The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-13 00:00:00

POST-HORSE DUTIES.

The Government has ordered the Officers of Excise to
make up their accounts of the above duties for the year ending
the 31st of January, and to forward them to the Board as early
as possible.
We hope this is with a view to some beneficial alteration in
these inquisitorial and unjuit imposts.

IRISH POOR LAW.

FOURTH PART.

TO THE FRIENDS OF REAL JUSTICE" TO
IRELAND.

I come now to a part of the proposed Bill which is of the
greatest importance, I mean the rating clauses. On the proper
construction of these, it depends whether the essential prin-
ciple I contend for, I mean Landlord responsibility, ba este-
bli,,hed or destroyed. I admit the imperfection of these clauses
as they at present stand in the Bill, but I think an attempt has
been made unjustly to raise a popular excitment against the
principle of them. I see an important principle recognized,
which may be of the greatest value in laying a foundation for
other improvements in the relationship of Landlord end
Tenant ; namely, that the State assumes the power to value
the rent of lands, and to tax the Landlord in proportion to
the correspondence of his rents with that value. Is not this a
valuable principle ? And yet it has been suggested that this
principle should be cast aside, and the taxation put wholly
upon rents alone, wit/tout reference to the degree in which the
Landlord has been the creator of poverty by his extortions, or
the preventer of it by the moderation of his demands.
It is impossible that poverty can be kept down by a Poor-
law, except the taxation be so imposed as to make it the in-
terest of all classes to promote the common object. If, then,
the taxation be imposed in all cases on the Landlord, the
Tenants, no matter how valuable their interests may be, (al-
though in many cases their interests raay exceed in value that
of the Landlord's), they will take no concern in the matter ;
they may introduce paupers to serve a temporary purpose, they
will care not about consequences, knowing the Landlords
must pay for the poor; and the Landlords will not care about
consequences, because the smaller the income of tits Land-
lord, even paying an equal per ventage, the greater will be the
pressure on his means of life, and therefore his prime object
will be to raise the amount of his income by any means.
The just principle is, that the Landlord and Tenant should
pay according to the value of their respective profitable in-
terest. If the Landlord absorbs the whole profits he be-
comes the creator of poverty, and should be responsible for
the whole tax; but if he lets his lands on the principle of
live and let live, poverty cannot arise from his fault, and it
would be most unjust to make him sclely responsible; he
would be forced to become a rack-renter in his own defence.

On these grounds I would support the principle of the
clause ; but I am not insensible to its defects—it does not
fairly work out its own principle—because, by the clause
which proportions the Landlord's share, no matter how great
his extortion, he can never be chargeable with a greater share
of the tax than one half; the occupier must in all cases pay
not less than the other half..
. .

I would propose to remedy this by the following simple pro-
position :—that the Poor's Rate should be applotted in the
form of a per centage on the computed annual improved value
(or estimated under the provisions of the Bill) of every occupier
holding, and that every occupier should bo entitled to have a
reduction from his rent of a like per centage with that which
he paid on the ♦alue. Thus, in all eases where the rent
equalled or excedeed the value, the whole tax would be paid by
the Landlord ; but were the rent even less than the value,
the tax would be paid in just proportions by Landlord and
Tenant. It would, in fact, be a property tax, founded on
equitable principles. But in addition to this, I think some
means should be found of causing money property to pay a
just proportion.
Middle landlords should be entitled to deduct the per cent-
age from the head rent under certain limitations, which I shall
hereafter notice.

The above is the principle which I should desiro to
fairly see carried out—but the payment of the landlord's
share of the tax by the occupier, in the first instance,
appears to me to be highly objectionable. In such cases as
the district of Burrishoole (already often referred to), how
would it be possible to collect a rate, even intermediately, from
such wretched poverty ? And even were it collected, those
poor people would not dare to demand the legal reduction from
the rent of the landlords—they would be bullied—and no re-
duction would be allowed to them. Where taxation falls upon
the landlord, it should be levied directly on his income, and not
through the intervention of the tenant. Every cause of collision
between landlord and tenant should be avoided. I would
therefore propose that it should be done in the following
manner :

