The Sun.
London, England, 1853-08-26 00:00:00

Two miles.

Mr. Sheppardson's br m Pastrycook, 3 yrs, 7st 81b
(Measham) 1
Mr. Choyce's by h by Drayton, out of Spring's Dam,
4 yrs, 9st llb (Ashman) 2
Mr. Clarke's b h Missive, 4 yrs, Bst 9lb (Sharp) 3
Betting-6 to 1 agst Pastrycook, 6to 4 agst Missive,
3to 1 agst Drayton. Pastrycook made the running,
followed by Missive, Drayton lying behind. They kept
in this order round the course, when Missive came in
front at the turn for a short distanee ; but Pastrycook
regained the lead and kept it, winning by a length and
a half, Drayton beating Missive by two lengths.
The CHATSWORTH STAKES of 50 sovs., given by his
Grace the Duke of Devonshire, added to a handicap
of 10 sovs. each ; mile and a half. 33 subs, 17 having
declared forfeit, pay 3 sovs. each.
Lord Chesterfield's b m Gladiole, 6 yrs, Bst 31b
(Ashmall) 1
Mr. W. T. Copeland's oh m Candlewick, 5 yrs, 7st
111 b (W. Sharp) 2
Mr. Leache's blk h Master Slender, 4 yrs, 7st 51b
(Charlton) 0
Mr. T. Flintoff's b c Whalebone, 3 yrs, 7st 71b (Wells) 0
Betting-5 to 4 agst Gladiole, sto 2 agst Candlewick,
and 4to 1 agst the other two. After a false start, Can-
dlewick made the running, Gladiole lying second, and
Master Slender third. On reaching the turn the four
were together, but Gladiole soon came in front, and
after a beautiful race home won by a neck, Master Slen-
der being half a length behind him, and Whalebone a
good fourth.
The CHESTERFIELD STAKES of 50 sovs., given by the
Right Hon. the Earl of Chesterfield, added to a Sweep-
stakes of 10 sovs. each.
Lord Caledon ns b f Eva, by Pantaloon, out of
Bertha, by Launcelot, Bst 31b (Whitehouse) 1
Mr. J. Inma►n's ch f Horatio (Templeman) 2
Calliope
The following also ran :—b f Topsy, b c Blakeley,
ch f Sister to Stafford, br f Orange Blossom, ch f
Twinkle.
Betting-7 to 4 agst Calliope, sto 2 agst Twinkle, 4
to 1 agst Horatio, 7 to 4 agst Eva, 8 to 1 agst Blakeley.
Eva made all the running, closely followed by Horatio,
and won cleverly by a length and a half. A good race
between Horatio and Calliope.
The DERWENT STAKES, a Handicap of 3 sovs. each,
with 30 added, for all ages ; three quarters of a mile.
Mr. G. Taylor's Game Chicken, 3 yrs, 6st (Garvey) 1
Lord Chesterfield's Humphrey, 6 yrs, Bst (Ashmall) 2
Mr. Choyce's May Day, aged, 7st 71b (Wells) 3
Mr. Goddard's b h Priam the Third, 4 yrs, Est 101 b
(Kendall) 0
Mr. Pallisco's b g by Dromadary, 3 yrs, Est 41b
(Palmer) 0

Betting-7 to 4 agst Game Chicken, sto 2 agst Hum-
phrey, and 4to 1 agst any other. Game Chicken took
the lead at a rattling pace, and kept it ; the race was an
excellent one, Game Chicken winning by half a length ;
a good length between second and third.
The SELLING STAKES of 30 soya., added to a Sweep-
stakes of 5 sovs. each. The winner to be sold by auc-
tion, immediately after the race, and any surplus arising
over and above the sum entered to be sold for to go to
the Race Fund ; heats one mile.

Mr. C. Peck's Lady in Waiting, 4 yrs, to be sold
for 201., 7st 91b (Charlton) 1 1
Mr. Nicoll's Lady Sarah, 3 yrs, to be sold for
501., Bst 21b (Sharp) 2 0
Mr. Goddard's Priam the Third, 4 yrs, to be
sold for 201. 7st 121 b (Escott) 3 0
First heat won cleverly by a length 2nd walked
over.

The winner was sold by auction by Mr. R. Brearcy
for 32 guineas.
Thus concluded an excellent day's sport, which passed
off to the satisfaction of the Stewards, the Clerk of the
Course, the Race Committee, and all concerned.

Lord Stanhope has accepted the office of one of the
Stewards next year ; and the following are subscribers
for the tradesmen's plate for 1854 :—The Earl of Ches-
terfield, Lord Stanhope, Baron Rothschild, Mr. Merry,
Mr. W. Palmer, Mr. P. Cook, and Mr. Wadlow.

