The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-22 00:00:00

ship made the amende honourable in a very handsome man-
ner, for his unfortunate speech on the Irish Corporation
Bill, by praying their Lordships to beware of setting up
their own judgment as superior to that of the people of
Ireland, upon questions affecting their own interests. He
denounced the appointment of Englishmen to the office of
Poor-law Commissioners for Ireland, as calculated to
wound the national pride of the sister country—
to wear the semblance of a treatment inapplicable
to any but a conquered Province. We will
not forget to remind the Noble and Learned Baron of his
new-born respect for the opinions and feelings of the Irish
people—should he happen to forget it himself, which is not
unlikely—when the Irish Tithe Bill is laid upon their Lord-
ships' table. We are, however, well pleased, as we already
stated, with the result of the debate, and particularly with
the statesmanlike parts which Lord MELBOURNE and the
Duke of 'WELLINGTON took in it. We repeat that the
passing of the Bill, in some shape, is all that we look forward
to in the present Session.

We would recommend to the Bishop of EXETER a care-
ful perusal of a Report made by Mr. NICHOLLS to the
Home Secretary, on the state of education and pauperism
in the Netherlands, and particularly that part of it which
relates to the system of education in Holland. Never was
there a finer exemplification of the plan which Lord STAN-
LEY introduced into Ireland, or a stronger proof of the
blessings it might confer on the people of that country,
were it not marred by the bigotry of political fanatics, who,
under the cloak of religion, excite the worst passions of the
human heart among men that otherwise would dwell to-
gether in unity. Our ancestors have been justly charged
with committing the greatest crimes under the pretence of
preserving the true faith, but, unfortunately, this charge
does not apply to them alone. No calamity is greater than
a civil war, and no persecutor, even with faggots and flame,
ought to be an object of such abhorrence as the priest who,
to render his own dogmas paramount, or preserve
undivided the spoils of the Catholic Church,
continues, from day to day to inflame the passions
of men of different creeds, and thereby prepare them
for imbruing their hands in each other's blood. We
acquit the Bishop of EXETER of such an intention ; but
can we on that account be silent on the numerous calami-
ties which these half political, half theological, harangues,
so incessantly repeated by him and others of the same sect,
produce ? We are told by their organs that murders are
daily committed in Ireland on account of religion—that
Catholics consider it no crime to murder a Protestant—
that their representatives in Parliament are perjurers, and
their priests are surpliced ruffians ; and when Government
wisely introduced a system of education by which children
of different sects might be brought up together, and attach-
ments formed in youth which would prevent the bloodshed
too often committed in manhood, every obstacle is thrown
in the way, on the vain pretence that this system endan-
gers the Protestant Establishment. If this is the only way to
uphold Protestantism, in what respect is the system better
than that adopted by MAHONIET ? Nay, is it not worse, in
proportion as a civil war, in the words of the Duke of
WELLINGTON, is the most dreadful of all wars ? Contrast
the state of Holland with that of Ireland at the present
moment. The clergy of the three principal sects in Hol-
land, Calvinists, Catholics, and Lutherans, are supported
by the State. In the schools every sect of Christians is
taught. The great truths on which all are agreed, are
carefully inculcated—points of religious controversy form
no part of the educatien, and all disputable points are care-
fully avoided—all appear to live in perfect amity without
the slightest distinction in the common intercourse of life,
and this, adds Mr. Ntctrou.s, contributes mainly to the
high moral and intellectual condition of the Dutch people,
We leave the Bishop of EXETER to describe the picture on
the other side.

We noticed with approbation on Thursday the spirited
conduct of the Protestant Society for the Protection of
Religious Liberty, in offering the sum of 100 guineas for
the best Essay against the principle of National Church
Establishments. The Times this miming takes up the
same theme, but i❑ a sense adverse to our remarks, and
hostile to the Society. The case it makes out proceeds
on misunderstanding, or misrepresenting, the object of the
Society ; but whether blundering stupidity, or wilful ma-
lignity, have dictated the article, we must leave the reader
to decide :
" The Society say, that perceiving the efforts made to eulogize, perpe-
tuate, and extend National Religious Establishments, and being con-
vinced that expanded, honest inquiry, and impartial discussion, will
lead to other conclusions more favourable to truth, public morals,
Chri►tian piety, the vindication of the rights of conscience, the general
welfare and improvement and salvation of the people, they have resolved
to give, &c., to the authors of the best and second-best essays supporting
the opinions they have expressed."

