The Sun.
London, England, 1854-03-11 00:00:00

THE EASTERN QUESTION.

The Preussischi Correspondenz gives the following
article, which is to be considered as an official state-
ment, in a prominent form :
" The nearer the decisive crisis of the conflict in the
East approaches, the more reason have we to congratulate
ourselves that Prussia, thanks to a policy as honourable as
it is independent, is placed beyond the immediate influ-
ences of a dispute which, in spite of every attempt at me-
diation, threatens to increase in importance and extent.
" Whoever has followed impartially the progress of the
late negotiations cannot deny that the policy of Prussia—
and this insures her the national sympathy—has been
characterised by an independence against which all pres-
sure from without has been powerless. But Prussian
policy, however national it may be, has not escaped the
suspicion of foreigners, because it proclaims openly its ob-
ject and its tendencies. To preserve the interests of Ger-
many and the equilibrium of Europe—those are the two
objects which she cannot lose sight of, but, on the con-
trary, she must consider them as intimately connected.
" Prussia has clearly marked out her position in regard
to the disputing parties by her participation in the con-
ferences of Vienna. That position she will maintain when
the latter shall have ceased to exist. In accord with Aus-
tria, she held out her band to the Western Powers, in
order to insure by an arrangement as well the possessions
and the independence of Turkey as the rights which be-
long to Christian worship in the Ottoman empire.
" Although the conferences of Vienna did not lead to
the result which they .had principally in view, they afford
testimony of the united efforts of the four Governments to
maintain the balance of power and the peace of Europe.
The effect of this unity between them is not confined
within the limits of those endeavours which have not been
crowned with success.

" But, however sincere may have been the intention of
the four Governments, so far as relates to the basis of an
honourable compromise between Russia and the Porte, the
protocols of Vienna do not compromise any engagement
respecting an armed intervention in the Oriental quarrel.
On the contrary, they leave to each of the Governments
interested the liberty to employ the means most appro-
priate to its position, with the end of maintaining ,that
line of policy which it had traced for itself. According to
our opinion, the great German powers are, above all, not
bound to acquiesce, entirely in all the measures which the
two western governments have put in execution from their
own decisions, whether in the course of the conferences at
Vienna, or when those conferences failed in their object.
If latterly inconvenient doubts arose regarding the inde-
pendence of Germany, the present appears to us to be the
proper time to furnish from all sides the proof that such
independence is perfect.
"In spite of their attachment for a Government which
has been their ally for many long years, the German Go-
vernments did not hesitate to defend with all the weight
of their moral influence the independence of the Porte
against the great pretensions of that ally. But it is
allowed to them to leave to the powers whose influence
is decisive at Constantinople and whose fleets command
the Black Sea the charge of giving armed assistance
to the threatened Ottoman empire, while by their atti-
tude they reserve to themselves the right, when cir-
cumstances may be more favourable, of making the words
of conciliation heard by both sides. We entertain the sin-
cere hope that upon the basis of this independent policy
the union so happily maintained hitherto between Prussia
and Austria may be consolidated more and more, and
in order that sho may also show it when, under the
influence of other events, the interests of Germany and the
balance of European power may require that a more deci-
sive attitude should be assumed.

" As regards Prussia in particular, under present cir-
cumstances, her neutral attitude between the disputing
parties is alone capable of preserving the peace of Central
Europe. From the moment that she might raise her arms
either for the East or for the West, she would infallibly
create war on the banks of the Danube, the Rhine, or the
Vistula. This is what neither Germany nor the rest of
Europe can desire. For these reasons we hope that the
Government of his Majesty will recollect the duties it has
to fulfil as a great European Power, as well as the respon-
sibility which the private interests of Russia and Germany
impose upon it."

