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Opera- -L'Otoilo 0-d; H. La tr'nt, the followity.; Waltz's
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du Nord Poik4.- Adaug.ion, is. Doors open at half-r.est 8. Dancing
to commence 'at ii o'clock, and ter inate at h,:lf-pa..,t 11.

No. 19,200.

LONDON, SATURDAY E-VNINIG, APRIL 8, 185-4.

NEW NOVEL, BY THE AUTHOR Oi? "THE i.INNtiRS."
• On Monday, In 3 vo's.,
H E M I E 'MILLAR
A SCOFTISH STORY.

I MPE 11l PARLIAMENT.

sight of the noble earl had suggested had.now (marred.
The establishment of such a boated as the noble earl con-
templated could not be effected at a time like :the pre-
sent without serious detriment 'to the service ; but,
even were it otherwise, he 'doubted 'whether such a
change would be expedient. 'Boards in many eases
were mere expedients for shifting off responsibility.
It was admitted that a civilian .should 'have, the . ad-
ministration of the army, and of course lie would 'be at
the head of that' board, with military officers for his col-
leagues. He could not belieVe that this would be any
improvement upon the present system ; and he asked
whether the,civil head of the bdard, who would feces.-
"sarily be a political officer, ought to have the patronage
of the army'? Should it be devolved upon the junior.
lords ? He thought neither of these would be endured.
In conclusion, he repeated, on the part of the‘Govern-
ment, that they-did not- condemn all alteration in' the
existing system, but they deprecated changes at the
present moment, which might put the whole machine
out ofgear,'.and lead ts serious inconvenience.
Lord HARDINGE said that at the time referred to
by the noble earl (Grey), in connection with the affairs
of Sierra Leone, the late Duke of Welling-ten was Master-
General of the Ordnance ; and it, was not for two years
after these circumstances that the noble duke under-
took the management of the colonial barracks ; there-
fore the noble duke had nothing whatever to say
to those matters to which the .noble earl- had referred.
It was not his intention to go into the general question,
as holding the office he did, he was of opinion it would
be more consistent-in him not to interfere. However,
he might say it was generally understood that the Colo-
nial Secretary' was as deeply responsible for the'safety
of our colonial empire as °the Home Secretary was for
the United Kingdom. He should, say it would 'be a
Matter of regret to him to see the Secretary at War
performing the duties now attaching to the office of
Secretary for the Colonies. Their lordships might re-
member the occasion on which it was believed the Char-
tists would attempt a march through London. Orr that
occasion every arrangement was made which .could
possibly insure tranquillity, and made with such preci-
sion that exery, person was struck with them, and be-
lieved them almost marvellous. He asked, of what
use would be the Home Secretary, or a fourth secre-
tary, on such an occasion ? If the Secretary were
stripped of his present responsibility, his power would
be very much weakened. Ho (Lord Hardinge) had,
within the last two months, conducted the movements
of the troops, and had frequent interviews with his
noble friend the Colonial Secretary ; and he should
say he found no difficulty whatever in the matter
—no disagreements or squabbles, but everything
going on harmoniously. There might be alterations and
improvements required in the inferior departments ; but
if their lordships attempted to limit too much the autho-
rity and power of the commander-in.-chief in the manage-
ment of the troops, they would shake discipline in such
a manner as to render it very difficult to enforce the
necessary authority.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH expressed to Earl
Grey his obligations for bringing this question before
the house. It involved the lives of thousands, the effi_
ciency of the army, the greatest interests of the state,
and the honour of the country ; and he should say, if
their lordships were not prepared to come to a con
sideration of this important matter on the present occa_
sion, it was absolutely necessary that an early period
after the Easter recess the whole question of the naval
and military preparations of the country, the position in
which we now ,stood, and the manner by which these
naval and military forces were to be directed, should he
brought under, consideration. He considered that the
military should be entirely subordinate to the civil
authorities. He thought the most convenient ar-
rangement for the public would be, that the general
direction of the war should rest with the First Lord
of the Treasury himself. (A laugh.) There might be
circumstances "which would render that inconvenient at
the present time—(renewed laughter) ; and knowing
that no man did well the thing he hated—that, whatever
might be his general abilities, directed, as they would
be, for the first time, towards war—he (the noble earl).
could not but apprehend it was just possible that the
war would not be successful. (Hear, hear.) He firmly
believed there was no other arrangement that wouldgive.
us real security—no other arrangement which would
secure that despatch so necessary to the success of mili-
tary operations. The struggle so which we were now
engaged was a great one. He tlNught the people of this
country would be called upon to make very great sacri-
fices. Under the pressure of these great sacrifices—it might
be great sufferings—enthusiasm might not continue in the
prosecution of the war. It was a war of far-sighted po-
licy,. a statesman war, which the people of this country
did not understand ; and unless that war was well
managed , and conducted, presenting from time to
time examples of success, deeds of high achievement,
and a' decided progress towards the prostration of the
enemy, it would be perfeetly,impossible for any Govern-
ment to continue its prosecution. (Hear, hear.) He,
therefore; earnestly prayed the Government to consider
the means by which this was- was to be conducted. He
thought it was impossible to conduct it with success
while it was directed by departments which might con-
flict with each other in reference to the arrangements.
The war could only be properly conducted by the one
department with undivided responsibility, and armed
with almost undivided power. Unless the Government
took the course which he suggested, they might depend
upon it that, whatever might be their present strength
in parliarneht and in the country, they would fail in
overcoming the difficulties they were surrounded with.
The country would not bear defeat or mismanagement ;
and the Government thatl mismanaged a war would be
put out by the indignation of the naval and military
services, and the general disappointment of the people.
Lord PANMURE had been long of opinion that the
administration of the affairs of the army will be taken
by the country into_their_own hands ; and we shall see

__._._........„.....r.,...z..c.a.itZ...py.0.a
!hands of the Lord Chancellor, but it was not improbable
r that a scond commission Would be appointed.
AUSTRIA AND. TURKEY '
Lord D. STUARTasked the noble lord the'mernber for
LLohdon whetlf6r the Austrian Government-is -not colleen-
trating a' large army on the frontier of Servia ; and
whether any explanations leave been - obtaintrd- from the
'Government as to the object of that proceeding,: or gene-
rally as to the intentions of Austria in re ant to Turkey...
1
Lord J. RUSSELL said.the Statement of the noble lord
was quite true, and Austria, had state her intentions
with regard to Turkey ; but ns a correspondence was 'still
going on with regat'd to the' subject, it would. not be right
for him to disclose, now what those intentions were.
•

OYAL POLYTEOHNIO • INSPITUTION,
I • ii;
DUILPIG ; J/r. RACIIIIOFFNE:t giie his POI.
'JAR ou • i.SCTII ••••i• SPLi:-.N,
biDLY I LLUSTIZA with DI,--OL/ING I)IAGRAMS,4%.II3
at Three, a. d Eig ;he evenings, rxecot i;o4xlFr,la)
and llrds i,vening •. li ti-p; other iateresting LECIITRE,
arml EXHIBITIONS as us al. _ . .

HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.

