The Sun.
London, England, 1853-05-07 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY 'EVENING, MAY 7, 1853.

'TO SCULPTORS only.—The Committee of the
IL_ Corporation of London for Erecting the Monument in the
Guildhall of the City of London to the Memory of his Grace the late
Duke of Wellington hereby give notice, that they will MEET at the
Guildhall, London, on TUESDAY, the 6th day of September, 1853, at
Two o'clock in the afternoon precisely, to receive MODELS of
DESIGNS in Plaister for erecting the said Monument, w;th propo-
sals sealed up for executing the satne from sculptors only. being Bri-
tish artists, who may be willing to execute the work in Carrara
Marble at a sum not exceeding five thousand pounds ; the said mo-
dels to be one-fourth of the ;ull size of the Intended monument. Six
of the models will be selected. The artist of the approved model
will be entrusted with the execution of the Monument, and the five
unsuccessful artists will be presented with one hundred guineas
each. The models selected to be the property of the Corporation.
The situation for the Monument is the compartment on the East side
of the steps in the Guildhall leading to the Council Chamber.
Guildhall, May 5, 1853. AIEREIVETHER.

THE
GREAT INDUSTRIAL EXHIBITION OF 1853,
DUBLIN.
WILL BE INAUGURA.TED AT TWELVE O'CLOCK

ON
THURSDAY, the 12th of MAY inst.,
By His Excellency toe LORD LIEUTENANT,
who, accompanied by toe COUNTSS OF ST GERMAIN& will proceed in
Fu El
State
from Dublin Castle to the Building.
The KNIGHTS of ST. PATRICK will take part in the Ceremonial.
The H
CABINET MINISTERS, FOREIGN AMBASSADORS,
and
MUNICIPAL AUTHORITIES of the Principal Towns in the United
Kingdom,
have beeA
MUSn invited
ICAL to bPEeRFOR HANCE
present at the Opening,
will take place,
The Orchestra conststiitg of One Thousand Performers.
Mr. JOSEPH ROBINSON, Conductor.
Mr. ROBERT STEWART, Organist.
PEERS and PEERESSES who prOI)OSS attending the inauguration are
requested to intimate their intention to the Committee, in order that
Reserved Seats may be provided.
None but the ho ders of Season Tickets will be admitted.
Oa the Inauguration Day the Doors will be Open at Half-past Tea
o'clock.
From the 13th May to the 21st inclusive, the Doors will open at
Twelve o'clock and close at Six o'cl ck each day during that period,
when the Admission Fee charged at the door will be Five Shillings
for each per..on.
N.B.—Season Tickets may now be had at the Office each day be..
tween the hours of 10 A.M. and 6 P.m.; and on the day previous to the
opening, from 10 o'clock A.M. to 9 o'clock Y.M.

Published this day,
" THE PRESS."—Being a Weekly Paper,
intended to fill an obvious void in Journalism, and to com-
bine, on an entirely new plan, Political,•Literary, and Artistic Re-
sources. To be published every Saturday.—Onice for Advertise-
ments, 110, Strand, London, where alt communications should be
sent, addressed to the EJitor. To be had of Pli News-agents.
Money Orders for Subscriptions to be made payable to Mr. Alfred
Iye.

THE WELLINGTON DINING-ROOMS,
Entrance, 10, PICCADILLY.
This splendid Establishment (formerly Crockford's Club) will
open to the Public on TUESDAY, 10th MAY next, on a scale of
magnificence unprecedented in London, combining extreme modera-
tion in charges with the most unexceptionable Cooking and Bill
of Fare; anl uniting the Independence of a public dining-room with
the comforts and accommodation of a first-rate club.
Scales of Charges.—Dinner from the joint, with vegetables, bread,
cheese, &c., 2s. ; ditto, with soup or fish, 2s. 6d. ; ditto, with soup.
and fish, 3s. ; made dishes, with the joint, as per bill of fare ; made
dishes, without the joint, but with vegetables, bread, cheese, &c., Is
extra. waiter, each p.rson, 3d.
The Wines and Beers will be sold by Imperial measure, and the
decanters all marked, so that the quantity paid for will be actually
supplied to the consumer. The Public will, therefore, appreciate this
novel arrangement, more particularly when they understand that
the Imperial pint contains four-fifths of what is usually sold as a
bottle.
The Dining-Room will bo open from Half-past Two, p.m., until
Nine, p.m.