EGHAM RACES.—Prince of Wales's Stakes.—lt has
been ascertained that Hyacinth was correctly described
in the original entry for these stakes ; the stewards have
therefore ordered that the stakes be no longer withheld.
Tavistock was declared not to start for the Surrey and
Middlesex Stakes and Runnymede Stakes, at Egham,
on the 20th instant, at 5.20 p.m.

INTELLIGENCE EXTRA.
BEDFORD RACES.-SEPT. 20.

Weights for the Bedfordshire Stakes. Forfeits to be
declared on or before the 17th of September.

Age st lb
Hungerford
Frantic
*Cariboo 6 8 7
Garforth 6 8 6
Father Thames
*Poodle
Scarecrow 4 8 1
Montague
*Talfourd
Retail 1. 7 13
Waterfall
Ethelwolf
*Harp 5 7 7
*Pancake
*Grief a 7 6
Missive
Waverley
Presto 5 7 3
Those marked * were ente
their owners, and will be
closing, unless ordered to re:

Age st lb
Ibis' 4 7 0
Treinble 4 7 0
Corybantes
Pug Orrock
Tickton
Salus
*c by Gilbert Gur-
ney, out of Fam a 3 6 4
Perfidious
Haco
*MadameLandeau 3 5 10
f by Gilbert Gur-
ney, out of Queen
of the Gipsies 3 5 10
Olinder
Pensioner
Rough Robin 3 5 3

Bred without the consent of
struck out at the time of
main in.

CHELMSFORD RACES.—AuG. 30.
Acceptances for the Chelmsford Stakes.
The highest weight accepting being Bst 41b, it has
been raised to Bst 71b, and the others in proportion.
Age st lb Age st lb
a 8 7 Beverlac 3 6 7
6 8 3 IBradford 5 6 3
4 7 3 ,ILampedo
5 6 131 Rough Robin 3 5 9
5 6 13 i Tittle Tattle

Retail
Garforth
Waverley
Miss Talbot
Presto

MR. MACGREGOR, M.P., IN GLASGOW.

(From the Glasgow Constitutional of August 24. )

