The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-08 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 8, 1853.

FREE TRADE FREEHOLD LAND
SOCIETY,
86, St. James-street, Pall-mall ; City Agency, 42, Poultry.
Shares 401. each, Monthly payments, 6s. per share.
At the FIRST GENERAL MEETING of the above SOCIETY,
held at the Society's Offices, September 29, 1853, Lieut.-Col. DICK-
SON in the Chair,
It was Resolved, " That a Public Meeting be held on Wednesday,
October 26, 1853, to ballot for priority of Members in which all
shares already taken, and which may be taken up to that time, will
participate."

THOMAS SHERWOOD SMITH,

Secretary

RUSSIA AND TURKEY.

The meeting which has been announced for some days
back, to consider of the present position of affairs in the
East, and the propriety of active interference in support of
Turkey, was held last night in the London Tavern. The
hour appointed was seven o'clock, but by six, numbers
of persons had assembled in the spacious lobbies lead-
ing to the great room of the tavern, as well as in the street,
and the doors were hardly well opened ere the apartment
was filled. Lord Dudley Stuart, who it was intimated
would take the chair, did not arrive until a quarter-past 7.
Amongst those present we observed—Sir C. Napier, Mr.
Blackett, M.P., Messrs. Prout, Nicholay, Hickson, Profes-
sor Newman, J. Wilson, Elt, Harvey, Dunford, Michell,
Capt. Mayne Reid, Howard, &c., &c.
Mr. PROUT moved that Lord Dudley Stuart take the
chair, w ich was carried by acclamation.
Lord D. STUART accordingly took the chair, amidst pro-
onged applause. When this had subsided, he said—l
thank you for your kind reception. I assure you that the
spirit which I see animates thinnaeeting sets my heart on
fire, and gives me courage upon the groat occasion which
has called us together—(cheers)—because I see that I am
addressing a body of men who deserve the name of Eng-
lishmen, and who come here resolved to maintain the hon-
our and good faith of their country, and not to allow them-
selves to be insulted, or their allies to be trampled upon by
the machinations of tyrants or despots. (Great cheering.)
Gentlemen, I believe I may be thought to owe you some
apology for having arrived a little late, for I am informed
that thousands absolutely have gone away from the door
unable to find admission. (Hear.) I am exceedingly sorry
that such should be the case ; and I can only say that this
meeting having been summoned for 7 o'clock, the committee
and myself could not foresee that the eagerness of the in-
habitants of the metropolis would be such as to induce
them to assemble in numbers one hour before the time ap-
pointed. (Hear.) I believe I have arrived here only a
very few minutes after the precise hour, and even that
short delay would not have occurred if it had not been for
the state of the streets, with which you are all well ac-
quainted, and which makes it very difficult to get through
the city at this time. Now, gentlemen, we are met here to-
gether upon agreat and most important and most solemn Os-
Oasion, to consider the present crisis of affairs in Europe,
as they affect the honour and the interest of this country,
and to come to some conclusion as to what the free and in-
dependent Inhabitants of this great city ought to do at this
juncture. I apprehend that the object of our assembling
this evening is to make some demonstration, which shall
have the effect of guiding the Government to a course ho-
nourable to this country—(cheers)—of so guiding them, if
they require to be guided, or if they have determined to
take a bold and manly course—a course different from
that which has marked their policy hitherto—(cheers)—
then to give them the free support and approbation of the
enlightened and intelligent population of this metropolis.
