The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-13 00:00:00

member for Droitwich (Sir J. Pakington) made an observa-
tion about tents, and the Secretary of War dilated immensely
On the question of tents-(a laugh)-which was pretty well
disposed of by the member for Aylesbury (Mr. Layard).
But the question is not of tents. (Hear, hear, hear.) It
meads the policy of the Ministry, in a war commenced
under unprecedented circumstances-(hear, hear, hear)-
* war with the greatest military power, perhaps, in the world
—with the greatest means-under the most favourable cir-
wamortances. (Hear, hear.) I will not argue the question on
such miserable details as those about tents. (Hear, hear.)
I revert to the charge. Why, when you undertook so vast
au enterprise as the invasion of Russia with 25,000 mea late
in the autumn-why had you made no preparation to increase,
support, or sustain that force? (Loud cries of " hear, hoar.")
What is the answer of the Secretary at War? Why, he re-
plies, " We have done it," and he reads us a catalogue of re-
inforcements that had arrived-after the event. (Hear, hear.)
The very evidence he brings forward proves the charge against
him-(hear, hear)-if, indeed, it were necessary to prove the
charge -if sad and stern events, which have touched us all,
had not already proved it to the satisfaction of the nation.
If you are sending reinforcements now, why did you not send
them before ? Why, in November and December, are you
doing that which you might have done a year ago ? Tho Se-
cretary at War says, " It is easy to talk of sending men ; but
where are you to get them ?" Why, sir, if we are in the po-
sition of commencing a great war with a colossal military
power, and because the Secretary at War can count at his
fingers ends that 50,000 men have been sent out from first to
last, and that then we are to be told that the power of Eng-
land is exhausted, I say " Go on your kneel to the Czar as
soon as you can." (Great cheering.), Acknowledge that you
have undertaken an enterprise to which you are not equal.
(Renewed cheering.) Tell him at once that you have not
inquired into the circumstances of the case; tell him at
once that you have not given consideration to the position
you are in ; tell him that the Ministry of England, for thesg
two years past, have been living from hand to mouth, and
have not ascertained, contemplated, or calculated what may
be the consequence of their conduct in this great affair.
(Great cheering.) Sir, that a Secretary at War shoul t have
answered the charge of my right hon. friend (Sir J. Paking-
ton), a charge deserving of notice, not merely because it
comes from his lips, but because it really is the echo of the
voice of the whole country-(hear, hear)-that he should tell
him that we are at this moment sending out reinforcements
which could not be sent out before because we could net get
the men. Why, sir, I want to know if you are equal to the
position you occupy-if you really comprehended the circum-
stances into which you had got-if you knew the stake at
bane, and that you had to deal with the solution of one of
the most important political problems of modern ages-
(cheers)-why did you not long ago recommend the measures
, for which you now ask our confidence ? Why, long ago, did
you not have recourse to them on a larger scale ? (Hear.) The
militia is embodied-you have offered a sufficient bounty ;
but why was the militia not embodied 12 months ago ? Why
did you not offer a bounty when you declared war ? (Hear.)
Why did you not tell the people of England that a death-
struggle was impending, in which the glory, the truth, and
the prosperity of the count, y were at stake ? (Cheers.) Nut
a word ! All you wanted was to put off the Reform Bill
without compromising your character-(a laugh)-and that
when peace was proclaimed, you would introduce a Reform
Bill a little smaller, or a little larger, as circumstances might
require. But, sir, at a time when the common strife of par-
ties is not commenced, and when all this is at stake, when
we have not merely a Parliament political but, a nation poll-
tical-(hear) -when we have the people of this country
thoroughly understanding the question at issue, such con-
duct ought not to be tolerated. (Cheers.) That the Min-
ister should call Parliament together suddenly-suddenly
to the house, and suddenly to themselves - (hear, hear)
-and say, " You shall meet, but you shall discuss
nothing "-(hear and laughter)-" and if you persist
in discussing matters, we will stop the debates, as we
arc so adroit iu the management of the house that none of us
will speak"-(laughter)-I s ty that such tactics are unworthy
of their position. (Cheers.)l ask the Government in what
position they have placed us by this mismanagement of the
war ? 1 have shown you, not what you have, but what you
have not done in the Baltic. Idor of thiak there is a gentle-
man on the Treasury bench who could hide a blush when he
contrasts the emuniel cement of operations in the Baltic with
the miserable results which have OCCLUT d. (Hear, hear.)