The magnificent Suite of Saloons, on the first floor, fitted up for
Smoking, Reading, and Chess, will be well supplied with the London,
Provincial, at d Foreign Papers, Magazines, Books of Reference, &c.;
and Tea, Coffee, Ices, Seltzer's Water, &c., will be supplied from
eleven p.m., by Mr. Ward, of Bond-street.
Lessee, HENRY THOMAS MUNDT, 160, Piccadilly.
6th May, 1813.

GEORGE REEVES, 3,4, and 5, POPE'S
HEAD ALLEY, 19, CORNIIILL, LONDON,
(nearly opposite the South Entrance to the Royal Exchange), being
determined to supply the Public with the very best WINES and
sPIRITS, at the lowest remunerating prices, begs to submit the fol-
lowing list for their consideration:—

TESTIMONIA TO M. KOSSUTH.

A public meeting tools; place last evening at the Lon-
don Tavern, Bishopsga‘street, for the purpose of pre-
senting to M. Kossuth the " Working Alan's Penny
Site.htsekspeatarset,
was
copys
supported modelnf t obfe the works
pb oy e ot
m' of
Testimonial" (suggested some months since by Mr.
Douglas Jerrold), consisting of an elaborately bound
bookcase,raintfoard
Dudley Coutts Stuart, 'M.P., occupied the chair, and
whTohhearvoeotamkewnasancrinowteon-Avon.
A v on.
Lord forming
Mr. Cobden, M.P., Sir Joshua Walmsley, Mr. Alder-
dreesdtitno Kossuth,the
suffocation,
Mr.ear eecareer
DouglasoA i.and
Kaosl Jerrold,asurgthe
man Wire, Mr. Niehelay, and many influential persons
in this country.
number of persons were unable to obtain admission.
Long before the proceedings commenced the people in
the body of the room became very clamorous for accom-
modation, and it was at once evident that the space
provided was scarcely sufficient to meet the exigencies
of the occasion. Silence, however, was at length secured,
and there appeared to be every desire to allow the busi-1
r opot ii
noa
anl ; a
ness of the evening to proceed without any undue inter-1
small
neatly table
constructedfacing the
chairm model
waseiof
placed
the
far-famedth e t es t i-
inu
n
cottage at Stratford, composed of wood of various
colours, the most conspicuous being white holly ; and
on a silver tablet, over the centre window, was inscribed
these words :—" Purchased with 9,215 pennies, sub-
scribed by English men and women, as a tribute to
Louis Kossuth, who achieved his noble mastery of the
English language, to be exercised in the noblest cause,
from the page of Shakspeare."
The CHAIRMAN, in °peeling the proceedings, said they
were assembled for the pus pose of carrying out and com-
pleting a design formed a year or two ago by the work-
ing classes of this coantry, at the suggestion of his
friend, well known to them anci.,to the world—Mr.
Douglas Jerrold. (Loud cheers:) Those noble and
true-hearted men, on the arrival of the illustrious Kos-
suth, just delivered from...captivity imposed upon him by
the enemies of the liberties of the world, upon the shores
of this country, determined to offer to that distinguished
patriot the testimony of their regard, their esteem, and
their admiration. Mr. Douglas Jerrold suggested, for
reasons which were known to them, that there could
not be a more appropriate testimonial to be presented
by the working classes to Louis Kossuth, than a copy
of the works of Shakspeare ; and accordingly a subscrip-
tion was entered into by several thousand persons, and
a copy of the works of our immortal poet was procured
and placed in this model of the house of Shakspeare,
with a view to its being presented by Mr. Jerrold, in
the name of the working classes of England, to the illus-
trious Kossuth. (Cheers.) His lordship proceeded to
expatiate upon the great merits of M. Kossuth, as the
defender of the liberties of his country, and stated that
he had lately been made the subject of base inventions
circulated by those who having a giant's strength had
the cruelty and injustice to use it like a giant. M.
Kossuth had nobly won the proud distinction which had
this evening been conferred upon him ; and he was de-
lighted to think that such a reward had been bestowed
upon him by that class of people whose privileges it was
his ardent wish and endeavour to uphold. (The noble
lord concluded his speech amid considerable cheering.)