(Cheers.) I cannot suppose that such meetings as I now
differ-
entitbnhyge t
thosefipha parts s
first
s provinces
noo vfti
goodhtn hec eees
examples—butrc
toe oduintthtar country—because, l
12—e i3bt
re course—example
cei
sa,gentlemen,
see before me, and as have already taken place in
erne
snotet
havewebea
anotd;elireeseotnhlyntfollow
meet-
ings, so composed, so numerous, so influential, should be
without a corresponding and proper effect on the Govern-
ment. However, if such should be the case, we shall have
the satisfaction of having done our duty, 'ind it shall not
be said throughout the world that in this metropolis, the
focus of an ardent love of liberty in this country, which
has always been considered as giving an example to man-
kind, there are no men ready to protest against Russian
encroachments—(cheers)—there are no men to call upon
the Government to come forward boldly on behalf of the
injured and generous Sultan. (Cheers.) Or, if govern-
eients and cabinets, and persons in high station are so
overcome by the cares, and pleasures, and tinsel of high
life, and by the enjoymehts of their position, as not to re-
gard or care for what is passing in other countries, we will
not have it said that the people of this metropolis applaud
such base and pusillanimous conduct—(cheers)—but if Go-
vernment will go wrong, they shall not say that the bold
and independent people of England have suffered them to
do so without protesting against their inaction. Now,
gentlemen, what do we see at the present moment, and
what is the crisis which has now called us together? We
see the Emperor of Russia, at the head of his millions of
armed serfs, pursuing the course which he and his prede-
cessors have long recognised as their settled policy, and
endeavouring to commit aggressions upon Turkey, and
thereby to advance by degrees towards universal dominion
and the enslavement of the world. (Loud cries of hear,
hear.) For this purpose, Russia, as is her wont, has
put forward every kind of flimsy pretence ; and hypo-
critical as that Government has always been, the pretence
put forward on this occasion exceeds every other yet tried.
It is, forsooth, a regard for religion—(groans)—and thus a
dispute about the Holy Places of Jerusalem, between the
Greek Church and the Roman Catholic Church, is the
foundation of this quarrel. But that quarrel was long ago
accommodated, and Russia has professed herself satisfied
with the concessions that have been made to her, since the
grievances of which she complained have been redressed ;
although I do not believe that she had any grievances
whatever, and that the demands made by France and con-
ceded by Turkey were perfectly legitimate. But, however,
these so-called grievances having been adjusted, Russia
put forward new demands, Prince Menschikoff having been
sent to Constantinople to negotiate on the subject of the
Holy Places, and the Russian Government having given
solemn assurances to this country, which our Government
was green enough to accept—(cheers and laughter). We
have heard sometimes that a green old age is a thing to be
commended and desired ; but I must say from the green
old age of such a Minister as we have good Lord deliver
me. (Cheers.) Well, Russia having given these assur-
ances, which were believed, Prince Menschikoff, with cha-
racteristic want of faith, according to Russian custom,
turns round, and pretends that she is not satisfied with
what has been done about the holy places, but requires
something quite different ; that his august master the
Czar should have a right of sovereignty over all the popu-
lations of Turkey professing the Greek religion. The
Turks, not intimidated by this magnificent bullying mis-
sion of Prince Menschikoff, returned a dignified and reso-
lute answer, that they could agree to nothing of the kind ;
and Prince Menschikoff having propounded his ultimatum,
naming last day after last day, found that he prevailed
in nothing, and was obliged to leave the Turkish capital
as he came to it. What happens then? Why, the auto-
crat, who brooks no refusal of his will, then informs the
Turkish Government that if they will not concede his pre-
sumptuous demands, he shall march his troops into their
territory, and take possession of the Danubian Principali-
ties. Well, so he did ; in that respect he was as good as
his word, and the Governments of Western Europe—that
is to say, the Governments of England and France—
tell the Sultan that there is no doubt Russia, in in-
vading his territory, has committed an act of war. I
should think the Sultan did not require to be told so by
England and France, because, if taking possession of the
territory of another Got is not war, I should like
to know what war is. (Hear.) But these Governments,
making the admission that the conduct of Russia was
most unjustifiable, and so flagitious as to deserve every
means of repression which Turkey could bring into action
against it, at the same time counsel Turkey not to con-
sider it an act of war, or take any measures corresponding
to a state of war. (Groans.) The Emperor of Russia, of
course, under those circumstances, remains in those pro-
vinces, quartering his army upon the unfortunate inhabi-
tants, and subjecting them to all the evils of a military oc-
cupation, and, , I may say, almost to all the evils of war.