It
is very well, sir, for the Secretary at War to come forward
and make exaggerated allusion to an obscure port, and refer
to Bom,arsumr-(hear, hear) -but if you look to the Baltic
you see disappointment acknowledged by the Gee-arm:lid:it to
be so grievous that you dare not propose a vote of thanks to
the fleet in that sea. (Cheers.) Look, then, to the Danube
(Hear, bear.) I have challenged, I have dared any gentleman
sitting on the bench before one, to show that at auy time
a sufficient collection of animals could have been got together
to have moved your army to any quarter. (Hear, hear.)
And now what is your position before this most important
place in the Crimea ? It might have been a question whether
it was expedient or wise to invade the Crimea and attack.
Sebastopol ; but I think every man who sits in this house
will acme in this-that if the Crimea was to be invaded and
Sebastopol attacked, a winter campaign was the very last
time you should have chosen for your operations. (Hear,
hear.) But you have chosen your winter campaign, and what
have been your preparations? In November you gave orders
to build huts. You have notyet soot out that winter clothing
which is adapted to the climate. My right hon. friend (Sir J.
Pakington) fell into a slight error (which I am sure he will
permit me to correct) in his allusion to the loss of the
Prince. He said that the warm clothing had been des-
patched by the Prince, and that the Government were
exonerated because that clothing was lost. The right hon.
gentleman (Mr. S. Herbert) speaks the truth, and frankly.
He seems to think there is nothing like a clean breast for a
Minister in a serape, aed he takes great credit for this specific
clothing for the Criegean climate; but the fact is, that the
cargo of the Prince did not conta.n any special winter
clothing. It was only the common warm clothing for the
troops, and not a cargo in any way occasioned by the winter
campaign, which your policy has rendered necessary. (Hear.)
You have invaded the Crimea; you have attacked Sebasto-
pol ; but you have chosen to do so at the very worst period.
You have commenced a winter campaign in a country which
almost of all others should be avoided. You have commenced
a campaign (the greatest of blinders) without providing for
it (the next great blunder). The hats will arrive in January,
and the skins probably will meet the sun of May. (Cheers )
These are your preparations ! (Renewed cheers). But you
say that time is of the greatest consequence-that if you
delay the frosts will have to be encountered. Surely, how-
ever, when a Ministry has so managed the affairs of the
country as to bring it to such a condition that at last they
ha re to go to war with one of the greatest military powers ie
the world, you will agree that the decision should be arrived
at not only after deep thought, but with the possession of the
most ample knowledge. Surely you would have thought
that statesmen who arrogate to themselves all the ability and
all the experience of this house would so have played their
cards that in trying this great issue they would have essays 1
it under the most favourable circumstances, and not have
incurred risk with the most fearful odds. (Cheers.) It is
now two years since you were dallying with Russia with
your diplomatic overtures. (Hear, hear.) You may pos-
sibly have% supposed that your negotiations would termi-
nate in peace. I believe the majority of you did; because
I know that when a body of men of different opinions coun-
selling together have at issue the assumption of a most difficult
cause and task-I knew that whatever may be their individual
opinions -however they may differ on the main subject-
they always take refuge in the consolatory conviction that
they will not be called on to act, (Cheers.) I believe, then,
that this Cabinet of Coalitionists from the first flattered
themselves that the tremendous circumstances they had to
encounter, and which engage their most anxious thoughts by
day and night, would never be a part of their lives. The
First Minister of the Crown had never dreamt that, at the
termination of his career, he would be acting against thet
Russia of which he was the cherished and almost the spoiled
child. And another Minister who has indulged in day-dreams
of what is called Liberalism, did not think that the latter
days of his eminent career would be spent -on a subject so
widely apart from his earlier predilections. We know the
truth of this from the Chancellor of the Exchequer at Man-
