The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-20 00:00:00

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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.)

The house met at five o'clock.

The Earl of CARLISLE presented a petition from
the Society of Friends, agreed to at their annual meet-
ing, against church rates.
The Duke of. RICHMOND presented a petition from
a Free Church in Scotland, against the Maynooth grant
and the appointment of the Catholic chaplains.
The King of Portugal, and his brother, the Duke of
Oporto, entered the house shortly after , and were ac-
commodated with seats before the Throne.
There was a very numerous attendance of peers.
The Duke of RICHMOND gave notice that to-
morrow he would ask whether it was the intention of
the Government to give any mark of approbation to
non-commissioned officers and private soldiers who had
served in' the Kaffir war.

The LORD CHANCELLOR, in answer to the Earl
of DONOUGHHORE, who complained of some informality
in the, recent election of an Irish representative peer,
explained the law on the subject, and said the Lord
Chancellor had no jurisdiction to issue a fresh writ.
In reply to Lord LYNDHURST, '

The LORD CHANCELLOIi, said that, in the course
of next week, he intended to move that the nine bills
which related to the amendment of the criminal law be
referred to a select committee.

A short discussion arose on this subject ; but in con-
sequence of the noise which prevailed in the house, it
was impossible to catch its purport.

THE SMOKE NUISANCE,

Lord REDESDALE asked the Prime Minister when
the Secretary of State for the Home Department pro-
posed to issue orders and directions to the commis-
sioners of police for the metropolitan district
and the city of London, in accordance with the
provisions of an act passed last session to abate
the nuisance arising from the smoke of furnaces in the
metropolis, raid from steam-vessels above London Bridge,
in order that information might be laid against all per-
sons who should not from and after the Ist day of
August next comply with the requirements of the said
act.
The Earl of ABERDEEN said the Secretary of
State had instructed the Commissioners of Metropolitan
Police to issue notices to the owners and occupiers of all
furnaces, to which the act was applicable, of the time
when the act would come into operation (the Ist August),
and whether steps would be taken to compel its °bier;
vance. The number of furnaces returned to the Com-
missioners, which would come within the provisions of
the Act, was 8,800.
Lord LANSDOWNE expressed a hope that the act
would be beneficial in its operation.
After a few words from the Earl of SHAFTESBURY and
Lord REDESDALE,; the subject dropped.

.

H,','-'S.l'Ailhit.

