
found in another column, thus stands our report :
" The Earl of Derby.—l always understood that col-
leagues in one house were ready to answer for col-
leagues in the other • and I am here Oa the nbbWord in
the other house would not take the step of announcing
measures without the consent of the noble earl. I shall

limit 'myself, however, to ask what are the measures
which the noble earl intends to submit to this house in
the present session ?

"There was no answer.
"The Earl of Derby.—Am I to understand that si-
lence means none. (Laughter). With the sanction of
my
measures,, friendare
einteonn hedetdtocrboesslabniedbchefeosr, I
ethageahm ask what
ouse?
nTolblele
Earl of Aberdeen made a remark across the
table which was altogether inaudible in the gallery.
" The house then adjourned at a few minutes after
half past six o'clock."
Thus, then, we are driven to the House of Com-
mons for a solution of that which appeared to be so
riddled as to be inextricably enigmatical in the
Upper House,- wherein the Premier (if there)
usually holds the privilege of answering all ques-
tions in reference to the purposes of his Adminis-
tration. What, then, was the tone of the leader
of the Lower House ? We desire our readers to
dwell upon the statement (detailed in our report)
of the noble lord the member for London. What
has the nation gained by the coalition ? A promised
system of finance, the principles of which are yet
undecided upon The happy family is still (and
will remain so) at tooth and nail as to the princi-
ples and details of its financial project. One great
bone of contention—the income tax—is still so ut-
terly unpicked, that no jackal of the motley group
can know when his master (who is he ?) may throw
it to him comparatively clean ; and thus parlia-
mentary reform, the boon promised to be given
to democracy, is thrown over for another session,
or to the Greek kalends, as the case may be.
Will the nation stand this ? Will England show
so great a swallow as to take down, as the only alkali
to the possible acid to be propounded by the present
Nonconformist, Popish, Puseyite, pro-democratic
Government—the soother of all that is un-English
—the Jew Bill of the noble lord the member for
London.

Up Britain ! Up Protestantism ! ! The time has
arrived when there should be no mistake. Equi-
vocal professions or positive silence is not the part
of the Premier of ourfree nation amongst his peers.
His colleague in the House of Commons is unequi-
vocal in his declarations. In the Lords, the only
measures propounded or hailed with satisfaction are
yltnhethe Commons the
great Chancellor
income tax, the
too hfn oltyshe e
mp
ealateacse
ud
Ar uponedns pipromised
m ist r tab:etdi
ol
nea
.rbe a n
principle of which is yet a bone of contention in the
Cabinet, and a bill to un-Christianise our Parlia-
ment.

Great Britain and a large portion of Ireland will
kno w how to instruct their representatives.

their party
(From the Morning Chronicle.)
the If the Ministers, looking solely to
interests, had the power of prescribing the
the ex-
statement of
which their opponents should adopt, they wouldpolicy
certainly desire Lord Derby to maintainno
ill-treat-
ment. -treat-
Aberdeen
pug-
nacious attitude which he so gratuitously. and im-
prudently assumed last night. Like the traditional
but if it
Irishman of the extinct Donnybrook Pair,
to discover
Premier went forth to seek fora. provocation, and
mcaemnetbacHke
di d indignantnotaska,t
heexsapeirdi,enfocrinag
the Ministerial policy, inasmuch as Lord
on the
equally Not
had anticipated that demand two months age,
indeed, that the explanation
.then given was it
'as to
Lord Derby's judgment, satisfactory ;
were repeat6d, it would probably be found
objectionable. Yet it was necessary
some ground for complaint ; and the. leader of the
time for
theevery
Opposition attempted to base a grievance
silence of the Minister in the House of Lords
the order in which the business
.was to be laid be-
fore the other branch of the Legislature.
Instricotf
form, the Upper House can take no cognisance
any measure which is not actually before. it, nor is
yf,
.wfOhir.
which
hPurpose of
it possible for any Government to assign a
the transmission of bills from the. one assembly to
the other. Lord Aberdeen
.was, in fact, asked to
commitcommun aicatetcinlmgicianfl
information
peer
who might entertain any curiosity on the subject
would be in possession before. he
.went
.to dinner.
Frivolous assaults, conducted in this spirit, will at
irregularity,
the same time consolidate the party which sup-
ports the Government, and render the construction
of a serious Opposition impossible. .
Lord John Russell's calm and business-like state-
ment of the measures to be brought forward by
the Government will have satisfied all moderate
men as to the expediency of postponing the subject
of Parliamentary Reform. The Canada Clergy
Reserves Bill must. be settled immediately;. the
abolition of the Jewish disabilities will, no doubt,
excite considerable discussion. ; and. the extension
of education,. the pressing question.. of secondary
punishments in. lieu of transportation, and, above
all, the financial scheme for the year, will amply
occupy the time and attention of Parliament. The
Bills for improving the administration of the law
are judiciously entrusted to the Lord Chancellor,