I cannot help calling attention to the iniquity of these
proceedings, and to the position of those unfortunate pro-
vinces, inhabited by as brave and intelligent a race as.any
that is to be found in Europe. (Hear, hear.) It is because
the Sultan will not agree to an unjustifiable demand of
Russia, that Russia makes those unhappy people suffer all
those evils. Those people have certainly a just right and
claim upon Turkey to be defended ; they say with truth,
if Russia choose to take some other province of Turkey,
it may be in the breast of Turkey to say, " We will give
it up ;" because a man may part with his own if he thinks
proper ; but we have never been conquered by Turkey—
say the inhabitants of those Danubian provinces—we have
never been conquered by any power, we have submitted to
the rule of the Sultan of Turkey—we chose him to be our
Sovereign—we made a compact with him years and years
ago in treaties which still subsist and ought to be respected,
that we would acknowledge him as our Sovereign, if he
would afford us his protection—and that protection he is
bound to give. What, then, are we to think of the mo-
rality of the Governments of Western Europe, in coun-
selling the Sultan to forget the duties he owes to this
brave and unfortunate race ? Russia, having invaded the
principalities, declares, by the despatch of Count Nessel-
rode, which, no doubt, is familiar to you all, with the
most flagrant disregard of good faith, that the reason why
she occupied those provinces was that the English and
French fleets had gone to the mouth of the Dardanelles—
a thing so entirely contrary to truth that there is only one
word which can describe it, and that is one which is not
supposed to be agreeable to ears polite. (Cheers and
laughter.) The language of Russia has been sufficiently
described by a learned member of the House of Peers—
one no friend in general to the liberty of nations, one
whose prejudices have been for many years, if not for all
his life, rather with the friends of despotism than liberty
—I mean Lord Chancellor Lyndhurst, who characterised
the dispatch of Count Nesselrode as being the most auda-
cious, insulting, and fallacious document with which it
had ever been his misfortune to- meet. Such being the
state of things, and Russia having marched into the terri-
tories of Turkey with her armies, what do these great
Western Powers, who have first counselled the Sultan not
to agree to the demands of Prince Menschikoff, and then
counselled him not to consider the advance of Russia into
the principalities as a case of war ? Do they give him
energetic support? Do their fleets go up to Constanti-
nople, sail into the Baltic, and make reprisals for the wan-
ton and unjustifiabie act of Russia ? No ; but they enter
upon a conference at Vienna ; they summon ambassadors
from the different Courts to Vienna, to enter upon a con-
sideration of the question. Well, it does appear to me
that, of all places, Vienna was the last which ought to

have been chosen. We, all know that the Court of Vienna
is nothing now but a tool to Russia—(Groans)—that what-
ever is done by Austria is so done as to give satisfaction
and contentment to the Emperor Nicholas and his Go-
vernment, and that in point of fact the Emperor and
Ministers at Vienna are nothing but puppets, the strings
of which are pulled at St. Petersburgh. (Hear, hear.)
It must be noted that at this conference the Russian am-
bassador was not formally admitted ; but there is a cir-
cumstance which ought to be known, and that is, that the
Prime 'Minister of Austria, Count Buol, is the brother-in-
law of the Russian ambassador, Count Meyendorf, whose
sister he married. This fact certainly is calculated to lead
to a violent suspicion that these brothers-in-law represent-
ing the Sovereigns of Austria and Russia, would have
very ready intelligence, and communicate with each other
as to what was going on in the conference. (Hear,
hear.) These Powers having agreed on a convention
which ought to be signed between Turkey and Russia,
communicated it to the Russian ambassador, Count
Meyendorf, and asked him if that would do for his
master the Czar. He said it would ; but they never
communicated it to the ambassador of the Sultan,
who had no ministerial brother-in-law ; it was sent off
to Constantinople, and it was expected that the Sultan
would immediately adopt it. The Sul tan, however, when he
saw it, of course objected to it, for the very reasons which
made it satisfactory to the Czar. He said, You might as
well ask me to give the Czar all he wants at once ; I might
as well have agreed to all the demands of Prince Menachi-
koff as sign this ;" and, therefore, he assigned reasons to
the Governments of Western -Europe why he could not
agree to any such thing. It appears that the Governments
of France and England admitted thatthereasons of Turkey
were good, and such as ought to be of themselves valid,
but Austria turns round and says she cannot agree to any-
thing of the kind, and she sides, as it might have been sup-
posed she would do, with Russia. (Groans.) It appears,
too, that Russia will make no concession, but insists on
the original convention being agreed to purely and simply.