Russia. (Hear, hoar.) There has beeria
subject for nearly fifteen years
' betwcom:/0-•
tria. Russia, upon the one side, undo `N"
course of the Danube free from intet .14 rr?':
the other side, Austria, in considerate A =.• p "*.•
to pay a toll upon ships passing do ~• 70;,1 ren
has been the course of conduct purse • :4-'1111:- frgifF7,"
respect ? She has extorted the paymen-t-itivatiliVi,
every instance ; but she has not only doLno ' W,S
keep the course of the Danube free, but she has thrown
every obitruction in the way, of it. She has x.eftisodio
take any steps Ivihatever fot the purpose, and the cense-
(memo is, , that the obstructions of the river are of suet"
a nature as to have the effect—which 1 believe was ix-
tended to follow from it—of Vying a great' advantage to-
the rival port of Odessa. (Hetti!). This is what ao oni who has considered the subject catillifcaenome.nt doubt.-- At *
the time when the Turks weretialeossession of the Jiver
and had the command of its navigation, by a veryiliniplo
process they contrived to keep the navigation cleai(hear„
hear), and when it passed from their posseasion the'depth
of the water at the mouth of the river Wits uPivarAs '
of 16 feet it is now reduced to only nine. In
what way did they do this ? By making use 'of a most
simple apparatus ; by insisting that a kind of drag should
be attached to each vessel that went down the river, and,
by thus scouring the mud, by the action of the stream
they kept the navigation free. Applications have been
repeatedly ma le at St. Petersburg, to Count Nesselrode
and other authorities, to adopt the same mode of proceed-
ing ; but, they have always refused to resort to this
means. Count Nesselrode pretended that some new appa-
ratus of the most extraordinary kind should'be made ode
of for the purpose of effecting the object. He was told
that it would not answer the purpose, but after a long de-
lay it arrived on the spot, after still further delay it was
made use of, and it turned out not only to be ineffectual,
but more than that, it increased the very evil it was in.
tended to remedy. It soon got out of order, and was no
longer used. It was said, why not use tho old apparatus
in conjunction with this? why not use a steam-vessel to go
up and down the river with the drags? But every kind
of evasion was practised. The object was to maintain the
rival port of Odessa at the expense of Austria and of all
the other kingdoms of Europe. If any noble lords wish
for any details with respect to this subject, I exhort them
most earnestly to read the papers that were laid on the
foundta table of your lordships'yaoffnorrda lively and
instancehouse
I apply such words to such illustrious persionteghsey
Idwi:wocolullabi
say, theindacions policy, the diplomatic
hood of Court of St. Petersbnr
gh. (Hear.) it not,
skill and false.
then,z eat, from the statement, that it is absolutely
enetierieltry that a change should take place in the territorial
poleessions of the mouths of the Dann be—(hear)—that such
an alteration is necessat7 to secure that important and
valuable object, on which so much reliance is plate by
Austria and Germany—the free navigation of that int
por .w
ant river? I say, then, that this object is in contredi
o.
tion with the principle which has been attempted to b.
-
established, that the status quo, as far as territory fir con-
cerned, is not to be altered. Now, my lords, having touched
upon this point, allow me to go to another ; Allow
me to travel to the East. We have, b 7 the superiority of -
the combined fleets, shut up the Russian fleet in the her-
botir of Sebastopol ; it does not dare to oome out for fear
of encountering our superior naval power. In consequent,
of this, they have been compelled to desert and destroy all
their establishments except Anapa, on the eastern coast of
the Black Sea. The chain of forts which they had 'for 50
years been constructing, in order to afford themselYes op-
portunities to evade that territory and to give them free
intercourse with their possessions south of Circassia, they
have destroyed. Can it be supposed possible that, after
we have encouraged the Circassian' and supplied them
with arms, it should be intended again to restore that ter-
ritory to Russia, to place her in the situation which she
before occupied ? (Cheers.) How unjust would such cOh-
duct be towards the Circassians—how unjust to our allies I
I say that such a course of proceeding never can by possi-
bility be adopted. Allow me now to refer to the general
question. If you place Russia in the same situation with
respect to territory as that in which she stood before the
war, whatever may be the events of the war, I ask why,
notwithstanding everything that has now been done, may
she not hereafter take the first opportunity that she may
think will serve herpurpose—what security have yon that
all this matter will not be again re-opened ? (Hear,hear.)
From the earliest period, from the tinieof Catherinedown
to the present day, Turkey has been considered'as
mate prey of Russia; every war in which Turkey has been
engaged with Russia has ended in such a way that Russia
has advanced step by step towards the accomplishment of
her purpose ; and now at last, from documents which hate
been shown to us, we know that she considers Turkey se
a victim within, her grasp, and that nothing will prevent
her from using every possible endeavour to seise the
spoil. But, my lords, let me ask you, if you were
to place Russia, whatever may be the events of war,
in the same situation as far as territory is concerned
that she occupied at its commencement, what will be
her actual position with respect to- Turkey ? Ido not
wish upon a subject of this kind to rely
.on my -own
authority, and I will, therefore,• refer to an authority
which cannot be doubted, that of Count Nesselrode
self. Some time after the termination &Abe war which
was ended by that unfortunate treaty of Adrianople,
Count Nesselrode, by the direction of the Emperor of
Russia, wrote to the Grand Duke Constantine at Warsaw
to give an aceount of the result of that treaty, and of the
relative situation of Russia and Turkey in consequence of
it, and I wish to refer to Count Nesselrodei language to
show in what position Turkey will stand in future if the
status quo ante bellum. be adopted. He says, "we have
placed Turkey in such ,nsituation that she must in future
be dependent upon our will, and do whatever we desire
and he then goes into the question of the principalities.
"The principalities," he says, "are of no importance to us
to retain, but will only be a means of creating jealousies in
the other Powers. It would subject us to great expense
to maintain troops there ; and we have given them up,
lonowiiig, at the same time, that either in peace or in war
we shall dispose of them entirely at our discretion. We
have obtained," he says, " the key of the position, and the
Sultan must feel that if at any future period he dares
again to brave us the result must be his entire and eertain
