The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-13 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1853.

Another significant circumstance has just
indicated the determination of the CZAR to perse-
vere in his arrogant and aggressive policy to-
wards Turkey Prince MENSCHIKOFF is an-
nounced, by advices from Bucharest, to be on the
eve of assuming the government of the Danubian
Principalities.
Another incident, moreover, has just intimated
the resolve of the SULTAN to tolerate no longer
the daring assaults made by Russia upon the in-
tegrity of his dominions and the rights of his
sovereignty—the advances made towards a recon-
ciliation at Olmfitz have been definitively rejected
as involving, on the part of the Divan, a dis-
graceful concession, or, in other words, a de-
grading, and therefore inadmissible compromise.
Coupling these two facts, it must be obvious
that, at this juncture, war is, indeed, most im-
minent.

Having bestowed decorations upon upwards of
eighty Austrian officers during his stay in Vienna,
and having adroitly squandered his courtesies on
the Prussian Princes and high dignitaries during
his sojourn at Berlin, the Russian AUTOCRAT has
hastily taken his departure from Germany on
his return to St. Petersburg. His recent
journey has not proved fruitless of some at
least among the results which were anticipated.
The Emperor NICHOLAS has developed his wily
designs, and in doing so has added largely to his
already sinister reputation. He has already vir-
tually broken up the Vienna Conference. He
has estranged the Four Powers from each other
that is to say, at least, he has withdrawn both
Austria and Prussia from the cause of Turkish
Alliance, or, as it might even be called, of
Turkish Protection. He has caused France and
England to find themselves, at the very crisis of
the contention, deserted by their former colleagues
in the support of the just and jeopardised in-
terests of the Moslem Government. It is well.
To a certain extent it is well that the mask
should thus have been thrown off betimes by the
Royal and Imperial Councils of Potsdam and
Schoenbrunn. It necessitates a closer alliance
than ever between the Cabinets of St. James's
and the Tuileries. It confirms and consolidates
that noble political friendship which has happily
sprung up of late between France and England.
It originates a sympathy that at once bridges
over the Channel, and connects yet more intimately
than might otherwise have been practicable, the
two foremost races and the two most powerful
States of Christendom. Therefore, we say, it is
well that the CZAR should thus far have succeeded.
It is well that he should have enabled the Minis-
ters of Queen VICTORIA and of the Emperor NA-
POLEON to recognise forthwith the exact nature of
the present situation ; to perceive the precise ten-
dency of his lawless policy and daring ambition ;
and to comprehend clearly, and at once, the ex-
tent of Prussian turpitude and Austrian faithless-

fleas.

There cannot any longer remain a moment's
doubt that France and England are left by the
former allies of Turkey to support, with no fur-
ther aid than that derived from their own strong
arms, the rights and the integrity of the invaded
dominions of the Osmanli Government. That has
at length become apparent. As we intimated
yesterday, both Austria and Prussia have been
shamefully won over by the wiles of the CzAR, at
any rate, to a promise of neutrality. Turkey
can, therefore, at this period, look for external
assistance solely from France and Great Britain.
And that assistance, for the credit of Euro-
pean honour be it said, must assuredly be
accorded to the SULTAN, if not at the first, at
least at the eleventh hour—directly intelligence
of war having been actually commenced on the
Danube is received in Paris and London from
Constantinople. Immediately information to that
effect arrives from the Levant timidity must at
last,
in spite of the Prime Minister, be aban-
doned, however reluctantly, by the ABERDEEN
Administration. Y. It is inevitable : even at
a time when the peace fanatics aro raving their
loudest in favour of a dishonourable compromise,
in preference to a war, however justified by oir-
cumstances--when Mr. COBDEN within Parlia-
ment, and Mr. BRIGHT without Parliament, are,
with a brazen assurance, sullying their fair fame
by showing the white feather. Yes. It is inevita-

ble : for we have not fallen so low but what a
periods of great emergency something of the olde]
spirit of the Anglo-Saxons will, in derision of eco -
nomic poltroonery, and in scorn of the babbler: ;
for arbitration, reveal itself in the face of day in
defiance of every falsely so-called prudential con-.
sideration. Yes. It is inevitable : for although?
they may be more than ever " a nation of shop -..1
keepers," might have been said of the Cartha -
en of old, the English are not absolutely so
gian s as
base as would be implied by the benevolent but
mistaken visionaries who yesterday oommenced
' their proceedings in solemn conclave a4c Edinburgh.
Our forefathers consented, it is trufa, to the parti-
tion of Poland. We ourselves tolerated but very
recently the subjugation of the heroic Hungarians
when fighting gloriously for their independence.
But those great crimes against the laws of nations
and against Liberty cannot, we conceive, be re-
peated under similar auspices without some
generous effort on our par's at interposition. No.
Arbitration may be admirable enough in due
season and under ordinary circumstances. But
even admitting that it was applicable to
the quarrel between Russia and Turkey—which
we cannot for an instant admit that it has been
ever since the passage of the Pruth and the occu-
pation of the Principalities—it has been tried and
it has failed, and, consequently, there remains
but the other branch of the alternative. Eng-
lishmen, resolved not to become accomplices in a
huge atrocity by passively consenting to the Rus-
sian spoliation of Turkey—in spite of Mr. COB-
DEN, in spite of Mr. BRIGHT, in spite of the
Times, in spite of Lord ABERDEEN, in contempt
of craven statesmen, and in scorn of pusillani-
mous visionaries—

" We'll take our stand,
And draw the brand,
As in the ancient days !"