It will be recollected that my proposition, as before detailed,
is, that every Union should be subdivided into districts, cor-
responding, as far as possible, with the boundaries of estates.
I will suppose that valuators are appointed for each district (or
estate) in the Union, under the valuation clauses of the Bill.
Those valuators should have full powers to inspect leases or
receipts, and so to ascertain the amount of the rent paid by
each occupier. It should then be the duty of those valuators
to prepare a district Register, in which shall be noted the name
of each occupier—the name of the landlord receiving rent—
whether middleman or head landlord—the annual value of the pre-
mises—distinguishing the value of land from the value of houses
erected thereon (provided they are of a description admitting of
a separate valuation)—the amount of rent paid, and the tenure ;
and for this purpose a form should be provided in a schedule
attached to the Bill. This Register should be left for public
inspection at an appointed time and place; and a power of
appeal to the General Sessions or Assizes permitted both to
landlords and tenants. After this the document should be a
legal Register, subject to annual revision, in case of alterations
occurring in the arrangements of property.
This document being provided, the Poor-rate could be easily
applotted on the following principle. I shall suppose the rate
to be charged, as respects the occupier, by a per tentage on
the annual value, the rent being first deducted; and, as respects
the landlord, on the amount of the rent so deducted, or
paid to him out of the premises. In this manner, the rate
chargeable on the landlord for each holding being computed,
and entered in a separate column, by adding up this column
the whole amount payable by the landlords could be ascer-
tained. Notices should then be served on the landlord or his
agent of such amount, who shall be bound to pay the same
within a limited time, under a penalty for neglect or omission ;
and, in case of continued omission or refusal, power might be
given to the proper officers to enter into the receipt of the
rents of the estate till this public.debt was discharged with in.
terest and costs.

BRADING—ISLE OF WIGHT.
THE BALLOT.-A public meeting, called by the High Bai-
liff, was held in the Town-hall on Monday last, to take into
Fonsideration the best means of protecting the honest voter
In the exercise of bis elective franchise—the tenant from the
tyranny of his landlord—the servant from the dictation of his
master--the tradesman from the persecution of his gentleman
customers—and all from the effects of intimidation and corrup-
tion. After many excellent speeches it was unanimously re-
solved that the Ballot was absolutely necessary to protect the
T~,r ; for should the tenant, tradesman, or servant of any
Y be honest enough to feel that the right of voting was
ren by the Reform Bill to him, and was not the property of
to Is landlord, customer, or other employer, and be determined
L. vote as he conceived best for his country, he must make up
,!& mind to a " notice to quit," or "an order for his bill."
`ll.e petition to the House of Commons is to be entrusted to
Lord Worsley.

NEWPORT—SUNDAY.
The winter is seriously felt by the farmers and gardeners in
thl! island. The former depended much on their turnip crops,
Which, as they continued growing till January, were very
fine; but as no snow fell till during that month, to protect
!hem from the intense frost, almost the whole of them were
frozen, and are now rotten on the land, and great quantities
of potatoes are in the same state. The latter have been equally
Unfortunate ; their broeoli, cabbages, turnips, potatoes, let-
t,luees, being all destroyed. During Friday night and Satur-
day we had a heavy fall of snow, which, thawing in the roads,
and a hard frost setting in last night, they are one sheet of ice.
A quantity of mutton, hares, partridges, and 17 live pheasants,
Were stolen last week, from the mansion of W. Warde, Esq.,
at Westover; but as Mr. Charles Allen, of the Rural Police,
'n& traced two men to Cowes, where they had conveyed two
large sacks in a suspicious manner, it is hoped that not only
the thieves, but the receivers, will be brought to justice.

COWES—ISLE OF WIGHT.
t norm. YeeNT SQUADRON INTELLIGENCE.—rapt. Keene
41 purchased the Amazon yacht of 75 tons, of W. Dela-
.l
rill, Esq. We hear that within the last few days the Secre-
tary to the squadron has had more applications from gentle-
ttleh about to purchase yachts than he before remembers so
!ally in the season; we therefore anticipate a very active and
numerous assemblage of
.yachts this summer.
12th
The first generafmeeting of the members is fixed for the
of May.

The general result of the foregoing arrangement in each
trict would be, that when a rate was imposed on any dis-
trict, if the rent equalled or exceeded the annual value, the
landlord would pay the whole amount of the rate. If under the
annual value, the landlord would pay his just proportion ac-
cordingly; and the occupier would pay his proportion on the
excess of the value above the rent.