ruin." This, then, is the position in which Turkey will
stand if Russia is to be allowed to retain the position she
held before the commencement of the war. As I wish to
be perfectly accurate upon this subject, I will quote the
passage to which I have referred. It is as follows :
" The Turkish monarchy is reduced to exist only under tho
protection of Russia, and must comply in future with her
wishes. The posses-iou of these principalities is of the less
importance to us, as, without maintaining- troops thereovhich
would be attended with considerable expense, we shall dispose
of them at our pleasure, as well during peace as in time of
war. We shall hold the keys of a position from which it will
be easy to keep the Turkish Government in check, and the
Sultan will feel that any attempt to brave us again must end
iu his certain ruin."
This would be the consequence of restoring' Russia, what-
ever may be the events of the war, to the position which
she occupied at the close of the treaty of Adrianople., But
I must further call your lordships' attention to what course
Russia is likely to pursuits, to what policy she is likely to
adopt, in the event of her finding a favourable opportu-
nity, provided peacs is concluded upon these conditions,
for the purpose of attaining that object which she has long
cherished, and which has been considered as an essential
part of the policy of her empire, when she is in a condition
to pursue it without being embarrassed by European com-
binations against her. Here, again, I do not wish to ad-
vance anything upon my own authority, and I will.do—as
I have done with respect to the other point—direct your
lordships' attention to the opinion of an unexceptionable
witness on the subject—Prince Lieven. Prince Lieven
was consulted previous to the commencement of the war
that terminated by the treaty of Atirianople, as to what
course should be pursued by the Emperor for the purpose
of carrying into effect the designs he then contemplated,
and he expresses himself in these terms : -
" We must be prudent, we must be cautious, we mustcon-
ceal our policy, we must be secret, we must collect double
armies, and when we have made our preparations without
notice, we must be prompt in action, and pour down
the territories of Turkey before any European force is able
prevent us."
The words of Prince Lieven are—
attitude until the moment arrives for Russia to vindicate her
Our policy must be to maintain a reserved and prudent
rights, and for the rapid action which she will be obliged to
adopt. The war ought to take Europe by surprise. Our
movements must be prompt, so that the other Powers should
find it impossible to be prepared for the blow teat we are
about to strike."

Now, give me leave to call your lordships' attention to
another document of no inconsiderable interest connected
with this subject, and contemporaneous with that to which
I have referred. The history I am about to relate is shortly
this—The Emperor of Russia was dissatisfied with the
conduct of the other Powers of Europe with respect to
the course they pursued at the time of the great Greek in-
surrection. He therefore drew off from the alliance, and
said—l will act for myself, I will be secret and reserved as
to the course I shall pursue, but, before I take any mea-
sures, let me be cautious as to my situation ; and his di-
rected Count Nesselrode to write to the different ambas-
sadors at the European Courts to inquire what,course they
would be likely to take if he invaded the principalities,
what course they would take individually, and what pro-
bability there was of any concert between them. The
answers returned are of the most curious description. The
most curious is that of Count Pozzo di Borgo, who an-
swers every question step by step,- beginning with respect
to this country. The question is—What will England do ?
The answer is, England has recoverild from "her financial
and commercial crisis, she is in a condition to go to war,
and probably will oppose you. She will, if she does op.
pose you, do you considerable mischief, great injury, but
injury not altogether irreparable
refers t
withrahle;nF
respect to
and after
tomilitary
operations she can do nothing, she cannot oppose the march
of
aimi
abusees.Then h
pon the then Minister of that
tthryro,ywhouienrtg somehus answers the question of what she is capable of
doioc.b. France, as to marine operations, would be of no
importance, because everything that could be done by her
al force would be preventedb by naval England ; and, with
the opinion ho has expresseder upon eg yourthis lordshipssubject—her. .. to mgaroel
respect to her military pow
graphical position prevents her from exercising it *lolingt
us ; nowhere will a field of battle be found in prance, and
it is well known what theiroaurriuselevsewillmhavloer.dtze:r
shall
see f
they come in contact with
see what will be the result of that meeting with respect to
which Pozzo di Borgo, who I believe was a' Corsican, ex-
pressed so confident an opinion—(cheers, and a laugh) ;.-7-...
and perhaps the Emperor may see that England a$
France have now raised a barrier against his ambition
greater than ho ever expected to meet. I have stated the'
opinions of Count Pozzo di Borgo with respect to the pomi.
tion of England and France, and his conclusion is, that
even if they were to unite they could not by possibility
prevent the accon3plishnieut of the
.objeet of Russia. I
will now state what were his feelings with respect to
Prince Metternich and his policy, who was at th time
extremely anxious to form an alliance of the Four Powers
against Russian ambition, bat was not successful in accom-
ifs,l,irstlhi i nagtotrhrioitn ot bojfe cintcett:
vuen Count
graoiznzsot i
ti ih
aßto rng,ios
statesman,
's
ta feties. lri giloh tuerni nedg
sams up the condition of Austria in a very few
aTno' every country, ho says, war is a calamity, but to
Austria it iseertain ruin. The result of these considerations
was that the Emperor might prosecute his design without any
fear of impediments, for none of the other powers, either
collectively or separately, would be able to oppose any
effectual resistance to it. Such . is the policy, and at the
Saint) time crafty perfidy of Russia, always intent upon in-
creasing her power, sometimes by silent means,
by
false-
hood and trickery—sometimes by open violence, as intl
case to- which I have referred. But I have n?t,
:
yet alluded
°
to Prussia. (A laugh.) The policy Of Russia
it never changes ; and so, to a certain extent, is permanent
is the policy
of Prussia also. The coalition between Russia and Prussia
is not recent, it is of long standin
tamedirnegadp owlw,
e•airtt hiscg
necessaryorenant
Count Pozzo
r diplomaticn z zino
overcomedi B skill,nrg Borgo
and and
great hall been
n t me
r a 4 :Jig n :
'Prussia :-
1
" Prussia biin—g
tial, bili outultl/ gm% by
leiijealous,.
and
coltlsh:a7,.ats:co.
w:i.:ll4,t..iza.ll77llo44l9l,:u.l_twTilitn_
.
- . - - - 4": °Pak!: 44. OW *let

