The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 12, 1854.

LIN Ea LIGA.C; Ei) H.EN'PAIS

IMPE MAL -PARLIAMENT.

Scotland on the subject of debtor and creditor, so far as
relates to insolvency; to provide more effectual machinery
for collecting and dividing sequestrated and insolvent
estates ; to render all important proceedings relating to
these matters of a judicial character ; to prevent delays
in winding up bankruptcies and other insolvencies ; and
to afford security to creditors that justice shall be fairly
done, that assets shall be fully collected, that debts
shall be satisfactorily proved, that no unjust pre-
ferences shall be made, and no unnecessary expense in-
curred. These several objects were proposed to be car-
ried out by 267 clauses and a number of schedules ; and
the noble and learned lord strongly urged the Lord
Chancellor to undertake the care of the bill on behalf of
the Government. •

HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.)

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at 5 o'clock.

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the
Edinburgh Chamber of Commerce, and from the Scotch
Trade Protection Society, complaining of the 12th
clause of the Bills of Exchange Bill, which they errone-
ously supposed would make them amenable to the Eng-
lish courts ; also a petition froin Carnarvon, in favour of
an alteration in the system of fees in County Courts.

THE WAR.
Lord BEAUMONT—I avail myself of this opportu-
nity to put some questions to my noble friend the Secre-
tary of State for Foreign Affairs. lam unwilling—as I
am sure he must be aware—either to pay much attention
to the telegraphic messages which are constantly arriv-
ing in this metropolis from various parts of Europe, or
to place too much confidence in rumours founded upon
those messages. The noble lord must be very well aware
that, even when some of those rumours or reports have
assumed a certain degree of consistency, I, at least,
have generally abstained from any interference with the
proceedings of Her Majesty's Government in the present
serious position of affairs. I have felt confidence in
their judgment, and I have abstained from putting in-
opportune questions relating to the great subject which
now engrosses public attention ; but as this is the last
day of our meeting before the vacation, and as the re-
ports to which I have referred have assumed a very se-
rious character, and as, moreover, those reports are not
only repeated in the public journals, but have, to my
knowledge, been partly confirmed by private letters, I
am induced to ask my noble friend whether, for the sa-
tisfaction of your lordships, and, I think, even for the
advantage of Her Majesty's Government themselves,
he is able now to lay before Parliament any docu-
ments or papers which will explain the actual state of
our present relations with the German Powers ? I
allude to this portion of the question in particular,
because I believe there can be no doubt that a
new and recent protocol—more recent than that con-
tained in the last papers laid before Parliament—had
been signed by the parties who formed the Conference at
Vienna. lam further inclined to ask this question,
because the rumours and reports to which I have alluded
have had a tendency to induce some persons to believe
that our relations with the German Powers are not quite
so satisfactory as might have been hoped and desired.
Even this day a report has been spread that Prussia, or
the Prussian Government, has broken with the Western
Powers, and has actually joined the Emperor of Russia.
Of course, such a report as that can gain no credit ; but
I have seen with some pain a report of the debates which
took place in the Second Chamber at Berlin, and I am
sorry to say that there seems to be a strong party in that
Chamber very hostile to the Western Powers, and ex-
tremely favourable to an alliance with Russia. I con-
ceive, also, from what passed in that Chamber, that those
who took the opposite view did not actually carry the
proposal they thought proper to make. These circum-
stances, which appear to be authentic, and with which
many noble lords whom I am addressing, are, doubtless,
acquainted, from the report to which I have alluded, seem
to me to have a very dangerous tendency, and it would be
very advantageous to her Majesty's Government if my
noble friend should be able to give a positive contradiction
to the statement. I have also seen with pain—and I
fear there is more truth in this report—that a distin-
guished diplomatist, who has long resided in this country,
who has most worthily represented the Court of Prussia,
and who enjoys a high reputation as one of the first
scholars in Europe, is about to be recalled by his Go-
vernment. Ido not know whether that recall has any
political meaning with regard to the relations between
Prussia and this country—whether it may be in conse-
quence of some private affairs, or whether it is merely
occasioned by considerations affecting the internal ar-
rangements of Prussia. So far, then, with respect to
Prussia. I think, also, that we ought to have some in-
formation with regard to our relations with Austria,
because it seems apparent that an alliance, offensive and
defensive, has been proposed and signed between the
two great German powers. Whatever that treaty may
be, its terms have most likely been communicated to her
Majesty's Government, and it would be satisfactory to
know that there is nothing in that treaty which can, in
any way, injure the co-operation—if it should be neces-
sary—of the two German powers with the two great
western powers in case the war should continue. There
are also other reports from Austria of a very serious ten-
dency. There is a report that a portion of Servia, which,
I although still under the suzerainty of Turkey, has always
been treated by Turkey as a quasi-independent power,
has been occupied by Austrian troops, in consequence of
certain Russian troops, or of persons who are agents, or
who are supposed to be agents of Russia, having passed
the frontier for the purpose of raising troubles in ,
that country. This is the report. I have not the slight.
est idea whether it is true or not ; but I think it would
be satisfactory to know whether her Majesty's Govern-
ment are in possession of any information on the
i sub-
ject. I should further like to know—but this s, of
course, a question upon which the noble earl will exer-
cise his judgment whether he thinks proper to answer it
or not--whether instructions have been given to our
fleets now to take an active part in the war ? I ask this
question, because I have seen several private letters from
the seat of war which express a rather painful feeling
that, up to the moment at which they were written, no
co-operation or assistance had been afforded on the part
of our fleets to the r ght win.; of the rurkish army, which
is now engaged in a very severe contest with the Russian
army under General Luders. It will be satisfactory to
know whether such co-operative assistance will now be
given to the Turkish army as, in the opinion of those
best able to form a judgment on the subject—the ad-
mirals and the officers in command—can be rendered.
I should be sorry to put questions upon some other points
with regard to the war, because I think it is not advis-
able to harass her Majesty's Government by repeated
questions on these subjects. We must trust implicitlyto h leer Majesty's Government and to the officers in corn-
mand of the forces upon many points, for, as has been
well said before, secrecy is one of the elements of suc-
cess. With regard to the questions that I have put,
therefore, the noble earl at the head of the Foreign-office
must exercise his judgment as to the extent to which he
is able to lay any information before the house. I trust,
however, as this is the last day of the meeting of Parlia-
ment before the recess, that the noble earl may be able
to afford your lordships and the country some informa-
tion as to the truth or falsehood of the various rumours
now current, and as to our actual position with regard
to the German Powers.