Mr. DOUGLAS JERROLD then rose to present the
tesimonial to M. Kossuth, and having paid a high
tribute to his genius, he said, Sir, on the part of
thousands I herewith present to you this testimonial,
in tribute of their admiration, their sympathies, their
best wishes. And, sir, hoping, believing, knowing that
the day will come when you shall again sit at your own
fireside in your own liberated Hungary, we further hope
that, sometimes turning the leaves of these word-wealthy
volumes, you will think of Englishmen as of a people
who had for you and for your cause the warmest admi-
ration and the deepest sympathy, and, animated
by these feelings, resented with scorn, almost
unutterable, the dastard attempts to slander and
defame you. The day will come—for it is to doubt' the
solemn purposes and divine end of human nature to
doubt it—the day will come when the darkness that
now benights the greater part of continental Europe
will be rolled away, dispersed by the light of liberty,
like some suffocating fog. The day will come when in
France men shall re-inherit the right of speech ; the
day will come when in Austria men shall take some
other lesson from their rulers than the stick ; and the
day will come when in Italy the temporal power of the
Pope, that red plague upon the brightest spot of God's
earth, will have passed away like a spent pestilence.
That day must and will come. Meanwhile, sir, we wish
you all compatible happiness, all tranquillity, all peace-
ful enjoyment of the sacred rights of private life in
England—in this England that still denounces the
political dictation of a foreign tyrant, as heretofore she
has denounced and defied his armed aggressions ; for to
submit to the one is to invite the other. (Enthusiastic
cheering.)
M. KOSSUTH, who, on rising to speak, was greeted
with deafening cheers, whieh lasted for several minutes,
then said—Having, upon serious consideration of time
and circumstances, alreatty before my return from
America, decided not to r speak any more publicly in
England, I lost so much t e ease of style and the habit
of oratory, that I can sc ly forbear to feel embar-
rassed -Atef,,.. uft i urine withen,
rigrxiValfte _ . anguagp in—w-ch a
Shakspere wrote, and Do .Teirold has just charmed
your ear. (Cheers.) I tear the melody of its tones will
break at the fibres of my unwieldy tongue, like the
chords of a harp under the metallic fingers of an iron
hand. Still the honour conferred on me on this occa-
sion, the gift which I receive, the men by whom, the
time when, and the manner in which it is offered to me,
requires from me such a respectful acknowledgment and
such gratitude, that you were indeed entitled to
charge me with puerile affectation should I neglect
to manifest my deep emotion at receiving this deli-
cate testimonial of kindness, consolation, and re-
gard, and to say a few words of warm and sincere
thanks. (Cheers.) My lord, I have here received this
evening a precious addition to the numerous tokens of
friendship and sympathy to my country, with which
people of different climates—different in origin, in lan-
guage, religious worship, habits, and political organisa-
tion—have honoured me—tokens worthy to adorn the
National Hall of new-born Hungary, when once the
trials of national misfortune shall pass. And may I sink
or swim, may I live or die, I trust to God they will be
placed there, to stand as memorials of the brotherly tie
which unites the different members of mankind to one i
common family, which has one common Father there
above. To those memorials the old Magyar will lead
the children of his children, to inspire them with the
same just feeling of brotherly affection to their fellow-
men, and tell them how we have merited those tokens
of world-wide sympathy, by having fought bravely and
suffered ungrudgingly for freedom and fatherland, and
admonish them to remain worthy of that sympathy, by
using wisely, and by maintaining resolutely, that free-
dom which we will have conquered for them. That, sir,
permit me to say, will be a more adequate use of this
your valuable gift than it would be were I, with selfish
egotism of innocent joy only to keep it to delight me and
my children with at my own humble fireside. This,
your noble gift, gentlemen, accompanied with such noble
words as were spoke, I trust you will not refuse me the
permission to devote to a loftier use. There is a deeper
meaning in this your precious 'gift. It is my nation's,
not mine own alone ; and for such I will honour and
will cherish it. One of the merits of this gift is that
these works of Shakespeare here are the gifts of 9,000
English working men. Why, my lord, that looks like
something of public opinion, I dare say. Penny by
penny, ennobled by the noblest title
of
property, hard
honest work, is a revelation of' the people of England's
feelings. My lord, penny by penny it is a vote showing that
the people of England, in its sympathies for the oppressed,
does not so much care about the frowning of foreign
despots, whom some like to flatter, and some would fain
please. To be sure these 9,000 working men, who thus
honour me, are not yet the people of England. My lord,
that I know, but they are from the people. My lord,
bone from its bone, and blood from its blood, who but
think and feel as the people does, and cannot otherwise
think and feel but just as the people does ; the people
which, in its uncorrupted spontaneous manifestations,
was, is, and will always be the purest revelation of man-
kind's divine origin ; the people which, with its plain
natural aspirations, often points out a better direction of
policy, and is a more reliable guide to the most learned
politicians, than all the contorted language of sophistry ;
like as Shakspeare has drawn from the limpid source of
nature, more truth, more beauty, and a more instructing
philosophy than all the scholastic controversy of his age
could have taught him. (Cheers.) Indeed, my lord,
weighing thus the value of those 9,000 votes of
theresympathy,
is something of public opinion in the act, and that
at a moment, too, when some would fain believe, and
act upon that belief, that there is no such public opinion
any more in England at all. No public opinion ! Why
the very fear which the continental despots but too
clearly manifest keeping the hangman and their
martial courts, and their host of spies incessantly in
move—that very fear but too clearly shows that there is
such public opinion condemning them all over the world.