By these means, in conjunction with a regulation of settle-
ment, such as I have described, a joint interest would be
created both in the landlord and tenant to keep down poverty.
I think the equity of the principle can admit of no doubt
or question with respect to all future contracts to be hereafter
made between landlord and tenant; but with respect to existing
contracts, I think justice would demand some limitations and
modifications. Where leases have been granted many years
back, for perpetuities or long terms of years, or for lives renew-
able for ever, at what, according to present value, may be only
a nominal rent, and let (as many are) with the express provi-
sion that the tenant shall be liable " to all taxes, Parliamer-
tary or other, imposed, or to be imposed." It may be said
those landlords cannot fairly be made responsible for poverty,
created by the faults or the sub-letting of the lessees, and in
the correction of which the head landlords could not have had,
or could not have hereafter, any possible controul. The follow..
ing, therefore, might be a fair proposition, namely, that in all
cases where the rent payable to the head landlord did not
exceed one half of the improved estimated value of the land
(excluding the value of buildings made by the tenant), and
held by tenures of the nature alluded to previously granted,
the landlord should not, in such cases, be liable to the per
centage, and the power of intermediate tenants to charge per
centage on their superior landlords should cease under such
circumstances. It may be truly considered that the landlords
who let for long tenures, subject to low rents, have, in point
of fact, been paying a poor-rate while others were exempt ;
they paid it in the most useful manner, namely, for the preven-
tion of poverty.
I shall only now refer to one other point in the rating clause
of the Bill. I mean that which would impose on the Landlord
the pa)ment of the rate, in all cases where the rent did not ex-
ceed five pounds. This proposition, lam aware, was intended for
the relief of small occupiers; but although the intention was
good, it must have been suggested in ignorance, and it would
produce irremediable evil in the poor man, as well as injustice
on the Landlord. It would offer a premium on the instant ex-
pulsion of all small holders, or on the raising of the rents of
small holders, in order to bring them above the five pound con-
dition. It would harass the poor man, whilst it would be doing
injustice to the Landlord who had kept down his rents; but,
independently of this, did the framers of this clause remember,
that in many cases valuable properties are held in Ireland for
terms of years, or perpetuities paying less than five pound an-
nual rent? And yet this clause makes no exception. But the
evils of this clause will be pointed out from other quarters :
I need not dwell upon them.
I shall now conclude the 'observations with which I have
ventured to trespass on the public. I have put forward what
appeared to me the prominent objections to the working of the
Bill—and I have shown what appeared to me to be the
remedies.

A THE PARKS ON SUNDAY.—The frost of Fri-
may and Saturday had glossed over the surface of the ice in
!he Parks; but fearful was the danger to those who trusted
ce its support. The ice around the greater part of the '"Ser-
pentine was broken, in order to prevent, if possible, a repeti-
"on of the accidents, fatal, unhappily, in four instances, which
Occurred on the first Sunday after the frost. The precaution
Was of very little avail, for at an early hour many had found
means of getting on the ice, and the example was followed
, others who came subsequently. The ice was rotten in
the extreme ; but in defiance of all the cautions which were
given by the men belonging to the Royal Humane Society,
ndreds it may be said thousands, appeared to despise the
clanger. That no fatal accident happened is not to be attri-
buted to their foresight, and very many were immersed in
the Water ; but an admirable vigilance on the part of the
Then belonging to the Humane Society prevented a fatal result.
Those
who fell into the water were immediately taken to the
receiving-house, where the most prompt attention was paid to
their cases, and upon their recovery they were sent to their
homes. The accidents by falls were numerous, and in some
cases severe. In St. James's Park the people assembled went
far beyond the numbers in the nearly adjoining park. Here
4160 the ice bad been broken round the edges a few days
ago, and it was with some difficulty that any one could get
°A the ice. About eight or ten broke through the ice, but
Were speedily rescued from their perilous situation by the
—gni of the Humane leiety. One poor lad fell down, and
decln.plained of great pain in the arm, and upon a gentleman
bone
him to take off his acket, it was found that the
of had snapped close to the, wrist. A number of accidents
minor importance took place. It is worthy of remark that
hen the fatal accidents happened at the Serpentine, one of
b parties rescued has been ascertained by Mr. Pritchard to
mobwell thief—an experienced member of the swell
al 11n7,
,+ en the man Carter was taken to the receiving house
sirti"st dead, his revived is usual, was taken off and put on one
Peered When he it was found that his coat had disap-
,:and that the party who must have taken it had just
Dnrescued from the jaws of death. So strong is the ruling
V:;4,i°ll. A more heartless robbery the annals of the Old
i„"Y cannot furnish. His name is stated to be Burrow. He
le,ll known to the police.
o MEMOIRS OF THE BEAUTIES OF THE COURT
Aitaauts 11., ivy Miss. JAMESON, New Edition, with
anions. Part I.—" The Lovers of art, as well as those
affect the amusing tittle-tattle of Courts and their gay
fortnizTls, will equally be gratified by this re-issue (in a cheaper
pn.,) of the above elegant and attractive work. There is one
ti;..l"t of view in which we would peculiarly recommend it to
pro. attention of our readers, namely, as offering the most ap-
ho.friate and attractive illustrations that can be conceived of
of p most charming of all works of their class, the Diaries
It ejla, Evelyn, &c., and contemporary productions, touch-
Ishietle manners and state of society at the singular period to
n these Portraits belong. The Diaries of Evelyn, Pepys,
illt?ltClarendon, in particular, are not complete without these
Triliti°lls " Naval and Military Gazette.
The •—•
11,w Tollowing novel foot race came off on the
um ark road on Thuisday. Mr. Emmison, of St. Benedict's,
we'itertook
L to carry on his back Mr. Pratt, of St. Mark's (who
lie" nineteen stone). for fifty yards, whilst Mr. Gambles ran
liera%rds• Mr. Emmison won by about six yards.—Boston
The fartll •ly of Mr. Morton, of Outwell , having been
r :with violent pains in the bowels and vomiting after din-
at4, II Wednesday last, it led to an inquiry as to the circum-
fr,tproduce the effect, which was fouud to arise
likely.o
tier fr,,"- cook having taken some snow water to dress the din-
arilov°l out of a tub in which wheat had been pie.pared with
tiltho,".° for sowing. The whole family, it is hoped, will recover,
gh very Post.

