The Sun.
London, England, 1853-12-28 00:00:00

THE EASTERN QUESTION.
(From the Times. )
The time is approaching when we may expect to
learn the answer of the Porte to the propositions
transmitted from Vienna on the 7th inst. It is
already known that these communications had been
received at Constantinople on the 15th, that Red-
schid Pasha had been induced by the representa-
tives of the Four Towers to give them his support,
and that they were to be taken into consideration
by the Divan a few days later. Indeed, according
to one telegraphic communication received through
Paris, but as yet unconfirmed, it is stated that the
Great Council had, on t'he 18th inst.; authorized
the Turkish Ministers to open negotiations. The
questions put to the Porto by the Collective Note
are, in fact, two :—Whether the Sultan will con-
sent to treat for peace at a conference to be held
with the Four Powers and Russia ; and what are
the terms of peace required by Turkey, in the
event of the opening of such a negotiation ? It is
probable that the Turkish Ministers will insist on
the evacuation of the Principalities as a preliminary
to negotiation, but, as that is a condition precedent
which evidently could not be enforced, it is hoped
that the Porte will content itself with a formal as-
surance that the restoration of those provinces
forms in the eyes of all the Powers an indispensable
condition of peace. In other respects Turkey will
name her terms of peace, subject, of course, to fu-
ture discussion, but we hope the Porte will not
overlook the importance of pledging all Central and
Western Europe to her territorial security, by
adopting the spirit of the conference to which she
is inviad, for, though tile Porte may have little
confidence in the success of such negotiations, she
loses nothing in dignity, and rather strengthens
her cause in the eyes of Europe, by allowing them
to proceed.
But we do not conceal from ourselves that the
real obstacles to any beneficial result from these
propositions lie with Russia, and are not likely to
be removed. The Protocol, of the Four Powers
records and assumes as an indisputable fact that
Russia has repeatedly expressed her readiness to
treat, and that the assurances of the Court of St.
Petersburg are in this respect to be believed, but
we have no reason to suppose that these assurances
are worth more than the declarations Russia has
so repeatedly broken ; and, if the language of the
Russian State papers be carefully examined, it
will be found that she has constantly evaded the
reoognition of any European rights in this ques-
tion, or the authority of any Conference at all.
Her policy has uniformly been to tie the Porte
down by separate conventions to concessions giv-
ing her an exclusive right of interference ; and,
though she has failed in preventing the Four
Powers from uniting in support of the principles
on which peace might be restored, we have ceased
to believe that mere representations will suffice to
carry those principles into effect. Moreover, the
progress of the war, the vast extent of hostilities
or hostile preparations now in active progress, and
the passions, religious, and national, excited by the
contest, effectually exclude the idea of an armis-
tice, and have rendered negotiation far less prac-
ticable than it has been at any previous moment.
If the Emperor of Russia had desired peace he has
had ample facilities to insure it, but every day
brings us fresh evidence that he has availed himself
of these pretexts chiefly to keep in check his most
formidable opponents, to carry on his own plans
of operation, and to bring the whole question in
the Spring to a more positive issue.
The Austrian Government, already beginning
to find that the hopes of pacification have come
too late, and that the time for more energetic mea-
sures is at hand, has published in the official cor-
j respondence, which is prepared at Vienna under
the eye of the Minister, a mean 6,nd drivelling
article, dictated, to all appearance, by the Russian
Embassy. After stating that the Four PoWers are
endeavouring to effect by pacific measures and
moral influence the restoration of.peace, the Aus-
trian Cabinet expressly denies that "it has assumed
a less friendly or menacing attitude towards
Russia," and declares that she has not in the
least renounced' her friendly sentiments towards
her allied neighbour, and will not have to renounce
them in future." The article adds, that the " in-
timate friendship between these two great monarchs
is the surest guarantee for the peace of the world
and for the conservative interests of Europe."
The appearance of this declaration at Vienna at
such a moment is, we fear, an evident proof that
the independent portion of the Austrian Cabinet
is unable to hold its ground, and that a degree of
pressure has been applied which the enfeebled
empire cannot resist. The ink is scarcely dry on
• the Protocol of the sth of December, when the
Cabinet of Vienna aro ready to repudiate its spirit,
and to defeat the influence it might have exercised
on Russia. We have not to learn anything of the
faithlessness of that Court ; all history is full of
it ; but if the conduct of Austria opposes herself to
the general interests of Europe in this conjuncture,
and thereby greatly extends the disastrous effects
of this rupture, she may rely upon it that on her
own dominions the first and heaviest retribution
will fall.