The LORD CHANCELLOR, without pledging him-
self to the details of the measure, promised to give it all
the assistance in his power, believing, as he did, that
the law of bankruptcy in Scotland was in a defective and
unsatisfactory state.
The bill was then read the second time, with, the un-
derstanding that it is to be committed pro forma, for the
purpose of introducing several amendments; and that it
be referred to a select committee.
COUNTY COURTS BILL.

Lord BROUGHAM asked the noble earl at the
head of the Government, whether he could hold out
any hope of a speedy reduction in the scale of fees charged
to suitors in county court ?
The Earl of ABERDEEN admitted that the fees
charged in county courts appeared to be excessive, espe-
cially when compared with those taken in Westminster
Hall ; but he could not, at present, promise that any
deviation should be made from the existing scale.
After a brief conversation the subject dropped.
MINISTERS' MONEY (IRELAND) BILL.
Lord STAVLEY of ALDERLEY moved the second
reading of the Ministers' Money (Ireland) Bill.
After some observations from the Earl of DONOUGH-
MORE and Lord CAMPBELL, who approved of the mea-
sure, the motion was agreed to.
THE REFORM BILL.

The Earl of HARDWICKE said it was known to
the country at large that the Government had under-
taken to introduce a Reform Bill, and since he had
entered the house he had been informed that it had been
stated in the other House of Parliament that the bill
was to be withdrawn. He had waited to see whether
the noble earl opposite would make any statement to
the house upon the matter, so that they might not be
left to get their information from the public papers. It
had been said that the Russian affair was so light as not
to interfere with the matter ; and all he wished to know
was whether the bill was to be abandoned or not ?