Now in this there is no question as to the abstract right
of men to dissent from that body of doctrine which the
State patronizes—that question was fully decided in
the affirmative at the Reformation, and is practically
answered by the legal existence of Dissenters. But
there is a question as to " eulogizing, perpetuating
and extending National Religious Establishments," and
the Society offers a reward for the best essay to disprove
the utility of such Establishments. It is a far larger ques-
tion than the mere existence of dissent, which implies the
existence of .an Establishment against the very principle
of which the Society aims, The Society boldly avows its
hostility to Church Establishments, and it honestly offers a
fee to the best advocate of its opinions. The question
does not concern the right of dissent from an Establish-
ment ; it has nothing to do with the exclusive principle of
dissent ; or rescuing any party from odium ; but it is one of
the most important political questions that can now be dis-
cussed, and which interests the welfare of all. It has been
left as unsettled by the lectures of Dr. CHALMERS as by
the writings of Bishop WARBURTON. This great and im-
portant question is thus misdescribed by the Tinges

" With their own minds resolutely made up in favour of Dissent, in
spite of all the lights which further reasoning or research may let in
upon this subject, they distinctly apprise the candidates for their guineas
that the competing essays must on no account run counter to the opinion
of the advertisers. Here we have religious liberty with a witness. Any
writer who, fearlessly following the course to which sound argument
may lead him, should produce a work completely vindicating religious
establishments to the satisfaction of the now divided world, is de-
clared to be too honest an inquirer to receive these gentlemen's
money. The impartial discussion' which they club their gold
for is to be conducted on the exclusive principle of supporting dissent,
What these amateurs of free discussion want is, not the triumph of truth,
but the rescue of their party from the odium and contempt under which
they are gasping their last; and really, were it not that the wretched
Janissaries who enter such a service are pledged by the very terms of
their enlistment to degrade literature and disgrace religion, we could
almost wish that some distinguished writer would test de Society's love
for impartial discussion' by presenting them with an essay which,
while prostrating their voluntaryism in the dust, should subject them to
the exquisite torture of rejecting a superior work, and of bestowing
their guineas upon a twaddler."

The passage deserves to be treasured up against the
principle of an Establishment. If the offering a poor sum
of 100 guineas to support particular opinions be hostile to
religious liberty, pray what is the annual endowment of
several millions sterling ? Is not the principle avowed
by the Times that 100 guineas is to hire Janissaries to de-
grade literature, by their being pledged to particular
opinions, true of every Rectory, every See, and every
Professorship belonging to the endowed Church ? They
can only be enjoyed by subscribing the Thirty-nine Articles,
and by following, in every particular, the doctrines of the
Church of England. Is not this a violation of religious li-
berty, for which, as against the Dissenters, the Times wishes
to be thought an advocate? We know, too, by the conduct of
the bulk of the clergy in the case of Dr. HAMPDEN, by the
manner in which all Church perferment is bestowed on the
professors of particular opinions, and by the severity with
which every deviation from the received doctrines is visited
—how rigidly a strict adherence to those articles is en-
forced. If they are Janissaries, who on the offer of a 100
guineas, write against religious establishments, what must
the priests of (he endowed Church be who for a Living fashion
their thoughts, and minds, and degrade all the literature
they touch, by t,:e standard of the Thirty-nine Articles ?
The Dissenters ought to feel only gratitude to the Times
for the severe condemnation which it has unintentionally
pronounced against bestowing even the smallest possible
sum to influence the opinions or doctrines of any person.
Well may the Times say that the fruits of Dr. CHALMERS'
Lectures are beginning to appear ; and they will ripen in
due time, not however as our Contemporary wishes.

The proceedings at the Crown and Anchor Tavern yes-
terday have brought the Tories to their senses, and taught
them a lesson which they will not soon forget. Tbey have
of late been speculating rather largely in the gullibility of
the people ; so largely, indeed, that they seemed to have
arrived at the comfortable conclusion that the people care
little or nothing about principles, and are consequently in-
different to the conduct of public men. That this
would be a most desirable state of popular feel-