On Monday evening, Mr. John Macgregor, M.P., one of
the representatives of the city of Glasgow, met his consti-
tuents in the City Hall, for the purpose of giving an ac-
count of his stewardship, in fulfilment of a promise to that
effect, given by the honourable gentleman at the late elec-
tion. On the platform we observed, amongst other gentle-
men, Bathes Gilmour
M, and J. W. Macgregor; Councillors
Moir, Couper, and 'Adam • Messrs. Peter Mackintosh,
Paton, G. Ross, J. Mumble', J. Smith, J. M'Adam, J.
Clark, Wm. Ross,
M`Gregor M'lntosh, Rowland Hill.
g
unanimouslyelued M
to `
The galleries were well filled, and there was a large atten-
dance in the body of the hall:
On theo r
wasmotion of Councillor
Bailie MacGREGon, on being called to the chair, said—
Fellow-citizens, it is with pleasure I respond to your AtDhAe
cDih,
air.
Bailie
J. W.
Macgregor
de-
sire that I should take the chair on this occasion. I could
have wished it had fallen into abler hands ; but on account
of my immediate connection with Mr. Macgregor, as chair-
man of his committee at the late election, it behoves me to
defer at once to your wishes, trusting to your indulgence
to assist me in bringing the business of this meeting to a
termination honourable to ourselves and agreeable to our
representative. It is unnecessary for me to detain the
meeting by any statement as to its object. You are all
aware of this from the public notice given in the papers.
I will only state, to prevent misconception, that Mr. Mac-
gregor, while on his canvass and at public meetings during
the late election, stated, that if returned again for Glas-
gow, he would consider it his duty to appear amongst
you annually, and at his earliest convenience, after
the close of the session, to render an account of his
stewardship. Mr. Macgregor appears before you to-
night for that purpose ; and it Must be gratifying to us
all that he is enabled to mingle thus early amongst us, in
perfect health, after such an arduous and important session,
to inform us what has been done, andwhat maybe expected,
and what should be done. I know you will give Mr. Mac-
gregor an attentive and a patient hearing. The details
connected with finance, law, and commerce, may be dry to
some, but the subject is an important one for the welfare
of the people ; and when you hear of this from the mouth
of one of your representatives, it will give you more inte-
rest, so that if your assistance is required you will aid your
representatives in bringing matters of importance before
tho State, for if both the representative and the repre-
sented go firmly united to have their grievances redressed,
it will require a perverse government indeed to withstand
them. (Cheers.) I have further to congratulate you in
having a representative that honourably and respectfully
thus comes before you, that your intercourse may be
strengthened. I trust this good example of confidence may
have its effect uponother members and other constituencies,
but remember many eyes are upon you, and I do hope and
trust that the business of this meeting
may so terminate
that Mr. Macgregor may have pleasure in renewing
.his
pledge, and that the great cause of social progress—of civil
and religious liberty—may be advanced at such meetings
as the present, conducted in a spirit of mutual forbearance.
Allow me, then, without further remark, to introduce to
you Mr. Macgregor, for whom I crave a kind and an atten-
tive hearing. (Cheers.)
Mr. MACGREGOR, M.P., who was loudly cheered, said—
Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens. I now appear before
you in fulfilment of a promise which I considered it a duty
to make when you did me the honour of returning me a
second time to represent you in the Parliament of the
United Kingdom. (Cheers.) I consider it a debt of gra-
titude upon my part to come before you immediately after
the close of a most important session, to give you not only
an account of my own stewardship, but also to make some
statements, which I trust may be instructive, with regard
to past administrations, and with regard to the present
Government of this mighty empire. I perfectly agree with
what has been stated by your excellent chairman, that a re-
presentative ought to come in communication with his con-
stituents; that he would be unworthy of your kindness
and the trust devolved upon him if he had not the
resolution, the honesty, andt he candour to come and meet
you at the end of each session of Parliament, to submit to
you what he has done as your representative and subject
himself to your inquiries and your questionings. (Cheers.)
The most solemn trust which you are privileged to enjoy
is that of sending to the great Legislature of this country
men in whom you have confidence—men, who, you believe
will do that justice which your interests demand, which is
required by the general welfare—entrusted, as they are,
with the making of laws that will not only affect you, but
your posterity from generation to generation. (Cheers.)
Depend upon it that the right of electing a representative
is not only a moral but a religious obligation, which you
ought to discharge honestly, freely, fully, dispassionately ;
beyond almost any other obligation, it involves every one
of your civil, political, and religious rights. Therefore, as
I have already said, in gratitude and in justice bound, I
have come before you to endeavour to give an account of
my stewardship, and to make some cursory statements
with regard to the administration of the different Govern-
ments of this country for the last few years ; and with re-
gard to the legislation of the past session ; a legislation
which has been of the greatest, the utmost importance,
and the results of which I do say, fearlessly and hopefully,
will be of the utmost advantage to the progress of civil and
religious liberty within these realms. (Cheers.) As I will
have several statements to make, as I trust these state-
ments, which are all based upon truth and experience, may
be of some little use to my constituents, and being ad-
dressed to a constituency of so much importance as that of
the city of Glasgow, I hope you will bear with me, and ex-
tend to me a little of your gracious patience. Before pro-
ceeding further, I wish to make one premise, and it is a
maxim of vital importance in everything connected with
our free constitution—a maxim without which no govern-
ment can exist—a maxim without the due observance
of which no public, no civil, no political, no religious
liberty can endure. It is a principle that was first
secured to the people of England by the great
contract of liberty that the barons and freemen of Eng-
land exorted from a tyrant—that was afterwards con-
firmed by the two most remarkable statutes frequently
quoted by one of the present Ministers of the Crown, I
mean Lord John Russell - that was confirmed by the sta-
tutes of 25th and 34th of Edward 1., that no freeman, no
liber home, should be taxed without his free consent,
through his representative in Parliament. (Cheers.)
Now, that great maxim of our constitution appears ex-
ceedingly simple ; but I could prove to you that without
that maxim you would enjoy no liberty whatever within
this realm—the principle that no man should be taxed
except with his own consent, through his representative
in Parliament. The violation of that great and sacred
maxim by Charles I. led him into those fatal errors which
cost him his life. Forty-eight years afterwards, when the
people invited William of Orange to England, before they
would consent, as they foolishly did with Charles 11., to
his ascending the throne of these realms, the Convention
Parliament of Lords and Commons insisted on his agree-
ing: and signing and swearing to that solemn deed and
covenant called the Bill of Rig-ht, in which were embodied
the Magna Charta, the acts of Edward 1., that celebrated
bill that was passed by the Long Parliament, the Petition
of Right, in which all the great bulwarks of British
liberty were embodied—embodying also one of the most
sacred laws that ever existed in any country in the world,
and which only exists where the English language is
known—viz., in England and America—l
mean the
Habeas Corpus Act, by which no man can be
i
deprived
of
his liberty unless just cause be shown for his ncarcera-
tion. I trust you will not consider me tedious in making
these few preliminary observations. Upon this rests
everything that we enjoy—on this depends the liberty of
the Press, our civil, religious, and all other liberties ; for
if we weise to give up to the:Crown or to the House of
Peers the power of taxation, the power of illegal im-
prisonment, the deprivation of liberty which exists
in other countries, you would be slaves to the Crown
and to hereditary jurisdiction. (Cheers.) Having
made these preliminary observations—having made
them advisedly, and I wish them to be undestood well by
the country—for wo do not always speak out as we ought
to do in Glasgow—l do, and many of my friends do ; but
with a population so great, so wealthy, so enterprising,
and so intelligent, I say, not' only in this but in all other
respects, the voice of Glasgow, as a great component por-
tion of the empire, ought to be heard. (Cheers.) I now
come to the more modern and matter-of-fact portion of the
statements I have to make to you. And I must go back
to the time when you first did me the honour of electing
me one of the representatives of this great city. The
party then in power, the Whig party, were considered ex-
tremely strong in consequence of their great family al-
liances—the relationships subsisting among those who held
power at that period. Far be it from me to say or do
anything against any individual members of the Govern-
ment of 1847 ; but still I am compelled to speak the truth
in addressing you. I owe great obligations in a moral and
political sense, not only to you, but, as every public man
does, to the country. For) some time past, but especially
in 1851, that Government began to grow weak before the
country. The House of Commons, and, I believe, the
public generally, became weary of
the Whig Government.
In fact, the House of Commons did not like to see ten or
twelve highly respectable noblemen and gentlemen ruling
the whole country, inasmuch as with one or two exceptions
they all stood with respect to each other as brothers-in-law,
sons-in-law, uncles, nephews, cousins ; and, in fact, among
themselves, they were an exceedingly happy family.
(Cheers and laughter.) But the happy family unfortu-
nately did not enjoy the confidence of the House of Com-
mons nor the confidence of the country. The country
thought they liked their ease. The country thought that
men who would do more with regard to the progress of re-
form were necessary. It is quite true that in that Govern-
ment there was a statesman, a favourite of the House of