The Earl of ABERDEEN said, in reply to the ques-
tion, that he had stated more than once that in com-
pliance with her Majesty's recommendation a bill would
be introduced, and the Government had fulfilled their
pledge, and had introduced a bill, which they hoped
would obtain the support of that house and would give
satisfaction to the country. They had seen no reason
to alter the opinions they had entertained with respect
to the importance of that measure. It was true that
the bill had not been abandoned, but withdrawn for this
session, not in consequence of any change of opinion as
to its character or importance, but from the opinion
that this was clearly not the time when they could with
any hope go on with the bill. (Hear, hear.) Whether
the war would be a light war or not he could not say.
Though he for one must maintain that the existence of
a state of war was no sufficient reason in itself for not
proceeding with the consideration of measures essentially
important for the interests of the country, still he must
admit that if that state of war was such as to indispose
Parliament and the country from giving that indispen-
sable attention to the subject which it required it would
be quite impossible to press it on the country. Under
these circumstances, without at all diminishing the im-
portance of the subject, they had thought it indispen-
sable to withdraw the measure for the present session,
reserving to themselves the fulr intention to renew it or
to bring in some equivalent measure as early as the state
of the public mind and of Parliament might enable them
to do.

Lord CAMPBELL, as a friend of reform, warmly
approved of the course taken by the Government.

THE MAYNOOTH COMMISSION.

The Earl of DONOUGHMORE wished to know
from the noble lord opposite when the report of the
Maynooth commission would be produced.
The Earl of ABERDEEN did not know whether it
was completed or not, but he had no doubt that by
the end of thee recess it would be ready to be laid upon
their lordships' table.

Their lordships adjourned at half-past seven until
Thursday the 27th inst.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
THIRD READINGS.

The following bills were read a third time and passed :
—Accrington Gas and Waterworks, Manchester Corpora-
tion Waterworks, and Manchester Improvement.
The following bills were considered and ordered to be
read a third time :—Abergavenny Improvement, Bucking-
ham and Towcester Road, Caterha,ui Railway, Guild of
Literature and Art, Islington Cattle Market, Newcastle-
upon-Tyne and Carlisle Railway, and South Staffordshire
Railway.

The Earl of CLA.RENDON—My lords, I do full jus-
tice to the forbearance of my noble friend, and I admit
that he has in general carefully abstained from putting
to her Majesty's Government any questions that might
lead to embarrassment. I must say, however, that on
the present occasion he has made up for any forbearance
he has hitherto exercised by putting to me such a series
of questions that my principal difficulty is not in answer•
ing, but in remembering them. (Laughter.) I think the
first question of my noble friend referred to the protocol
which, he says, has recently been signed, and which he
desires to have produced. Now, that protocol was only
signed the day before yesterday at Vienna, and as yet
we have only seen the draught of it, which arrived yes-
terday. I think that protocol is of a satisfactory cha-
racter. It is not precisely that which we originally de-
sired, or that which the Austrian Government agreed
to in the form of a convention, but it has now assumed
the form of a protocol to meet the wishes of the
Prussian Government, and I may saS, that it substan-
tially contains all that was included in the convention,
The assent of Prussia was readily given to this protocol,
and, as I say, it was sipped on Sunday last. It has not
yet arrived in a complete shape in this country, other-
wise there would not have been the slightest difficulty in
laying it upon your lordships' table, and as soon as the
house meets after the recess it shall be produced. With
respect to the first rumour to which my noble friend has
alluded—that of Prussia having gone over altogether to
Russia—l can assure him there is not the slightest foun-
dation for it, nor is there the slightest ground for appre-
hending such an event. I certainly could have wished
that the temper and tone of the debates in the Second
Chamber at Berlin had been rather different from what
they have been ; but sometimes the same feeling might
be entertained with regard to what passes in this house
(a laugh), and my noble friend will not expect the Go-
vernment to be at all responsible for the tone adopted
in the Chambers. Although, however, the tone of the
Chambers in Berlin, and the result to. which my noble
friend has alluded, may not have been such as we might
have expected or desired, I think it has been made suffi-
ciently manifest, by the Chambers, by the press, and by
the Government of Prussia, that such an event as my
noble friend apprehends—namely, that of Prussia pass-
ing over to Russia—is quite impossible. (Cheers.)
With regard to the rumour which my noble friend has
alluded to as being circulated in London, and which, if
it should p' ove true, as he has justly said, would be a mat-
ter of great regret, of the recall of the Chevalier Bunsen—
I I have heard the same report, and Chevalier Bunsen has
heard the report also, but as yet he has no knowledge
of the fact, and the only official intimation he has re-
ceived on the subject is, that it is likely another special
mission may be sent over here of a somewhat similar
nature to that sent some weeks ago, and which probably
will be attended with the same result. I am not able
to give my noble friend the information he requires with
respect to the treaty or new convention signed between
Prussia and Austria, because that treaty has not been
communicated to her Majesty's Government. All I
have learnt with respect to it is, that it proceeded from
Austria to Prussia, and that it was carried by General
Hess, but I do not yet know whether it has been rati-
fied or agreed to. In its official form it has not been
communicated to her Majesty's Government, and there-
fore I cannot afford the noble lord any information on
the subject. With regard to the fleets in the Black
Sea, the last information received was, that the whole of
the combined fleets were at Kavarna, even before the
news was received of the passage of the Danube by the
Russian army. As it was expected that the passage of
the Danube might be attempted, the fleets moved to
Kavarna, and we have received information to-day that
the news of the passage of the Danube had reached the
admirals, and that they have detached steamers in the
direction of Kostendje to communicate with the Turkish
military authorities. I may add that we have no in-
formation of any Austrian troops having entered Servia.
Some time since, however, a communication was re-
ceived from the Austrian Government that the Austrian
corps d'arnzee on the frontier would enter Servia, if the
Russians crossed into Servia, or if there was a Servian
insurrection, but that the intervention would be solely
to maintain the status quo, and to uphold the authority
of the Sultan.

BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY BILL
(SCOTLAND).
Lord BROUGHAM, in a lengthened speech, moved
the second reading of the Bankruptcy.and Insolvency
(Scotland) Bill. - The noble and learned. lord described
its objects to be, to ixorrove and consolidate the law of

Rion, that it was based upon wrong principle, that it was
carried to too great en extent, or that its provisions were
not adapted to reform to conserve, which I have always
considered ought to be the objects kept in view in a mea-
sure of this kind. (Cheers.) At the time that her Majesty
declarel, in her speech from the Throne, that such a mea-
sure would be proposed, and at the time when I brought
forward the measure in this house, there was great proba-
bility of a war with Russia, although no rupture had ac-
tually taken place, and it was still probable that the nego-
tiations might be terminated by pacific arrangements.
Unfortunately that was not the case. But while these
questions were still pending, and I proposed the adjourn-
ment of the second reading of this bill until the period
which is now in question, namely, the 27th of April, I did
so on the ground that very important questions were then
before the house, relating either immediately to the pre-
paration of forces for the war, or to the supply of the
means for the payment of those forces. I stated then, as
I had stated on a previous occasion, that I did not consider
that, abstractedly, a state of war was a sufficient ground
for not proposing a measure of Parliamentary reform. I
stated that there might be circumstances, such as those
which occurred at the commencement of the war in 1803,
which might so occupy the attention of every man that it
would be impossible to propose any measure of that kind ;
but I stated that I did not think the general fact that this
nation was engaged in a war with Russia to be sufficient
reason for not proposing during the war such a measure of
internal reform and internal' improvement as I had intro-
duced. Sir, I see no reasonitteur retractata thatolie opinion
(Hear, hear.) Ido not think present
will differ from that statement, or consider that it is im-
possible or inexpedient during a state of war to bring
forward measures of internal improvement and reform, in-
cluding such a measure as I have mentioned. I stated
likewise that I thought that during a period of war it was
necessary to impose great burdens on the ctstmtrtyh,ea:lde thattif there were classes which were fitted to have
franchise, and which had it not--which were entitled elective
olviet
but did not enjoy it—that if they were to bear these bur-
dens, it was far from being unfitting to admit them to this
franchise. (Cheers.) Sir, from neither of these opinions
do I see any reason to recede ; but when war was declared
it was to be considered by the Government whether or no
at this particular time we should proceed with the second
reading of the Reform Bill. Now, sir, it is not to be dis-
guised that a Reform Bill of any extensive nature what-
ever attacks many interests, wounds many prejudices, loses
many friends ; if the stream of reform is sluggish, the
weeds of self-interest and prejudice embarrass and com-
pletely choke it. (Cheers.) Now, sir, we have had to look
at the prospect of our being able to carry the Reform Bill
in the present state of public opinion both in this house and
in the country. I think it will be generally owned that,
while there has been an indisposition in the members of
this house, so far as I could collect their opinions, on what-
ever side of the house they sat, to undertake the considera-
tion of this question, there has been in the country, not
disapprobation of the measure that we proposed, but an
indifference as to its being immediately urged forward. I
collect this fact, first from the absorbing interest which it
is evident the people of this country take in the war that
has now begun—an interest which is quickened by their
feeling in favour of the power attacked, and against the ag-
gressor in this war. I collect it, secondly, from the absence
of manifestations in favour of reform by petitions pre-
sented to this house. I think there have not been more
than eleven petitions of the kind presented to the house,
and not more than four are in favour of the measure that is
before the house. Now, sir, as I have said, Ido not think
this is to be attributed to disapprobation of the measure
of the Government. (Cheers.) So far as I can learn, ap-
plying and asking in many quarters, the judgment passed
on that measure is one of approbation. It has been con- r
sidered that it extends very largely, but not unduly, the
franchise to the people, and it has also been considered
that, with regard to any penalties of disfranchisement it
may contain, whether that disfranchisement is carried too
far, or not far enough, or whatever may be the measure of