The St. Petersburg) t Journal of the 2nd inst. says :
" We have just received a report of the sitting of the
House of Commons of the 17th of February, and the speech
which Lord J. Russell made on that occasion. It is not
here the place to repeat brutal outrages of which every
faithful servant of the Emperor will preserve the recollec-
tion, but which do not reach the august person to whom
they are addressed. We shall confine ourselves to re-
marking that the Parliamentary annals migbt be searched
in vain for an example of such intemperate language from
the mouth of a Cabinet Minister in reference to a Sove-
reign against whom the country of that Minister has not
yet declared war. What are of importance in this speech
are not the invectives of the Minister, but the nature of
the determinations of the Government which the speech
reveals. It must be very evident henceforward that the
peace of the world does not depend upon chance only, but
that war forms a decided element of the plans of the
English Ministry. From this cause has necessarily arisen
that fatal distrust which in the Eastern question was the
origin of all the previous difficulties, and which will lead
at last to the most deplorable result.
" That such distrust may have been entertained by
France—that it may up to a certain point havefound a place
in the mind of a Government still recent, which has not
had time to acquire by long experience of former relations
with it an exact idea of our real intentions, and abandon-
ing itself almost involuntarily to the almost traditional
opinion which has been formed of Russian policy in the
East—that may easily be conceived ; but on the part of
England, which is aware of the antecedents and the cha-
racter of the Emperor from a connexion of long date, an
opinion of such a nature justly excites surprise. Less
than any other the British Government should entertain
such suspicious. It has in its hands the written proof
that there is no foundation for them, for long before the
present position of affairs, before the questions which led
to the mission of Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople
had assumed so serious au aspect of difference, before Great
Britain had adopted the same line of policy as France, the
Emperor had spontaneously explained himself with the
most perfect candour to the Queen and her Ministers,
with the object of establishing with them a friendly
understanding even upon the most important result
which can affect the Ottoman Empire. Since the
year 1829, his Majesty followed with great atten-
tion the march of events in Turkey. The Emperor could
not shut his eyes to the consequences of the changes which
were, one after the other, introduced into that State.
Ancient Turkey disappeared from the time when it was
sought to establish those institutions diametrically opposed
as well to the genius of Islamism as to the character and
usages of the Mussulmans —institutions more or less bor-
rowed from modern liberalism, and consequently entirely
opposed to the spirit of the Ottoman Government. It be-
came evident that Turkey was undergoing a complete
transformation, and that these experiments, at least doubt- ,
ful so far as regarded the re-organisation of the empire,
seemed rather calculated to lead to a crisis which would
overturn it. It seemed likely that a new order of things
would arise which, although indefinable, would at all events
destroy that which existed.
"To these permanent and increasing causes of dissolu-
tion recent complications have been added, resulting from
the affairs of Montenegro, the religious persecutions exer-
cised in several Christian provinces, a difference with the
Austrian Government, considerable financial embarrass-
ment, and lastly, the important affair of the Holy Places, to
which the imperious demands of the French Ambassador
at Constantinople were beginning to give a serious and
menacing character. These complications, which created
sullen excitement among the Christian population, were
likely from one day to another to bring about a sudden
catastrophe which it was urgent to prevent.
" Penetrated with the extreme importance of such a re-
sult, and having at that period almost reached the region
of the possible, if not entirely of the probable—convinced
of the disastrous consequences which might result from it,
the Emperor thought it necessary to assure himself before-
hand whether the English Government shared his appre-
hensions. He wished more particularly by a frank pre-
vious understanding to remove every subject of misunder-
standing between Great Britain and himself. It seemed
of the highest importance to his Majesty to establish the
most perfect identity of views with the Government of
Great Britain.
" With this view the Emperor engaged the English
Minister at St. Petersburg to cause her Majesty to be in-
formed of his anticipations with respect to the danger, more
or less imminent, that menaced Turkey. He requested on
this subject a confidential interchange of opinions with her
Britannic Majesty. That was certainly the most evident
proof of confidence which the Emperor could give to the
Court of St. James; and thus did his Majesty most openly
signify his sincere wish to prevent any ulterior divergence
between the two Governments.
"Sir H. Seymour acquitted himself forthwith of the im-
portant commission which the Emperor had impressed on
him in a long and familiar conversation.
" The result has shown itself in a correspondence of the
most friendly character between the present English Minis-
ters and the Imperial Government.
"It is not permitted to us to divulge the contents of non-
official documents, which do not concern the Emperor alone,
and which contain the expressions of a mutual confidence.
What we are permitted to say is, that in examining the cir-
cumstances more or less likely to affect the duration of the
status quo in the East,—an examination undertaken from
the conviction respectively entertained that every effort
should be made to sustain that status quo, and to prolong it
as long as possible, there never was any question of a plan
by which Russia and England might dispose beforehand,
and between themselves, of the destiny of the different
provinces which constitute the Ottoman empire • still less
of a formal agreement tobe concluded between them, with-
out the knowledge and unassisted by the counsel and in-
tervention of the other courts.
"The two parties were limited to a frank and single con-
fidence, but without reserve on either side, to communi-
cate what might be adverse to English interests, what
might be so to Russian, so that in any given case hostile
or oven contradictory action might be avoided.
" In looking over the different parts of this confidential
correspondence —in recalling the spirit in which they
themselves had interpreted it, the Ministers with whom
at the time it was carried on, and who since have per-
mitted themselves to be swayed by prepossessions to be
regretted, will be able to decide if those prepossessions
are just. Let Lord John Russell more especially reperuse
that correspondence, ha which lie was the first to take part,
before ceding to Lord Clarendon the direction of foreign
affairs. Let him consult his conscience, if the passion
which leads him astray permit him to recognize its voice.
He can decide now whether it be really true that the Em-
peror has been wanting in frankness towards the English
Government ; or if rather his Majesty has not unbosomed
himself to England with as little reserve as possible ; if
there exists the least reason for believing that we have
ambitious or exclusive views on Constantinople; or, if on
the contrary, the Emperor hes not explained himself in a
way to remove all doubt as to his real intentions on the
subject of the political combinations to be avoided, in the
extreme case which he at the time pointed out to the fore-
sight of the British Government."