They know it too well, sthat, though I supported by
millions of bayonets, übli cmany:of them think that no power
on earth can last long which the p pinion of the
world condemns ; they knOw it too well,
e 1, that no cause
has to despair of its ultimate trium h
p which theit public
opinion of the world supports• here say , and
be so long as we have the
history will prove it to
hour oppressed nations will,
sympathy of public opinions
never despair ; and they want but not to despair, and Yes,
despairing, but to stand prepared to profit of the coming
opportunities ; and so sure
as there is an all-watching
there above, the opportunity will not fail to come.
sooner or later they will become free. They have, by not
eye
t the
well could you bring to res e quaking earth
worlds, as
den pole, stop the foaming flood
with fastening it to a woo of paper,
k the hurricane with a sheet
with a sieve, or break As well could a child reverse the wheel of the rolling
as arrest the rolling course of time. The opportunity
and the oppressed nations, supported in their
unfired resolutions
by the public opinion of the world,
d shall become free. Amen. (Cheers.) is,
will come,
will an It
to the hangman and to terrorism,
while they
by day
imaginable trick and plot to
resort abroad to every .
of the world.
Shall opinion
therefore, that the trembling despots resort at home day
arrest, or to pervert, the p
Shall I tell you a sad tale of the former kind ? You

remember the attempt of Libayi to assassinate Francis
Joseph, whom men may call Emperor of Austria, but
who certainly is not King of Hungary. I certainly am
not the man either to excuse assassins or to justify assas.
sinations, though you all are taught in your universities
to honour Brutus with the name of a hero and patriot.
I only wonder why all who justly condemned Lib4nyi
for his criminal attempt have not all of them equal words
of condemnation for other assassinations. But that I
will leave to their own conscience. However, Libenyi

having stricken his blow, General Kempfen sent word to
his martial-court, that from the vast number of Hunga-
rian political prisoners four be dispatched immedi-
ately to Pesth, to be executed there. The court-martial
—mark the words, gentlemen—even an Austrian court-
martial answered that, unfortunately they cannot fur-
nish his excellency with the wanted victims, as it just so
happens that there is no prisoner condemned, or who
could be condemned to death, all fit persons having been
dispatched in due course. Well, Kempfen answered,
"If you have none, I will designate four who, guilty or
not guilty, shall die. So he did. The court-martial
remonstrated that the designated individuals had already
had their trial, and nothing of a capital kind having
been proved against them, they had been sentenced upon
suspicion—the individual suspected, but not identified,
to be to ten years' prison ; Juhbal, formerly
tutor to the children of my sister, to four years' ; and
the two other equally to imprisonment. Kempfen an-
swered, "Tried, or not tried, that does not matter ;
they shall die." And a new special court having been
patched up in haste, they have been doomed and exe-
cuted. (Groans.) Was that assassination committed
to frighten political assassins ? No ; political assassins
once determined to violate morality do not fear death.