By the Author of " The Kinnears."
Hurst and Blacke t, Yu, ishers, successors to Henry Colburn
13, Great Marl.,or.ugh-street.

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the. woolsack
at 5 o'clock.

UNAUTHORISED NEGOTIA,TIONS WITH
OTHER NATIONS.

DEB !Lin', NERVOUSNESS, &c.
Just published, price 45., free by post, 55.,
-VHYSIOLOGICAL RESEARCHES into the
Causes of Nervous Debility and Gen to-ri inary Maladigs,
?kpermatorrhcea rationally considered, with unanswerable Remarks
on the empirical manlier these Diseases :ue treated ; being a Guide
to Be2.Ati, L.ng Life, and liappine,s.

Lord CAMPBELL laid on the table a bill to prevent
any, unauthorised negotiation or intercourse touching
public affairs, between the subjects of her Majesty and
any foreign potentate or state. The noble and learned
lord explained that the object of the bill was to enforce
the law of nations, which clearly provided that inter-
course between independent nations, respecting public
affairs, shoUld only be conducted through the Govern-
ment or an ambassador, or .minister duly authorised
for that purpose, and who was responsible for his ad-
vice. (Hear, hear.) He stated that he would on• the
present occasion move the first reading, and defer the
second reading until-after the Easter holidays, when
he should enter into the reasons which justified the in-
troduction of such a measure, which he believed was'
necessary for the safcty of the country.
The bill was then read a first time.
OATHS.

....—........—„
The St,A 'l' of the, 111...774t.k.N WAR, showing the principal places nn
the DA-:(713,:, tne,lo an.l of °r•, with the
DE,TII.I7O'I`IONo the FL2.IIT, other interestng
scenes (which have been kindly soln,,ied by the Proprietors, “r the
"Wustruccl,l,ond,n Newi''), ‘vlll be XtqlliTED' in a NEW
.SI7RIES of DISiOLVING VIEW. ccnnnencing on EATER
MONDAY.
. . . .

By 31F.11)1C1T3.
Sherwood, riper, and Co., 83, Paternoster-row.

Open Mornings and Evenings. .Adrnit.sion, Is. ; Schools and
Childr..n under Ten years of age, lialf-priee.

LIMITED• LIABILITY.
In reply to Mr. ITINDLE,Y,
Mr.-CARDWELL said the commissioners appointed to
inquire into the subject of limited liability had not yet
-Riede a report, and he therefore could not state what course
the GOvernment proposed to take in the matter.
OXFORD UNIVEtISITY BILL. , •
;On the motion for the second reading of. this bill,
Sir W. HEAISCOTE wished to explain the vote which
he intended to give in favour of this bill. It would be
absurd in him if he were to shut his eyes 'to 'the necessity
which was generally felt fora bill of this nature. It had
I been framed in no unfriendly spirit, and since he did not
dispute the soundness of its principle he should reserve
for the committee on the bill 'such changes and amend-
ments as he was anxious to see made in its provisions. It
was quite clear from what he had said ho must vote for
the second reading"; all the objections ,he had urged
should be 'reserved for the committee. His objections to
the bill were not to its principle, but to what appeared to
him to be erroneous applications of .the principle.. The
' great question, he observed, was, whether the enactments
should be compulsory or enabling. It was evident that,
with reference to the university, they:musti be compulsory,
and with regard to certain of the colleges ;they must like-
wise be compulsory, or they would be nug4tory. He then
discussed some of the details of the bill, and objected par-
ticularly to the manner in which the foundations connected
with'schools were dealt with, -and to the way in which the
property of colleges wits to be diverted to the purposes of
the university..•
Mr. BYNG believed very few persons either in the
house or country. would deny that some alteration was re-
quired in the management of Oxford University. He
believed, the university could do no better than by cordially
6-operating with her Majesty in effecting the reforms con-
templated by this bill. (Hear, hear.) While sincerely
devoted to the ritual of the Established Church, he still
felt a hope that reforms might be introduced into the
university, and that some means might be adopted by
which 5,000,000 of his fellow-countrymen, he meant the
Protestant Dissenters, might be admitted t.) the honours
of the. university. (Cheers.) With those feelings he Cor-
dially hoped that this bill would speedily pass into a
law. (Hear, hear.)
Sir J. PAKINGTON said he had, after mature con-
' sideration, determined not to oppose the second reading of
this bill, `reserving to himself to propose such amendments
as seemed to him desirable when the bill was in committee.
He did-not deny that he was aware there were naanygroimds
for reform in some of the halls of Oxford University ; but,
at the same time it was a subject that ought to- be ap-
proached by the Government in a spirit of .conciliation.
(Hear.) With respect to the members of the commis-
shin, there were two, the Bishop of Ripon and Mr. Jus-
tice Coleridge. (Hear, hear.) The principle of the bill,
instead of being simple and uniform, was complicated and
contradictory. From fist to last it proceeded upon an
unmerited, and therefore an unjust, distrust of every uni-
versity authority ; but its worst feature was its violation
of the rights of property, by interfering. with the disposi-
tions made by founders of colleges. He wished the bill
had been drawn more in the shape of an enabling bill,
without the appointment of a commission armed with
powers so arbitrary, which would override the University
authorities. He objected to the constitution alll mode of
election of the new governing body—the Hebdomadal
Council. If the three constituent elements of this council
were chosen by their respective constituencies—the heads
of houses by their own body, the professors by the pro-
fessors, and the general members of the University by
the Convocation—the change would be, he said, far
more satisfactory to the lYniversity. Sir John thou
explained in detail his objections to the provisions of the
bill with relation- to foundations, fellowships, and emolu-
ments, which he- characterised as invasions of; the rights of
property and as frustrating the intentions iof testators,
although the pteamble of this very, bill recogeised the ex-
pediency- of "promoting the main design If founders."
He, moreover, contrasted the' provisions with a speech de-
livered in 1830 by Mr. Gladstone, whose name was en the
back of the bill. In conclusion, he put it to Lord J. Rus-
sell whether it would not be better to frame ,the bill in a
spirit of conciliation, that he . might carry this University
with him, instead of leading the majority to think that
their feelings were outraged. . (tfear, bear.)
Mr. BLA.CKETT 'acknowledged the grea service to
academical reform rendered by the appoint cent of the
Royal Commission. But he complained that if
measure
fell lamentably short of the recommendations iof that com-
mission. The evils of the University were th absorption
of government by the heads of the college, and the absorp-
tion' of education by the tutors, and a larger measure was
required to deal with the subject. The bill hid been pre-
pared on a principle very difficult to understand, and what
was given by the right hand was withdrawn by the left.
Mr. R. PHILLIMORE congratulated Lord John Rus-
sell upon the general aceeptatien the measure had. met
with, contended that the objections to it were chiefly such
as could be dealt with in committee, and at great length
advocated the bill.
Mr. WARNER approved of the measure, but regretted
that oaths and subscriptions had not been donel away.
Lord It. CECIL condemned the bill, and regretted that
it was not to be opposed at that stage.- It was: an unjusti-
fiable interference with the wishes of founders,, and calcu-
lated to prevent future endowments.
Mr: VERNON supported the bill, and wail glad that
the measure materially differed fronalhe recosimendation
of the commission. He thought that the tntoial system
ought to be maintained, and that not much would be done
in the way of university extension by means of this mea-
sure, but that the best guarantee for such extension would
be found in the improved character of the university itself.
He desired the abolition of religious tests, and:was aberse
to these institutions being mere literary forcing beds, but
wished them made available for the promotion: of the high-
est form of culture, and for the education of the national
clergy. .
Mr. WIGRAM repeated that the proposed congregation
would be so large that it would be broken into factions,
and the result be injurious to the cause of learning. He
also objected that the tendency of the general provisions of
the bill went to depreciate and to break down that colle-
giate system which had hitherto been the characteristic of
English, as opposed to that of foreign universities ; a sys-
tem which he believed to be the very best that could be
devised. And he also objected to the contemplated whole-
sale abolition of preferences, and to, the clauses limiting
the tenure of scholarships. He considered that the bill
attempted to go into details far more than was desirable,
and a more sweeping measure, giving larger powers to the
colleges, to be worked out under the commission, to have
been much better.
Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER, in answer to objections to
the interference with founders' intentions, showed that
the proposed changes would actually carry ont, in many
cases, those intentions, and would conduce to do so in
others, by sweeping away obstructive legal interpretations
and quibbles which had prevailed in courts of law. He
illustrated this argument by various instances of abuses,
and then showed that these could not be remedied by mere
enacting powers. Moreover, the legislature once celled in,
it could not decline to deal with the subject in a largo
way, and on a public principle. There should be com-
pulsory powers during a limited and definite time ; but
these should be exercised in a conservative manner.
He believed that the bill was framed with a bona tile in-
tention of carrying out its preamble, and he should
there-
fore support it. He suggested that the fear lest the con-
gregation should have a parliamentary character, might
be obviated by the debates being carried on in Latin. He
warmly contended for the preservation of the connection
between our great schools and the University, and espe-
cially vindicated the character of the foundation of William
of Wykeham. After adverting to some of the other details
of the bill, he concluded a speech of considerabM length by
tendering his thanks to the Government for the spirit iu
which they had dealt with the subject.
Mr. HENLEY, in commenting upon the details, ob-
jected that the localities whose preferences were to be taken
away ought to be heard as to their satisfaction with the
change; and he also condemned confiscation for the
establishment of professorships, He defended the heads
of Louses, against whom an unjustifiable feeling had
been got up, and upon whom the bill sought Co cast
a slur. Mr. Palmer's proposal for Latin speeches
would make congregation an cater ego of convoca-
tion. He disliked so much in the measure, that it was
only the consideration that legislation ought to take place
at once that prevented his taking a vote on the second
reading. The fate of the bill must, however, depend upon
whether the Government would abstain from resisting rea-
sonable amendments. He complained that Lord J. Rus-
sell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer were directly
opposed to the admission of dissenters to the nniversities,
and there was no hope of carrying out the objects of the
Government unless the latter were agreed as to what edu-
cation should he given.
•He concluded with a eulogy on
the old university system, and an expression of apprehen-,
sion lest the now system should produce far less satisfac-
tory results. •
Mr. GOULBURN intended to give his support to
the second reeding of this bill, considering the argument
of• Mr. Palmer to be unanswerable ; but there were, he
said, three proYisions in the bill which, if they should be
introduced into any measure for regulating the university
he represented, would impair its usefulness— namely, the
establishment of private halls for members not belonging
to any college, the mode in which scholarships and fellow-
ships were to be obtained, and the limitation of the tenure
of fellowships, which was too much abridged. Mr. Goul-
burn examined these provisions, pointing out their ob-
jectionable character with reference to the University
.001
Cambridge, and expressing a hope that they would not b
enforced upon that university.