I am not insensible to the various objections which have
been made of another description, especially to the despotic
character of its provisions ; but still, if I could see that there
were good principles, which would be productive of any real
benefit to my country— incorporated even with a certain por-
tion of evil—l would. rather accept of it than reject all hope of
relief. The despotic character of the Bill might be in some
degree remedied by a clanse limiting the duration of the
powers of the Commissioners to a certain defined period, when
it should cease and determine, unless renewed by Parliament.
I dare not venture to illustrate my views by such a detail of
it
evidence or facts as I hare in my power to produce, because
it would have rendered publication by the press impracticable;
but I could do so—and I could show the practicability of form-
ing clauses with such provisions as would carry into effect the
objects I propose. I think it unnecessary to enlarge further.
I have little hope that anything emanating from me can com-
mand attention in any influential quarter—and without that
nothing can be done. At any rate, I feel the satisfaction of
having discharged a duty, in humbly endeavouring to save my
country from the infliction of evil, and to procure for her the
attainment of good.
I,V. SHARMAN CRAWFORD.
Crawfordsburn, Feb. 8, 1838.

So high was the wind on 'Wednesday, that flakes of
fire were blown from the locomotive engine OR the Birming-
ham Railway for a distance of 45 yards, which set fire to the
stacks on one of the farms belonging to the Duke of Grafton,
between Stoney Stratford and Northampton, burning ricks to
the value of 70u/. The arrival of the eregiues peevcritui the
fire communicating to the house, in which the farmer was
confined by illness,—Derby Mercury.

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 13, 1838

COMBINATION STRIKES.

TO JOSEPH HUME, ESQ., M.P.

_ •
Brompton-square, Feb. 12, 1838.
MY DEAR Sin,—During the last few years a disposition to
coerce the working people has been diligently fostered by
many men in power ; it is now becoming manifest in many
ways, especially so, and foreboding many very mischievous
consequences, in the proceedings of which Mr. O'Connell has
given notice. On Tuesday he is to move in the House of
Commons : _ . .

