The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-01 00:00:00

her naval power, with all those facilities which steam
and modem invention have afforded for the trans-
port of troops—with all these advantages, were Russia
in possession of Constantinople, it would not be too much
to say that more than one Western Power would have
to undergo the fate of Poland. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
The wealth and the intelligence and the civilisation of
Europe would be no more a barrier against encroach-
ments upon the part of Russia than were the intelligence
and civilisation of ancient Rome against the encroach-
ments of the Huns and Vandals. (Cheers.) If I may
explain this question, it is not merely the protection of
Turkey against the aggressions of Russia that is concerned
in the Eastern question, as it is commonly called, but it
is the battle of civilisation against barbarism—(cheers)—
and the maintenance of the independence of Europe. (Con-
tinued cheers. Already, even without territorial aggran-
disement, the policy pursued by Russia has, in a great
measure, placedthe nations of Germany in a state of de-
pendence. Several foreign Governments, but more par-
ticularly those of Germany, have been acted upon by
Russia with a strength and influence which have been and
always will be exercised to check education, the free ex-
pression of opinion, and that progress which is essential
to civilisation. (Cheers.) The object of the Emperor of
Russia has been to render other countries dependent upon
him. From the papers whichhave already been laid upon
the table of the house your lordships must have seen at
once that the submission of Austria to the designs of the
Emperor of Russia upon Turkey was taken for granted,
and that, with respect to Prussia, she was not thought
worthy of mention at all. (Hear.) And even after all that
had passed—even in the course of this very year, after Aus-
tria and Prussia had signed the proctocols condemning the
conduct of the Emperor of Russia, the Emperor of
Russia sent a convention for the German Powers to
sign for his advantage, and did not authorise his agent
to give an answer to the Emperor of Austria himself,
when he asked what the policy of the Emperor of Russia
would be in the event of his signing that convention. Nor
would the Emperor of Russia even say whether he would
cross the Danube ek est. (Hear, hear.) But the conven-
tions and pr..'.si the Emperor of Russia were re-
_jeed taartee :alculated to maintain theidignity
anctrindspeidence of Austria and Prussia. (Loud cheers.)
And here,-Tny lords, let uts repeal what: have said he-
fore, that this country has every reason to be satisfied
with the conduct of Austria. (Cheers.) She has behaved
in an honourable and straightforward manner throughout
the negotiations with Russia, and she has done, in her own
way, and at her own time, everything that she could for
the preservation of peace, and to maintain the integrity
of Turkey. (Loud cheers.) I believe she has now placed
her army upon a war footing, and only this evening I re-
ceived a communication stating the position of her diffe-
rent forces, which now amount to 130,000 men, indepen-
dently of her troops upon the frontier. There is a diffe-
rence, however, in the mode of action between Austria and
Prussia. The latter power is desirous of exercising aper-
feet neutrality ; but I must say that, with such a war as
is now about to be waged upon the frontiers of both coun-
tries, it will be impossible for either power to preserve a
neutrality. At all events, nothing could be more injurious
or fatal to the best interests of both these countries than
a protracted war, and nothing could bo better for them
than a short and decisive contest. But if the two great
German Powers be divided, the result will inevitably be
in favour of revolutions ; and therefore favourable to the
present interests of Russia. (Hear.) If these powers,
however, proceed in accordance with popular opinion,
which is every day more and more against Russia, it can-
not
be for one moment doubted that the ultimate result
will be favourable to German independence. (Cheers.) That
Power which refuses to lend itself to the designs of Russia
will transfer to itself all the popular sympathy of Germany,
and into the hands of that Power will be committed the
future destinies of the German nation. Under these cir-
cumstances, I do sincerely hope that these two great
Powers—taking an accurate estimate both of their own in-
terests and the interests of Europe—may become not only
united in their policy with the Western Powers, but that
they will undertake united action with them. I trust they
will take the parts which befit them in this great struggle,
the result of which concerns them even more than Western
Europe. I trust that, at the close of this straggle,
we shall find them by our side, re-establishing peace upon
solid and secure foundation; but that peace, my
lords, will be neither solid nor secure unless the
territorial extension and the immoderate influence of
Russia be effectually restrained. That peace will not be a
glorious peace, my lords, if we do not secure equal rights
and immunities for the Christian subjects of Turkey, not
securing them by treaties nor by a protectorate, nor by ac-
quiring rights fatal to the very independence which we
intend to uphold, but securing them as the spontaneous
act of the Sultan—and not less binding on him on that ac-
count—by which he will best consult his own interests,
and by which he will entitle himself to the gratitude of
Europe, and afford to France and England the only return
they desire for the exertions which they are now making
on his behalf. With these objects in view, and if the
Crown meets, as I trust it will, with the unanimous sup-
port of the Parliament and people of this country, we may
humbly hope that the protection of Heaven may be vouch-
safed to the cause which we believe to be a right one,
and we may look ibrward boldly anti fearlessly to the re-
sult of this struggle in which we are about to embark.
