The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-26 00:00:00

DAILY WEATHER TABLE.

WEDNESDAY, JAN. , 1853.
State of the wind and weather at each of the 26 following
places at nine o'clock yesterday morning. The stations
are arranged in order of latitude.
HASTINGS—S.E.,_gentIe breeze—partially cloudy.
SOUTHAMPTON—N.W., strong breeze—partially dandy.
FOLKESTONE—S.W., gentle breeze—overcast.
TuxBRIDGE—E. gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
GREENWICH—CaIm—overcast.
STE001)--N.E., calm—overcast, foggy.
CAMBRIDGE—N., gentle breeze—cloudy.
YARMOUTH-8.E., strong breeze—overcast.
The returns from the following places indicate the state
of the weather on Monday morning at nine o'clock :---
STRooD—N., gentle breeze—cloudy.
HOLYHEAD--Fine.
LANCASTER—N., calm—foggy.
DARLINGTON—N.N.W., gentle breeze—cloudy, than)
frost.
SNAP—N., calm overcast.

THE WEATHER.--Star OFFICE, JAN. 26.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.

37—highest since noon yesterday.
31—lowest this morning and during the night.
34—this day, at noon.

BAROMETER, 29'71.
WIND, N.E.—Fine frosty breeze, and sunshiny weather,

Itg

~LIIS-t4

ttfl,

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JANUAR/Y. 26, L 853.

Somebody, it will be remembered, once upon a
time, christened the Press of this country the
Fourth Estate. Could that " somebody " have
foreseen the licence shown of late, and we regret
to say for a rather considerable time past, in, the
language employed by a large portion of the
British journalists—it may reasonably be ques-
tioned whether he would ever have ventured to
apply to our Order a title so peculiarly elevated
and dignified. That circumstance, we believe,
has been a matter of profound regret to the ma-
jority of the more reflective and unimpassioned
members of the population. In common with
ourselves very many we doubt not have lamented
from the purest and highest motives the inde-
corum and not unfrequently the vulgarity of
the vituperations directed against the French
people in the person of their accepted—their
three-times accepted—SovßßElGN. It is a mere
farce to quibble now at the eleventh hour (when
the system across the Channel has become estab-
lished), by asserting that it was the man who was
abused, and not the multitude. It is a mere farce,
because the man has been chosen three times over
by the multitude, and has, therefore, become their
virtual representative--their public impersona-
tion—their political incarnation. In scouting him,
through the aid of all the grossest epithets that
can be culled from the dictionary, you neces-
sarily, and by something more than impli-
cation, cover them with scurrility. To pretend
that our neighbours, as a mass, are regarded only
in the present situation with feelings of Pity, is
perhaps only to make matters worse : for there
are moments when Pity is more intolerable than
Insult. Whoever has -watched, even cursorily
and superficially, the progress of recent events in
France, and the manner in which those events
have been commented on in the United Kingdom,
needs not surely be reminded that passion rather
than reason seems to have dictated the generality
of the remarks uttered upon this subject by most
of our contemporaries.
i Latterly, a show of mo-
deration has crept n upon the more in-
sensate vilifiers of the adjacent Government.
Phrenzy has yielded ground to better judgment.
Scurrilous taunts are no longer directed against
the Base Exception—meaning the only public
writer who, in the midst of a general phobia, con-
trived to preserve anything like equanimity. The
fury of the storm has, n some measure, abated,
so that nowadays the exceptional journals are
those still sustaining the old rant, the &rutum
fulmen of a blind and brawling rodomontade.
Elsewhere we have transferred to our columns
of this evening, from those of the Weekly
Dispatch, a rebuke addressed to the section of
the English Press above mentioned, such as, in
our opinion, reflects the very highest credit upon
thejudgment and discretion of our contemporary.
What is required at this important juncture from
the journalism of the United Kingdom is not
timidity, is not silence, is not in any respect a
derogation of its dignity, or a dereliction
•
ereliction of its
principles. GOD forbid that any power or any
influence should ever gag the Free Press of Er v,_
land ! But what is needed at all times, and more
is that
particularly under the present emergency,