" THE PRESS," No. 49, This. Day (Saturday),
wall contain, among other--•!, ord Aberleen's Attack on
the " Pre"s" --The _Naval Officers now on ~ervice staliway Legis-
lation —Public Libraries—Crim. Con. Law —Breaking-up of ill,
.-‘ rican onstit ution—The Hay Contractors— ttr. Stc nor's Case
The Doctor: a Story of certain .'7ecret Corri,pondence --Literature:
History of Latin• Christianity to the Pontilicate of Nico'as V., by Dr.
111ilm:,n—Jertian's Athobiography—Dome ;- or Nati,-mal Songs and
Legends of Itonmania, by E. C. Grenville Murray,' Eiq .-"--Notices of
Books. Pamphiet4, and Reprints—Periodical Literio:ure—Corres•
pondence--Parbantentary Rep3rts—Theatres—Togetlter with all
the ews of the. Week. _ _

LONDON AND .NORTH-WESTERN
RAILWAY. =TER HOL (DAYS. DAY TICK ET
iss,t, .1 on•THURSUAY, tie 13th inst , and intervening (lava, will be
availAbhfuntil Monday, rho I th lust.
By o, der. MARK JUTISH.
General Manager's Wilco, Easton Station, April 4,1554.

CSUILDHALL, April 7,1854.—The Committee
Nig appointed for the Manazement and (7ontr. lif the 3lark,ta
at this City will mee at Giuldhall, on FRIDAY, the 21st April brit.,
at Ore o'clock precisely, to r, ceive Tenders fr:r L,ttinu Five Ware-
houses in Bi lin:same-market, neat Tha es street. Further parti-
cular may be obtained at the Comptroller's Orrice, Guildhall, or of
Mt. John Goldham, fth Marlset.

"TILE PRES,4" is publshed every Saturday, at the Office; No
110,strand; price rd. May be had of all IleWSMers, arid at the
railway stations. Money orders to be made payable, to Mr. Alfred
lye.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Lei.
cester, signed by upwards of 1,000 persons, against corn•
pulsory oaths.

CHARLES .1)-EAR—,10—N., Comptroller pro tern.

Office of Ordeance. 31st March. 1854.
rrHE PRINCIPAL OFFICERS of HER MA-
JESTY'S ORDNANCE de HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, that a
quantity of Waggons, Carts, Wheels,- Hairless, Clothing, Leather
and Canvas r'uttings. Junk, serge, Staves, African PI aik, lab, and
about 100 Lots of Fir anti Carria.te Wood, will be sold by Public
Auction, in the Royal Arsen.,l, Woolwich, on TUESDAY, the 11th
April p 854, at Flev n o'clock in The forenoon precisely.
May ho Viewed from Ten t, Four o'clock on the three-days pre.;
vio..s to the 8410.

. Just oubliShed, in 2,400 pages, the MARCH Edition of the
poor, 'OFFICE LONDON DIRECTORY
FOR 1854.'

