The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-20 00:00:00

of some few conspicuous members of the Cabinet
with lasting disgrace and universal detestation.
Reviewing all the Ministerial acts and all the
words which have fallen from the lips of the Earl
of ABERDEEN, in reference to the war, in regard
to Russia, and in particular allusion to the Nor-
thern AUTOCRAT, we can only wonder that
some resolute and honest member of the House
of Commons has not long since risen in his
place and boldly demanded the impeachment of
the First Minister of the Crown in the
presence of Parliament. The observations made
by the Prime Minister as recently as last
night, towards the close of the 'important debate
provoked by the observations of Lord LYNDHURST,
were only of a piece with everything else the Noble
Earl has already uttered upon the subject of that
disastrous conflict of which we still, and very
many besides ourselves, continue to regard him as
not less the originator than the Emperor NICHO-
LAS. It was veritably the old song realised--
" Cauld kail frae ABERDEEN !" Happily, however,
the timidity and peevishness by which the re-
marks of the Premier were as usual characterised,
yesterday. had been preceded by the chivalrous
and statesmanlike explanation of the policy of the
Cabinet made by the Earl of CLARENDON as
Foreign Secretary. Explanations so entirely
satisfactory as to have at once commanded the
approval, or rather we might even say the pane-
gyric, of Lord DERBY, as Leader of her MAJESTY'S
Opposition.

Repudiating at once and completely the notion
of England and France consenting to conclude
with Austria and Prussia a peace between-them-
selves and the AUTOCRAT such as the one to which
Lord LYNDIII7RST had referred, a/peace based upon
the status quo ante bellum proviso, a peace leaving

untouchedthe present frontiers of Russia and Tur-
key respectively, Lord CLARENDON boldly avowed—
" Such a peace would be nothing but a short and
hollow truce, to which England and France could
be no' parties—a peace which would afford no
guarantees for the future, -which would be indeed
a triumph to Russia, and would leave Austria
hereafter more than ever exposed to the pernicious
influence and iggressive policy ofßussia. (Cheers)."
And almost immediately afterwards the Noble Earl
continued—" I cannot say, nor do I think any
of your Lordships would undertake to say, on
what terms peace can be made, because those terms
must depend on the chances and contingencies of
the war; and, indeed, if I did know on what

terms we should be prepared to make peace, I am
sure your Lordships would agree witheut mthedtihvautig ite
would be imprudent at this moment
them. (Hear, hear.)
We may have. our own
opinions as to what may be desirable
may b
lemthae tre-
spect, but none of us can tell w
pos-
sible. This we know, however, that the policy
and the power of itussfiaEaurreopdea_(ngehareours,
hateoo_the
peace and well-beincr o
and that. they': .dangerous to the cause of pro-
gress angl'Ot Civilisation. (Cheers.) We must all
of us know that the object and the interests of
Europe must be to curtail that power and to check
that policy; and that if this opportunity be ne-
glected of doing that, it would be vain to hope
that such a one would ever occur again.
(Cheers.) My Lords, all Europe is not
to be disturbed—great interests are not to be
dislocated--great commercial and social risks are
not to be run, and the greatest powers of Europe
are not to be united in arms for an insignificant _
result. (Renewed cheers.) We must all be agreed
that repression will only postpone the danger, and
that safety can alone be sought in curtailing a
power which menaces the peace of Europe and the
cause of progress and civilisation. (Cheers.)"
Language worthy of an English Statesman.
Language which it was no wonder was greet-
ed from all sides of the House last evening
with acclamations. Let the Cabinet be true to
the policy sketched out by the manly declarations
made in the Guildhall, on Wednesday afternoon,
by the President cf the Council, and in the
HOUS 3 of Lords last evening by the Foreign
Secretary, and a Peace arranged upon the con-
cession of a " material guarantee" by Russia,
will effectually avenge the past disturbance of the
peace of Christendom, while securing the future
progress of Civilisation.