There have been further conferences held at a place called
Olmutz, where the Russian and Austrian Emperors have
been reviewing their troops, and performing all sorts of
military parade, or, perhaps, you would call it tomfoolery.
(Laughter.) At that conference, it is to be observed, that
the British ambassador, Lord Westmoreland, was present.
The French Government, with a better appreciation of its
dignity and independence; would not allow its ambassador
to go there ; and I cannot but say that throughout these
transactions the Government of France has played a loftier
and more honourable part than that of England, because it
was always understood that France was for the more vigo-
rous counsels-- -France was for repelling wrong and for in-
sisting upon right, and, if it did not act upon these noble
intentions, it has been because it has been over-persuaded
and held back by the counsels it has received from the
Cabinet headed by Lord Aberdeen. (Groans, and cries of
" Shame.") Now, gentlemen, I think that the crisis in
which England is placed is one of very great gravity. [Some
interruption here took place in consequence of the crowded
state of the apartment.] Gentlemen, I am really very
effectsorry that
tthe angryeiantcodnevsire i
inconvenience should
present beat felt,this bmueteittin igs.thle
only wish the room was ten times as large, or that there
was a place to which we could adjourn to carry on the
meeting ; but as this is not the case, all we can do is to
prevent more persons coming into the apartment, and those
who are here must contrive to make themselves as comfort-
able as they can. (Hear, hear.) I have given orders to have
the side door opened, that, perhaps, will afford some religf ;
and now, if it be your pleasure, I willcontinue my remarks
(Hear.) It is now reported after these conferences that,
Russia continuing to insist upon her unjustifiable demand,
Turkey has taken a step which she would have taken long
ago if she were not dissuaded—(hear, hear)—and, without
circumlocution or pretence, she has taken the bold step of
declaring war. (Cheers.) Turkey has made a declaration
of war, and it remains to be seen what England and France
are going to do. (Hear, hear.) It is said that the two
fleets have been ordered through the Dardanelles up to
Constantinople, and I most sincerely hope that the intelli-
gence is correct. (Cheers.) I have ventured to make some
strictures on the conduct of the Government. (Hear, hear.)
I cannot help, on reviewing their conduct, condemning it.
(Cheers.) Whatever people may think, I am not one of
those who want war for the sake of war—God forbid. I
think that war is a great, calamity, and if entered upon
without clear necessity it is a great crime ; but I don't
want that we should accept dishonour rather than war.
(Loud cheers.) I recollect the words of Burke with regard
to Poland, when the first partition took place in 1772.
That great and far-seeing statesman reproached his coun-
try and the Government of the country in that day for not
interfering as to Poland, and he said "it never ought to
be forgotten that to purchase present quiet at the price of
future security is the most degrading and the basest of all
cowardice." (Loud cheers.) That is what those are guilty
of who want to have peace at any price. (Cheers.) You
cannot have peace always—you will nothave peace long if
you submit to wrong ; and that which is true humanity—
that which is true Christianity—and that which I may say
is true piety, because it diminishes the horrors of war and
curtails bloodshed, is this, when a great injustice is done,
and is persevered in, if you cannot prevent it by any other
means, throw away all others, and resort to force. (Cheers.)
I fear we have come to that point that we must decide
between war and dishonour ; and what has brought us to
that point ? (Hear, hear.) I must repeat the question
because I want it to be heard—" What has brought us to
that point?" (Hear, hear.) Is it not the Government of
this country? (Hear, hear.) If its hid- had a bold, an
energetic, and a far-seeing man at the head of our Govern-
ment—(a voice : Palmerston)—if we had had such a man as
Lord Palmerston, would this be our position ? (Cheers.)