It is no mere blustering or braggadocio. It is the
utterance only of the passionate yearnings of our po-
pulation. Yearnings for the prevention of an enor-
mous crime, for the punishment of the assailant of
an inoffensive neighbour, for the rolling back by
force of arms (now more particularly that our diplo-
matists have failed to repel them by negotiations),
the rolling back by force of arms of the robber
forces who have outraged the tranquillity of
Europe by crossing the Pruth and invading the
Principalities.
A retribution of this kind is now being drawn
down inevitably upon his own head by the Russian
AUTOCRAT. He it was who first caused the_rup-
tare of peace by despatching his soldiers to the
occupation of the Moldo-Wallachian territories.
He it is who is at last rendering war most immi-
nent by refusing every concession, by rejecting
the Turkish modifications, by still concentrating
his troops upon the Danube, by placing at their
head a daring chieftain like GORTZCHAKOFF, and
last, but most assuredly not least, by nomi-
nating MENSCHIKOFF to the Government of the
Principalities. Under these circumstances war,
we repeat, has become imminent—particularly
now that instructions have been sent to OMER
PACHA acquainting him with the decision of the
National Council, and ordering him to demand
from the Russian General the evacuation of
Molde-Wallachia within a fortnight, so as to
admit of GORTZCHAKOFF having time to communi-
cate with the Supreme Government at St. Peters-
burg. Supposing, however, that the required
evacuation be refused at once and peremptorily,
hostilities are forthwith to be commenced. War
then, we repeat, has become imminent : and at
this critical period the effective army of the STJL-
TAN is being increased, by a fresh levy of seventy-
five thousand men, to an aggregate of three hun-
dred thousand altogether—and meanwhile the
Czar NIOHOLAS is hastening across Germany to
St. Petersburgh, the combined fleets of France
and England having already passed the Dar-
danelles.

The promptitude and energy with which an
American naval commander can act, and be con-
fident, too, of the approbation of the authorities
at home, contrasts, somewhat to our mortification,
with the irresolution of English officers, conse-
quent entirely upon a too well-founded apprehen-
sion that their acts may not be adopted by their
own Government. Few English commanders
would have ventured, in Captain INGRAHAM'S
position, to have adopted a similar course ; not
from want of equal courage, certainly, but the fear
" of the veteran Prime Minister, of Holy Affiance,
Vienna Congress predilections, must have been
before their eyes, and they would not have risked
the short cut of common sense, to result in Aus-
trian lectures from VATTEL, and polite excuses for
him by his civil superiors. Now, whatever
VATTEL may lay down about neutral ports and fo-
reign vessels of war therein, the American
knew full well that the Austrian Commander
had paid no respect to those rights in capturing,
or rather kidnapping, a man whom he reasonably
claimed as an American citizen. The man him-
self might be justly proud of his Hungarian na-
tionality, and might avow it ; but having taken
the oath of allegiance to the American Govern-
ment, and having entered upon the noviciate re-
quired by it of all foreigners, in good faith, he
must in all reason be regarded as owing allegiance
to the American Government, and as entitled, if
wronged, to demand its protection. In the
published letters of M. BRUCK, no other
ground is alleged for M. KOSSTA'S being
under Austrian jurisdiction than his having
avowed himself to the Austrian Captain to be
an Hungarian. He certainly was so in the sense
in which he with an honourable pride asserted it.
He was not ashamed of his father-land. But it
nowhere appears that M. KOSSTA denied his Ame-
Hear; citizenship ; the•proofs of which, moreove;
were furnished in writing to M. BRUCK at Con-
stantinople, by Mr. BROWN, of the Amarioar
gation there.
At the present time, however, ;14,-OD.. every
Government but our own lets the world know
such justification as it oan offer for its conduct,
Austria condescends to address a long note to the
other Powers, charging the American Commander
chiefly with two offences-Ist, that of Violating
the rights of a neutral port, and secondly,
that of declaring war himself, a power re-
served by the United States Constitution to the
President. The American Cabinet has, however,
accepted without qualification the acts of its
officer. It will not allow its subjects to be kid-
napped with the most brutal violence in sight of
its flag and under its guns. It holds it rather
unreasonable to be at the expense of sending costly
armed vessels to all parts of the world to protect
its subjects, and then to be asked to see one of
those subjects seized by another foreign commander
in a neutral port. Why send armed vessels at
all, it may be justly asked, unless forcible resis-
tance to wrong be contemplated Why not send
merely some elegant clipper yacht as the symbol,
not the reality, of naval power ? As to the
right reserved to the President, the President
appears to impart that right to every officer who
sees an American citizen wronged, be he where he
may. The head of the United States' Govern-
ment conceives it to be his first duty to protect
his subjects. His naval officers he regards as his
police in doubtful neighbourhoods, and their
orders doubtless are to use no more violence than
is necessary for the grand point of protecting their
fellow-citlzens. He does not allow that lie is
bound to suppose that any power has ordered its
naval captains to seize unsuspecting Americans,
fling
h
into the
the sea,
guard-rooma ofd fish them
up again ne in head-long
to be packedn
away in
a ship of war. If the captain of a vessel can act
piracy
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a part, henernetgraarldpsortit
canas ap
pretendpresumptionpirates. of
It is very well, however, for Austria to appeal