(Cheers.) The noble earl concluded by moving that an
humble address be presented to her Majesty, to return her
Majesty the thanks of this house for her most gracious
Message, and for the communication of the several papers
which have been laid before it in obedience to her Majes-
ty's command; to assure her Majesty of the just sense we
entertain of her Majesty's anxious and uniform endea-
vours to preserve to her people the blessings of peace, and
of our perfect confidence in her Majesty's disposition
to terminate the calamities of war, whenever that object
can be accomplished consistently with the honour of her
Majesty's Crown and the interests of her people; that we
have observed with deep concern that her Majesty's en-
deavours have been frustrated by the spirit of aggression
displayed by the Emperor of Russia in his invasion and
continued occupation of the provinces of Wallachia and
Moldavia, in the rejection of equitable terms of peace pro-
posed under the sanction of four of the principal Powers of
Europe, and in the preparation of immense forces to sup-
port his unjust pretensions; that these pretensions appear
to us subversive of the independence of the Turkish empire ;
that we feel that the trust reposed in us demands on our
part a firm determination to co-operate with her Majesty
in a vigorous resistance to the projects of a Sovereign whose
further aggrandisement would be dangerous to the inde-
pendence of Europe.
The Earl of DERBY rose, and said he should not offer
the slightest opposition to the address, because he was sa-
tisfied that the war was a just war; but he feared that the
country had but an inadequate conception of the magni-
tude and probable duration of the contest upon which we
were about to enter. The object of the war was not merely
to obtain the expulsion of Russia from the principalities,
but to restrain her aggression by the united action of inde-
pendent States. But the pretensions of Russia would not
have been put forward at this particular time if Lord
Aberdeen had not been at the head of the Government.
Those pretensions were shadowed forth in Count Nessel-
rode's memorandum of 1844. This was a document of
rather a singular character ; it was stated to be a " me-
morandum by Count Nesselrode delivered to her Majesty's
Government and founded on communications from the
Emperor of Russia subsequently to his Imperial Majesty's
visit to England, in June, 1844." He dared say the me-
morandum was framed subsequent to his Majesty's visit to
England, but he did not understand what were those com-
munications from the Emperor. If there were communi-
cations there was a diplomatic correspondence and de-
spatches, and those had not been produced to the house.
But, if ho was not mistaken, at the time this memorandum
was framed it was in consequence of a personal communia.
cation which took place at the period of the Emperor's
visit to this country in 1844—a personal, not an official
communication, with two or three ministers, of whom the
noble earl at the present moment was the only survivor,
and special communications from the noble earl himself,
who at that time filled the office of Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs. Now, this memorandum was of a
remarkable character; it was not an official document, it
was not a document that was brought under the cogni-
sance of the cabinet of which the noble earl and himself
at the same time were members, but it was a personal
communication binding on the noble earl himself, not
binding in the slightest degree on the Government. It
remained not with the ordinary papers in the Foreign-
office - it remained in the custody of each successive Se-
cretary of State, with no copy of it in the Foreign-office.
He was in a condition to know that great importance was
attached to this memorandum, because he had not had the
honour of holding office eight-and-forty hours when both
to him and to the noble lord who then filled the office of
Secretary for Foreign Affairs Baron Brunow expressed
his anxious desire that they should see and make them-
selves acquainted with this document. Up to this time he
knew nothing of it. But when the noble earl succeeded
to the Government, then immediately the memorandum,
which the Emperor held to be binding as against himself,
to use his own expression, was also binding on the noble
earl opposite, not as the British Minister, but as the indi-
vidual to whom he had communicated his scheme in 1814;
and then, the position of Europe giving him encourage-
ment, he was led to believe that now was the time to carry
into operation the scheme laid down in 1814. What was
the understanding that was come to in 1844 ? That in
which the noble earl personally concurred was that if
anything unforeseen occurred in Turkey, Russia and Eng-
land would consult together as to the course to be pur-
sued. Englandjand Russia were to go hand in hand, and
Austria was to follow in the train of Russia. From 1814

to the present time Russia had always presumed that, and
that France would be obliged to go in conformity with the
course England and Russia agreed upon. The object then
of the conference in 1844 was, that if any unforeseen event
threatened the dissolution of the Turkish empire, England
and Austria would follow in the train of Russia, and enter
into a contract by which they would compel France to ac-
cept the terms that they offered. The noble earl succeeded
to office, and at that moment there were questions between
France and Russia about the Holy Places. It was sup-
posed, rightly or wrongly, that at that time between France
and England there was no cordial understanding, and
Russia probably considered that the Primo Minister of 1853
would follow up the negotiations entered into in 1814—
that Russia, England, and Austria would dictate their
policy to France. That that was the design of the Em-
peror in 1853, he not only had no doubt, but he
thought these papers contained abundant evidence to prove;
and not only was that his design, but it was pro-
mulgated in the openest and most unblushing manner.
Ho (the Earl of Derby) contended, further, that, in the
recent negotiations, Russia had never concealed her views
upon Turkey, though he acknowledged the honour and
good faith with which the Government had acted through-
out the secret correspondence. Lord .T. Russell, however,
in that correspondence recognised the Emperor's right of a
protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Porte, which
we are now going to war to destroy. Russia, therefore,
had some cause to complain; and ho further contended
that the Emperor had reason to think that this country
concurred with him as to the ultimate arrangement of the
affairs of Turkey. He (Lord Derby) would say nothing of
the manner in which the Emperor had treatedall the other
powers, and especially that with which the proposed tri-
partite treaty was to be entered into, but for an example
of supreme contempt and indifference to the feelings and in-
,‘ pendent action of a nation it had no parallel, except in