CONFESSION OF MOSES ITATTO.—An official commu-
nication has been made to the local press of Aylesbury
that Moses Hatto, convicted of the murder at Burnham,
has made a full confession of his guilt. The magistrates
to whom the confession was made have at present felt it
their duty to withhold the particulars. It is in the form
of a written document, and its publication will be looked
forward to with considerable interest in the neighbour-
hood on account of the mystery which still surrounds
the crime.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS--(YESTERDAY.)

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at 5 o'clock.

The Earl of HARROWBY presented a petition in
favour of the establishment of reformatory schools.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented, on behalf
of the Bishop of Durham, a similar petition from the
city of Durham.
Lord BROUGHAM laid on the table a bill for assi-
milating the bankruptcy and insolvency laws of England
and Scotland, which he stated had obtained the general
approval of the mercantile classes of Scotland, as well as
of the Scotch judges. On the motion of the noble lord,
the bill was read a first time.
COUNTY COURTS.
Lord BROUGHAM, in moving for a return of the
fees received by the County Courts, deprecated the
system of paying the judges and officers of those courts
out of fees paid by suitors, instead of out of the conso-

lidated fund. He stated that no less a sum than 125,0001.
was extorted in one year from the suitors for that pur-
pose.

CHRISTIANITY IN THE EAST.