In that case I tell you what I think. Ido not think the
Emperor of Russia would ever have ventured to address
his untenable demands to Turkey. (Cheers.) I do
not think he would be marching out of the Danubian pro-
vinces now, for he never would have attempted to enter
them, but would have remained on the other side of the
Pruth in his own dominions. (Cheers.) I have a very
high opinion of the noble lord you have mentioned (Lord
Palmerston); I never disguise it ; I think he is the greatest
statesman of the present day—(cheers)—but I go further—
I do not think it would have been necessary to have tht
distinguished man at the head of affairs to prevent what
has happened. I think that any other Minister -except
him whom we have now would have prevented it.
(Cheers.) I do not believe that the Earl of Malmesbury
(who is no friend of mine politically, and of whom I never
was an admirer, though generally considered as a Minister
without any great power) would have submitted to any-
thing of the kind. (Cheers.) There ,is another thing I
beg of you to remember—since last year this country has
lost a great man—a man with whom many of us were not
in political union—l was not—l speak of the Duke of
Wellington. (Loud cheers.) I know his inclina-
tions were not, unhappily, in favour of the liberties of the
people, but he was a conscientious man—(hear, hear)—he
was the friend of the interests of England as he understood
them—(cheers)—and certain I am that he would never
have permitted the conduct of Russia—(cheers)—and I do
not believe, if the Duke of Wellington had been still alive,
the Czar would have ventured upon those actions. (Cheers.)
[A voice : We have Napier.] (Cheers.) Are we not bound
to come forward and assist this gallant country, Turkey,
oppressed as she is, and is it not our interest to do so ?
(Hear, hear.) I say, that if it were not for our interest,
we would be bound to do so in honour in consequence of
the assurances we have given her. (Cheers.) First of all,
her cause is just. (Cheers.) [Some interruption again
arose from the pressure of the crowd.] Now, gentlemen,
I entreat your patience, and I do pray that we shall con-
duct this meeting with good order. (Hear, hear.) Let it
not be said that any Russian emissaries are come here to
disturb us. I consider that any attempt to disturb the
meeting is so much done on behalf of Russia ; and so far
would I be from doing anything in the interest of Russia,
that, as I think you must be by this time almost tired of
listening to me, I will hasten to conclude my observa-
tions in order that the resolutions may be moved. I
will only tell you this that I think the cause of Turkey
is just, and that we are bound to support them by trea-
ties, Queen's speeches, and the assurances of Ministers.
Look to the assurances and words, and consider the decla-
rations, of Lord John Russell on this subject ; I cannot
Having given
those assurances to Turkey, we are sound not to suffer her
not
speak et
sahtkoo oupnl
prevent
-vahf
eca
t a ahs sewrwe
from
r 011 I
maus p os pn
defendinge
ai
kt
.as
to be maltreated or trampled upon—(cheers)—we are bound
(hale ceaenrs,.)but I want that
herself ; for if left to
herself she will give a very good account of the blood-
thirsty wretches that attack her. (Cheers.) The cause of
Turkey is just—it is the cause of tolerance in religion ;it
is the cause of commercial liberality, and of chivalrous
generosity. (Cheers.) The Russians have piety in their
mouths—the hypocrites. (Cheers.) The Austrians talk
about their Roman Catholic religion ; but do we see in
Turkey religious persecutions as we see it in Russia, where
nuns, Jews, and Protestants have been persecuted ?
(Hear.) Where do we see Protestants persecuted in Tur-
key, as an Archduke has persecuted the Madiais and Miss
Cunninghame ? (Hear, hear.) In Turkey every one is at
liberty to follow the religion he pleases. There you may
see Roman Catholic processions and Protestant churches,
and every man adoring his Maker according to his con-
science. (Cheers.) All I can say is, that I wish there was
;Is much religious equality in London. (Loud cheers.) We
know how liberal the Turks are in regard to commerce.
They receive all our manufactures, while Russia and Aus-
tria impose their prohibitive tariffs. From whence shall
we get a cheap and abundant supply of bread, now that
we have got rid of the corn laws, which produced an arti-
ficial dearness, but from the Danubian provinces, the inex-
haustible granary of Europe, which, if Russia do not pre-
vent them, will give us all we want, and save us from the
famines from which in former years we have suffered ?