chester, and from his budget in the House of Commons. We
know that by your candid confession that not two of you are
of the same opinion ; that three of you cannot agree upon a
common result-(hear, hear)-but although there may have
been. au arrive pens de that between the Holy Alliance
on the one hand and Red Republicanism on the other,
there would not be a war, it was your duty, as respon-
sible men, to have formed a policy two years ago. You
appear to me not to have enihraced any definite object or
pursued any definite system. If you had, you would not
have told us now that you are obliged to enter upon a
winter campaign in the Crimea, because the time is precious
and that another month's delay would have rendered it
impregnable. This I earnestly maintain-that the mi-
nistry which has involved this country in a war with
Russia, ought not to have taken such a course unless they
were prepared for al, those consequences which men of
their experience, ability, and knowledge must have known,
unless they shut their eyes wilfully to those consequences,
must have ensued. I said just now that they had
called Parliament together nnexpectadly ; but what I
object to in the Government is that they have done every-
thing unexpectedly iu this great affair (hear, and a laugh),
they have done everything too late, and in all they have
recommended they have given signs of vacillation of
opinion and: uncertainty of purpose ; and, necessarily,
feeblenesis of execution. These are little things - they
may be nothing-but the doctors came after the men
were wounded, and the nurses appeared always after
the wounded had expired. These things were never
thought of until the indignant sorrow of the nation called
upon you to exercise the dictates of ministerial humanity.
(Hear, hear.) But the same fate seems to await you in all
your course. Now it is your surgeons that are too late ;
after the battle your reinforcements arrive ; and at last
the storm and hurricane, that everybody had been ex-
pecting, comes at last and overwhelms,, your navies. Well,
this does not appear to me an overcharged picture, for it is
founded upon fact. Does the house think it is judicious
that, under such ciiturastancee, Parliament should meet
sub silentio I But even the resolution tyl call Parliament
together was token too late. (Hear, and a laugh.) You pro-
rogued the Parliament to the 14th December, and then so
uncertain was your purpose-so vacillating your
-so undefined your object, that, having assembled and
counselled the Sovereign to prorogue Parliament to the
14th. The same circumstances existed then as a few days after
when a different opinion was arrived. at. This is no ordinary
occasion, and I want to know wky Ministers have
changed their opinions. If is necessary now to provide
for an immediate increase of our forces, it was necessary
when they advised her Majesty to prorogue to the 14th. In
this deplorable state of things we are only sustained by the
embrance of the unsurpassed heroism of our troops.
A
if ministers had
campaign would have been unnecessary
teems, however,
had had more forethought and sagacity. It
ever, from a passage at the end of the speech
that it it
troops that not
toare our magnificent fleets, or our heroic
but a specific is to be
we
to look fora termination of the war,
found in an alliance which her Ma-
jesty
which she anticipate. with the Emperor of Austria, from
important advantages for the common
cause. I hope the noble
to addreds the house, and oird (J-. Russell) will condescend
house expects that on this subject
impress on him that the
degree of frankness. iHear.)3,;9te he shonici speak with some
jesty to prosecute the war with vial.: asked to assist her
de-
cideMa-
what means are necessary, haveunigessi'lwr-eI say we can't
asaistatico we are to have from our allies, someTh idea of the
honest, sincere one-precious, generous,
cordial, alliance is an
(Hear.) It, is generous when we recollect the vituperative and sincere.
in which the Emperor of the French was spoken
ftive tune
time ago. (Hear.) Nothing is that the
to the a little
ror and the French nation than that they have „erg E p
forgotten that
co-orerateo with us in this war. I remember a Secretary
of State was expelled_ by the noble lord the President of the-
Council, because he expressed confidence in the character of
the Emperor Napoleon. (Hear, hear.) The First Lord of
the Admiralty engrafted on his neitnifestoagainet Lord Der-
by's Government a diatribe against the Emperor
hNapol.eon.