idea of the nature and importance of the affairs of the East,
ancle if the Court of Vienna had shared her views and her
good intentions;-there can be no doubt that the plan of the
imperial Cabinet would have been accomplished."
I Mayikay at this very moment, that if the Cabinet of
Vienna had shared " vthe iews and good intentions" of
Pistissia some short time back, the object of Russia might
have been accomplished. Then, again, Count Nesselrode
expresies his opinion in these terms :
"Count Pozzo di Borgo transmits to us the most positive
assurances, which leaves no doubt touching the favourable
dispositions on which Russia may reckon on the part of Prus-
sia,-whatever may be the ultimate course of events."
I lave now stated the opinions which have been expressed
by Count Posio di Borgo and Count Nesselrode with regard
to the different powers of Europe, and As to what Russia had
to fear,: either froni their separate opposition or from their
gesipial action, and I think that they afford us a satis-
factory lesson as to the caution we ought to exercise, and
as tb the apprehensions we ought always to entertain of
the 'proCeedings of the Court of Russia in endeavouring
to carry into effect its long cherished object of the
or
finnexa-
ti,on of the Turkish empire to the empire of Russia. The
same system has been constantly kept in view and
_
con-
stantly acted upon : every precaution has been taken
u.
the purpose of giving it effect in all the instances to which
I have referred, and in consequence of the prudent
oadvicesroa
and conduct of the Emperor he accomplished in a great
measure the object he had. in view by the great advantages
he obtained on the termination of the last war by means of
the .unfortunate treaty of Adrianople. Nw,
there is another important point for ouromy lords,
consideration.streoeive
We may say we are not to be sacrificed, we
an effectual guarantee ; without such a gnainteewoef cannot 'he safe, we cannot be certain that the integrityuaral
tee
has been
g
Tur-
key will be held sacred • but when that g
obtained we need be under aoprpraehwehsair
tshoaft
the
oarcaonntseee-
quences. Bat I ask you, my Id
the of
is to be ? (Hear, hear.) We
Russia, but
the guarantee
the your -Powers and that of
gas th guaranteewhatey
erawill ? bThe
united
consequenCes and the effect ofassulcohn a
guarantee of the Four Powers,
and hold together, as long as no disputes take place be-
tween them upon other important points, will be valid;
state of things comes to a term' but the moment
tatrerreeltakes placebetween them with
11.111.
tion;the moment a
and other interests, this gua-
rantee
regatllOthe otheeenec
t useless. What assurance can
.you
will betPesSl,.
of • this character will not infringe
have that .a
F°vfer
••• • ix-pints, however positive, into which she mai,
any online . I
enter? For my part, leek upon an engagement with
Ruaeial ‘bu a subject of this kind as perfectly useless.
It would not be worth the paper on which it might be
written. ,(Cheeys.) Look at her whole. conduct,
and then if any person can be credulous enough to trust in
any statement of Russia, pr in any engagement into which
she may enter' cceitrary to her own interests, all I can say
is, that I admire the, extent• of his. faith. (Hear, and
laughter.) • Let •me recall to your lordships' recollection
what took plaCe at St. Petersburg with respect to Sir H.
Seymour, our intelligent, active, and able ambassador at
that 'Court. • 'Sir H, Seymour heard that Russian troops
were•beiUlg Collected on the Turkish frontier ; ha was satis-
fied with hiS authority, and he mentioned the circumstance •
to Count Nesselrode. The Count, contradicted the state-
men k; he said to Sir IL 'SeyMout---" Do not believe what
you ear;_h believe only what you see—(a laugh):-all that
is taking,...plitee is only . .change in the position of our
armies, which is .usual at this season of the year ; I assure
you you are mistaken." Sir H. Seymour, however, was
too able a diPlomatiat to. be thrown off- his, guard, and
lie wrofe to the noble earl opposite a despatch in which he
declared the impossibility of reconciling all he heard from
varioiie quarters witla.connt Nesselrode's assurances. Is
this the system; and are these the persons, on whose assu-
rances we are to depend 7 (Cheers.) I remember hearing
an eloquent speech from a noble lord on the crombenches
as to ,the necessity of placing confidence in a person with
whom 'We might be negotiating ; but the speech, though
eloquent. '.was not convincing. As far as relates to the
transactions of private life, confidence may probably be
founcledulion character ; but when great interests are de-
pending, and when we employ agents to protect those
interests, give me leave to say that caution' jealousy,
and foresight _ are the qualities which should cha-
racterize our negotiations. (Cheers.) lam of the same
mind' as Charles Fox was when he said he preferred the
old Parlianientary word "jealousy," to • the modern one,
".confidence.",_ (Cheers and laughter.) When the inte-
rest of minis as are at stake—when the liberties of man-
kind are ireissue-eaway with confidence. (Cheers.) con-
fidence, generally, ends in credulity. (Loud Cheers.) This
is true of statesman as of individuals.
(Hear,hear.) My
lords„tlle histOry, of Russia from the establishment of the
empire down to the present moment is a history of fraud,
dnplicity, trickery, artifice, and violence. The present
Emperor has proclaimed himself protector of the Greek
Church in Turkey, just as the Empress Catherine declared
herself protector of the Greek Church in Poland. By means
of that protectorate she fomented dissensions and stirred
-up political strife ~in the country. She then marched
into Poland antler the pretence of allaying tumults, and
stripied the kingdom of some of its fairest provinces. We
know the ultimate result ; it is too familiar to require more
particular reference. Look at another instance of Russian
policy- of .more recent occurrence. Russia agreed to a
treaty with 'Turkey by which she recognised the indepen-
dence of the Crimea. Nevertheless, she stirred up insur-
rection in that country under the old pretence of protect-
ing one party against another, and when the opportunity
offered, she sent Suwaroff, one of her most barbarous ge-
nerals into thtsCrimea, who murdered the inhabitants and
despoiled them of their territory, whilea line of 'Russian
ships iovested the coast and cut off all communication with
Constantinople. At.the very moment when this was being
done Russia was not only at peace with Turkey, but was
actually negotiating a treaty of ,:commerce with her.
(Loud cries of ," Hear,',',) The Russian. Government is
marked by all the characteristics of Asiatic barbarism. St.
Petersburg is merely a .second.Tobolsk. When Napoleon
was going to Egypt be took possession of Malta and an-
nother small rock in the Mediterranean, which caused
Pitt to say that there, was nothing too vast for the aim of
his ambition. nothing too small for the grasp of his rapa-