(Hear, hear.) And when speaking of the generosity of
Turkey, I will remind you that on this platform there
stood not long ago a man who is himself a living witness
of the generosity of Turkey—l allude to Kossuth—(cheers)
Turks against the bloodhounds of St. Petersburg. (Cheers.)
dw you
interest,o suho should sup-
porthave
ashevi
efthe patriot who was defended by the Sultan and his bravb
ll
RI
u say,Russia
iTa tuhrsekhreoeyfu
;rde ,a thngde r e
besidest
pi
os sesve es
sr yi
oni reasontoifs
Constantinople,o whyu ra
would become a great maritime power;
to submit to a greater pressure of taxation to provide a
sufficient naval armament to resist her. (Cheers.) I will
not detain you longer—and I have done so too long—
but you did not come to this public meeting to be abused,
but to discharge a great and important duty. (Cheers.)
I will now discharge my duty by calling on Professor New-
man to propose the first resolution.

Professor NEWMAN—I have lived, I believe, for more
then forty years in this world under the delusion that it
was the part of a private citizen to leave to the Govern-
ment the direction of foieign affairs ; but, unfortunately,
I have been converted to an opposite opinion by discover-
ing—what Lord John Russell has also discovered—that
there is in Europe a conspiracy of despots against liberty.
(Hear, hear.) Another discovery I have unfortunately
made, which Lord John Russell has not made—namely,
that that conspiracy of despots has put forth an influence '
within the Cabinet of the Queen. (Hear, hear.) I look
upon it as a fact that, unhappily, cannot be doubted, and
it is the duty of all Englishmen to step aside from their
private position, and declare to the world, if they feel it'
their shame, indignation, and disgust, at the way in which
the honour of England has been cast into the dust in these
recent affairs. (Hear.) The following is the resolution
that has been entrusted to me :—" Resolved—That the
series of Russian aggressions convinces this meeting that

there is in the Russian Cabinets a fixed purpose, not only
to subdue Turkey, but to domineer over all Europe, and
iextirpate all freedom. We look upon this as the true rea-
son why no diplomatic settlement of the Turco Russian
quarrel was or is possible ; and we lament that the British
Government has wasted much valuable time, damaged the
just cause of the Turks, inflicted upon commerce months
of needless depression, and (worst of all) inspired universal
suspicion of the good faith of England—in a vain effort to
negotiate with an unscrupulous and violent Power, which
acted while we talked, and which, if now momentarily ap-
peased, would only become more dangerous on some early
arliyonbeeugs"aPlneciffuainted what I occasion." 1 was considering within myself, on my way
here, what are the objects to be aimed at in addressing this
public meeting. It might be to inform you ; but you do
for persuasion and
not need information—(hear, hear)—you have all got it ;
the chairman has given details if any of you were igno-
rant; but you do not want to be convinced—your response
then, is
winlieethedvescithe;
is
eys onuoi
passed,t t
en not want
ntah atth theitt m
ternfoer What,
temper, and judg-
ment nomwceusssstithaonbt
nips( C hirneoinc eeetederdesai n.un)
ndgtslnwn oftrust t
nt hwbeteh
ahaattw meetingareaalrleitwtshhtet e
feel—
namely, that the confidence which we have been accus-
tomed to put in Ministers has been abused. (Cheers.) We
haveklooked to them, and our Parliament has looked to
them, to uphold the dignity of England, to perform their
duty, and to fulfil the treaties into which they had entered
and to provide for our safety. They stopped the mouth of
Parliament, they would not let Parliament know.:what
they were doing, because they were ashamed of it. They
put it off until they could seeure for themselves sixmonths
of unrestricted executive despotism, and now if they should
send their soldiers to fight against the Turkish people
the English nation have no power to prevent it. (ear,
hear.) It is now reported that, under the pretence of as-
sisting the Turks, we have offered to hold the castles of
the Dardanelles, and what is that but to say to them,
" Give us possession of your strongest fortresses, go and
fight against your enemies yourselves, and when your ar-
mies are destroyed, we, having hold of your fortresses,
will impose uposk you such conditions as we please." It
appears to me that if the Sultan knows his own interest,
and what his dignity requires, he will say, " Help na
against the enemy in public if you like, but we cannot
trust you as a reserve guard and leave you behind." The
' report now is, that that is the form in which we pretend
to be generous to the Turks ; but I say that unconditional
assistance is the only assistance that England can in honor
offer, and that she is bound to offer. (Cheers.) I will not
detain you, as I know I am about to be succeeded by a gen-
tleman far more competent to speak. (Hear, hear, and
loud laughter.) Mr. Blackett is about to succeed me. I
could speak on the subject for a couple of hours, but as it
is far better that a great many voices should be heard on
this matter, I shall only say that Mr. Blackett will second
the motion. (Hear.)

