The Sun.
London, England, 1853-03-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

THE CITY ADDRESS TO LOUIS NAPOLEON.

(From the Times.)

The address of the merchants and bankers of
London, which filled seven columns of this journal
with signatures on •Tuesday last, and was presented
to Louis Napoleon by Sir JaineaDuke and a depu-
tation the preceding day, appears to us to contain
nothing to which every man, woman, and child in
her Majesty's dominions might not have assented,
with the single but important exception of the mis-
statement to which it - appears to owe its origin.
To assert that 'the -welfare of the two greatest na-
tions of WeStern Europe is closely interwoven,
that sentiments of hostility are unchristian in their
nature 'and onerous in their results, that the criti-
cisims of a free press on the reprehensible acts of a
foreign Go'rernment are not to be understood in a
spirit of national hostility ; and, in short, that we
are all of us as desirous of the maintenance of peace
as the association claiming a monopoly in that bles-
sing which it is the object of all good government
to secure, are truisms of so obvious and undoubted
a character, that if it were worth while to testify
in such a cause, the subscription of these articles
might have been indefinitely extended. ' But
the question is, whether, it was worth while to
make so large an effort for so easy a purpose, and
to collect the signatures of so many mercantile
firms in London to a declaration which no human
being is prepared to dispute. The authors of this
manifesto do indeed state a motive for this pro-
ceeding : they assert that " they have learned
through various channels of information that an
impression exists in the minds of the people of
-France that feelings of an unfriendly character are
entertainecttowards them by the people of Eng-
land." In answer to that
_statement we can only
reply, that no Suc information hasever reached
us,' and- that we.. have never ',imagined that the
people of Franc's were so': eitteMely ill informed
of what, is passing' in this country' as to -con-
found. the remarks which, have been called forth
by many of the acts' of the Present French Govern-
ment vitholpfciendly feelings towards the. French
peoile., . 430 n the contrary, the., very ,reason which
makes `us take an interest in the l'rench, nation
second'only to that which -We: feel-in our own af-
fairs -is the esteem we have for that country; and
the :recollection-- that for 33 yeatt-Vratie,e sholkea.
herself Worthy to possess thoSe_rightS:and liberties
which placed her with ourselves,injlie_first rank
of free. States. It is because tie. press oE_FrAnce
was, with our own, one ;of the most 'p?Werfut' or-
gnS of human thought and preolessive citiltali4on
that we resent as "a -public indignitY'the ibp-pi!es-
sion of its liberty: It is the knowldete tha*Consli-
tutional monarchy wasthe glorious piize for which
two generations of. 'French statesmen had Striven
co
not in vaili, andt that institutions similar pir
own
had raised that nation to au unexample I
pitch 1
of prosperity, that makes us distrust` an Ant oritir
founded on the ruins of representative goyernment. 1
And lastly, it is the fact that a despoife Emperor '
is not under the control of the French people,,and
may therefore plunge the
.country into measures
dictated by his own passions or ambition, which
makes the world question .the policy and foresee
the danger of ifitrusting powers so unliinited to a
singlOhand. - Louis Napoleon tells the London de-
putation that-he desires peace: -So far it is well.
But Wonld.these 'gentlemen, -conversant with mer-
cantile.transaetions; stake'any important pecuniary
arrangement. on a mere verbal declaration if 'they
could have, better security ? We imagine not, and
the effect of 'the last revolution, which has thrown
France -into the hands of an absolute ruler, .has
simply been to' destrok all collateral securities, and
to make her reaped% for 'public= engagements, and
Consequently the:peace of Europe; dependant on
_the :word of an individual who has certainly not
shown hitherto an, inviolable, respect for his•pro-
miSes. This state of things does not appear to us
a rational subject of confidence or congratulation.
Nor; indeed, have the anthorS of thi's S.ddress:
presumed to give: the slightest 'indicitiOn' of . any.
such feeling towards the -head of the French-Go-
vernment. Acting, no "doubt, with a wise caution,
and conscious of the limits . preseribed by, public.
Opinion in this country and all over the world,
they approached the person.of the French Emperor,
and entered the
_apartments Of his palace, without:
.one of those complimentary 'expressions which are.
jiorariably_employed by. those_who_ wait zn Prince
and without a word to imply trust in, or even re-
spect for, the policy of his Government. It was
thought, no doubt, that it would be a mean and
discreditable homage to success obtained by violent
and lawless means to 'advert to the steps by which
Louis Napoleon has reached his present eminence,
and accordingly on that point they were silent. It
was remembered that power created by such means
is commonly shortlived, and no hope, therefore,
was expressed of its duration. It was known that
the real policy of France resides at this moment in
the secret thoughts of an individual, and to the
character of that individual, whom the deputation
was addressing, no allusion was made. In fact,
the address omitted everything which could have
made it flattering to Louis Napoleon, and, if all
such expressions had not, been omitted, it is very
clear that no signatures would have been obtained.
From the assurance of amity with France no one
dissented—to any tribute of respect to Louis Na-
poleon few, if any, of those who signed this paper
would have agreed. So, too, if it was ever intended
by this movement to reflect upon the independent
attitude and language of the press of England, it
was found necessary to abandon that part of the
scheme, for Englishmen were not to be found to
put their names to any such declaration.