who will bring them forward in the House of
Lords ; but it is easy to see that the interval of
six weeks before Easter will scarcely suffice, after
the estimates are passed, to launch the various
measures which the Government has undertaken
to carry. Mr. Spooner has already come forward
to impede the progress of public business by giving
notice of motion for a Maynooth Committee—in
Words, for a debate on the merits of the Roman
Catholic faith. If, under these circumstance; the
House had been invited to plunge at once into a
debate on the re-adjustment of the representation,
it would have been necessary to postpone almost
all the Ministerial Bills to a future session. The
proposal for appointino. -Commissioners to collect
information on the subject of the franchise has—
perhaps wisely—been rejected by the Government ;
and Lord John Russell undertakes to bring for-
ward, at the commencement of 1854, a measure of
which he prudently intimates neither the extent
nor the details. He is not pledged to make it
either more comprehensive than his former scheme,
or, on the other hand, more restrictive. It is,
indeed, not impossible that it may be based on
very different principles ; but, whatever may be
the ultimate result of the Ministerial councils, it
would evidently be unwise to divulge the secret
prematurely.
It is determined that no further increase shall
be made at present either in the army, the navy,
or the ordnance. This announcement will be re-
ceived by the country with divided feelings-. but
there is good reason to anticipate, from the feelings;
ability now collected in the Cabinet, a
more efficient application of the resources already
provided for the public defence. The termination
of the Kafir war will, it may be hoped, shortly
release a considerable number of seasoned troops,
who may be available for service at home ; and the
policy of conceding self-government to the more
important of our colonies will probably diminish
the drain on our military resources. If the Go-
vernment are able to secure the country both from
invasion and from panic, without any further ad-
ditions to the public burdens, even Peace agitators
will admit that the policy of Engllnd is not yet
wholly directed by the voice of the legions. In
the meanwhile, another class of politicians will re-
member, with satisfaction, that Lord Palmerston
is intrusted with the control of the militia, that
Sir James Graham is at the Admiralty, and Mr.
Sidney Herbert at the War-office.
It was probably in deference to the Committees
now sitting on the affairs of India that Lord John
Russell omitted to mention a question incompa-
rably more important than any other which awaits
the decision of Parliament. It must not be as-
sumed that the preparation of the new Charter
will be postponed until next session. It is well
that time should be allowed for arousing the public
interest respecting a topic too generally neglected
by politicians ; but it could scarcely be hoped that,
during the conflict which will probably arise on the
measure for Parliamentary Reform, both Houses
could find leisure to deliberate calmly on the future
institutions of our Eastern Empire.
The statement that -the Ministers have deter-
mined to deal both with the question of education,
from the parish school to the University, and with
the law of landlord and tenant in Ireland, proves
that they are not disposed to shrink from labour or
responsibility. It is obviously impossible to an-
nounce with accuracy their future measures on
these subjects, and it is undesirable to publish con-
jectures which can be only partially correct. It
speaks well, however, for the permanence of the
Government, that its members have already made
up their minds on subjects so replete with difficulty.
The obstacles to the establishment of a system of
registration, and to the reform of the Ecclesiastical
Courts, are of a different nature. There is no dis-
pute about the existing evils attending defective
titles to land, and cumbrous tribunals for adminis-
tering testamentary justice. Experience shows
the difficulties which impede any practical measure
of reform, but no controverted principle is at stake.
In matters of this kind, energy and determination
are needed ; but still higher qualities are required
in any statesman who would deal successfully with
the plausible theories and the honest prejudices
which embarrass every project for national educa-
tion.