Mr. BLACKETT then presented himself, and was received
with loud cheers. He said, before taking the liberty of
seconding the resolution which had been so ably moved, he
felt that an apology was due to the meeting for his presu-
ming to take part in it all. He had no claim to appear on
the platform, except that h.e represented a town which had
taken the lead in discussing the question, for he could tell
them that three months ago his constituents in Newcastle
had held a public meeting in favour of Turkey. When he
was invited to attend the present meetinghe was told that it
was thought desirable that NH many members of Parliament
as possible should take part in the proceedings. He was
told at the same time that the number of members of Par-
liament were likely to be limited, and that being so, he
thought it was his duty to take up a humble position by
the side of his noble friend in the chair. (Cheers.) He
congratulated them on th.e great advantages which he
thought would result from holding the present meeting.
Under any circumstances, so numerous and so important a
demonstration of the metropolitan constituency must exer-
cise a great influence upon the public mind, but at the pre-
sent moment it had this addlitional and significant interest,
that it marked the determination of the people of England
to turn over a new leaf on this subject. (Loud cheers.)
Up to this time the Government of England had had the
whole question in their han.ds, and the people of England
had done nothing. Throughout this country he believed
there had been up to the present time an exaggerated de-
gree of delicacy and fear of embarrassing the Government.
Public meetings had been suspended—members of Parlia-
ment
had held their tongues—every demonstration that
could have the most remote factious or embarrassing ten-
dency, had been carefully avoided, in the general trust
that was reposed in the Government, and in the belief that
no Minister would assume the confident tone our Minister
had done, or would have taken upon himself the fearful
responsibility of attempting to settle the question, with-
out having certain reasons to believe that his efforts would
be crowned with success. (Cheers.) On the other hand,
the Government had accepted the acquiescence of the
people—they had assumed a tone Which, in words that had
now passed into a proverb, might suit a Minister for
Russia, or a Minister for Turkey, but which certainly did
not suit a Minister for England. (Loud cheers.) The
duty of the Government was not to restrain or to keep
down the people, but to protect our interests, and to re- ,
gister our decisions. (Hear.) He did not say that that
was the system of the present Government, but he thought
the warmest panegyrist of the present Government would
not deny that the consequences of their interference hitherto
had been absolute and entire failure. It was said now that
the Government as well as the people were about to turn
over a new leaf. But, if it were true that the fleets had
been sent to the Dardanelles to act as the willing allies of
the Sultan, then there could be no greater justification of
the present meeting than the fact that the Government
were now ready to enter upon the course which the people
had all along been urging upon them ; and he thought
this meeting would supply Lord Clarendon with the very
encouragement which Lord Palmerston told the people of
Scotland was all that an English Minister could desire.