From Mexos of old to Charlotte Corday, and from
her to Libenyi—all of them have proved it, that they
don't fear death. Why, therefore, renew that foul judi-
ciary assassination to which Louis Batthyani, of immor-
tal memory, fell a victim in an equal manner ? Why ?
to terrify public opinion at home, and to pervert public
opinion abroad, so much are they afraid of it. But, in
their blind anxiety, sometimes, happily, they choose, to
this effect, very curious steps. I lived a retired life for
many months. The sympathy of public opinion was
still with me for my country's sake. I was sure of it ;
the straight, upright, honest heart of the people of Eng-
land does not change in its moral affections like a
weathercock ; but men have, of course, other things to
do than to speak always of poor down-trodden Hun-
gary, when there is no occasion for it ; and my name
was scarcely named for months. And they thought,
now is the time—there is no public opinion more to sup-
port him—let us strike some blow at him. Well, they
wanted public opinion manifested again. There they
have it—and can have more of it—(cheers)--if they
please, without any co-operation of mine. Old Eng-
land's sense of justice will do what is right. But what
is the clue of this public opinion ? What is the essential
meaning of the honour conferred on me to-day ? But,
my lord, what is the due to the honours I met and to
the public opinion I elicited in this country ? It is that
I touched a cord to which there is a thrilling echo in the
breast of every honest man. It is because my theme
was liberty, the very word of which is enough to elec-
trify map's heart, and to bring tears of joy or tears of
compassion to his eyes. It was because I spoke of my
country's virtues and of its unmerited Misfortune, and
held up its bleeding image to the world—a theme which
cannot fail to move man's heart, to make his blood boil
up with execration against tyrants, and with hatred
against injustice and despotism—a theme sad enough
to make the very stones in the street cry out for com-
passion and for sympathy. That love of liberty, that
sympathy for my country and for all who suffer oppres-
sion is the next meaning of this manifestation of public
opinion, of which the noble-minded 9,000 working
men, and all who honoured me in honouring with their
presence this assembly, have become the generous inter-
preters. It is, therefore, I said, your gift has a deeper
meaning ; it is my nation's own, and for such I will
honour and will cherish it. Myself, lam but the gar-
dener; the fruit which I gather is my nation's own ; and
that which I rejoice to have gathered to-day is the cheer-
ing encouragement which the people of Hungary will
draw from the once more manifested sympathy of the
public opinion of Englishmen. The best thanks, in my
opinion, is the pledge which I give you in the name of
my beloved people, that abiding our time, we will en-
dure sufferings, persecution, oppression, but we will not
despair ; no adversities shall bend our resolution to have
our country restored to its national rights, and to see it
once more independent and free. Tyrants may rage in
blind fury, and decimate the patriots of Hungary, still
the day of redress and of retribution shall come. Yes,
my lord, the hangman's rope may stifle the curse on the
oppressor's head, which is mixed with the dying victim's
last prayer—but no power on earth can prevent that
curse falling down on the oppressor's head, because there
is a God in heaven, and there will be justice on earth.
The blood from the patriot's heart, spilt at the tyrant's
command, may deluge the soil of our fatherland, and
dogs may lick up what there was mortal in that blood,
but no power on earth can prevent its immortal atoms
mounting to Almighty God—like as the blood of Abel
did mount. The body of the martyrs may rot in the
cold grave, meat for the worms, but their immortal
spirits will gather round the throne of the Eternal, pray-
ing for justice to their down-trodden native land • and
there they stand, and their name is Legion.
_ I see them
-with the ("yea- ormy soul. - Tater, may b.-BUM
with new victims day by day, till thieves and felons
have to be amnestied to get a place. for persecuted
patriots; but there is no power on earth to make a
man love his tyrant and hate his native land—no power
on earth to make Hungary and Italy not to detest and
to abhor the bloody perjurious House of Austria. With
these facts, that truth, and all the necessary, the un-
avoidable, and, I dare say, fantalistical consequences re-
sulting therefrom before our eyes, what contemptible
mountebankery it is to see the despots and their help-
mates assuming the air that were it not for some so-
called political conspirators Italy would love Austrian
tyranny, and Hungary would get reconciled to its un-
utterable sufferings and wrongs. (Cheers.) Conspi-
rators ! But in the name of all that is sacred to man,
those oppressors there, they are the conspirators against
God, against humanity, against the peace of the world.
It is they who make Europe boil like a volcano, and
the continent quake to the very foundation of society.