The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, in rising to move for
a paper in continuation of those formerly presented on
the state of religious liberty enjoyed by the Christians
under the Turkish Government, said that a few days ago
there appeared in the public papers a document purport-
ing to be a manifesto from the Emperor of Russia which
contained this portentous assertion, that England and
France, siding with the enemies of Christianity, had de-
clared war against Russia, which was combating for the
orthodox faith. It was not surprising that England and
France should resent such an imputation, and should
require an explanation, and that all Europe should do
so ; but more particularly those who had been engaged
in administering the affairs of some portions of the reli-
gious societies which existed in England and upon the
continent, and who were prepared to give and would
give the most positive contradiction to this assertion of
the Czar. He would undertake to prove that Turkey
had done everything to advance, and Russia everything
to suppress the progress of Protestant Christianity among
millions of mankind. His firm belief was that from first
to last there never was one particle or atom of sincerity
on the part of Russia in the negotiations which had been
carried on—(hear, hear)—and if the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs had been an angel of light he would
not have brought those negotiations to any other issue
than had been arrived at. (Hear, hear.) There was
but one dominant feeling in the mind of the Czar—which
was, to obtain absolute dominion over the Turkish Em-
pire. (Hear, hear.) This was evident from the haughty
assumption of protection over the rights of Christians
in the East, and the haughty rejection of the me-
diation of the Four Powers. It was also evident
after the production of the Menschikoff note, and th e
style and tone of the despatches of the noble lord con-
ferred the greatest honour upon the Government, and
added to the dignity of the country. The Emperor of
Russia was not the first man who had laid to our charge
an unholy alliance with the Mussulmans ; he had taken
it second hand from an accomplished member of the
other house, only adding that he was combating for the
orthodox faith. He did think it surprising that a gen-
tleman of sagacity and knowledge like Mr. Cobden should
have treated this subject as if an alliance with Mussul-
mans was a thing unprecedented with Christian powers.
We had had not only defensive but offensive alliances
with Mussulman princes in India. The hon. gentleman
talked as if Indian history had never been written, and
as if we had never been united with Musselmans for the
recovery of the power of Egypt. There was a very wide
distinction between an alliance with any power for the
assertion of a great principle and the maintenance of
order, and an alliance with that power for the purpose of
aggrandisement. Law, justice, and order were things so
sacred in the eye of God that they must be respected,
and Turkey happened to be the battle field, and the
Turks happened to be the immediate object of this
principle. It was not a question whether the Turks
should remain at Constantinople, but whether we
should uphold an empire said to be in its dotage, and
maintain the rights and independence of the weaker
power, and whether we should put a limit to the
encroachments of an ambitious power that seemed dis-
posed to darken all that was light and subject all that
was free. (Hear, hear.) As far as he had heard he
most heartily wished the Russians were well north of
issued
(Hear, whence they never ought to have
(Hear, hear.) And the Turks were well on the eastern
side of the Euphrates. But since we were called on to
say which we preferred, he declared that he infinitely
preferred Turkish to Russian dominions, for under the
Turks they possessed facilities for the progress of the
civilisation of mankind which were utterly denied within
the territories of Russia. He would attempt to describe
the growth of civilisation and Christianity, and the de-
velopment of the intellect, and the increase of wealth,
with all the accompanying advantages which had taken
place in the last 20 years in the Oriental provinces sub-
ject to the Turkish empire. He did not deny that in
the Turkish dominions, notwithstanding what he had as-
serted of the greater freedom allowed to the Christian
population and the great progress which they had made,
that there had been occasional outbreaks of violence ;
but they had been local and not general, and had been
caused by some ill-conducted fanatics and never autho-
rised by the Government. The great enemies of Chris-
tianity in those provinces was not the Turk, but the
Christian himself'. A large proportion of the spoliation,
torture, and imprisonment to which Christians were
subjected, had been instigated by Christians against
Christians, or else had been the work of the Greek
priesthood, with a view to obtain power over the
laity of their own community. He would detail
the gradual growth and progress of intelligence and
civilisation in Turkey during the last 20 years. It was
stated upon the authority of all those most conversant
with the subject, and could be proved by records, that