DAY OF PRAYER.
In reply to the Earl of SHAFTESBURY,
The Earl of ABERDEEN said the Archbishop of
Canterbury had fixed Wednesday, the 26th of this month,
as a, day of national prayer for the success of our arms
in the present war.
THE' ARMV—DEPARTINIEN TS.
Earl GREY moved for copies of correspondence be-
tween the different departments of the Government
with respect to the additions which had been made to
the department of the Secretary of State for War and
the colonies, and also with regard to any changes which
had been made in the transaction of business relating to
the administration of the army. The noble earl com-
menced by detailing the duties discharged by the CM'
mander-in-Chief and the Master-General of the Ordnance,
showing that in many respects they were anomalous,
capricioui, and clashing. The theory of the existing ar-
rangement was, that these independent authorities were
made to co-operate by the external authority of the Se.
cretary of State. Formerly-the practice corresponded
with the theory; but in the present state of affairs it was
physically impossible that the Minister charged with the
complicated arrangements of the Colonial-office could
also give due care to the administration of the affairs of.
the British army. Very serious consequences to the
health and lives of the troops had resulted from the
want of a united system of military management ; in
consequence, when he was at the head of the Colonial-
office, he caused inquiries to be made into this subject,
and the results were really appaling. In Jamaica, the
mortality among the troops for the twenty years end-
ing in 1837, amounted to 2,758 out of a force of
6,7oo—being an average •of 130 per 1,000. The loss
in the battle of Waterloo, inchiding those who
died of their wounds, as well as those killed, was
only 100 in the 1,000, showing that there was greater
risk to life in one year's service in Jamaica than there
was in the greatest battle known to history, He denied
that this mortality was the effect of the climate, because,
owing to greater care being taken of the soldiers; and
the, Substitution of fresh meat for salt meat, the mor-
tality among the troops in the island was reduced to 34
per 1,000. In the other West India commands the
mortality had been reduced from 85 to 45 per 1,000 ;
and he believed that 45 much larger a mortality than it
would be if a better system were adopted. Much of the
mortality be attributed to the undue use of salt provi-
,ions, for all the time this was taking place they were
fending their convicts with the fresh provisions which
they denied to the soldiers who guarded them ;
but this was not the worst of it, for it turned out
that the fresh provisions thus denied to the
troops were actually cheaper than the salt. • It
was, however, no part of .the duty of the Secretary-
at-War to -interfere with the victualling of the army ;
but seeing the evil, he felt it his duty, when he was at
the Colonial-office, to- call the attention of the Treasury
to the subject. A correspondence ensued, which lasted
two years, and he described in some detail the different
impediments which had hindered the work of improve-
ment. He then referred to the quartering of the troops
in the West Indies during the time that this mortality
was proceeding, and described casesin which the sleep-
ing room allowed to each soldier was only eighteen
inches. For a dozen years the barracks in Trinidad
had been kept in a state unfit for negroes, and the me-
dical officers reported considerable mortality owing to
the impossibility of keeping them dry. The noble earl
added a variety of other details to prove that numbers
of soldiers had perished from want of accommoda-
tion, which might have been provided if a better sys-
tem of management had been adopted. He assured
the house that these were not isolated cases ; they
were examples of a system ; and they proved beyond
all question that the clashing departments in the ad-
ministration of the army ought to be unites. During
ail these years there had been the greatest possible com-
bination of talent and experience in military administra-
tion at home ; thus showing that the evils and abuses
which he bad detailed arose out of the system which was
adopted. He might be met by the argument that even
under the system which he so strongly condemned the
British army had always proved itself efficient. Such a
consideration he regarded as irrelevant, but he quoted
the Duke of Wellington and Sir Willoughby Gordon to
show that they felt and complained of the anomalous
mode of management. Sir Willoughby Gordon, in a
confidential report in 1810, expressly recommended the
consolidation of the different offices connected with the
administration of the army into one department, under
the control of the Secretary of State ; and from his own
experience, he could assure the house that it was
impossible, under the existing system, for
.the
Secretary of State to exercise that control and
supervision without which there could be no unity
or efficiency of action. Even if the noble duke now
at the head of the department were not to open
a single colonial despatch, he would have quite
enough to do to attend the business of his office as Min-
ister of War. During war there was not time to follow
the present cumbersome mode of transacting business.
He was told that an additional Under-Secretary had
been appointed to assist the noble duke. This could
only mitigate, and not remove the evil. It was necessary
that a totally different system should be organised ; and
he suggested that the administration of the army
should be a copy of that of the navy. All the different
departments might be consolidated in one board, which
hoard should be presided over by the Secretary-at-War.
This, whilst securing efficiency, would also secure re-
sponsibility. The noble earl then mentioned circum-
stances which led him to believe that there had been some
changes of plan in reference to the conduct of the pre-
sent war, and expressed a fear that, under the existing
system, they might, without great care, prove danger-
ous. In conclusion, he anticipated and answered an
objection that the changes he suggested would virtually
take the administration of the army from the Crown,
contending that the question was, not the administration
of the Crown but the responsibility of the Government,
and that it was impossible, with due regard to the effi-
ciency of the service, to keep separate the civil and
military administration of the army.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE said there was no ob-
jection to the production of the papers. He would not
deny that there might be faults in the system under
which the army was governed, but he did not think that
the noble earl had established his case. All the in-
stances he had adduce were of remote date ; and he had
shown by references to his own management that where
abuses had been proved they had always been remedied.
The mortality in Jamaica took place when barracks did
not exist in the healthy part of the island, and when
they were not under the charge of the home Govern-
ment; and, adverting to the mortality in Bermuda and
Hong Kong, be assured the house that the greatest pos-
sible care had always been taken by the Government of
the health and lives of the troops. Alluding to the
noble earl's correspondence with the Treasury some
years ago, he asked .whether he meant to contend that
the control of that department over finance should
be abandoned? If he did, cadit questio; if he did
not, then that correspondence had nothing to do with
the subject. (Hear, hear.) Admitting again, that there
were theoretical objections to the existing system, he did
not believe that its practical evils were so great as the
noble earl had represented. He objected to place upon
the Secretary of War the duties now discharged by the
Commander-in-Chief. It might, however, be worth con-
sideration whether the commissariat should be removed
from the Treasury; but he was bound to say that the
Duke of Wellington entertained a very strong opinion
that this department should remain in the hands of the
Treasury. Some persons thought there ought not to be
a commissariat at all ; but the absence of such a depart-
ment would certainly be attended with serious evils.
His own experience at the present moment did not cor-
roborate the statements of the noble earl, as to the
want of promptitude and harmony in the different de-
partments under the present system. After any decision
had been taken, there had never been the smallest hesita-
tion or the slightest difference of opinion. One of the best
tests of efficiency was action in a time of pressure. The
experience of the last two or three months was decisive
upon this point ; for it proved, beyond all doubt, that the
existing system was neither vicious nor imperfect. Under
no circumstances, and at no time, had so great a force
as that just sent to Turkey ever been sent out by this
country with greater celerity or success ; and he assured
the noble earl that no contradictory orders had ever been
issued with respect to it. Any such dislocation of the
existing system as had been recommended would, instead
of increasing the efficiency of one department, destroy
the efficiency of all ; and he quoted Earl Grey's own
evidence before a Parliamentary committee in 1850, to
the effect that a time of war 'would have the effect of
practically uniting all the administrative functions of the
army under one head, The very case which the fore-

The March publication has h.theite consisted of the same sheets
as in the Christmas edition ; but this year every copy of the work
has been divosed of, notwith.tandlng that the edition wits the largest
ever produced: it has therefore been necessary entirely to reprint
the volume.