In this sense, therefore, we ourselves might
adopt the sentiments conveyed by the language of
this address, if we thought that the presentation
of it were not liable to misrepresentation. The
most absokite Sovereigns are not quite at liberty
to act in violent opposition to the general feeling
of their subjects, even though it be habitually
gagged and crushed ; and the throne of Louis Na-
poleon, which was raised the other day by the
mingled fears and delusions of the French people,
is certainly not so secure that he can afford to dis-
regard the well-ascertained desire of the country.
Although, therefore, the nation has forfeited or
renounced for the present its share in direct poli-
tical power, the indirect control of public feeling
and opinion cannot be shaken off, and that, we are
satisfied, is entirely in favour of the maintenance
of peace and of amicable relations with this country.
That is a fact on which we place far greater reliance
than on any assurances which Louis Napoleon can
utter ; and it may not be inexpedient to respond to
this prevailing disposition of the French by assuring
them that we partake it in an equal degree. They
are, at least, as eagerly engaged in the pursuit of
wealth as the people of this country, and they are
reminded by the smallest incident which touches
the sensitive indicator of public credit, that the
value of the French funds, and of all the under-
takings in which they are so largely engaged, would
drop like quicksilver in a hurricane at the first ap-
proach of real danger. They are aware that the
stability of the present Government is more appa-
rent than real, and that the first outbreak of hos-
tilities would again throw to the surface of Europe
the dreaded symptoms of the Revolution. They
feel that France is not politically united in strict
alliance for practical purposes, or by permanent
ties, with any other Power in Europe. What-
ever, therefore, the intentions of Louis Napoleon
might be, there are obstacles of the most serious
kind to lus engaging in any rash enterprises, for
success would only be obtained by great risks, and
failure would destroy him. The French people
were perfectly aware, before they were told so by
this address, that foreign nations, and the people
of England in particular, have not the smallest in-
tention to interfere with the Government now esta-
blished in France. They are perfectly secure
against every attack and every affront. With this
conviction it would probably be no easy task to
raise a war cry in France, accompanied by a double
conscription and war taxes, without some evident
necessity ; and in the present temper of the French
people we are by no means justified in regarding
them as the most martial and pugnacious nation
in Europe. Nor, in spite of the language of the
Peace Society, is this country the least so. In a
moment of national peril we are convinced that the
city of London, and even the persons who have set
their names to this address, would not be behind-
hand in their duty to their country. But, though
they have joined in this record of their friendly
feelings to the French nation with very good mo-
tives, they have yet to learn that this step will be
distorted abroad into an act of deference to a des-
potic power, and an expression of indifference to
the rights and liberties of a foreign nation, which
it is unworthy of Englishmen to feel ; and for this
reason the bulk of the French people will be more
apt to misconstrue, and even to resent such a de-
claration, than to receive it with gratitude.

(From the Morning Herald. )
We have frequently marked what we consider
the mistaken practice of an Undeniable majority of
" our order" to speak in extravagant terms of