ing for the Tories we do not deny, and therefore
we do not wonder to see that unprincipled faction labouring
to bring it about by every means in their power. For
what other purpose have they been parading Sir FRANCIS
BURDETT through the provinces, than to debauch the
public mind by rendering it familiar with all that is pro-
fligate, base, and disgusting in political conduct ? The
trick, however, has been overdone ; the bubble has been
blown until it has burst ; and the exhibitors of the mounte-
bank apostate are, we presume, now convinced that to im-
pose upon the credulity of the ignorant chid-poles of Wilt-
shire, and to make the enlightened inhabitants of the
Metropolis put the seal of their approbation to the greatest
dereliction of principle of which there is any example in the
history of politics, are two very different things.
The organs of the worthless faction with which this man
has allied himself, are loud and violent in their condemna-
tion of the proceedings of the meeting. There is no mea-
sure in the abuse which they pour out against those who
could be guilty of such outrageous conduct towards an old
man who had once been so popular, and that too on the
very scene of his popularity—the spot where so many vic-
tories had been achieved by him for the people. Now as to
outrage there was none ; the crowded assembly expressed
their sentiments only by those modes which are usual on such
occasions ; and if they did so—as we admit they did—with
more than usual energy, it redounds the more to their
credit. It was not the old man that they condemned, hut
the old traitor—the man who had in his old age be-
trayed the glorious cause, which in his youth he
had worshipped—who had deserted his old friends, and
his old principles from disappointed vanity, and who had
the effrontery to come forward and proclaim his tergiver-
sation within the walls which had so often heard him vow
eternal fidelity to the cause of liberty and of the people.
Honour to the inhabitants of Westminster for the noble
support which they have thus given to public virtue.

In our advertising columns will be found a resolution of
thanks from the Bristol Anti-slavery Society, to Lord
CHARLES FITZROY, and his Lordship's reply. Al-
though his Lordship makes no a:usion to the immediate
cause of his dismissal, yet we cannot suppose that he
would be so disingenuous as to evade the question, by
leaving it to be inferred that it arose from any other cause.

Never has any country been so long and perseveringly
misgoverned as Ireland. In that ill-fated land everything
up to the present hour has been a job. Lord REDESDALE
declared " that there was one law for the rich and another
for the poor," and we behold there a " State Church," up-
held for the instruction of the wealthy few, at the expense
of the indigent many ; while in the giant monopoly of the
Bank of Ireland we see the interests of millions sacrificed
to enrich a fractional portion of the favored ascendancy
class. The Bank of Ireland, as a National Establishment,
has not one redeeming feature in its character ; in com-
mercial matters it has conducted its affairs in a narrow,
illiberal spirit, and much after the fashion of the " dog in
the manger," refused to do good itself, or permit others to
accomplish it, while its political bias (for a political bias it
has always displayed) has been intolerant and sectarian to
an extent that even in this country could hardly be ima-
gined. The Bank of England has here inflicted much
injury, but the Bank of Ireland to the Irish people has
been a positive curse. There, the paper of the semi-
insolvent Orange merchant has been discounted at the same
time that the same facility has been denied to the liberal
trader. It gives us great pleasure to observe that those
who are the victims of this pernicious system have already
taken the field ; and at a town meeting in Drogheda it was
unanimously resolved to petition Parliament against the re-
newal of the Charter without modification, and a Depu-
tation consisting of the MAYOR and some of the most con-
siderable merchants are on their way, if they have not
already arrived, to London, to press the demand of their
fellow-citizens. This is as it should be, and we hope the
example will soon be followed by other places of considera-
tion in Ireland. We know that the Bank must possess
great power, and that its influence will be exerted to inti-
midate persons from exposing the pernicious effects of its mo-
nopoly ; however, we trust that there is sufficient independ-
ence in the country to effectually combat and put down this
chartered nuisance. The following vigorous article from the
Spectator does good service at this particular time, and will
assist to " drag into day" an abuse which could only have
existed amidst injustice and misgovernment :
It is manifestly not desired by the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer that the renewal of the Charter of the Bank of Ire-
laud should he much discussed. The Government Journals
are silent on the subject ; and the Tories have their own rea-
sons for desiring a snug bargain beta eon the Bank and the
Treasury. At present the institution is completely under the
control of Tories ; and the influence it can exercise in various
ways is not adverse to them as a political party.o But the
Irish public have considerable interest in seeing that no jugg-
ling is practised, and that the monopoly (for in a largedegree
it is a monopoly) of the Bank is not continued. With the
view of communicating useful information on a subject not
familiar even to Irishmen, we shall state some particulars, de-
rived from good authority, respecting the history, and proceed.
ins and views of this bank.
The Bank of Ireland, at its original formation in 1782
(under the 21st and 22d George III.), commenced with a
capital of 600,000/. Irish.t By the 31st George 111., chapter
22, the capital was increased from 600,0001. to 1,000,000/. ;
and the Charter extended until the expiration of twelve months'
notice after the Ist January 1816. By the 37th George 111 ,
chapter 50, the capital was raised from 1,000,000/. to 1,500,000/.
In 1808, by the 48th George 111., chapter 103, the capital
was increased from 1,500,0001. to 9,500,000/. ; and the Char-
ter extended until the end of twelve months' notice to be given ,
after the Ist January 1837, and the repayment of all sums
due to the Bank by Government.
In 1821, the capital amounted to 3,000,0001. Irish ; of
which 2,850,0001. has been advanced to Government at 4 per
cent. interest ; further, the Bank paid to Government in 1791,
for the then renewal of the Charter, as a free gift, 60,000/,
Irish in two instalments.