Advantage has been taken of the sheets,passing tivisugh the press
to introltre emendations HI all-parts Of the book ; lx4ides which the
divisions entitled respectively " Official Directory," " costal Direc-
tory," and " Parliamentary Directory," have been emtirely recom-
piled and corrected to the tid- e of publication.
It wilt be observed that the following reviews do not relate to any
former volume, but are those which have already appeared of the
March Edition
" Another improvement has been adopted in this etillon; the Ex-
ternal Index has been so arranged that the commencement and
conclusion o each division is clearly defined, without the unsightly
notches which," &c.—Morning Chronicle. March, 16, 1K54.
" By this simple device, the Directories are most strikingly sepa-
rated from each other, and the facility of reference the more Mame-
dia- ely secnred."— Morning Herald, March 16, 1154.
" You have only to p ace the book on its hack, and at a glance yon
can pick out eny one of the numerous guides of which it is made up."
—Sun, March IG, 1854.
" Will add to the ease with which the book may he referred to and
augments tO its utility."—Economi,t, March 18, 1854.
" It has been now E) arranged that the commencement and con-
clusion of each division is clearly defined without unsigh.tly notches.'
—Observer, March 19, 1854.
" We can testify from experience to the convenknces of this ar-
rangement, which leaves nothing to be desired."—Atlath March 18,
1854.

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" The best directory that can be compiled.".
March 25, 1854

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in this country a Minister responsible for the military
affairs of this country. (Hear, hear.) We shall yet see
the pecuniary charges for the army, the ordnance, and
the commissariat put into one estimate, so that the fi-
nancial military affairs of the country shall be laid at
one time before the Houses of Parliament. He thought
that the time had arrived when it behoved the Govern-
ment to consider how those changes may be effected
gradually, safely, and in proper time, before they are ef-
fected suddenly and with a rough hand.
Earl GREY having then replied, the motion was
agreed to.

TESTAMENTARY JURISDICTION.
The third reading of the Testamentary Jurisdiction
Bill was moved by the LORD CRANOELLOR.
The Archbishop of CANTERBURY remonstrated
against the injustice which the measure would inflict
upon the proctors,
Lord WYNFORD thought that the bill should not
be allowed to pass without taking the sense of the house.
After soma further discussion, their lordships divided,
and the bill,passed the third reading by a majority of 2,
the numbers being—Contents, 7 ; Non:contents, 5.
The house adjourned at 10 o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS. _

The following bills were read a third time and passed :
Belfast Harbour; Birrnin4ham Waterworks; Cardiff Gas;
and Clitheroe Waterworks.

Tho followlin bills were considered, and ordered to be
read a third tithe ; —A.ccringtou Gas and Waterworks ;
Louth, Waterworks ' • Alanchester Corporation Water-
works : Manchester Improvement ; Idossall Sea Wall ;
4,5,1 e Impi °velment ; and Tyne lielinen.
The Lowestoft Linprovemont (No. 2) Bill was read a
second time and ordered to be committed.

PETITIONS.
A large number of pititions were presented against the
opening of public-houses on Sandayi.
Mr. WALTERS presented a petition from the Dissenters
of Nottingham praying that all restrictions upon the ad-
mission of Dissenters into the universities may be removed.
The hon. member stated that he did not concur in the
prayer of the petition.
Mr. FERGUSON presented a petition from the National
Providential Fire Insurance Company praying for the re-
duction of the duty on fire insurance.
Sir W. IIEAT/ICOTE presented a petition from the
president of St. John's College, Oxford, complaining of
certain clauses in the University Reform Bill.

Mr. T. DUNCOMBE, Mr. DIViTT, and several other hon.
members presented petitions praying for the admission of
Dissenters into the Universities.

Major BERESFOR-13 presented a petition from a place
in Essex against the Parliamenty Oaths Bill.
Mr. RICH presented a petition from the corporation of
Richmond, in the North Riding, complaining of an over-
sight of the Population Commissioners, and praying that
in any future Reform Bill the town might be preserved
from disfranchisement; a proceeding that seemed to be
contemplated by the new Reform Bill.
Mr. BASS presented a petition from Derby in favour of
the Reform Bill

Lord J. RUSSELL presented two petitions to the same
effect, one from the corporation of Cambridge and the other
from Yarmouth.

VENTILATION OF THE ROUSE.

Mr. SPOONER gave notice that on Monday he should
move the consideration of the select committee on the ven-
tilation of the house.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER entirely
agreed with his right hon. friend who had just addressed
thorn, that the legislation which passed through Parlia-
ment with respect to the two universities of Oxford and
Cambridge ought to have a careful regard to the distinc-
tive characteristics of those universities. Although it had
been stated by his noble friend at the head of the Govern-
ment, that neither the policy nor the general principle or
outline of legislation which the two universities required
have a close resemblance in the ono case or the other, yet
ho thought it was true in respect to minute details, that it
would be desirable th.at Parliament should pursue a course
somewhat distinct in reference to each. (Hear, hear.) It
was, therefore, quite necessary for him to follew his
right hon. friend in the discussion of the three points to'
which he had just adverted ; he would simply Bay, how-
ever, that he did not think his right hon. friend had
exactly collected the real purport or provisions 'of this bill,
even as they stood, while with respect to
.one point upon
which he had touched, namely, with regal d to the abre-
viation ,of the term during which a fellowship might be
held in conjunction with re-
;icicle, he would merely re-
mind his right hon. friend that at was a.point simply as

CHURCH RATES.

Mr. PACKS gave notice that after Easter he should
move for leave to bring in a bill to exempt Dissenters from
the payment of church-rates.
NEWSPAPER STAMPS.
On the motion of Mr. FITZGERALD, the following
return was ordered :—Return of the number of stamps at
ld. each issued to each newspaper published in the cities
of London, Dublin, and Edinburgh, respectively, for each
quarter, in the years 1851, 1852, and 1853, and in the first
quarter of tho year 1851, specifying the name of each
newspaper, with the number of stamps issued to each in
each quarter.

/-7 -e") Lo!