the Press should reason and not revile—that it
should argue and not vituperate—that it should
move the minds and hearts of the people with
facts and with logic, with statistics and with inci-
dents, and not with only vulgar abuse and de-
testable scurrilities. Supposing y public man
commits an error in the face of Europe, per-
petrates a crime in the presence of Christendom,
—record that error, proclaim that crime, lay
them bare to the gaze of the world by the state-
ment of the smallest detail and the minutest par-
ticular : but [do not in the name of decency, in
the name of reason, in the name of truth, do not
prostitute the Liberty of the Press into Licence,
by rendering the public journals of England the
vehicles of merely eloquent slang and rhetorical
Billingsgate !
It must at the same time be asserted that the
official leader of the French newspapers, the Mo-
niteur, has within the last few clays very materially
weakened the position that might otherwise have
been assumed, in reference to the insensate con-
duct of the English Press in his regard, by the
head of the Imperial Government. Nothing, let
us say at once, is more incomprehensible, as nothing
certainly could be more culpable, than the course
pursued in this particular by the Moniteur. Surely
there was " pick " enough, as the saying is, among
the more violent effusions of our contemporaries !
Yet, instead of contenting itself with one or two
" elegant extracts" of unquestionable authenticity,
the official journal of France must needs go out of
its way to garble a quotation from the Times—to
garble, forsooth, a quotation from the very paper
which had originally presented to the reading
public the shameful personalities and ferocious
sentiments, disgracing the hitherto unsullied, but
now degraded, title of "An Englishman." To this
instance of bad faith and double-dealing on the part
of the Moniteur, we cannot but refer in the severest
terms of reprehension. Sympathising with the
indignation very naturally expressed therein,
acknowledging the reasonableness of that protest
against so many odious calumnies and vituper-
ations—we must at the same moment allude to
the conduct of the Moniteur in this instance in
language of the strongest condemnation.
A remarkable pamphlet ''.bearing directly upon
the question herein considered by ourselves, has
within the last few hours been issued from
the Press by one of the most keen-sighted
politicians of Great Britain, by one, of the
cleverest men in the country, and one' of
the ablest of its Liberal statesmen—.the Ho-
nourable Gentleman the Member for the West
Riding of Yorkshire. We hail the appearance of
this pamphlet with unusual satisfaction--coming
before the public (in regard to time) so very appro-
priately, and coming, moreover, with the autho-
rity always attached to the arguments of RICHARD
CoßuLN—the arguments of one who in his poli-
tical position, scarcely less than in his personal
capacity, commands the observation of his fellow-
countrymen, leading as he does one of the most
intelligent sections of the House of Commons,
and representing as he does the largest
of our constituencies. We observe that in his
three masterly Letters anent 1793 and 1853--
letters calmly argued, and to a considerable ex-
tent irresistibly convincing—Mr. COEDEN lays par-
ticular stress upon the circumstance that the in-
vectives directed nowadays against the French
Emperor are similar—nay, almost identical—with
those directed sixty years ago against the Con-
stituent Assembly. In testimony of this, he
transcribes the following (sufficiently significant)
illustrations :
BURKE, 1790, ENGLISHMAN, 1852,
Speaking of the Constituent Speaking of Louis Napoleon.
Assembly. "A self-convictedpm nrer
" When all the frauds, ins- an attainted traitor, a con-
postures, violence, rapines, spirator successful 'by the
burnings, murders, confisca- foulest treachery, the pur-
tions, compulsory paper cur- chase of the soldiery, and
rencies, and every descrip- the butchery of thousands,
tion of tyranny and cruelty he must, if not cut short in
employed to bring about and his career, go all length of uphold this Revolution' tyranny. For him there is
have their natural effect, no halt, for his system no
that is, to shock the moral element of either stability
sentiments of all *virtuous or progress. It is a hopeless
and sober minds, the abet- and absolute anachronism."
tors of this philosophic sys-
tem immediately strain their
throats in a declamation
against the old monarchical
Government of France."
A melancholy parallel—tending, indeed, to
prove the correctness 'of the assertion that we are
not " progressive creatures," but that we do in
truth "move in a circle of instincts." But ob-
serve the logical application of the parallel—as
forced by Mr. COBDEN upon the popular re-
membrance. Bear in recollection, as he
reminds us, that " the result of BURKE'S de-
clamation was a war of twenty-two years—first
to put down the French Republic and afterwards
_Napoleon Bonaparte, both in the interest of the
Bourbons, that the war cost us five hundred millions
of debt, and that the result is, this present year
1853, a Bonaparte, whose family we proscribed,
sitting upon the French throne, and the Bourbons,
whom we installed at the Tuileries, fugitives from
the soil of France." Yes—the fruits of those
coarse and evil invectives, were a bootless (be-
cause now a resultless) and most atrocious
war—saddling this country at the behest of
its aristocracy with a debt of FIVE HUNDRED
MILLIONS ! Wisely and patriotically has RICHARD
COBDEN acted in thrusting facts like these upon
the attention of the English multitude. If for
nothing else, for this alone he would have de-
served well of his country. Let England betimes
weigh these facts well in her calmer judgment.
Let her draw some wisdom at least from ex-
perience, and, blinded by no despicable passions,
and influenced by no malign invectives, and in-
furiated by no base and criminal insinuations,
observe dispassionately the developement of events
in France—what though those events be guided
by the sceptre of an Emperor in the grasp of a
NAPOLEON !