it, it has at least been applied fairly, without any regard
to party interests or feelings ; and that therefore the'Go-
vernment measure is at least worthy of commendation in
that respect. Whether or not its particular provisions are
all well woven together, or whether every one of its clauses
is to be approved—uponlithat I think neither the house nor
the country is at present able to give an opinion, from
that want of attention to its details which I have already
mentioned, and that absorbing interest in ths war to
which I have already alluded. Sir, I cannot but think,
and the Government have come to the same conclusion,
that it would be unwise in us, whether as regards the
general interests of the country, or whether as regards the
interests of reform, on the part of those who wish to see
the promotion of reform, if we were to press the second
reading of this bill. (Hear.) I feel and every one, I think,
must feel, that there is great force in an observation
which was made by the right hon. gentleman opposite, the
member for Buckinghamshire, that it is highly inconve-
nient that there should be a bill before the house containing
provisions for the disfranchisement of seats for which
members are present in this house, and who are con-
stantly voting, and that there should be no decision come
to by the house whether that proposed disfranchisement
should be approved or disapproved—whether it should be
carried into effect or be rejected. lam not at all disposed
to diminish the weight of that objection to any postpone-
ment of this measure. I think likewise that it is a great
disadvantage that her Majesty should have been twice ad-
vised—and I must confess that I myself have been one of
the advisers in both instances—that her Majesty should
have been advised to propose to her Parliament that mea-
sures for the improvement of the representation should be
considered by Parliament, and that in neither instance in
the session in which that proposal is made it should be
taken seriously into consideration by Parliament. And I
own that I cannot accept an excuse which has been made
for the course that I am now declaring myself ready to
adopt on the part of her Majesty's Government, namely,
that the Government having matured a measure—having
prepared its details, and laid it upon the table of the house
their part is accomplished, and their pledge has been ful-
filled. I cannot but think that iu all ordinary circum-
stances, having proposed such a measure, the Government
would be bound, not only to lay it on the table, but to do
their utmost to carry it—(hear, hear)—and, ierefore, I
should be sorry if it were supposed that we evaded any
pledge that we have made upon that or any similar ground.
But great as those inconveniences are, I must say that I
think any other course would have been attended with
greater evils, and with more palpable difficulties. (Hear,
hear, hear.) We could hardly propose the second
reading of the Reform Bill at this time without declaring
our intention if defeated upon that measure, either
to resign our offices at once or to advise the Crown to
proceed to an immediate dissolution of Parliament.
But I cannot but think that either of these courses
would at the present moment be attended with great
danger. (Hear.) Well, sir, but then it may be said that
it follows—and certainly under ordinary circumstances it
would follow—that " Here is a Government proposing a
measure which they think of essential importance—a mea-
sure which affects the representation of the country at
large—in which great issues are involved ; and they admit
themselves that they are obliged not to go to is division in
the course of the present session upon that measure. Their
duty in all consistency should be to retire from the posi-
tion which they occupy." But here, again, a great duty
intervenes. The Ministers of the Crown have lately brought
down messages to both houses of Parliament from the
Crown, asking for the support of Parliament to the Crown
at the commencement of an arduous and, it may be, a
very protracted struggle. It would hardly be compatible
with our duty—l may say it would not be compatible with
our duty—without a case of the greatest necessity, to
shrink from the posts which we occupy—(hear)---and to
decline that responsibility which belongs to the war in
which we have engaged, and to the manner of carrying it
on upon which we have deliberated. Such, then, being
the case as regards this Reform Bill, and as regards the
position of the Government, I may be asked and I am
quite ready to give my answer to that question—" How
stands the cause of reform itself, after what you have now
stated ?" Sir, the first thing I should say is, that the Go-
vernment of Lord Aberdeen adopted the pledge which
they gave in all sincerity—(hear)—that they are ready to
abide by that pledge, and that they hold themselves as