city. The remark is as applicable to Russia as it was to
Napoleon. Russia has doubled her European territories
within the last 50 years, and yet she is bent on possessing
herself of Kbiva. The less of two armies does not deter
her from prosecuting this purpose, although the place can-
not he of the slightest value to her except as affording her
the means of annoying u 3 in respect to our Eastern poi-
seasions. In this way does Russia go on for ever, Take
the most reueist instance. While Nicholas was pretend-
ing to act the part of protector of Turkey, and try-
ing to cajole the • Sultan with professions of friend.
ship and esteem, he was at the same time planning
the partition of his empire. (Hear, hear.) This is the
Emperor with whom you are now dealing, and on
whose statements and representations we are to rely !
(Cheers.) When Prince Meuschikoff was despatched to
Constantinople Count Nesselrode assured our Government
that his mission was connected with nothing but the dis-
pate between the Greek and Latin churches; but after he
had been a short time in Turkey the Prince opened nego
tiations with the Turkish Government- —which he threat-
ened with vengeance if it should venture to oppose his
views —havingefor their object the placing of Nicholas in
aposition, in which he would share the government of the
eountry with the Sultan. Your lordships, too, may recol-
.ect hearing at that time that Prince Menschikoff had sent
a military officer to Athens. It has now turned out that
that statement was correct, and there is little reason to
doubt that' the Greek insurrection was the result of the
mission. These circurnetences should put us on our guard
against placing the slightest reliance on any engagements
into whiaillassia may enter. We mast have guarantees
for the fulfilment' of her undertakingi. Ido not mean per-
sonal guarantees-'-they are worthless. • Russiahas coined a
mew phrase of which' werrtay seven onrselVes—" material
guarantees." (Cheers and laughter.) Russia must give us
what she 'calls material guarantees ; and if we hold in pledge
or mortgage something valuable which she would not like
to lose,- we may hope to bind her to her word ' • but as for
moral guarantees—as for a pledge of good faith and honour
—such thing,, coming from Russia, are to my mind of no
value whatever. But then my noble friend opposite may
say,— What course would you pursue ? What is your
policy ? My reply is, that that would depend a good deal
on the events of the war. (Hear, hear.) This, however,
I unhesitatingly declare, that in no event, except that of
extreme necessity, ought we to make peace without pre-
viously destroying the Russian fleet in the Black Sea, and
laying prostrate the fortifications by which it is defended.
(Great cheering.) If we leave Russia that fleet and those
defences, we leave her in a position that she will be sure
to coerce Turkey, because in that case Turkey must—to
-nee the words I have already quoted—be submissive to her
will. 'I know not what course Austria intends to pursue,
but I think I may venture to state that, in this matter, she
has far there at stake than either England or France.
Should Rineria hold permanent possession of the Principa-
lities, the whole southern frontier, and; indeed, the inee-
pendeded of Austria would be threatened. If this mon-
strous-_I know not what to call it—this leviathan Power,
which stretches forth its arms so many thousand miles from
west to east, and presses on the northern and eastern fron-
tiers of Austria, should also succeed in establishing itself
on her southern frontier, Austria mast bo crushed. (Hear.)
What course Russia will take if she should succeed in
obtaining possession of the provinces of Turkey in Europe
'itis not for me to predict. That she will not stand still—
that she will not remain stationary, is certain. She knows
S---to nee the emphatic language of the Emperor—that sur-
roundingn_ nations contemplate her colossal power with awe,
a
a know that her yard armies only await the signal for
.
klotl
deluget over the States and kingdoms of the
believtrthas - I feel strongly on this subject, and I
this barbarous nation—this enemy of all
Erdoagtreerts'iexcept that which tends to strengthen and conso-
,s Peitess...whi
—shonmietu,sesonsitacce
becdtt, ch punishes education as a crime
in establishing itself in the heart of
Europe,
the human race; (snist,teeadt!est calamity that could befal
isTrioN.cheßeerifnogre.) The Earl of CLARE
replying to the ob-
servations of my nobl f •
n
with all due deference, to re euk
mark hespe he permit me,
upon the somewhat irre-
gular, aid therefore inconvenient, coil s% which he bast k upon the present occasion; nemi . aan
'mend has
able,
and most intereetinc„ . made a
long, esseleects—.(hear hear 1
the view of directing your lordships' attention so a docu-
vient which is not before you, of which you
can
have no
and which has not been communicated
cognisance,to the
, that
Government, for this reason,
not
Governmentscommunicationa 1,.
make 1: own to foreign.
to their own ff y w-'Oll
relative a sine ourlord
pass Wween them
not, as my noble friend supposes, have
ships ivy Or may not, .
t was published some tao ee
seen this. document when
not in position n
are
ago ; but I contend that you
ofwhich, contents
judgment on a paper, the
of you have heard to-night for the first time. If this
proceeding should be drawn into a precedent for making
Governments the sub-
'the Ceruthunications between foreign
Jed, oraliacussion in this house, I fear we should be exposed
decisions upon incon-
sistent inconvenience of arriving at
sistent and erroneous data, and expose ourselves to remon-
strances..from foreign Governments on account of the con-
clugoxis at, which we may arrive. The document to which
Vsy..noble friend has referred contains merely a recapitula-
tion of transactions in which the four powers—England,
France Austria. and Prussia—were concerned, and it
vitas, as my noble friend observed, that the four powers
averse unanimously agreed upon the maintenance of the
integrity of Turkey and the independence of the Sultan as
e'2sen,tial-te the equilibrinm of Europe. This document
'was srlsnlnsittesi by Austria and Prussia to the members
of the Gerniauic Confederation, who had felt aggrieved at
havingg-leSies exCleded from the negotiations relative to these
_transactions, Which materially concerned the interests of
Europe: This was a matter with which her Majesty's
Government had nothing to do, and uo doubt the Cabinets
-of Bea) and Vienna had sufficient reasons for not de-
viating on this occasion from the mode of proceeding
surnially observed in similar eases. These Powers, fore-
teeing that the aggressive policy of Russia might ren-
der war inevitable, concluded with each other an offen-
sive atgYdefensive treaty, and then arose the necessity
of conironnicating it, not only for the purpose of securing
• the union of Germany against a common ,enemy, And a com-
mon gee
for secuiikth§-{sfetamtirE: of,the ],s,cLre
trawl Vseeloidoebtr lizag