On the 30th June 1803, the surplus fund of the Bank stood
at 489,5001. Irish; but on the 31st December 1836, after a
constant rise, it had reached 1,053,1001. British. The net
annual profit of the Bank from 1833 to 1836, upon its capital
of 3,000,0001. has ranged from 051,826/. to 241,1831. per
annum ; and the yearly dividends have been at no time less
than 61- per cent., excepting in 1783 and 1784, when they
were 5, and 1792 and 1798, when they were 21 per cent.
From 1800 to 1814, however, they were 7, 71, ana 7-N. From
1814 to 1829, excepting two years, they were 10 per cent. ;
and since 1829, excepting one year, when they came down to
81, they have been 9 ycr cent. Besides these immense divi-
dends, the favoured proprietors, at different times since 1793,
have received bonuses amounting to no less than 655,000/.
Irish. The only return for this vast monopoly is all com-
prised in the payment of 60,0001. Irish in 1791. As to the
loans advanced to Government, they have been all highly ad-
vantageous to the Bank, as the country is now paying it four
per cent, upon two and a half millions of a loan, which the
Chancellor of the Exchequer could eaily raise at 31 per
cent. Since 1808, the Bank has managed the public debt of
Ireland free of charge, and at an annual expense to itself (as
it states) of 15,000/. ; but then, as a set-off to this, by its last
charter, dated in 1821, its notes were made receivable in
payment of Government Securities.
Bank of Ireland notes, though not made legal tender by
statute, have been commonly received as such in most com-
mercial transactions. t According to a late deliberate opinion
of the Crown Lawyers, Bank of England notes are a legal
tender in all eases in Ireland.

It is estimated that the Bank owes the Irish people 7,000,0001.
for deposits and notes outstanding. It has a monopoly, being
the only bank that can issue notes in Dublin, or for a circuit
of fifty miles round ; which prevents such towns as Drogheda,
Dundalk, Newry, and Carlow, with many others, participating
in the local advantages arising from banking establishments.
The fifteen Directors are almost all persons who are embarked
in trade themselves : they are usually Tory in politics. Suet
influences, operating in tl monied establishment, must clearly
be attended with evil consequences to the commercial prospe-
rity of the country. The modification of the charter, upon its
renewal in 1821, led to the establishment of the Irish Provin-
cialt Bank ; and the success which attended that institution,
o
proves how much Ireland was before the victim of monopoly
The prosperity of Belfast may in a great degree be ascribed to
the,, freedomlnreply which it
h
toquestions addressed asenjoyed
by in
fur-
nished the information contained in this article, it is stated, that
" though no Act of Parliament or provision in the charter of the Bank
excluded Catholics from the Board of Directors (after 189.9, when the
us bankingte the
gentleman who
as it has had
Catholic disabilities were removed, all doubt on this point was done
away), a bye law was till lately enforced, by which they were excluded.
The Directors have a " House-list,' which is almost always carried.
The large proprietors unite to control the smaller ones in Ireland ; and
the English proprietary, as long as they receive large dividends, have no
motive to interfere. The stock does not frequently change hands ; and
as till within a year or two, under the operation of the byelaw men-
tioned, Catholics were excluded, and practically Liberals also, and now
there are only two Catholics in the direction, the Bank may fairly be
called a great Tory monopoly. In the early period of the Bank's exis-
tence, bills offered for discount by Catholic merchants of undoubted
wealth were rejected, and heavy losses were occasioned by loans to
needy and insolvent Protestants. The Quakers, though among the
wealthiest citizens of Dublin, have never been allowed to put a single
Director on the Board." _

t In 1828, the currency of Ireland was assimilated to that of Great
Britain : previously it was Si per cent. less valuable.
" Bank of Ireland notes, as a consideration for managing the Debt,
of Ireland free of expense, are taken in payment of duties; and if the
Bank failed, the officers would not be liable fur any sum paid in those
notes. When Mr, Spring Thee was a Director of the Provincial Bank,
he and Sir Robert Peel succeeded in procuring a Treasury minute, by
virtue of which, the notes of that bank are also taken in payment of
duties. An undue preference is thus liven to the Provincial Rank
over other Joint Stock Banks ; for which the only discernible reason is,
that Mr. Spring Rice and Sir Robert Peel hold shares in it."