Commons. From his kindly nature, he was respected and
loved in his domestic relations and with those who en-
joyed his hospitality—he was a man loved, respected,
and trusted by all. The Prime Minister of the day had
stated, "he is not the Minister of Russia —he is not
the Minister of Austria—he is not the Minister of France

—he is the Minister of England." (Cheers.) He had no
relations in the Cabinet—he had no brother-in-law, no
father-in-law, no uncle in the Cabinet—it was determined
to get rid of him, they dismissed him very unceremoniously
under the pretext of having had an indiscreet conversation
with the French Ambassador, Count Walewski. This
occurred on the 4th December, 1851, two days after what
was called the Coup d'etat in Paris. On the 17th of the
same month he iicas dismissed without any notice what-
ever. That statesman was Lord Palmerston—(cheers)—in
whom the House of Commons had confidence—the man
who always held. up his voice against the despotism of
continental Europe. The pretence was a conversation he
had held with the. French Ambassador. I know what the
real cause was; but it would be indelicate for me to un-
veil the secret—now he is in the Government it would be
useless. Very well, the House of Commons and the
country saw, from the moment the only popular element
in that Government was left out, that the downfall of the
Ministry was inevitable. Some time afterwards, the
Government entertaining very extraordinary apprehen-
sions of being attacked, invaded, and ruined by France,
brought forward various measures for the protection of the
country. I don't say they were not in some degree pru-
dent. A Militia Bill was brought forward. Lord Pal-
merston, who had been in the War-office before, and had
great experience, thought, because it was to be a Local
Militia Bill, such a force would be extremely pernicious
in every town with regard to morality, and he moved an
amendment and carried it. The Ministry were in a mi-
nority, on the following day they resigned, and the com-
pact Government was broken up for ever. (Cheers.)
In making these observations, as I have already stated,
far be it from me to make any invidious charge against
any member of that Government. However much I may
blame them, I cannot forget the service which Lord
John Russell rendered to the country. (Loud cheers.)
I cannot forget that it was,. through his exertions that the
repeal of the Tests and Corporation Acts was carried 26
years ago. I cannot forget that he was one of the principal
actors in carrying tfteßeform Bill—which I considered very
imperfect, yet a great march in the progress of reform—l
mean the Reform Bill of 1832. (Hear.) He was certainly
the most active of those men who carried that bill—a bill
that disfranchised 58 boroughs in England, returning each
two members to Parliament, although their whole popula-
tion did not amount to that of the Barony yerish. He also
reduced the number of members sent by other 30 boroughs
• from two to one—all of these sending two members to Par-