Conspirators ! Would you call a conspirator the worm
which is writhing beneath the foot which tramples it to
death ; the insect a conspirator, which stings towards
the heel which crushes him ; or the spring a conspirator
that it dares to melt the winter's ice, and push nature
to new blooming life? But liberty is life to man every-
where ; it is doubly so to a Magyar's heart. We
Magyars love liberty. We are familiar with it—we have
tasted it —we have purchased it with our best heart
blood, and having been bereft of it by the grossest vio-
lation of diAlne, human, and national law, we shall
strive for it so long as we live by every honourable
means. The very dead of us, like Ziska of Bohemia
once, will aid the living to strive for liberty. If that they
call conspiracy let them do so. That conspiracy they shall
never arrest. I for one declare, in the face of high hea-
ven, that enjoying your country's protection, I certainly
desire to respect scrupulously yonr country's laws, but
so long as there is life in me I will love freedom. I
will remain faithful to my fatherland, and, never de-
spairing of its future, will continue to watch with in-
tense solicitude the electric spark of opportunity from
the hands of bountiful Providence, to catch from it the
sacred flame of emancipation from lawless oppression
which my country is suffering. I should be the meanest
wretch could I act otherwise. When the Congress of my
nation, both lords and representatives of the people,
elected me unanimously governor of the realm of Hungary,
and all the millions of my people, county by county,
city by city, and town by town, confirmed that elec-
tion, I was called upon to swear that I would devote
all my life to the rights, freedom, and independence of
my country. I swore that oath before God and the
people, and thus the aspirations of the patriot's heart be-
came to me the sworn duties of a man elected to the high-
est place in the commonwealth for that very aim. (Cheers.)
I claim neither the dignity nor the title of that. place, but
I claim the title of an honest men, faithful to his sworn
oath. The fact of a foreign despot having invaded my
country does not efface that oath, nor can it dispense me
from the duties of a patriot, it i-ther increases those
duties by having increased the oppression of my father-
land. Finally, as to those recent occurrences to which
your honourable orators have alluded, I think the most
proper course for me will be not to enter upon that sub-
ject on the present occasion. I believe it was due on
my part to bring some facts to the knowledge of public
opinion, but it is equally due from me to leave it
I Englishmen to judge, to define, and to guard English
liberties. And so much even I, in my humble condition,
may be permitted to say, that even what last evening
occurred in the House of Commons, the report of which
will carry a thrilling joy to the heart of millions, is a new
glorious evidence that the liberties of England, that cheer-
ing hope and consolation to the oppressed are sure, be-
cause guarded by such Englishmen. (Cheers.) It is
your part to fix the conditions upon which England is
to remain an asylum to political refugees; ours is to wish
to know those conditions, and shape our course accord-
ingly, thankfully accepting or thankfully declining to
accept the asylum which the institutions of England
proffer to political refugees. I say the institutions of
England, because it is not from any special favour on
account of my name being Kossuth, or on account of
our having the honour to be Hungarians, that this asylum
is granted to us. Francis Joseph of Austria, once driven
away from Vienna, or the Pope himself—(cheers and
laughter)—may claim that asylum, may be they will,
and get perhaps something more besides, which we poor
victims of liberty never would imagine to aspire to
at all. All we would venture to desire is, that the
world-renowned reputation of English institutions
and English liberties should answer their glorious
renown also in our special case ; and that while wel
sincerely desire to respect your laws, and I for one will
never violate them knowingly, on the other Band we
should not be desired to abjure the sacred aspirations of
our hearts and to abdicate the duties of our patriotism.
But against this we feel sure under the protection of your
Parliament and the watching eye of public opinion of
England. We are sure, sir—excuse me for quoting
your words—we are sure never to have occasion to say
in England, that people that live in other people's houses
must not expect to be treated as one of the family that
will never be our case here, and thus we rely upon it
that public opinion will not only protect us, but will
also, with the mighty power of its sympathy, continue

[PRICE SD.

to encourage us not to despair of the future of our op-
pressed nation ; and thus I hope we will see yet that
" time works wonders," even to oppressed nations, and
not only to pretenders ; because, to use a phrase of Mr.
Daniel Webster, the public opinion of the civilised
world is such an impassable, unextinguishable, enemy
of mere violence, oppression, and arbitrary rule, that
like Milton's angels, public opinion, vital in every part,
cannot, but by annihilation, die. With this I will end
—assuring you once more of my sincere thanks and
heartfelt gratitude. (Loud and protracted cheering.)