•
6/?:-

objections of the right hot: gentlemen; and he directed h
critiaisra entirely to the bireieseiC. , The objection,: of the
lion. iritetlear etnftera : Viitstfty; he.said that the colleges
they ould but 'if he-
lveoldtveiut a-eforre• tlieniselVetr. 'lt Wai to be hoped -that
at the bill provided ner machi-
y for their reform. The hon. 'gentleman Must have
beletegratideA to ace that there was in the bill something
beliortl eyond ehablite; powers, and the answer to his objection
ity,•that if the colleges do not reform themselves,
it is epee to others to do 'under the tprovisites of the
bill. 3.ie then objected that thorn htt:a been lEft a heap
of profane oed idle oaths, but ,those oaths which alone
cooatheld bear that title hart been abolishcelabsolutely, and as
eia, though therptWes ne-peoVision for their abo-
lition, yet it Was unfair to treat' 'them` a's profane and idle.
It was open to the acolleges to abolish' those oaths ; but
feeling and sentiment
there was a great deal ote eenategt
-violenetetwould be done to
connected with this, queettote
those feelings if those oath's:: Were abolished, and the bon.
Member might perhaps think' it 'better to leave it to the
discretion of the parties eoneeriied under the direction of
the coramissiaptrs. The hon. gentleman complained that
the clerical element was, the
,bane and: pest of Oxford.
Would the hon. gentleman have desired the preamble of
the bill to run "Whereas the. clerical element is the bane
and pest of Oxford I" and did he think that there was any
chance of passing; a bill with the spirit of such etxreamble
through that, ilnuso? The clerical elementain OiTirrd should
be left to- take its chance, but was it desirable by the force
cf acts of Parliament to compel, an institution to take a
line to which its, spirit and gemes, didsiot tend ; and it was
not in the power of 'Parliament to throw the clerical influ-
ence but 'of -oiford thoneli it might tend to relax it.
• s b'
There was a cause in. the byeishich it would be easy
,
'for those who chose to holtt fullo*Ships.without adopting
the clerical charahter,tto helddhein in spite of the present
usages of the colleges.. It was not advisable to go further,
andthe doubted whether it was possible largely to separate
the clerical Systeni for the collegiate system; for whatever
the house might do, the, parerits , oft England in the
main' preferred that, education should be conducted
by -those: who were in holy orders., (Hear, hoar, bear.)
It was' not the • effect of the statutes of colleges.
Look at the schools • thyoughout the • country which
throve and prospered, and Which were preferred
by
parent, and it would be found, that they felt That it was
not. merely intellectual culture that they required for their
children; but' moral treinieg, and they believed,that the
clerical character'of the clergy gaVe' no immaterial security
for the principles which they thought a necessary part of
education. - For those reasons, the Government did not
propose to interfere with the clerical element of fellow.
ships. But the- main objection of the hon. member was
that the bill had been . too well received at Oxford. That
was a source of satisfaction, to hint (Mr. Gladstone) which
alarnied the hon. member. The hon. member thought
that it was necessary testimonial to the character of the-
bill that it should create alarm at Oxford. The right
hon. baronet (Sir J. Pakington) had told the Government
to conciliate, and the hon. member said that there was too
much conciliation in the bill, and that it had been too well
received at Oxford. He (Mr. Gladstone) should not like to
make known to the hon. member the correspondence which
had been carried on between himself and Oxford. He had
received letters which he did not believe to represent the
majority of
his constituents and the resident body, but
which, at the same time, .were couched in vigorous and
racy phraseology as applied to the provisions of the bill,
and if the hon, gentleman would communicate with him
in private, with regard to those letters, he thought the ob-
jection that there was no alarm. at Oxford -would be found
not to be tenable. (Bear, awl a laugh.)
Then came the
hon, and learned member for Cambridge, who had opened
a most important question. The honourable member's
objection went to the root of the provisions of the bill
which related to colleges. The honourable member
isid down a very high doctrine,- which was loudly
cheered. The honourable member said the plan was
a question- not of policy . but ,of honesty ; that
the founders had left certain bequests, and that those it
was proposed to take away. He would point out to his
' hon, and learned friend that his doctrine was contradicted
by the existing state of facts. His hon. and learned friend
said we were going to violate bequests and to outrage the
local preferences of the founders. He (Mr. Gladstone) did
not believe that the real object of the localisation of endow-
ments was to limit the spread of learning but in reality to
extend it. To make a certain place noted for learning was
necessary to attract students in- times when transit was
difficult. But were the conditions of the founders observed
at present? were William of Wykehain's conditions, or
Archbishop Chichely's statutes observed ? (Hear, hear.)
The same argument had been used , n the abolition of tests
• in Scotch Univer ities., and it was alleged that the house
should not do what was done every day a ;senates acade-
miens in Edinburgh. It was now alleged that the house
shouid not do what was done -every day in All Souls' Cel-
lege with respect to Archbishop Chichely's statutes. The
fact was, that the violation of such EtAutes had become a
aviator of necessity, and all the house sought to do was to
legalise the act. If changes were to be made on individual
opinion, who was to be the judge of their propriety? The •
founders did not give control over the foundations to the
visitors of the college. Who, then, did the control pro-
perly belong to ? To the legislature, to be sure, which
was the foundation of all authority in this country. This
he would say,- that if there were one thing more than
another which the founders contemplated, it was that resi-
dence should be the basis and condition of these founda-
tions. The hon. and learned member said it was-a clues-
tiod of honesty. He (Mr. Gladstone). hoped not, as if it
were, a great many respectable men would be placed in
an awkward predicament. It was no question of honesty,
it was a question of necessity, and all the home sought to
do was to make the general, necessity. a subject of legal
enactment, and of regular operation. He should not fur-
ther trouble the house, as all the details would be
thoroughly sifted in committee. He felt gratified att the
general acceptation with which. the general scope and in-
tention of the bill had been received. It was an emanci-
patory measure,, emancipating the university' from extra-
neous influences, and emancipating the colleges from un-