1. That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into
the origin, nature, and extent of Trades' Unions, or combine-
6:ins of workmen in the United Kingdom.
2. The tendency of such Unions or combinations to affect
the free distribution of labour, wages, and employment. And,
3. Also to report such suggestions for improvement in the
existing laws against illegal combinations, or societies, as they
may deem requisite.
The part numbered 1 is vague and absurd; it has no direct
relation to the present state of things. The origin was in the
reign of Edward the Third, after the great plague, when
ordinances were made, and Acts were passed one upon
another, as each more cruel process failed to compel workmen
to labour for low wages.
The part numbered 2 prejudices the work-people, and is
gross injustice. When the laws against combinations of
workmen to regulate their wages and hours of working were
in existence, there were numerous illegal combinations—
secret Committees—and oaths were administered to bind the
workmen together. These illegal combinations continued
during many consecutive years ; seldom, indeed, could the
combinations be broken up, though many were the prosecu-
tions against individuals, and numerous the cruel and unjust
punishments. It was the bad laws which forced the men
to commit many mischievous acts, and served them as a bond
of strict alliance. Still the law neither prevented strikes nor
kept down the wages of labour, excepting in some very few
small trades, in which the masters were in a close and conti-
nuous combination among themselves. The law and the
practices under the law were purely mischievous, and trade
was much more embarrassed by the proceedings of both
masters and men than it has: been since those unjust and dis-
graceful laws were repealed.
You will recollect that the mischievous effects of those laws
was fully proved before the Select Committee of the House of
Commons, of which you were the Chairman, when of sixty-
two witnesses, masters and men, who were fully examined,
only one wished the laws to remain as they were, one doubted,
and the whole of the sixty who remained desired their repeal.
The inquiry now to be made is—how the " combinations of
workmen affect the free distribution of labour, wages, and
employment. This is stigmatising the workmen—taking for
granted that their conduct does these things to an extent in-
jurious to the nation, since if this were not so, no such inquiry
could be needed. It is a condemnation of the working peo-
ple before one word of evidence has been heard. It is a one-
sided, unjust misrepresentation of the case by inuendo. If
justice be intended, as I very much doubt it is, since it seldom
happens that in matters of inquiry respecting the working
people, any idea of justice is really entertained—the whole
mode of education and life, and the associations of men who
have never themselves been workmen, prevents such an idea
being entertained. The sympathies of such men are wholly
on the side of those whose aim is profit; while want of sympa-
thy for, and prejudice against, those whose aim is wages, is as
conspicuous as it is at variance with justice, and their conduct
is generally both unjust and oppressive. If justice lie indeed
intended, the motion must be worded thus—" 7'o inquire into
the nature and extent of Trades' Unions, Trade Clubs, com-
BINATIONS, and STRIKES, as well among employers as workmen,
6-c." Justice can be done in no other way. The . motion, as
it stands, is one-sided, and can produce nothing but mischief.
The part numbered 3is unnecessary. No useful law can be
suggested, no law of restraint on the right to meet, to discuss
and to decide any matter respecting wages or hours of work-
ing, can be enforced to any considerable extent ; and if this be
attempted, it will force the workmen to adopt secret meetings,
secret committees, and secret and mischievous proceedings.
There can scarcely be a doubt that every trade club would
consent to admit to their meetings a man on the part of the
masters, provided the masters would in like manner consent
to admit a workman to their meetings. Yet any laws to com-
pel such an arrangement would be repudiated by both masters
and men. Any law which should be made to compel the
meetings of the men to be public, and yet permitted those of
the masters to be private, would be scandalous in justice, and ill
adapted to the present state of society in Great Britain. It
would be a law which ought not and would not be obeyed.
I see no necessity for the inquiry. I cannot see any adequate
good to arise from it ; but if there is to be an inquiry, it
should be full and equal. It will thus be found that the work-
men have been more sinned against than sinning. It will thus
be found, that bad examples have all along been set by the
masters, who in these respects are muck more to be blamed
than the men, inasmuch as they are comparatively a small
body, have more means of obtaining correct information, and
consequently may be supposed to be better informed than the
very numerous body of workmen. Let us look at the real
state of the case, in some few, but very important instances.
When the masters combine, they who are not working peo-
ple conclude at once, and without evidence, which they never
desire to receive, that the conduct of the masters is just—is
commendable ; they give them their sympathy, and applaud their
conduct. When the men combine, they conclude equally, without
evidence, or the desire to receive any evidence, that their con-
duct is unjust, and they at once condemn them : they approve
of more unjust and stringent laws ; coercion, alone, appears to
them the proper remedy.
Yet upon a fair and full inquiry it would be found, that the
STRIKES of the masters are as productive of evil consequences,
as those of the men in the very worst cases.
But this is not all. Whenever the masters strike against the
men to reduce their wave, and the men refuse to submit to