Mr. Alderman WIRE and Sir JOSHUA WALMSLEY hav-
ing addressed the meeting,
Mr. COBDEN said his honourable friend who had just
preceded him had told them why he thought it his duty
to be present at this meeting, and he (Mr. Cobden)
would inform them what had brought him from the place
where his duty properly called him, to join in the demon-
stration of the evening. It was not from any feeling of
hospitality to his illustrious friend, for that they had
freely offered him two years since, and so far as outward
demonstration could make it that hospitality had been
most complete. He thought they had done at that time
all that was required towards their illustrious guest as a
Hungarian and a visitor, but when Louis Kossuth, after
his visit to the United States, returned to England he
looked upon him not as a guest but as a neighbour, and as
such entitled to all the rights, privileges, and franchise
of Englishmen. (Cheers.) They had, however, lately
heard—he had heard it with humiliation and shame,
which he could scarcely express—that that distinguished
man, instead of finding a quiet home in this country, had
been placed under the espionage of the police. (Groans.)
Was that England—was that the country in which states-
men and orators were apt to thank Heaven that they
were not as the Austrians, the French, or other men.
(Cheers and laughter.) He came their because he wasopposed to foreign intervention in these domestic affaii:s,
and he was equally opposed to intervention in the affairs
of foreign countries. He believed that Lord John Rus-
-said in the House of ComnfOris thy. Austria had not
made.any request for a surveillance to be exercised over
the refugees. Why, Austria knew, or ought to know,
that Englishmen would not consent to become the spies
or gaolers of the Hungarian refugees. (Cheers.) What
then, if Austria thought that any such demand would be
resented with scorn, was the English Government or
police to be allowed to dog the steps of a resident in
the land, and to play the contemptible part that even
Austria would not give them credit for ? Now, he said
it unhesitatingly, this espionage must be nipped in the
bud. (Cheers.) This attempt to transplant into Eng-
land the worst principles of continental Government
must be destroyed by the exertions of the people. He
was glad to see the people of London up to defend the
rights of the residents of England. He had seen greater
determination in the north of England in defending and
working for measures beneficial to their commercial in-
terests, but for any question in which the liberties of
the people were concerned, give him the citizens of Lon-
don. (Cheers.) So long as they could assemble in
meetings like this—so long as they had Parliament sit-
ting, and they could put a Home Minister into the cru-
cible—(cheers)—so long as they could do that, and distil
from him, drop by drop, reluctant admissions, or, what
was equally valuable, reluctant evasions, they would not
have things like these repeated in a hurry. They had
not got to the bottom of the matter yet, but they were
determined to have it all out, for the benefit of future
Home Secretaries. (Cheers.) And yet, after all, no-
thing had been said or proved against their distinguished
friend which could warrant his being put under this sur-
veillance or espionage ; for, thank God l the practice
was so unfamiliar to Englishmen that they had no word
to describe it. (Cheers and laughter.) He wished to
know who went to this needless expense, and what good
was expected to come out of it ? Suppose, as they had
read in some German papers, that the police of the Con-
tinent were in communication with those of London,
what good could they do by employing spies in this
country to watch M. Kossuth or other refugees? They
could not enter M. Kossuth's house, or, if they did, he
imagined they would be soon bundled out again—(cheers)
—they could not go and rifle his property—they could
not demand his passport. (Cheers.) If the police had
got their eyes upon a pickpocket or a burglar, of course
they ought to watch him, but they did not require a
Home Secretary to tell them to do that, nor had they
heard that their illustrious guest was suspected of being
either a pickpocket or a burglar. (Cheers.) They were
bound to defend the rights which their ancestors had
handed down to them, though they had been deprived
of some of those rights which had been promised them
on the abolition of the feudal system ; and foreign nations
possessed rights which they had not. Amongst the
rights, however, which England did possess, and which
they always had been justly proud of, was that of per-
sonal and domestic liberty, and they would be miserable
and craven individuals indeed if they did not determine
to maintain them. (Cheers.) Since he had come into
that room he had heard denunciations of newspapers,
but he had heard similar denunciations on former occa-
sions. He had known aldermen and other authorities
denounce newspapers, and be replied to by responsive
groans ; but that was not the right way to treat papers
with which they might take offenoe. Was there no other
way, of opposing newspapers than by groans ? Did
groans do any in pixy to the papers./. He thought some-
thing-better inlght, be done to --eiTbet ar reforni in now--
papers. He for five or six years had been trying to re-
lease them from all taxation—to establish free trade in
newspapers. (Cheep.) When their illustrious friend
was in America, he in one of his speeches drew a com-
parison between the newspapers of that country and of
England, which he should like to see reprinted for the
edification of Englishmen. The people of this country
had no daily paper—he meant the mass of the people ;
but the daily press made public opinion. If they got
rid of the taxes on newspapers, they would take their
tone from the people, who would be as truly represented
as they were on that platform. (Cheers.) Whenever
there was an excise duty, it threw the trade into a few
moneyed hands, and created a monopoly ; it was so
with the distillers—it was so with the newspapers.