* " 1793 and 1853, in Three Letters." By Richard Cob-
len, Esq., M.P., Bvo. pp. 140. Ridgway, London : 1853.

Aspirants for Senatorial honours, agents, and
others in any degree concerned in Electioneering
tactics, are duly warned that, henceforward, no
allusion is to be made under any circumstances,
either during canvassing or at the hustings, to
"W. B." as the promoter, or getter up of a
contest. The Right Hon. and Gallant Major
who rejoices in these well-known initials has re-
tired from business, and has no longer any con-
nexion with the old-established firm of which he
was once the energetic and efficient manager.
Nay, more, the public are bound to notice the
fact at their peril. Any hint to the contrary
must be bitterly expiated. The Right Hon.
Gentleman is pugnacious, " foenum halet in
cornu." He is prepared to vindicate his character
" even at the pistol's mouth," and " aids bullets and
hair-triggers." Any person calling his name in ques-
..

tion, or imputing any interference at elections,
must be ready "to eat much dirt," or to
accept the pleasing alternative of being left " qui-
vering on a daisy" some fine morning. It is well
that all publicity should be given to this fact,
that candidates may not unadvisedly incur danger
by trenching on the forbidden ground. The
name of " FRAIL" must also be considered A
tabooed. It should not even be whispered among
divided constituencies, lest, haply, the distin-
guished tonsor might have announced his inten-
tion of abandoning Electioneering politics, and
sticking, for the future, to his wig-blocks and po-
matum pots, and be resolved to call to strict ac-
count every one who should venture to insinuate
the reverse.

The Major, too, is an awkward customer. He
leaves no loophole for escape, but, more hiber-
nico, plunges at once in, medias res. He
does not waste his time in inquiring whether
a report be accurate or otherwise. In-
deed, ho appears to entertain a very strong
repugnance even to explain what it is he com-
plains of. His adversary must find that out for
himself. The Major can't be expected to gratify
his Curiosity in these particulars. It is quite suf-
ficient if he be informed of the time and place at
which his alleged observations were made.
It is usual, when demanding explanations, to
repeat the very words of the objectionable state-
ment, and the authority on which it is ascribed to
the party, that he might have an opportunity
either of denying its accuracy or of " confessing

W

and avoiding." But Major BERESFORD will afford
no such locus penitentice. He requires no admis-
sion or acknowledgment. It is sufficient to say
that he has been " attacked," and to designate the
language as " most uncourteous," and as an `;un-
founded calumny." He certainly pays a high
compliment to the members of the Fourth Estate,
when he thus assumes that anything must•be true
" because it's in the papers." He appears to
have had some stronger evidence than POLLY
GRAY, the faithless sweetheart of poor JACK
ROBINSON, had of the death of her lover. She
assumed it to be a fact, because

" Some one, somewhere--somehow—said
That some one told him he had read
In some newspaper as how JACK was dead."

Now the Major says he read it himself in some
newspaper, but what newspaper that was he omits
to specify. On the other hand, he is more vague
and uncertain as to the matter than the fickle POLLY.
The " death of JACK" was a distinct and positive
fact—whereas that " any one who made a per-
sonal and unfounded attack" is scarcely tangible,un-
less that of which the " unfounded attack" consisted
were set forth in substance, at least, if not
verbatim,. It was in vain that Lord DRIDILANRIG
declared that several reports of his speeches had
appeared in different local papers which had
been copied into London journals ; that many
of these reports were very incorrect, and
until he had before him the actual report
alluded to, he could not answer or explain
the expressions complained of. In vain he
sent a copy of a local journal, in which he was
most correctly reported. And, after apologising in
the handsomest manner, and in the most -unequi-
vocal terms, for any inadvertence into which he
had been betrayed, distinctly denied that he had
ever coupled Major BERESFORD'S name with any
meditated oppositionto himself in Dumfriesshire."
The gallant Major neglected to inform his Lord-
ship where the objectionable paragraph was to be
found, and, although declaring 'himself " bound
to accept the apology" so freely and honourably
tendered by Lord DRITMLANRIG, he was still " tan-
tane animis ecelestibus tree," virtuously indignant at
the supposed imputation of his using language that
might have led to very untoward consequences.
The matter has now terminated without being
brought to a mortal arbitrament. But it is not to
the temperance or forbearance of Major BERES-
FORD that this fortunate result can be attributed.
Had his adversary been as rash and hot-headed
as himself; we might have been compelled to
comment on the matter in a very different
tone and spirit. We might have had to de-
plore an event that would have placed two dis-
tinguished families in mourning that would
have prematurely cut off one of the bellige-
rents, and caused the unceasing misery of
the survivor. The practice of duelling is happily
obsolete. It cannot be restored under any cir-
cumstances, more especially on trivial or insufficient
grounds. Surely Major BERESFORD has been too
long a public man—has interfered in too many
elections—to feel such extraordinary sensitiveness
at his name being referred to in the heat and ex-
citement of a canvass. There must certainly be
something in electioneering worse than we are
acquainted with, or any participation therein
would not be so indignantly disclaimed by one so
conversant with its minutest details.