If the Opposition consults either the public good
or its own party interest, no vexatious resistance
will be offered to the bulk of the Ministerial pro-
posals. The arguments against the claims of the
Jews are known by rote, and may in the present
session be advantageously condensed. The May-
nooth debate will afford a sufficient vent for any
theological bitterness which may stand urgently in
need of expression. It may be hoped that, on the
Canadian question at least, those who may differ
from the policy of the Government will deal with
the subject as statesmen, remembering that other
interests are at stake besides those of a provincial
religious establishment. The first debate of the
session will illustrate the temper of the house, and
will go far to determine the public judgment on
the comparative wisdom and patriotism of con-
tending parties.

(From the Morning Post.)
Seldom, perhaps, have a new Government settled
into office so smoothly and so quietly. Never has
a political coalition come into power under circum-
stances so favourable for the fusion of diverse ele-
ments. Their accession to the administration of
affairs is not the result of any great party triumph.
They find, consequently, no great party in avowed
and direct hostility to them, with whom they are,
on the very threshold of their career, to be com-
pelled to join issue on some great political prin-
ciple ; and there is, notwithstanding the efforts of
the Manchester sect, no agitation afloat. The new
Cabinet, therefore, have full time and ample space
to direct their attention,
_without any serious dis-
turbance, to a large number of subjects, the enter-
tainment of which, although actually of primary
importance, will not awaken or call into play the
differing opinions which the respective members of
the Cabinet have avowed, and doubtless still main-
tain.

The Governiment have, in our opinion, exercised
a wise discretion in taking advantage of this unusual
state of things, and postponing, at all events till
another year, the only great constitutional question
which would necessarily develope every difference of
political opinion which exists in the Cabinet, the
house, and the country. No fault rests with any
particular party—the severe struggles which have
impeded the consideration of many social questions
long agitated, but still undecided, were unavoid-
able. A great commercial theory, opposed to the
convictions of a large and powerful party, and
to the experience of centuries, was for six years
under the test of actual experiment, and it
was not possible that decision on its value
should be concluded without vehement contest.
Those contests, ' however, beyond doubt, did
have the effect of shelving much general legislation.
The great question at issue is at rest, those contests
are over ; and we cannot but think that the present
Government would have taken a most unwise
course if they had re-created the difficult circum-
stances which we have just got rid of, by hastily
throwing on the table of the house a new Reform
Bill for every political section to pull at.
In point of fact, too, the sessional programme
announced by Lord John Russell includes a suffi-
cient number of subjects to occupy the most indus-
trious Parliament at the least till the end of July.
The question of the disabilities or inconveniences
which our present laws impose on our commercial
marine, the increase and perfectionment of our
naval defences, are matters which cannot be lightly
treated or hastily disposed of. The consolidation 1
of our criminal law and the subject of secondary
punishments are matters of high importance and
primary urgency. We rejoice that such experience
and administrative talent as is embraced in the pre-
sent Cabinet is to be brought to bear upon this
great question. We learn with satisfaction that
our colonies are no longer to be paltered with as
regards the transportation of convicts ; and that
the—to use a plain word—dishonest proceedings
which threw so much, and such deserved, discredit
on Lord Grey's Colonial Administration will no
more be permitted. On this subject, the Duke of
Newcastle wisely and justly adopts the policy of
his immediate predecessor in office.
In addition to these questions, the Government
promises to submit propositions for the better edu-
cation both of poor and rich—applicable to the
systems pursued in our universities as well as in
our national schools. They propose, also, to carry
to more complete development the schemes for law
reform so ably and energetically initiated by Lord
St. Leonards. The budget, of course,
is a matter
which forces itself into consideration bon gre vial
gre ; but we trust that, having now for twelve years
patched our revenue by temporary expedients, and
f
Made both ends meet by the proceeds of a tax o
originally triennial, but latterly only of annual,
vitality, and having settled the greater contestbe-
tween the principles of free trade and protection,
we shall at last have our financial system put on an
intelligible, safe, and permanent foundation. If
Mr. Gladstone will do this, we will not quarrel with
1,
him for taking till April to consider his budget.
On one great question, however, we feel compelled,