wholesome restrictions, which they could not themselves
break through. It was not a bill to cripple the university,
but to found its goVernment on the representative princi-
ple, and thereby to increase its. influence and extend its
utility. It proposed to make the endowments of Oxford
. really,- available forethe tpurpoedirintendeilr''Arfiretierit many of these endowments were literally dormant. Such
swathe ease with the New College, whose case had been
so ably advocated by the hon, and learned mehiber for Ply-
mouth. This was not to be said of all the colleges, but
the object of the bill was to make the good general, which
was now only done in particular colleges. With regard to
the professorial question, he did not think it would be de-
sirable
Professors could not be made in a clay; but when provided, and organised lie believed that the colleges would be will-
ing to endow them properly. The professorial System was
favourable to the cultivation of deep and extensive learn-
ing, and therefore he hoped that this portion of the bill
would 'be left untouched by the house. He should only
further say, that the bill was not so much a measure to
cure evils as to -create and extend benefits already exist-
ing, and he felt assured that, if accepted by the house, it
would conduce to the prosperity, the perznanenco, and the
utility of Oxford.
Mr. 'WALPOLE could not allow the discussion to close
without pointing out that the principle of the bill was
not of the emancipatory nature represented by the right
hon. gentleman, but of unnecessary eompulsion. By the
charters and oaths there were impediments no doubt to be
removed to enable colleges to carry oat education in a
satisfactory manner, but that wee. no reason why other
impediments should be. imposed on the authority of par-
liaanept, which was notacgeainted with the local needs of
the universities, and which acted upon party spirit and
prejudice, and which impediments would render it impos-
sible that these establishments- could be effectiVe fQr the
purposes for which they were establithecl. With regard
to the licensed halls, his right hon. friend said they were
necessary for the extension of the universities, but with-
out them they might' nut have the -same extension as
existed at Cambridge when the students ,were allowed to
reside in lodgint's. Tile system his right hon. friend
sought to introduce would break up collegiate discipline,
which was impossible wheu the students did ilk meet to-
gether in the same lecture-rooter, at study, at worship, and
at meals, but were scattered about away from the colleges.
And in reference to the endoWnents, it ill became that
house to say that the condition on which endowmente
were made should be broken. As far as the next of kin
were concerned he agreed with the bill. He hoped that
the connection between the schools and the endowments
would not be broken, and that the bill in this respect
would be altered. If his right hon. friend proceeded on
.the principle that it. was
.fur .the advantage of the com-
munity that those ' endowments be .diverted from their
-original purposes, he would he landed in this diffi-
culty, that there was no corporate. property at which
he could stop short, lint that, all such property would
be liable to be diverted frera its original purposes if
it could be shown that such diversion would tend to the
public benefit. Parliament had no right to interfere with
rty t vested in corporations, or inclividtrals, except so
far as was necessary to enable those in whom it wile vested
to melee such redisposition of it as was most conducive to
the objects for which it was intended. Let that same
pr .
incieic be applied to time) collog, s. Ho contidared the
tutorial system prefereble to the professorial, which he
contended was opposed to profundity of knowledge. These
advantages weuld never be obtained I,y the mere profes-
sorial system, which would only fill the mind with a mass
of undigested materials. Ho hoped that, system would
never be made to supersede the tutorial system, • which was
the only one that could properly train men for their duties.
The bill ought simply to recite the expediency of enlarging
the powers of 1.11,3 university and colleges; - for extending
andimproving their powers : the commissioners • should
then be appointed, with simply a guiding and controlling
Power, derived front the legislature. 'lt ought -then to es-
tablish a hebdomadal board, somewhat different from the
present, but not like the anoinelous congretration proposed
by the bill, which would have the power a debating with-
out making amendments. It should then declare in simple
terms the preferences that were to continue, and give a
general power to the colleges to alter their statutes, with
tte approbation of the commissioners nod the crown. That
would be simply an enabling bill, and they could not. saAs-
factority reform the universities in any other way. To do
anything more would be simply to enable the colleges to
act- for their own wrong. (Hear, hear.) Of late years
-Oxford had done much, Cambridge had done almost every-
thing, to improve their own system. The colleges had not
bad the opportunity of doing so, not having the power.
Such a measure would be more conducive to the object in
view than any other course that could he proposed., The
bill was capable even now of being altered so as to
make it
a successful measure. If it continued in its present
form when it came out of committee•he should oppose its
further progress. (Hear, hear.)
• Lord J. ItTJSSELL—Sir,
speecof my right hon. friend, that the debate woe be
h ld •
I did not expect, after the
further prolonged. (Hear, heal.) • But as the right hon. -
gentleman has thought it necessary not only to comment
on the provisions of the bill, but to protest against its pro-
visions and character altogether,' I must endeavour in a
few sentences. to vindicate the measure which we have
proposed. Let us recollect ;that was pointed Cut by an
hon, friend whom I was delighted to hear deliver a speech
of so much ability combined with so much temperance.
(Cheers.) My lion. friend stated that, in the year 1837,
the colleges of Oxford declared, 'by the mouth of the dis-
tingui3hed Chancellor whom they had the honour of seeing
at their head, that they were then setting about plans of
reform, and that they expected to make great progress with
these plans. Parliament would, I have no doubt, have
been delighted to hear that the only obstacles which Ox-
ford had in the prosecution of its voluntary pleas of
reform were in certain restrictions, which, without ,the
help of the Legislature, they could not overcome, and
that, therefore, alley had determined to apply to Parlia-
ment for the removal of those restrictions, in order that
they might be able to carry out these reforms. I hre
no doubt that such powers_ would have been real ly
granted, and that by the year 1859 they would probably
have had time to carry into effect all those excellea