A very long but interesting letter from the Rev
JOSEPH THOMPSON addressed by permission to the
Earl of SHAFTESBURY, on the subject of American
Slavery, has just appeared, It is a total contrast
in spirit, good taste, and sound sense to the com-
munications from Milan and New York, and is
really worthy of the attention of every English-
man interested (and who is not ?) in the question
of American Slavery. Beginning with some
striking corroborations of the complicity of Eng-
land (sorrowfully admitted by the Stafford-house
ladies), in the originating and even forcing negro
slavery upon the Americans, he points out the
circumstances which compelled WASHINGTON, JEF-
FERSON, JAY, ADAMS, FRANKLIN, and other Ame-
rican patriots, to tolerate it as a temporary evil.
JEFFERSON himself, in the draught document he
drew up, had enumerated amongst " the crimes
of GEORGE III," his having practically stolen and
sold men into slavery in his colonies ; he was
obliged, however, to yield to the necessity of unit-
ing the States in their great conflict. They did,
however, as is well known, in their Constitution,
utterly refuse to insert the odious word slavery,
and used a form of expression, " persons held to
labour by the laws of any State," which ought to
apply only to hired servants, or at most to inden-
tured apprentices. They were also obliged, in
terms of equal circumlocution, to legalise the
Slave Trade, and the sale of slaves for twenty
years, till 1808 ; in which time the slaves in-
creased from 697,897 to 1,191,364, nearly doub-
ling the number existing at the time their Consti-
tution was formed. Upon Cis supervened the disco-

very of the cotton-gin, the great demand from Eng-
lan'd for cotton, the increased value of slave labour,
and the deep implications of Northern merchants
with Southern planters, till the thing has grown
to its present awful magnitude. The strength of
the Slavery cause now lies, as Mr. THOMPSON
shows, in the " morality of party, and in the
trading spirit." The hindrance which both are to
every worthy and noble enterprise, we can better
appreciate, probably, than Mr. T. appears to sup-
pose. The pro-slavery party has for a long time
maintained its ground, because it was able to turn
the scale between the Whigs and the Democrats,
although the representatives from slave-holding
States are but 89 in number, while the free States
gr
send 114 members to Coness. In the Senate,
also, the free States, since the admission of Cali-
fornia, have had a majority. In speaking of
annexation of Texas, by which the slaveholders
then regained their lost equilibrium in the
Senate, Mr. THOMTSON, American as he is,
uses language which surpasses anything we
ever wrote, and which, we much fear, will sadly
irritate General CAss, and occasion deep regret at
Manchester. "It was for this," he writes, "that
Mexico was conquered, and a portion of its terri-
tory seized by a peace hardly less rapacious than
war itself ; and it will be for this—the extension of
slavery, the domestic slave-market and the slave-
holding interest, and the augmentation of the
slave-holding political power—that by violence, by
fraud, or by negotiation, Cuba will be wrested from
Spain sunder the incoming administration of the
United States' Government." Such is the state-
ment deliberately made to a British Peer, by this
calmly-writing and clearly well-informed American
minister of the Gospel ! British and American
trade also rivet, as yet, the fetters of the slave.
While Manchester is exulting in a", Free-trade
President elect, and reading lectures to Mr. IN-
GERSOLL, the friends of the slave in America are
lamenting the advent to power of an unscrupu-
lously pro-slavery Government, prepared, as its
party has hitherto been, to concede everything,
even Cuba itself, to the South.
Notwithstanding all, Mr. THOMPSON is confi-
dent that all this is merely the result of political
combinations. " Leave," he says, " the moral
sense of the Northern and Western States to act
upon the simple question whether slavery should
continue to exist, and their decision would be
almost unanimous that slavery should be abolish-
ed." Hence Mr. T. is prepared to hail the Staf-
ford-house Address. He thinks it a " beautiful
conception that the women of England should
address the women of the United States, and
plead with them for the sanctity of the marriage
tie, and the family relation, and the boon of edu-
cation," for the Negroes. He thinks, moreover,
they have pleaded for the most appropriate
objects ; since, not only can no one defend what
they so justly attack, but, grant their prayer, and
the system would soon fall of itself. It could not
exist without the abominations which the ladies
deprecate. He assures them also that their
Address will meet with a cordial response from the
hearts of American females ; and he encourages
the employment of the press, and every moral
and Christian means for arousing to activity the
already awakened conscience of the majority of
Americans.
What the power of Congress is Mr. THOMPSON
defines with precision. They can prohibit
slavery in the district of Columbia,—they can
j prohibit it in the territories of the rnited States,