leven in this early stage, to enter our strong and
earnest protest against the course which the Go-
vernment-are prepared to pursue. That Lord John
Russell should have been left free to propose, as an
independent member of the house, a measure for
the admission of the Jews into Parliament would
have been, considering the position in which Lord
John Russell stands with regard to that question,
only a natural and fair determination ; but we can-
not see the slightest ground, or the least justifica-
tion, for making of this subject a Cabinet question.
The Jews are exposed to no hardships by the with-
holding from them the privilege of sitting in Par-
liament • ' they have perfect religious equality, per-
fect civil and commercial freedom ; and a measure
framed expressly for their admission involves, ne-
cessarily, the infraction of a great religious and
constitutional principle. The Legislature, we trust,
will not, however, permit any Ministerial urgency''
to induce them to swerve from the position which
they have taken upon this subject, and have
hitherto consistently maintained.
With regard to the other promised measures of
the Government, we shall, without reference to
party distinctions or party reminiscences, be pre-.
pared, according to their merits, to consider and
discuss them in an honest and independent spirit,
and with an earnest regard and heartfelt anxiety
for the preservation intact of the great principles of
Conservative civil and ecclesiastical polity, to which,
we believe, England owes her greatness and her
stability.

(Fr-ora the Daily News.)
Lord John Russell's Ministerial explanation con-
tains much ground for congratulation—but much
also for regret. It is of course agreeable to us—
and must be equally so to many of our readers—to
find the new Government come forward, on the
opening night of the session, to say they mean to
carry into operation many practical reforms long
urged upon public and legislative attention in
these columns. We, and thousands with us, must
be glad to see that many arguments of the Daily
News in favour of practical reforms are about to
be crowned at last by Ministerial action. It is
satisfactory to learn that the Cabinet contem-