employ
stances, it was not only natural but n p
should have in aid of German interests.
iUdn.ds eernstahbelsee
tcbiractuttab;
declaration made by Austria and Prussia
Ca-
nets of Berlin and Vienna inform
of the Lower Danube
re-
ference to German interests alone,edantdbetchoerneffeodreera, tthioenetabbait-
confidence withthe pe poli-
tical continued military occupation
tical interests of Germany, andn pee
was inconsistent with the material,
sa which must prove fatal to
them to oppose a state of t g andaled evenw i with
solely toGerman 1 has reference soambiguously expressed,
them. The allusion to the status quo, though somewhat
inte-
rests on the Lower Danube. The occupation of the Lower
Danube by Russia
• had already. greatly obstructed the free-
dom of commeroe and the navigation of the Danube. Thai
correct meaning to the declaration is
I have attributed the
evident from the
hme
paragraph which states that a vast field is
German industry in the East, and that it is
great outlet by the mouth of the Danube
not be obstructed. The object of the declaration is
shouldtoannounce that the contracting Powers would not consent
opened essential for
otrhGa t German
to territorial changes in any of the great States of Europe
which would injuriously affect German interests. That is
not an unnatural declaration to proceed from two great
German Powers to the minor Powers whom they invited to
co-operate with them for a common object. There is no-
thing in the document to alter the assurance which we have
received from Austria. After the philippic which my noble
frieud has pronounced against the word confidence," lam
almost afraid to venture on a declaration of my confidence
in Austria. But I think lam justified in saying that we
should look at Austria as an independent Power, carrying
out her own policy, having some internal dangers to appre-
hend and many German difficulties to contend with, and
that, under these circumstances, fall allowance is not
made for her difficult position. But, my lords, as the
alliance of Austria is of great importance to us, and as far
as the inland operations of the army of Austria are con-
cerned, I consider them to be essential to us, I think it may
not be out of place if I advert to some past re oceedings,
and state to your lordships the facts upon which I found
my confidence in the assurances which Austria has
made to us. Such a course will, I think, be more practi-
cal and more useful than that of following my noble and
learned friend in his history of Russian aggression, the
character of which I need not say is such as I must neces-
sarily condemn, but which, in my position, and speaking
under a greater degree of responsibility than my noble and
learned friend, I think it better that I should abstain from
commenting upon, and confine myself to matters which
may be more practically useful and more interesting to
your lordships. (Hear.) I will, therefore, proceed to state
what are the grounds upon which I feel confidence in the
assurance of Austria. My lords, alsout three months ago
I ventured to state in this house my belief that Austria
could not remain neutral in this great contest, and that for
the very reason stated by the noble and learned lord opposite,
name,y, that her interests more than any other power were
concerned in the issue of the war, and that the menace that
was held out was greater against her than against any
other Power. Nay, I will now go further, and say,
that if the German Powers—Austria more especially—
had stood alone, they would have been compelled by every
consideration of policy and self-interest to protect Turkey
against the aggression of Russia. Because, if Russia
remained in possession of the principalities; and, in spite
of resistance on the part of Turkey, advanced to Constanti-
nople itself, if.her fleet retained the entire command of the
Black Sea, and she closed the mouths of the Danube, the
commercial prosperity of Germany would be entirely de-
stroyed, and Austria would become, not the ally, but the
vassal of Russia. True it is that there are some German.
'Powers who still look with awe at the imaginary omnipo-
tence
Austria has not
from her for their futui e existence ; but s
tence of Russia, and who seem to wish to derive a guarantee
Had sheudone so, nem.
shared in this ignominious feeling.
I repeat, as an compelled to take part with Russia, not,t
trality would not have been her line. She must have been
inde-
pendent ally,
on them by Russia by
repelled the demand that was made
but as a vassal. But Austria, ad Prussia. too,
and Russia, which is a matter
took place between Austria _
way of convention, and from that moment a separation
because it has always been sup-
posed the gratitude of Pee
would possess that influence over Austria which my
o f Sod smallthat Russia,
Aus-
tria,noiele and learned friend described. But Austria did not
yield to any such influence. She had gone with us. She
had declared that . she agreed with us, and she supported
our .summons to Russia to evacuate the principalities.
Therefore,
I think that there was no reason to apprehend
that Austria
would remain neutral in this contest. But I
know that it has been said that Austria has not moved
with that vigour and rapidity which was called for by our
intervention and by the possible necessity of the case.
But I would only call upon your lordships to place your-
selves in the position of Austria, and to remember that np
to the close of the year 1853 she did not believe in the pos-
sibility of a war. She trusted to the assurances and to the
friendly feelings of Russia. She believed that her wishes
and her interests would not be disregarded by Russia, and
that the Emperor of Russia would not turn a deaf ear
to her entreaties. She did not think that the Emperor of
Russia would abandon his conservative character, and be
himself the disturber of the peace of Europe. We must re-
member also the personal feelings which entered into these
c6neiderations—that the Emperor of Austria had a strong
personal regard and respect for the]Emperor of Russia, and
that he had to weigh, with reference to the future, the
consequences to himself and his people between the con-
clusion of a treaty of alliance with Russia on the one hand,
and a treaty of alliance with the Western Powers on the
other. We should also bear in mind, that an alliance
with the Western Powers was, on the part of Austria,
nothing less than a complete revolution—a chang of
policy so great as was not tube expected. But, as I said
before, Austria readily concurred in all the changes and
in all the onward movements which had been male, and
when the Emperor came to deal with the inadruissable
propositions of Russia, and was not able to discover in
them any assurance that the object of the Emperor of
Russia was peace, he gave orders that an army 0130,000
men should be concentrated between Transylvania and the
borders of Wallachia, and he formed a treaty with the
Porte that he should send troops into Servia if the Russians
entered into the principality. At that time, indeed, the
Emperor of Austria was disposed to act snore vigorously ;
and he would have concluded a convention between the
Four Powers, but obstacles which were insurmountable
prevented him from doing so. He, however, did agree to
the protocol of the 9th of April, which embodied all the
terms that had been agreed upon by the other powers.
About the same time Austria and Prussia agreed to a
treaty of alliance offensive and defensive, which had re-
fereace solely to German interests, affecting, therefore,
the other States of Germany, whose support and assistance
it was intended to invite. But there was an additional
article which accompanied that treaty, and which was of
a more extended view. By that additional article the two
Powers bound themselves to demand that no onward move-
ment should be made by Russia in sending forces into the
Turkish territory.
is Lord LYNDHURST asked whether that additional
article had been laid before Parliament ?
The Earl of CLARENDON—I am not aware. I believe
it has not, and that the reason is that it' was not commu-
nicated to the Conference. The treaty alone had been com-
municated_ to the several Governments, but it was not
thought right by Austria and Prussia that that which had
been withheld from the conference should be communicated
to the Governments. The reason the additional article was
withheld was that it had reference to matters beyond what
immediately concerned Germany, but at the same time a
copy of the additional article was communi.ated to her
Majesty's Government. This additional article of which 1
speak gave a more extended view of the parties, and it pro-
vided, that .the-two powers, Austria and Prussia, should
require Russia to suspend all warlike operations within the
Turkish territory ; that a definite answer should be de-
manded on these two points; and that if such an answer
was not returned as suld give complete security and sa-
tisfaction to the two Powers,-then Prussia pledged herself
that she would have her army in readiness to co-operate
with Austria, and, if the principalities were attacked, then
Austria and Prussia together were to take the offensive.
At the beginning of this month a summons by the Austrian
Government, announcing that determination, was sent to
St. Petersburg. In anticipation of the answer being unfa-
vourable, the Austrian Government, after communicating
with her Majesty's Government and with the Emperor of
the French, proposed a convention with the Porte by which
Austrian troops were to be permitted to enter the principa-
lities, in order to occupy them as long as was necessary.
Austria having stated to the English and French Govern-
ments that she was determined, however much her assist-
ance might bo required, not to permit an Austrian soldier
to enter the Turkish territory without having previously
obtained the consent of the Suiten. At the same time Aus-
tria placed, at the Porte's disposal, any number of troops
that might be required for reducing the insurrection in
Montenegro. She also offered that her ships should co-
operate with ours in order to suppress the Greek in-
surrection. And, my lords, my belief is that at the close
of this month, or at the beginning of the next, the Aus-
trian army, organised and fully equipped for active ser-
vice, will amount to 300000 men. Now, my lords, under
these circumstances, I think we may feel some confidence
in the assurance of Austria, that her object and views are
the same as our own, and that in the prosecution of this
object we shall always find her. Nor can I believe that
after the knowledge which Austria has acquired of Russian
policy, and after the experience she has had of Russian
friendship—that after the vast expense she has incurred,
and the great risks to which she might be exposed—l say,
I cannot believe, as the noble and learned lord would seem
almost to infer, that she would be so wanting to her in-
terest and to her dignity as to conclude such a peace as
that to which the noble and learned lord has adverted—
(hear, hear)—which could be nothing but a short, hollow
truce—(hear, hoar)—and to which England could not be a
party—(loud cheers)—a peace which could afford Austria
no guarantee for the future, but would leave her entirely
at the mercy of Russia, and leave Europe for ever after-
wards subject to the pernicious influence and oppressive
policy of that Power. (Hear.) My noble and learned
friend has asked what were the terms which would be pro-
posed for effecting a peace with Russia. My lords, I can-
not possibly say, any more than my noble and learned
friend, upon what terms pewee can be made. That must
depend upon the chances and the contingencies of war.
And indeed, my lords, if I did know upon what
terms we alone would be prepared to make peace—if I
was prepared to say that we would accept no other
terms than those which the noble and learned lord him-
self would accede to—l assure your lordships it would be
the most imprudent course I could possibly take. (Hear.)
But this we know, that the policy of Russia and the power
she has hitherto possessed of carrying it out, have been
and are dangerous to the peace and well-being of Europe,
and that both are adverse to the cause of progress and
of civilisation. And we also know that the object and
interest of Europe must_e be to curtail that power and to.
cahreecnkotwhaset
grpoelaietya.ndw effectual, know that the means of doing !t,
vewoensdneernful
dl lyi f v r able, th
not to be disturahvel andthat
ifwt he awt
were
ee
now t opportunitynegle
ts
the people are notin hope for its return. All Europe is
them, great soczlnna(nide
, great interests are not to be injured,
commercial relations are not to be
to have fresh burdens imposed upon
abruptly torn
0 be ales, and
in
nll
armsthe gfroeraatenstPowers
insignificanto
Europe are not t
result. I think you must
and
that that repression will only
postpone the danger,
in—(The last word of the nobrefety can alone be found
cheers that followed the close of hiesasrlpewects lost amid the )
The Earl of DERBY rose for the
purpose of making only
one or two observations. The noble earl had
entered into
the question with his wonted vigour and perspicuity, but
still be thought that the terms of the treaties which had
been signed and commented upon by his noble and learned
friend were of a character to cause most serious appreheu-
sinus with regard to the course which might be pursued by
were the precise terms of the additional
two great Powers of Europe—Austria and Prussia. With-
out knowing what
policyad been
article of the treaty between those
which thosetwo Powers, he could not
certainty as to
speak with any
thought the noble earl had been less
attempt to explain the non-pro-
by
ductiou of that portion of t
fortunatead edbyt than mu
s.ti affl ien bis h
the treaty, The nobli earl had
444
spoken as if tho terms of the treaty between Austria and
Prussia-bad been similar to what had been assented to by
England end France. If_tilat bap., the nee, his noble
1
Vidiesna triondwoulave Did Duns° toccoPlail• Ott