There can be no question of the Duke of NEW-
CASTLE'S competency to manage Canada and the
Colonies, and doubtless the regret is pretty gene-
ral everywhere, except perhaps among the leading
Peelites, courtiers, Whigs, and Russianisei-s at
home and abroad, that he did not insist on Eng-
land's favourite Foreign Minister taking the con-
duct of the war, while he himself kept to the post
which he has hitherto filled satisfactorily to all
parties. His bill respecting the Legislative
Council of Canada, read a second time on Thurs-
day night, does him the greatest credit. Utterly
unlike most of the Coalition measures in its sim-
plicity and boldness, it seems likely to be rewarded
with a totally different fate, and to be neither
" withdrawn because we are absorbed in war" nor
defeated. Noble Lords rose to comment, but
disavowed obstructive intentions, and this most
important bill was read a second time without a
division, and that in the House of Lords !
The facts of the case are simple, as well as the
bill. The Legislative Council of Canada a nomi-
native one, notoriously fails to obtain the respect
and confidence of any important class in the
colony. Individuals in it are persons of respecta-
bility, but it has no influence, unless, indeed, an
irritating one, on public opinion. A chlnge is con-
fessedly needed. Well, a draft bill is forwarded
to the Duke from Canada itself. He could either
have adopted this, or obtained a complete bill
from Canada, and obtained- its confirmation from
the British Parliament. Either of these courses
would have been deemed liberal both here and on
the other side the Atlantic. The Duke himself,
however, prefers a third and much more states-
manlike, as well as bolder course ; he proposes
simply to repeal the disenabling- clauses of the Act
of Union, and thus to leave the Canadians free to
construct their second chamber on such a plan as
they themselves think best. Of course the con-
sent of the Crown will be required, a consent as
little likely, as in this comAry, to be withheld.
A useless, and occasionally mischievous impe
li-
ment to the prompt co-operation of the Home
with the Canadian Government—the requirement
of forty days' notice to Parliament previously to
confirmation—is also to be removed, no one in-
terposing a word on its behalf.

Are congratulate this great colony, this real
New England, on the spirit now prevalent in
regard to it here, even in the most aristocratic
quarters ; and we must say that we sympathise
entirely with the Duke of NEWCASTLE'S aversion
to the thought of separation, and regret Lord
ELLENBOROUGH'S injudicious taints or irony, for
we really hardly know how to take his remarks,
on cutting the connection entirely, as the proper
sequel to the measure of independence already
cheerfully conceded. As yet both Canada and Eng-
land are of quite another mind. England is proud
of and loves her noble daughter, and her daughter
is proud of and loves her ; there is not the
slightest symptom of variance between them,
hardly so much as between Lancashire and
Middlesex, and not so much as between Louisiana
and Pennsylvania. All the misunderstandings
of childhood have passed away, with confessions,
too of harshness on the part of the parent, and
the awakening of intellignt attachment on the
part of the child, and long may present sentiments
Itioaats'epaWra at ,least, will not anticipate the wish
oe
ef
swru i 1
chl
uo no
sten c
es othersh
ulshould hand,
compel
fully
believe
will
lt
be
ef
a kind thatthbrootuhgshidniesuilialli
it they
' bow to events only, and not part
.e
same course been pursued with the
AalimeHenraaidtciaotnnhColonies as is now taken with Canada,
had they been left to manage their own internal
concerns, and to settle their forms of constitutional
Government for themselves, and had they been
frgeoevsetrnploarys
toof
cnoonsptiatrutyti,onaan ous
i
opnrelysidtoedg
that the British Em-
pire rt
hbey
wecan
imaginewesllday have comprised the whole
ontinent, and yet that
prin-
of the North American C
pciiPreles' might at this
all its inhabitants might have
British name, and havd, resentedbeen proud of the
the idea of re-
nouncing it as an indignity. PROVIDENCE, no
doubt in wisdom, perraitte4 the quarrel and Or.

_ .