In the North of Europe the influence of Russia
is exerted with the same activity, for it is every-
where based on dynastic intrigues, opposed to the
true interests and desires of the people. Thus, in
Sweden, we learn from good authority, that an
attempt has been made by a mandate from St.
Petersburg to engage the Court in this .contest,
with a view to closing the Swedish ports, and
eventually the Baltic itself, against English and
French vessels. The Swedes are a gallant people,
stoutly opposed to the influence of Russia, which
has already robbed them of Finland, and is even
now pressing into its service, by land and sea, men
whose forefathers served in the ranks of Gustavus
Adolphus and Charles XTI. To them and to the
Danes the maintenance of neutrality and indepen-
dence is of vital interest ; but, if that becomes im-
possible, their existence as free men depends on
the preservation of their ancient affiance with the
Maratime Powers. The King of Sweden recognised
in his speech from the Throne the importance of
defending the independence of the country, and we
trust that he will not betray it to Russian counsels.
• If these effects are already beginning to manifest
themselves in Europe, the same policy is pursued
with equal activity in Asia, and there it is ob-
viously directed against the interests of the British
empire. Persia has fallen under the yoke, and
the troops which once followed the standard of the
Sophis are now to be led by a Russian General
against the Turks, and to display in provinces
already wrested from their own empire their zeal
in defence of the " Orthodox Greek faith." In
Affghanistan we hear of a renewal of the intrigues
of 1838, with which we had to contend when first
we encountered the hostility of Russia in Central
Asia, and even the distant expedition to Khiva is
reported to be renewed.
If we place these facts in the scale and weigh
them against the Russian assurances that the Em-
peror Nicholas is ready to treat for peace, all such
declarations will stand for very little, and we must
look to other modes of arriving at the termination
of this dispute. The course to be pursued by the
maritime powers is now clear and straightforward,
and instructions are on their way to Constantinople
which will cause the decided measures now agreed
___.... upon to be carried into immediate effect.

A NEW FLEET FOR THE BALTIC.
(From the DaiZy. News.)
A new fleet is about to be fitted out for service
(it is said) in the Baltic and there can be little
doubt but the name of Sir Charles Napier will he
found in the list of candidates for the command of
it. Without now discussing the question whether
or no the new fleet is needed, we may well hasten
to say that any official proposition for extra force
afloat ought to be accompanied by an official offer
to get rid of some existing naval abuses. The
upper ranks of the service are sadly overstocked,
whilst good and most active officers are kept on the
shelf. Our navy, moreover, is encumbered by a
host of vessels, scores of which are fit for nothing
but coal hulks. Why should a large portion of
our navy be a costly sham ? The worthless ships
should be sold out of the way at once, that we
might really know how we stand. An immense
paper fleet is a mere excuse for keeping an in-
ordinate number of useless officers, whilst we
have the greatest difficulty in mustering enough
able seamen. Indeed no step in naval reform
would be more valuable than one that got rid of
the "top hamper" of our navy list—which per-
mitted the best officers to get promotion and active
service,—which weeded out what is useless, and
which expended the money saved by getting rid of
worthless admirals and worm-eaten shii.s, in giving
better pay and more comforts to the able•bodied
sailors. We might have the finest fleet in the whole
world, and could, if need be, sweep the seas of all
evil-doers, come whence they might, if we had the
good sense to insist on putting our Navy thoroughly
to rights. We find that the Russians are taking a
wise step of this kind. They have turned out the
worthless portion of their Baltic fleet, and have
ordered a large number of screw line-of-battle ships
—to be built by contract. What a story this tells.
The Czar has the wit to find out which is the cheapest
and quickest and most business-like way of getting
a powerful fleet to sea. He goes with cash and con-
tract in hand and lets the shipbuilders of Europe
and America compete with each other- for his cus-
tom. In this way he will get his twenty or thirty
sail of the line .at a fixed price, and if his contract
is carefully worded (as it doubtless will be) no ship
will be paid for unless it will steer, steam, and