the case put forward by his noble and iearned friend was
this--that a document purporting to be the result of a con-
feren9e between Prussia and Austria had been submitted to
the Government, by which those Powers declared that what-
ever might be the result of the war in other respects, the
whole object they had in view was that the integrity of
Turkey should be maintained, but that being done, so also
should the territory of Russia be maintained, thereby lead-
ing naturally to the inference that if the territory of Turkey
were to be secured, or rather if an engagement could be en-
tered into that the principalities should be evacuated, then
there would be an end to all the efforts on the part of Aus-
tria and Prussia. If after that England and France should
go further; and still continue the war, then Austria and
' Prusia under the terms of that agreement, would have a
right to step in and say—" No ; we have said, whatever
may be the result, the territory of Turkey should be main-
!aimed inviolate ; it has been so maintained ' • if yon proceed
further, and make au infringement upon the Russian ter-
titory, that is more than you have a right to demand, and
principalities
ncertinprrl
itt
igeos
is with
concerned, yo
caasnthreeckeovnecuuaptoionnoeu
fr
al-
liance,the but no further." The noble earl has passed lightly
you. Su
; f7mr
over this which was the pinching part of the statement of
his noble and learned friend—the more pinching beequse
it threw a doubt up the intentions of Austria and Prussia.
Rv the terms of their treaty they would put a limit to
their obligations. If Ruesia► evacuated the principalities,
they offered no security for the future independence and
integrity of Turkey. They give no material guarantee for
its security as an independent nation. But, according to
learned friend, and by any rational man, Austria and Prus-
siathe interpretation put upon the agreement by his noble and
might in such a case naturally stand aloof—and, still
more, they might take part with Russia against any of the
allied Powers, however opposed it might be to the peace
and tranquillity of Europe. Hie noble friend (the
Earl of Clarendon) insisted upon the sincerity of Aus-
tria. There was no question raised about the sincerity,
of Austria—the only question was, what was the inten-
tion of Austria? Austria, no doubt, was sincere in de-
claring the necessity of Russia evacuating the princi-
palities, and of her not attempting to pass the Balkan.
But the question was not as to the sincerity of
Austria. The question was, what was the real meaning of
Austria, and how far could England rely on her co-ope-
ration in the event of the Emperor Nicholas so far com-
plying with the terms pressed upon him as to evacuate the
principalities, and then subsequently declaring that he
would retain all his existing possessions ? It had been very
satisfactory to him to hear the noble earl state again what
he had stated on a former occasion—that as we were now
embarked in this war, it was pleasing to know that we
were not embarked in it for any private object ; that there
had been forced upon us a great question, which had been
growing up for years • ' that the solution of that question,
having been so forced upon us, must be settled once and
for ever, finally, conclusively, and effectually. (Hoar, hear.)
He was rejoiced more than he cool l express on hearing
that declaration repeated by the noble earl, because sure
he was that the people of this country, greatly as they
might be indisposed to enter upon a war at all, much as
they might feel the pressure upon their intere.ts, much as
ehey might recoil from all the dangers and all the horrors
that would be incurred, their disinclination would be infi-
nitely greater to arrive at the conclusion of a shameful and
a dishonourable peace—(eheers)— and a dishonourable
peace he was confident they would declare that to be which
would not effectually check the growing ambition of Rus-
sia, and restrain her not mertly sithin her existing limits,
but rescue from her those portions of her conquests which
rendered her so arrogant and overbearing, and take from
her those territories which should afford a material guaran-
tee against a renewal of those ambitious projects by which
any further disturbance of the peace of Europe might be
effectually and permanently prevented. (Cheers.) But
this he would say, that the people of this country, having
expendeh very large sums of money, having made incredible
exertions, and being prepared to make still greater exertions
and meet all the inconveniences of a war, he was convinced
they would not he satisfied unless the Government resolved
that from henceforth there should be security takon for
the independence, not of Turkey alone, but of the neigh-
bourine States of Russia against Russian aggression. But
above all, as his noble and learned fried had said, one great
object with them ought to be—as well in point of honour
as of policy—not to desert that gallant people—(cheers)—
whose course we hap advised, and who had so valiantly
pursued that course—not to make our own terms, and then
finally leave them to the vengeance of Russia when she had
no other enemy to deal with. (Hear, hear.) Were we to
adopt such a course, we should be guilty of a base betray.
al of our duty. (Cheers.) For the future it was impos-
sible to permit that the Black Se should be a Russian lake
—(cheess)—er that the Danube should be a Russian ditch
choked with mud and filth. (Cheers.) We must have a
material guarantee for the peace of Europe, and he re-
joiced in the language which had been held by his noble
friend on the part of her Majesty's Government. That
language would give perfect satisfaction, and he trusted
that the country would see it followed up by the whole of
her Majesty's Government, by acts as vigorous and deci-
sive as the language of the noble lord.
The Earl of ABERDEEN said—My noble friend has so
fully expressed the views and intentions of her Majesty's
Governmen that little remains for me to say. At the same
time I cannot help making a few observations on what
has fallen from my noble and learned friend opposite. I
think the speech of my noble and learned friend would
have been somewhat store appropriate and in place three
months ago than at the present moment. At that time
it might have been, perhaps, necessary to stithulate the in-
dignation
and martial feelings of this country against a
Power with which we were not thed yet at war, but
having now engaged in war with Russia, I think it was
not requisite to indulge in that eloquent and protracted
phillipic which my noble and learned friend has de-
livered in detailing the policy of the Russian Govern-
ment for many years past. My noble and learned
friend's fpeech reminded me of old times. I recollect,
25 years ago, having had the pleasure of making known
to hie], then sitting on the woolsack, the French Ambas-
sailor of the day, a man of lively imagination and much
wit, and the ambassador's observation to me afterwards
was :—" Chancellor, do you call him ? Surely, he is a