EPRWE SD.

one of -the details of the hill which the house would have
to deal %Tali accordiug to its wisdom and judgment.
(Hear, hear.). It appeared to :him that, after these seven
or eight hours' debate; Oxford; and those who, were inte-
rested in Oxforie had. rent reason 'to be satisfied. with the
.
tone and character of 'this discussion ; for, without a
single exception, "he might say the discussion had been
approached' by those who -had taken part: in it 'with a
feeling of. affection, or attachment, or veneration for her
institution's; and with an utter absence of anything like
.party spirit. (Hear, beer.) And if, in former._ timer,
Oxford, had presented Parliament with illustrious
names, such as , Fox, Canning,- and Peel, it was with
no common gratification that he had listened .to-night
to the :first efforts'of two members of this house—the hon.
member for Tevistock and the noble lord the member for
Stamford—whose first effort in the way of debate, rich as
it was in future promise, showed that there was still going
forth from the maternal boiouf of that university men
who, in . the earliest days of their career, afford a good
guarantee of what hereafter they were deitined.to accom-
plish' (Cheers.) Having said thus
_much he !Mist with
perfect truth and sincerity like Wise say that _when he lis-
ten noble lord ened to the noble lorcliitoccurred to hith . that although -1
had learnt muelrhe had' et, he wouldvehe
ture to assure him, something to unlearn—(hear,Y hear)—
for when the noble lord spoke of the levity and precipitancy
with which majorities of the house dealt with the great
interests and great institutions of _the country—when he
told them that they had in -the house at one hour a
nisterbelonging to the highest Tories, and at another hour
a Minister professing the lowest point 'of radicalisM—when•
he said the majorities of the house were swayed to and ire
like a weathercock, or were moved by every passing breeze
—he must venture to assure him that his future studies of
the' constitution, as well as his practical experience of the
conduct of the house of which he hoped the noble lord
would long' remain a member, would, before long, give
him _a better opinion of .the British House of Commons
(Cheers.) The noble lord would find that Parliament, al-
though it might be liable for the moment to be isseueueod
by gusts of party or passion, it yet did- not deserve the
character of representing no more in its deliberate position
than the fancies of the passing hour. (Hear.) The noble
lord had certainly opposed the principle of this bill,
and, he was afimid, to a considerable -extent, the right
hon. gentleman the member for Oxfordshire had
done the same; but nevertheless, he was bound to say, re-
ferring to the general character and tone of the debate.
that the opinions whiCh had been expressed in it were such
as to satisfy him that there was every hope and a reason-
able prospect that, after further discussion and some modi-
fication, the bill would become law during the present see
sion. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman the member for
Oxfordshire had referred to one or two points upon which
he must be allowed briefly to touch in the way of reply.
The right hon. gentleman stated that one of the commis-
aimless whom it was proposed to appoint under the bill had
frequently declared opinions with respect to the founda-
tion of professorships which were at variance with this bill;
but he must be allowed to tell the right hon. gentleman
that he did not believe there was any contrariety between
the opinions of Sir John Aldridge and the provision of
this bill, while he must also assure the right bon. gentle-
man that the framers of the bill did not intend such a.
thing, nor did the bill itself authorise the confiscation of
the property of p, college in order to establish professor.
ships. There was no compulsory provisions in the bill re-
quiring the separation of a college from any part of its
foundations, and the character of the gentleman namedin
the bill as the commissioner to superintend its execution
was a sufficient guarantee that nothing in the shape of
confiscation would be attempted. As to the question whe
ther the bill gave sufficient power to the heads of colleges.
or whether it gave them too much power, that was a mat-
ter which would bo best discussed when they got into com-
mittee. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman referred to
the subject of the admission of Dissenters, with 'respect
to which he lamented that there was a contrariety
of opinion between himself and his noble friend the
member for the city of :London ; but in point of fact there
was no such contrariety whatever. (Hear, hear.) His
noble friend had stated his opinion in favour of the admis-
sion of Dissenters into the university, but at the same time
he had also announced his intention to vote against any
proposition, should it be made, for inserting such a provi-
sion in this bill. In following his noble friend on the oc-
casion when that declaration was made, he stated that he
should give a similar vote, and ho did not enter into any
discussion then upon the point, and for this plain reason,
that it had already been showneuay, it hati been. promised,
that an opportunity would be afforded to both him and the
house for discussing the matter when the bill got into com-
mittee. He had thought it more respectful to his constitu-
ency to defer the expression of his opinion upon the subject
until that opportunity arrived, but when it did arrive the
right hon. gentleman might rest satisfied that he should be
prepared-to state without any reservation whatever, the
.reasons which would induce him to vote against such a pro-
posal. (Hear, hear.) The next material objection to the
bill which he must take leave to refer to had been urged
by the right hon. baronet the member for Droitwich in a
speech which he had the greatest satisfaction iu acknow-
ledging was as conspicuous for its candour and fairness
as its ability. The right honourable baronet had de- ;
Glared that the bill was wanting in conciliation.
Wanting in conciliation. Why, only look at the con-
dition of the house, and then the right hon. baronet
would see that Government had conciliated and concili-
ated until they had conciliated all animation out of
this debate. Three 'fourths of the members who usually
gave them .their attendance were absent,- but however
unSatisfactory it might be to those who, like him, rose to
address MIS Speaker on the "subject, to' -d that the onl '
I response that could meet his sentiments must come from
empty green benches. (A. laugh.) It was nevertheless an
emphatic testimony to the spirit of conciliation which had
animated the Government in framing this bill. (Hear,
hear.) The right hon. baronet, for the sake of opposing
this bill, had fallen back upon a speech which he delivered
some four years ago, in which the right hon; baronet
said ho expressed himself hostile to any Government
interference with the university, but the right hon.
baronet forgot to state that he qualified that opinion by
stating that a state of things might arise which would ab-
solutely demand the intervention of Parliament. What
he did was to advise the authorities of the university, at
the time they made the new statutes relative to examina-
tions, that they must make the necessary reforms them-
selves, or it would be the duty of the Legislature to inter-
pose. Now, the university authorities, with the disabili-
ties imposed on them, had found it totally impossible to
make the changes which necessity demanded, and this bill
was intended to get rid of the difficulty. This purposed
intervention in the affairs of the university was to be made
on a large scale, because it was most desirable that'this in-
terference of the Legislature should be such an interference
as should serve once and for all ; that it should bo an in-
terference effectual for its purpose, and, being_ an inter-
ference effectual for its purpose, it was hardly likely that
any necessity would again arise for a repetition of the
same process. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet told
them next, that there was great fault to be found with
the bill in respect to the proposition it contains;
relating to the extension of the university. Tice
right hon. baronet thought the plan which was about to be
proposed by the university itself was a much better plan
than that contained in this bill ; but it was only right that
he should understand that there was no rivalry between
the university and the Government in this matter, because
both proposed to carry out an extension of the university
through the means of affiliated halls. Now this was not
new question, since it had been discussed for the last eight
years at the university, but it had never yet been put in
such a form or reduced to such a plan as to admit of it,
being carried into practical operation. It was not, how-
ever, for the Government to finally dispose of this question
without further consideration, because it was a matter
with which'• the university itself was dealing, and with
which they had every desire to deal extensively (dear.)
The extension proposed by the bill was not a mere exten-
sion, .but appertaitied to the most important and vital ob-
jects of the university. The time had come when an en-
deavour should be made to give more freedom and expan-
sion to the instruction in Oxford, and to decide whether
it should depend on the collegiate system alone ; and it was
proposed that it should not depend on any body or execu-
tive officer, but on fixed laws of the university, whether it
should be free to any qualified persons to open their resi-
dences to students. The two plans did not stand in oppo-
sition to each other. He wished the university plat: of
extension to succeed, bat he also wished to see that insti-
tution unfold and unbend itself, and apply itself to the
wants of this teeming age, which Oxford at present 'could
not be said to do. It was not intended to set the legisla-
tion of the university, but Parliament was asked to enact
a plan'for time extension of the university, a course wYcli
was not new. By interfering with the system of the uni-
versity they only undid by intervention from without
that which had originally been done from within. • For
three centuries the action of the crown and its ministers
had placed the university.
.under a restrictive system, and
what more legitimate act could be done than to undo
the:hand of the State the fetters which th&liand of too State
had imposed. That was the principle of the plan that was
proposed, the details of which could be better_
give to thatdiscussed in
committee, and he hoped the committee would
principle its sanction. He would not at that late hour dis-
cuss the question of the constitution of_ the hobdom adal
board, and whether it should be elected by congregation or
by a section of the university, those were points which it
would be better to discuss in committee. The general
scope of the plan as it note stood was founded the
tphaerteixespeicn-
untiesnielsir university be con-
ducted under the provisions of the bill, tation that it was tihneesclse
osifre.end
the
Oxford that the bus
with a disposition
that every class should_ meet with a fair claim to respect
from every other. If the university could not be trusted,
the bill was a bad bill, for it proceeded on the principle that
if you started the university fairly it would go on in that
course. But if it was determined that the heads of houses
should always be elected by heads of houses, professors by
prefessors, and convocation by convocation, you would
stewp those classes with an appearance of sectional and j
'rival interests which, though they might be now lumen-
tarilY
es prom e
inent, he hoped would soon be lost in the gene-I
ral dir to-promote the main object of the university.
The right hon. gentleman (Sir J. Pakington) in one point
must have misunderstood the bill, for he argued as if it
proposed that the emoluments of the university should
136 disposed by the sole test of examination. The right
hon. gentleman quoted what had been said by- him -(Mr
Gladstone) in 1850—that examination would be an
unsafe test if it was used 'as the sole test of admission
to the emoluments of the university. He was still of that
opinion. He thought it would not be safe, considering the
social character of the colleges, that examination should
be a test of fitness for admission to emoluments. Eut he
did not aly that it was the sole test of fitness ; and in the
28th clause of the bill it was provided that " superior fit-
ness, in character or attainments," should be a test for ad-
mission to the emoluments. It was not proposed to make
a more liberal enlargement of the qualification. lint, al-
though he thought it not wise to snake examination the
sole test, yet it was a valuable and indispensable criterion.
Ifit was wished to put vigour and permanence into the
.re-
gulations of the colleges, it was necessary to adopt compe-
tition, and to give examination a chief place among the
tests of fitness. Passing on from the speech of the right
hon. gentleman, he came to that of another member who
spoke from a different quarter of the house, and in a dif-
ferent sense—he meant the hon. member for Newark. lie
was bound to say that the hon. gentleman, like the right
hon. gentleman, though lie spoke iu a differenesense, spoke,
with the same feeling for the welfare of Oxford which hail,
distinguished all her children in this discussion. The ob.,
jections of the hon. member ran counter to those of the
right hon. gentleman., and he said he would not notice the