.
plate the abolition of transportation to Australia,
and mean to give up to the Canadians their un-
doubted—but long disputed—right to settle the
question of the clergy reserves in their own Legis-
lature. It is gratifying to hear a Minister of the
Crown announce the intended reform of the taxes
on shipping—and declaring a determination to ex-
tend education, and to legislate on the subject of
the civil disabilities of the Jews. All these things
must be sources of congratulation and applause.
But indicating the measure in which praise should
be given, it will be needful to learn how far these
improvements are to be thoroughly carried out.
This is especially necessary in reference to shipping,
and will be little less so in relation to the steps to
be taken on the subject of Education, and on the
plan of secondary punishment now in store as a
substitute for transportation. Still on all these
points there remains, as the matter now stands, a
balance of reasons for congratulation, to be-set up
against the disappointment inevitable on the decla-
ration that we are to have no improvement in the
income tax, and that,—urgent as are our needs
for electoral reform,—no measure on the subject
is to be introduced till next year. The heartiest
" hear, hear" that greeted, last night, any one of
Lord John Russell's topics of explanation in the
house, arose when he first referred to Parliament-
ary reform. Altogether his statement was re-
ceived with great attention,—and silence. No
enthusiasm was manifested. A cheer bespoke the
legislative interest on education ; another greeted
the intimation that additional soldiers were not
deemed requisite, but no other sign worth notice
enlivened the polite, but apparently, disappointed
attention with which Lord John Russell's explana-
tion, as a whole, was received. The silence of the
house over these Cabinet disclosures is not likely
to be imitated by the country. The people—when
they sof) the weakness of the reform element in
the present Ministry,—may think fit to take such
steps as may seem best to strengthen that section
of the Cabinet who would do most for the public,
and to teach the laggards the dangers begotten of
broken pledges.
It is difficult to -zreiinquish the belief that the
Minister who was last night the mouth-piece of the
Cabinet can heartily concur in the postponement
he announced. Lord John Russell, when himself
Prime Minister, brought into the house a bill for
electoral reform. Be, therefore, cannot plead
ignorance either of the ills to be cured, or of the
means by which such cure might be effected. He
has been a parliamentary reformer long enough to
know alike intimately the need for change, the in-
terests involved in such alterations, the prejudices
to be met, the cliques to be braved, and the good
to be done. To find him, therefore, standing up
in his place in Parliament say we are to have no
sign on the subject till the opening of the next ses-
sion of Parliament looks very like the liberal ele-
ment of the present Cabinet having been almost
swamped by its more reactionary section. It may,
and will doubtless be said, in reply to this sugges-
tion, that the people are themselves indifferent on
this subject. That the present affluence of the
country—the increased price of labour—the readi-
ness with which all claimants for occupation may
gain it—the hearty flow of emigration to the newly
found land of gold—have conspired to make men
patient for a time about internal changes is doubt-
less clear enough. That these varied influences
have been at work to divert a portion of public
attention from urgent political discussion is to
some extent true, but those who urge this as ample
reason for a perfect electoral stand-still are most
lamentably out in their reckoning. To say we
want no change is tantamount' to saying that poli-
tical feeling is dead, which is certainly not the case.
The country though prosperous and calm-, is not
indifferent. The plethora of wealth has not acted
like a plethora of wine, and stupefied the nation.
On the contrary, the changed condition of the
people, by giving them more business to do, and
more wealth to win, has inclined them more than
ever to crave that political position which the
theory of the constitution declares to be their right.
Men hungry and desperate may be feared for vio-
lence, but men prosperous and full are far more po-
litically dangerous to any clique or combination
who may stand in their way. Of this we may soon
have proof enough should the popular voice ex-
claim—" Why support a Ministry which boasts the
possession of all the administrative talent of the
country,' if that administrative talent is not ready
to do the people's work ? Why uphold men who,
when the time comes for action, ask leave to pro-
crastinate ? " These are questions that may as-
suredly be asked throughout the country, and the
Coalition Cabinet must be prepared with their re-
ply. If the leader of the Commons had been per-
mitted to announce that at the end of present ses-
sion the promised Reform Bill would be laid upon
the table of the house, with a view to its discussion
at the beginning. of next session, there would have
been more reason for the step. But, after the pro-
mises of the hustings—and the unopposed returns
there made—a bitter feeling of disappointment,
nearly akin it may be in many places to a sense of
having been cajoled, may naturally be felt.
This postponement seems all the more unwise
when we find it coupled with an intimation that
Ministers intend to ask for a renewal of the income
tax in the present form. If the public mind has
been made up upon any one question of taxation,
it is—that the inequalities of this impost must be
remedied. Even the last Tory Government
did
ex-Chancellor their share towards strengthening
feel-
ing on this point. The the popular
of the Exche-
quer made, perhaps, in reference to this tax, the
most acceptable of all his propositions when indica-
ting a desire to discriminate between the income
derived from realised wealth and that won by the
useful toil of the industrious. He would have taxed
the territorial millionaire at a somewhat heavier rate
than the struggling shopkeeper or the temporarily.
successful professional man ; and, vicious as some
portions of his plan were, it had within it, in one
respect, an element of national acceptability. Yet
now we have Lord Aberdeen taking the whole
income tax at
once, and telling us to wait a year
for his promised instalment of reform. We are to
pay down our five millions of hard cash--whilst the
Minister coolly postpones for a twelvemonth the
redemption of his pledge. We cannot believe this
to be a course in which Lord John Russell does,
with any heartiness, coincide.
There is only one consolation to be had from the
postponement, and it is that the question of Re-
form being put aside for the present, there will be
more Parliamentary energy left for the furtherance
of other measures. We may get the Tariff relieved
of the 281 articles that burden industry, whilst
returning less than 500,0001. a year to the Treasury;
we may have the question of Law Reform and
Religious Disabilities cleared satisfactorily out of
the way; we may, perhaps, succeed in getting full
justice done to shipping ; and may, moreover, ex-
tort from the Chancellor of the Exchequer some
modicum of justice towards soap, paper, advertise-
ments, and other things now unwisely taxed. The
statement that no additional men are to be raised,
4 Must turn Executive attention to Army and Navy