colonel of Dragoons." (General laughter.) Now, it
seemed t,o me that my noble and learned friend's speech
to-night partook of the characteristic thus ascriberito him.
lam most hippy to see that my noble and learned friend
retains all his vigour and martial energy —(laughter)—and
I only beg to observe that I think his speech would have
been more appropriate before we had entered into war than
after we were fully engaged in it, and when we do not re-
quire those incentives to hostilities which otherwise might
have been needed. As this war at its commencement was
so strictly of a defensive character, I can fully understand
the cause of that apparent ambiguity in the expressions to
which my noble and learned friend has referred. Your
lordships wi l recollect that, throughout, the object was to
resist the unjustifiable aggression of Russia against the
Turkish territory. Such was the declaration of her Ma-
jesty when publishing to the country the cause of war.
Her Majesty declared that the purpose of the war was to
protect an ally against an unjust aggression, and, through-
out, the integrity of the Turkish empire and the independ-
ence of the Sultan were the main objects—the objects pat
forward, I say, exclusively, as the cause of war. There-
fore, it never occurred to provide against Turkish con-
quests on the Russian territory. Our object, and that of
Europe, in all these protocols and engagements was to
preserve entire the territory of Turkey and the independ-
ence of the Sultan. Consequently, in reciting these ob-
jects,. there might be, no doubt, an ambiguity in confining
the objects of war to those points to which I have ad-
verted, and in not having in view the possibility of any en-
croachment on the Russian territory. But that does not
follow the least in the world from any engagement to which
we are parties. Austria is -an independent Power, and
most happy have we been that Austria has engaged with
us so far as she has done ; but if Austria refuses to go fur-
ther than those engagements, to whibh we all four have
been parties, what power have we to compel her to do so ?
Austria is acting now both with a view to consult her own
interests and the general interests of Europe. Austria is
now listening to the advice of that veteran and able states-
man—(hear, hear)—whom my noble and learned friend eu-
logised, and I have no doubt will be guided by him, and bya
due regard to her own interests and the great interests of
Europe. Therefore I attach no weight to the apparent am-
biguity to which my noble and learned friend referred. As
to the conditions with which we should be satisfied, on the
conclusion of war, and the objects which we should have in
givennovv to t thl
ee cEi duel
p.
sasniad latitaiornneodtifereietnhda,tthoebehsarybe,e
better
view, it would be both premature and unwise to pretend
ellroyr onfolßu)le
lose no time in fortifying
Sebastopol, for my. noble and
learned friend has already announced his desire to lay his
hand on that stronghold, and I dare say his Majesty the
Emperor will follow my noble and learned friend's advice.
(Laughter.) Butthe conditions for the termination of hos-
tilities are, I say, those wnich can only be described by the
expression—" ajust and honourable peace." Now that must
depend in a great measure on the progress of the war. If it
should happen that you find the Russians at Constantinople
it is perfectly clear that the conditions of peace may be very
different from what they might be if the allies find them-
selves at St. Petersburg. Therefore, the whole course of
negotiations must be based on the progress of events. All I
can say is, that at all times I shall advocate an honourable
peace, though bent on obtairing the great objects we have
in 'view—the security, integrity, and independence of the
Porte, and, as far as reasonable, what is called the security
of Europe which, however, I cannot say I feel to be very
much iu danger by the chance of Russian aggression. For
let me remind rnynoble and learned friend that when that
disastrous treaty of Adrianople to which he refers, was con-
cluded, at a time when the Russian troops were within 50
miles of Constantinople—a treaty, I admit, to be most
onerous and disasterous—still no acquisition of Turkish
territory was made by Russia. (Intimations of dissent.)
Two or three small ports in Asia were taken possession? of
by Russia (hear, hear), but not an inch of territory in
Europe ; and the principalities were evacuated. [An ex-
clamation of " the Danube ."] The Danube?—No doubt,
I have already expressed my opinion- in this' house with
regard to the treaty of Adrianople ; and no one has ever
described the disastrous and onerous nature of its condi-
tions more ttrongly than myself. (Hear, hear.) But I
say, considering the positron at that time of the Russian
army, which was almost at the gates of Constantinople,
that treaty did not show any great desire of territorial ag-
grandisement. And what htppened since that treaty was
made, 25 years ago ? Sines that moment has Russia ac-
quired a single inch of Turkish territory ? Has Russia
any hostility to the with Turkey at all ? None in the
world. The only interference that Russia has bad with
Turkey has been to save the existence of a Turkish
empire by sending a Russian army to Constanti-
nople to protect it against Egyptian invasion. That
is all that has happened since the treaty of Adrianople.,
There has been no war, there has been no aggressian,
but only a single service, rendered to Turkey by Rus-
sia. I think that if we can secure tranquility
for 25 years to come we shall not do amiss ; and that
ought 'to be the object we should have in view. I quite
agree with those who, notwithstanding they may have
been led away by the excitement of the moment at the
commencement of hostilities, still think that we ought
never to close our to the voice of peace ; and I, for one,
so long, or as soon as ever I see the prospect of a just
and honourable peace in view, shall most certainly endea-
vour to attain it. Now, this may not suit the spirits
of those who aro more bent upon hostile measures ; but
it must not be taken as implying that I am in-
different to the conduct of the war. On the contrary, I
venture to say, that those who most desire peace may be
most prepared to carry on war with the utmost vigour and
determination—not to wreak vengeance on an enemy for
whom personally we can feel no hatred but to obtain with
more certainty and security such a peace as we ought to
desire. That is the reason and that is the motive which
will induce me to carry on the war with the utmost possible
vigour--(hear, hear)—and Ido trust that in carrying on
e_ritr, animated by these feelings, which ought to inspire all
Christian nations, e may look for the attainment of the great object, peace, in ma shorter time than many noble
lords - think probable. (Hear, hear.)
Lord BEAUMONT contended that the apparent mean-
ing of the documents was, that the view of the FdurPowers
Were the same, and that thirecrountry civiclently bound,
.WAS
=tier tlZa cizotuust,
lam, to rospoot e.trolo end purely