the diffusion of the Bible had been almost incredible, and
that had been the precursor of civilisation and free in-
stitutions. 'Wherever the Scriptures had free course,
and were freely admitted into the minds of men, there
civilisation was sure to exist, and longings and aspira-
tions for liberty. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Layard made a
statement in the House of Commons which had been
confirmed by the American missionaries—namely, that
there were 40 towns and villages in which there were
distinct congregations of protestant seceders from the
Greek church. Twenty-five years ago not a single
seceder was to be found, but now there were 65 regu-
larly appointed protestant teachers ; and in Constanti-
nople alone there were 14 schools belonging to these se-
ceders. The consequence of this had been that men's
minds had been set to work, and there had been an in-
crease of intelligence, accumulation of wealth, and great
aspirations for truth. The efforts of the laity to eman-
cipate itself from the thraldom of the priesthood had
been strenuously opposed, but it had been nevertheless
very successful, and was going on rapidly at this mo-
ment. Now, to what was all this to be attributed ?
Why, to the singular, to the unprecedented liberality of
the Turkish Government. (Hear, hear.) In Turkey
free scope was allowed to every religious movement,
and there had been no hindrances except from. the
Greek and Armenian priesthood. Associations,
open and recognised, were permitted for religious
purposes. Printing presses were allowed in Con-
stantinople, Bucharest, and other great towns,
where the scriptures were printed in every Oriental
' lanouage, in the Turkish language, and for circulation
among the Turkish people. There were forty Bible
depots in Turkey, where Bibles were freely sold ; and
colporteurs were allowed to perambulate the country
and circulate the Scriptures. Now, let him contrast
this with what was done in the Russian dominions, and
from that they might infer what would be done if Turkey
fell under the sway of Russia. No colporteurs were
allowed to enter Russia—no scope was permitted for re-
ligious movements, and no printing presses were per-
mitted for printing the Bible. There were no versions
of the scriptures allowed to be imported into Russia, ex-
cept those in the English, French, Italian, and German
tongues, not a single copy of the Scriptures in the mo-
dern Russ, the language of the people, was allowed to
pass the frontier. Copies of the Scriptures in that lan-
guage were forbidden to be imported under the severest
penalties ; and since 1823-4 there had not been printed
in Russia a single copy of the Scriptures in the modern
Russ. (Hear, hear.) There were no colporteurs or
other persons allowed to perambulate the country as re-
ligious teachers ; and he might mention another in-
stance of remarkable bigotry. Although the Emperor
of Russia had 2,000,000 of Hebrew people in hisdo-
minions, he did not allow to pass his frontier for
their use, one single copy of the Scriptures int.h e
Hebrew tongue. If this was the spirit in which
the Emperor governed Russia, what might they
not expect if ho obtained possession o
the Tur-
kish provinces ? But this great autocrat who com-
batted so fiercely for "the orthodox faith " was
not more favourable to missions not missions to
disturb the belief of the members of the Greek
church, but missions to the heathen in his own domi-
nions—the outcasts of his own provinces who were sunk
to the lowest depths of idolatry and ignorance. He be-
lieved that no missions had been sent from the Greek
Church to the heathen in the wilds and steppes of Russia.
The Moravian brethren, as everybody knew, presented
the best specimens of Christian missionaries, and in 1823
they sent a mission to Russia, but they were not allowed
to baptise any of their converts, in consequence of -an
old law that no heathen should be converted to Chris-
tianity, except b y the Greek priesthood. The London
Missionary Society undertook a mission in Siberia and
on the frontiers of Chinese Tartary, iu which undertaking
they received the countenance of the Emperor Alexan-
der ; but in the year 1841, atter 20 years' expense and
labour, their mission was supnressed by an order of the
Russian Government, that Government conceiving that
no man ought to be converted to Christianity, except
through the medium of their own priesthood. On the
other hand, the Turks not only gave full liberty to mis-
sionaries, but by the promulgation of edicts allowed every
one to follow those religious views which he believed to
b. e right. He would say a few words upon the manner
in which Russia had exerted its influence in the Greek
Church. The house should bear in mind that the autho-

rity in that Church possessed civil as well as eccleasias-
tical powers—acting, indeed, to a certain degree as civil
magistrates. In relation to this, Mr. Consul Wood, in
one of his despatches, spoke of the cruelty and intrigues
of the Greek priests, who, said he, were instigated by
the Russian Consul-General. So again Mr. Welles-
ley wrote in 1846 to the Foreign Minister, complain-
ing of the injuries inflicted iupon, and the hardships
endured by Greeks, through the persecution of their own
Church. Yet this was the state of things which the