and with every trade whese those duties stood in the
way of its development. He did not wish to interfere
with the newspapers. He had been accused of every
crime in the decalogue—not even, he believed, stopping
short of murder itself—(laughter)—and he had never
taken proceedings against any newspaper, and never
would— (cheers) ; and he was sure his illustrious friend
would be the last man to resort to law against the press,
for asserting the freedom of which be had suffered in his
own country. But was there only one paper ? No-
body attacked the Daily News, or the Morning Chroni-
cle, or the Morning Herald, and therefore why should
they exclaim that the whole press was bad. He hoped
never again to hear a groan for a newspaper, but that
all who objected to the principles on which the press was
now founded, would join him in assisting to establish a
free and untaxed press throughout the country. (Cheers.)
He went on to observe that within the last few years the
Magyars had raised themselves to a higher position than
the people of any other country, and he wondered not
at it when they could produce such eloquent, such
talented, and such patriotic leaders as their distinguished
friend. After alluding to the various incidents in the
career of M. Kossuth, which have already been made
known to the public, Mr. Cobden went on to observe
that democracy had failed in France and Germany in
consequence of its becoming united with social dogmas
destructive to all rights of property, and which had led
to the people adopting, or acquiescing in, forms of go-
vernment of which he did not approve, but of which
neither he nor the people of England had any right to
complain if they were acceptable to the inhabitants of
those countries. Hungary, however, possessed a con-
stitution which was invaded by the Austrians, and M.
Kossuth was as much justified in opposing that invasion
as was John Hampden in opposing the attempt to fasten
taxes on the people of this country without the consent
of Parliament, and in the defence of which principle he
lost his life. There could be no greater proof that their
illustrious friend was right, than the fact that the whole
of the aristocracy and people were with him, and that
he drove the Austrians from his country, and was only
finally conquered by the hordes of the Czar of Russia.
Mr. Cobden concluded by calling attention to the fact
that Madame Kossuth and her two sons and daughter
were present on the occasion, and the country would
take care of the family so long as they continued amongst
them. (Loud cheers.)
A vote of thanks was then passed to the chairman,
and the meeting separated, with three times three
' cheers for Kossuth.
to

MURDER WILL OurT.—A curious circumstance has
recently occurred, arising out of a visit to the " Wise
Woman of Wing." A retired watchmaker of Stamford,
whose wife has for a long time suffered from severe afflic-
tion, took his spouse to the house of the soi-disant doctress,
and, after a consultation, was about to leave, when he
observed in thepossession of the "wise woman's husband
a watch which commanded his instant attention. De-
manding and obtaining a closer scrutiny of it, the ex-
tradesman inquired how its present owner acquired it,
at the same time informing him that he lost it from
his shop eight years previously, The man said he pur-
chased it of a person in the neighbourhood, and offered to
take the tradesman to the individual. The proposal was
proposal was acceded to, and when the latter was found
and questioned upon the matter, he declared that
he had bought it some years before, and that lie
had come honestly by it. The ex-tradesman, however,
who is blest with a retentive memory on all
know
narrowly
where he believes himself wronged, after ,
scanning the features of the man, exclaimed, ‘
you know ; I can swear to your countenance as
dently as I can to the watch ; you are the person who-
brought to me a forged note eight years IL
)tg,loer,a.oadad.Paolsabyo-
tained the watch as for
----'s butler
me the value of the article (8/. or 10
my expenses, or you will be visited
i
n swore
in
an unpleasant
manner." The man protested. his innocence,
that he bought the watch, and that the
ex-tradesman
might take what course he pleased. The latter havin
go further would be doneg,
intimated that somethin
soon afterwards he was visited
took his departure ; but so
at Stamford by the wife
of themataccrusedperson,
rwe
fhuos
fer e d 51. to compromise the
of-
and a fortnight's grace allowed for further consideration.
I After the lapse of a
fweek, however, the woman re-ap-
peared and paid the
n
the liberty of her husbau amount claimed, thus saving
d, if not his character,