bound to the principles of a reform in the representation as
upon the first day when they entered office. (Hear.) With
regard to any more specific pledge, I can only say that the
Cabinet which adopted this reform measure see no reason
to change their opinion with regard to the principles in-
volved in that measure, with regard to the general scope
and object which it has in view—that they consider them-
selves, in fact, as much approving of this measure as when
they first brought it forward. They can, therefore, only
say, when the opportunity presents itself, which they
would be most willing to embrace, of again bringing for-
ward a bill for the reform of the representation of the
people—when Parliament can properly attend to the sub-
ject, that they will be ready to bring it forward with all
' the weight of a Government, and endeavour to pass it.
(Hear.) Of course, I do not mean that the observations
which have been made upon the measure that we have
brought forward should not receive our attention—that
the modification of details should not be duly considered,
before that measure is again introduced. (Hear.) It
would be wrong to preclude the Cabinet from that conside-
ration. I think we shall ill represent the people at large,
and not pay due deference to public opinion, if we do not
adopt such a course. (Cheers.) But to the principle of
this measure we are ready to bind ourselves, and the Go-
vernment remains as when it was first constituted—a
Government based upon the proposal of a reform in the
representation. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the circumstances are
new—they are unprecedented. A Government entering
upon a war of the magnitude of that into which we have
just entered, and at the same time proposing a measure
large as we have proposed for amending the representation
in
of the people, I believe, is a case :hat has not occurred
the constitutional history of this country. We are bound to
consider our own sense of duty in the cours
say ethasetruwee
few
pursuing. Now, sir, may Ibe permittede to
rnw, but to my
ent
words in reference, not only to the Gvero
own position as the organ of the Pr have
vn
'fl
just proposed i out in this house?
s
(Hear, hear.) The.course that I l:1
ex-
posed to all those weapourrefitssunitoawnhdesmarlcassenerowphipocshitte_
the
right hon. gentleman (Mre .;I.)nw
to use. They are the fair
(a laugh)—knows so
nw.ll .
I have been long used to them—
(wlaeungPleintesr)e—f aenPlitlestrluestthat I Should not complain if those
weapons were wielded with even more than the skill and
dexterity which we have hitherto witnessed. But, sir, it
is a different thing
with regard to those who,supporting
the present Government, are attached, and earnestly at-
tached,eo reform in Parliament. With respect to them, I
mustsay,
whele.the statement that I have just made may
ea suspicion, that that suspicion can hardly be be open •
--tertained without weakening, and in fine destroying, my
position as the organ of the Government in this house. If
I -have done—[here the noble lord appeared to be overcome
with emotion, when loud and prolonged cheering arose
from all parts of the house. He at length proceeded, at
first with faltering accents] :—lf I have done anything for
the cause of reform, I trust that I may be deserving of
some confidence. (Cheers.) At all events, I feel if I have
not that confidence that I can be of no use to the' Crown
or to the country, and that I can no longer hold my pre-
sent position. (Renewed cheers.) Sir, these are times of
no ordinary importance ; and the questions which every
man has now to solve for himself are nuestions of the ut-
most difficulty and anxiety. (Hear, hear.) I have endea-
voured to arrive at that conclusion which I believe to be
the best for the interests of the Crown and of the country ;
and I trust that I shall bo supported in the course which
I have taken. (Loud and continued cheers.) The noble
lord concluded by moving the adjournment of the house.
Sir E. DERING warmly thanked the noble lord for
having extricated the Reformers from the difficulty
which the bill had imposed upon them. (Hear, hear.)
The great moral courage which the noble lord had
displayed to-night was worthy of his high reputation, and
the noble lord might rest satisfied that the people of this
country, to whom he appealed, were too generous to accuse
him of insincerity on the subject of reform, or to ques:s3
tiou the propriety of the decision which he seemed t
have so reluctantly come to: (Cheers.) No- naerae
could foresee the end of the great struggle .w.e:17.:
unfortunately embarked in, and although the question of
Parliamentary Refortlr .might be -very properly:
.r -tit4e
ag4ia- when
_peace yetArned,,tlii s • Was 110 t
Pleiotore,
for
.pressing it forward. (Hear, hear.)
is—
nun thanked the noble lord for the cow be Irtf wifq*"