the reduction, the blame is always thrown upon the men. Re-
duction of wages always tends to deprivation and degradation ;
and yet, however rational may be the conduct of the men, in
their endeavour to preserve their station, their conduct is al-
ways treated as a crime by their superiors.
Take, for example, the following occurrences. In 1829,
the OWNERS of cotton- mills, in Manchester, STRUCK against their
work-people for the purpose of reducing their wages ; this was,
I believe, in the month of December. lt seems there was an
agreement among the MILL-OWNERS to keep the whole of
their work-people out of employment:for three months; and
thus were many thousands.of work-people, men, women, girls,
and boys, doomed to starvation. This was cruelty on a large
scale, much more evil being inflicted, than needed to have been in-
flicted. Masters must, however, be allowed to stripe against
their work-people whenever they may choose to do so ; and it
must be left to their humanity, or the want of it, to decide on
the course they will take.
No man can with justice complain of the conduct of the
working people in resisting, by every legal and peaceable
means in their power, any strike of the masters to reduce
their wages. All that the working people can in such cases
do is seeking aid in money, in the hope that they may be able
to hold out longer than their employers, and thus prevent a
reduction of their wages. Thls in the case referred to they
attempted, and in this they signally failed. Now mark what
followed. To say nothing of the best men among the work-
men being for ever excluded from employment, in consequence
of their not having at once and unconditionally submitted to
be starved for three months, if it should please their employers
so long to continue the strike; it was most shamefully im-
puted to the whole body of workmen, that they, not the mas-
ters, had made a "heedless, reckless strike"—had put many
thousands of people out of employment, and plunged them into ,
misery indescribable. For this, which they had not done, they '
were with scandalous injustice condemned in the most solemn
manner, and held out to the execration of the public. They
were reported on as miscreants by King's Commissioners; the
scandalous report was signed by their hands, was presented to
both Houses of Parliament, and printed separately by each
House. The men were, in like manner, and in more severe
language, reprobated in the Companion to the Newspaper, pub-
lished by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge,
and distributed all over the world. It was, with equal un-
truth and injustice, treated in the same way by another King's
Commissioner, in a pamphlet written by him. Greater injus-
tice could not be perpetrated, nor could more lasting mischief
be done to the working people. But this was not a solitary
instance, for next came the STRIKE of the cotton MILL-OWNERS
of Ashton and Staley Bridge. Here, on one and the same
day, 52 mills were closed, and all the workpeople deprived of
employment. The STRIKE was to reduce their wages. Here
again the workpeople were not willing to have their wages
reduced, and they made the best stand they w ere able.
60,000 people, it was said, were cast into horrid misery. This
was true ; it was a cruel proceeding, since it does not appear
that any proper means were used less inhumane than thus
turning out so large a body of people to starve in, as I believe,
the cold month of November. Now, then, again, mark the re-
sult. It was precisely the same as that in respect to Mary
cheater. It was in like manner imputed to the men, reported
upon by the King's Commissioner in the same language—
it was in :the same way presented, printed, and distributed.
The same false account was given of it in the publication of
the Diffusion Society, :and by the King's Commissioner in
his disreputable pamphlet.
In the long-protracted STRIKE of the Masran Carpet ma-
nufacturers at Kidderminster, which injured the trade of the
town, and went near to drive the manufacture to other places,
the men were again misrepresented and condemned, in the
same words, and by the same parties, and by the same means
as has been very briefly noticed respecting Manchester and
Ashton. It will be difficult to show that the conduct of the
, men has at all been so injurious to trade, so inhuman towards
their own class, so calculated to produce hatred in society, as
these, and such as these, proceedings of the masters, and those
who have so shamefully belied the men. I now put it seriously
to you to decide seriously, whether or not the motion should be
so worded as to include the conduct of the masters as well as
of the men, and that the inquiry should be full, fair, and
honest.

You know that previous to the inquiry before the Select
Committee of the House of Commons on the Combination
Laws, in 1824, of which you were the Chairman, an opinion
generally prevailed, as well among masters as men, that the
laws against combinations of workmen kept down wages,
and that the inquiry eonvinced all the witnesses that this was
an erroneous opinion, and that they produced nothing but mis-
chief; but the mass of the working people were not thus sa-
tisfied—they still believed that the Combination Laws kept
down wages, and that now, when they were repealed, wages
ought to rise • and this led to the great strike of the work-
men at Bradford, to support which, for the first time, subscrip-
tions were raised in all parts of the kingdom. The men failed
in their attempt, and their exertions spread the truth very ge-
nerally, that the old laws did not keep down wages, and that
the wages of labour in manufactures could not be much in-
fluenced by Acts of- Parliament. This, then, was a great good,
though iL was dearly purchased. It was the first, and last
strike produced by the misconception of the law. Much blame
should not be cast upon the men for this strike: since they