He had already told them that Newcastle took the lead in
this movement, and he took an honest pride in that, but
he thought he could see great and solid advantages as
the result of postponing this great metropolitan demonstra-
tion even to this late period. They had not come forward
to take part in this meeting without having fully thought
over this question. The question had been discussed and
re-discussed; it had been sifted in the public press, and,
therefore, every one was able to estimate the cost of enter-
ing into hostilities. If this meeting had been held at the
first moments of agitation, it would have been said that
they rushed blindfold into the question, and that they had
thrown up their hats for a vigorous policy, without count-
ing the cost. But he was satisfied that every man present
who held up his hand for the resolutions, would bear his
share in the increased taxation which must follow upon it,
and that they would all repudiate the idea of exciting un-
popularity against a Minister who addressed himself to
the fearful task of carrying througn a just and necessary
war. (Cheers.) They would forgive him for dwelling upon
theirthis
edarknem
enemies
contemplating this dark side ; and travellers from the
fee aorfe d
continent assured him that the present notion thew
thenothing
picture, us roe
m,
nbeehc because s
the
e people believed
steadily that
as,
that though the English people would express
shrinkth r
counted that
entering upon war. The Emperor of Russia
but
certain degree of indignation,
England would show a
counted that that resentment would expend itself in
he
indig-
nation against Russian aggression, they would from
protocols, and dispatches, and notes, and all the devices of
diplomacy; but still he counted upon this, that an English
fner would shrink from the last extremity of war.
God forbid that he or any other Christian man should de-
preciate
the calamities of war. But though he felt all the
misfortunes which war would inflict upon the human race,
still, when he considered the evils of the extension of
Russian despotism, the derangement that would take
with
of tariffs
the p
res and e
nprohibitory
st ate
of
place all over the continent by the alteration in the
balance of power—when he remembered that the progress
from the identical
preservation
duties, and the injuries that resulted to British com-
mof Russia
things, which was called peace, but which, in the lan-
guage of Lord John Russell, was no peace at all, but was
a precarious truce, to be denounced by the aggressor when-
ever he thought he could secure his own advantage—
(cheers)—he believed that, taking the meanest and most
mercantile view of these matters, it was probable that the
cost of war would be but a moderate insurance against
what was fast becoming the intolerable calamity of so-
called peace. (Cheers.) But, even on higher considera-
tions, he could not forget that the faith of this country
was pledged to Turkey, or the assurances which the Minis-
ters themselves had given of their determination to main-
tain the independence of Turkey. He remembered that
the clear balance of right and justice was on the side of the
Sultan—that the eyes of Europe were fixed upon the Dar-
danelles, to see whether the fleets went to the Dardanelles
as the allies of Turkey, or as the accomplices of her humi-
liation • and remembering these things, he could not doubt
that there was a man in this room but would join in the
earnest prayer that England would be true to her ancient
honour, and that our Government would not belie the
gallant spirit of their countrymen. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. YATES FREEBODY then came forward to support
the resolution, and directed the attention of the meeting
at some length to the refusal of Russia to clear out the
Sulina channel of the Danube, in spite of all diplomatic
remonstrances, because Russia wished to force England to
purchase her corn at Odessa.

Mr. Wm. HENDERSON also addressed the meeting. He
agreed with every word of the resolution, but, as he
thought it did not go far enough, he would move the fol-
lowing resolution as a rider :—"That it is the opinion of this
meeting that the independence of Turkey, in the present
critical circumstances, should be maintained at all hazards,
and that it would amount to a violation of national honour
to abandon the faith of existing treaties." There was
one feature in this transaction which he could not under-
stand. At present England had been altogether quiescent,
though they were left in ignorance of all that had taken
place, and were indebted to newspapers across the Channel
for the knowledge that their fleet had gone to the Darda-
nelles, and even that their Minister had given an answer
to the note of Count Nesselrode. He thought this was un-
worthy of a free and intelligent people, and he hoped it
would be so no longer. The speaker was continuing in
this strain, when the meeting became impatient, and be
sat clown.

The CHAIRMAN intimated that this amendment was em-
, braced in subsequent resolutions, and it was therefore un-
r necessary. He would, therefore, put the resolution.
The resolution was accordingly put and carried unani-
mously.
Mr. NICHOLAY moved the second resolution as follows:—
"That this meeting applauds the glorious patriotic spirit
of the Turkish people at the present crisis, and would deplore
any attempt on the part of the British Government to sup-
press that spirit as an actofunparalleled infamy; especially
onsidering the many solemn ways in which England has
bound herself to maintain the Turkish independence." No-
-1 thing required to be said in support of this resolution, nor in
favour of the Turkish people, but he would remind them of
the motto of the immortal Nelson—" England expects every
man to do his duty." He thought the spontaneous evolu.