(Hear, heal. •) I remember another member of Cabinet,
ht hone
g i
rurab' •
not so illustrious, determined to outdo the e,
Empror, but maligned
gentleman, and not only abused the
the people of Franco. (Hear, hear.) I recollect the
preseut
•
to the
head of the Government raised an objection
Ind shown an
Govern-
ment of which I was a member that eve .
Napoleon. (Hear.)
indecent haste in recognising the Emperor ;
it
But the alliance of France is based on higher groundsh,itiele. A
ale alliance of the people which required no secret
spirit
-year ago, when the massacre of Sinope had laid low the
rnment,
'of the nation, darkened by the incapacity of the Pove

the First Lord of the Admiralty rose and admitted the mis-
fortune, and said we all learn from experience. The mas-
sacre of Sinope took place in order that we might obtain the
allianee of the German Powers. Have the German Powers
become your allies ? Ido not yet see that there is a secret
article in favour of Prussia, but Austria has entered into a
treaty from which we aro to anticipate important advantages
to the common cause. With regard to that treaty, the noble
lord may perhaps tells us that it is not yet ratified, but that
when ratified it will be laid on the table. I can hardly be-
lieve, however, that a man of the great abilities and lofty
spirit of ahe noble lord will make such a wretched excuse. It
is not an unusual thing, when a Minister is demanding from
the House of Commons great sacrifices for his Sovereign, that
he should say what is the simultaneous assistance we are to
derive from those allies. (Hear, hear.) If this assistance is
to be clogged with some cumbrous machinery, the interven-
tion, perhaps, of what are called the " Four points," then, I
say, it will be the greatest hallucination ever heard of to
imagine that Austria is going to supply any of its means. The
present coalition Government was formed on four points (a
laugh)-Ist, the preservation of peace ; 2d, the extension of
free trade ;
.3d, Parliamentary reform ; and 4th, national

education • but if these Austrian points are not easier of ac-
complishment than those which the noble lord promised us,
and for which some gentlemen sacrificed their principles and
some only their party (laughter), but for which the noble
lord sacrificed both, I for one shall certainly feel that
we are not in a position to receive much encouragement
from these promises of the Austrian Government. (Hear,
hear.) If the Government will not be frank on this subject
to the house, it will, I venture to say, be wise in them
to be frank to the people of this country. The spirit at
least of that Austrian alliance ought to be communicated to
the House of Commons. The country ought to know if Aus-
tria is to act, or merely to watch the game and profit by it in
the end ? Is it an offensive and defensive alliance ? Will she

send troops? Is she to be an ally that will ratify her all
ante in blood, like the French ? (Hear, hear.) If we do not
hear that to-night, then this meeting of Parliament, and this
communication from her Majesty, will not have the effect
which I earnestly desire. I say, for me no Austrian assist-
ance— no four points, no secret article ; but let France and
England together solve'this great question, and establish and
secure the civilisation of Europe. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said, the right hon. gentleman the
member for Droitwich, in a speech of remarkable ability
and of great fairness, asked an explanation from the servants
of the Crown with respect to several circumstances on which
he felt some doubt, and with respect to several objections
which he entertained to the policy of the Government ; and
he ended by saying that, though he entertained those objec-
tions, they did not appear to amount to such a charge against
her Majesty's Ministers as to induce him to take part in any
effort to cause a change of Ministry. But the right hon. gen-
tleman (Mr._Disraeli) had spoken in totally different spirit,
and had attempted by every means, while, like his right hon.
friend, he did not propose to displace the Ministry, to weaken
the confidence of the country in their efforts, and to weaken
the alliance between this country and France—(hear, hear)—
while he had thrown out every objection his fertile mind could
create to an alliance into which we had recently enteeed, and,
in short, had done everything to dash the hopes which the
country entertained of a glorious termination to the war.
(Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentlemen began with a most
curious prologue of a very peculiar and unnecessary kind -
namely, a protest in favour of liberty of speech in that house,
and of his determination to resist any attempt made by the
Ministry to suppress freedom of speech. (A laugh.) He
(Lord J. Russell) had been accused in a print of the clay of
never speaking without an encomium on Magna Charta—(a
laugh)—but an encomium on Magna Charts at that late hour
would hardly be more out of place than a vindication of free-
dom of speech in that house. (Laughter.) The right lion.
gentleman said the Government had never conceived the true
magnitude of this enterprise; but he found, on referring to
the debates of last session, that he had most distinctly re-
coenised the great importance and magnitude of this contest.
(Hear.) After the able speech of his right hon. friend (Mr.
Herbert) he woad not enter upon details, but there were one
or two points to which he would briefly advert. The army
sent to the East by request of Omer Pasha took up a position
in Varna and neighbourhood, by which it was supposed
an effort might be made to raise the siege of Silistria.
The means of transport were collected, and, if the siege of
Silistria had not been raised, those means would have been
found sufficient, although at that period of the year the
undertaking was by no means an easy one. It was most un-
reasonable to expect to find in an enemy's country all the
means of transport that were required. Was Lord Raglan to
send word to Eupatoria the night before he landed that the
means of transport were to be provided for him ? In con-
sidering the question of the expedition to the Crimea the
Government had to consider the alternatives. England and
France had stint ac army into Turkey. If that army had been
taken back to Constantinople for the winter it would have
been a great disappointment to the people of this country as
well as to the army itself. If the Allied army had been
ordered to advance across the Danube, and to attack the
Russians, they would have had to encounter the immense
armies of the Czar, and, as there were no great fortresses
in their way, a victory in the field would not have brought
the Allies nearer to the place for which the war was undei-
taken. There, then, only remained the expedition to the
Crimea, in the success of which ho, in common with many
high military authorities, both English and French, had felt
the utmost confidence. He believed that there was great
risk to he run, but that there was also a great object to he
obtained, and that if Sebastopol, that stronghold of Russian
power, were destroyed, its fall would go far to give to Turkey
that security which was the object of any peace. He denied
that he had given notice to Russia that such an expedition
was to be undertaken, or that be had given an intimation
that an attempt would be made to conquer the Crimea. He
still thought that Sebastopol ought not to be left in the same
position of menace. The admirals commanding both in
the Black Sea and the Baltic had been very unfairly at-
tacked, but if unskilful assault had been made on Cron-
stadt, and three or four line-of-battle ships had been lost,
a .most injurious panic would have been created in this coun-
try. The question was, whether an expedition should be
sent to Sebastopol this year, before any additional fortifica-
tions could be constructed for its defence, or whether it
should be sent in some future yevhen our own army
might be stronger, but when not on bastopel, but the in-
trenchments of every landing-place in the Crimea, would have
been strengthened. The position of Austria with regaid to
this country had been adverted to. He had never been satiakd
that Austria had pnrsned that course which her duty to Eur ee
ought to have induced her to take. But a cautions Power
like Austria was not likely to forget that her danger from
a war with Russia was greater than that of England or
France, neither of which powers had any reason to
Apprehend an invasion of its own territory. The Em-
peror of Russia had kept up an immense army upon a
peace establishment, and after one or two victories
upon the frontier the road to Vienna would be open to him.
It was not until Austria had increased her military force
and made other necessary military preparations that she
took the first step in concert with the Allies. Austria had
now advanced a step further than she had gone before, but
she had not even yet gone the length of saying that if before
the end of the year peace were not made with Russia she
would be a belligerent. She had only gone this length—that
if she should be at war with Russia, a treaty offensive and
defensive should, ipso facto, exist between Austria, England,
and France. She had likewise agreed that before the end of
the year she would take into further consideration what
steps she would be prepared to take with respect to terms of
peace with Russia. Now, he understood the meaning of
that article—certainly not containing anything very precise
in itself—(a laugh)—to be, that if England and France pro-
pose conditions of peace, which should be in conformity
with the four bases, and which seem to Austria to come
fairly within the terms of these bases, and that Russia
should refuse to assent to them in a treaty of peace,
then Austria would no longer hesitate, but be part of
the alliance defensive and offensive. He did not wish to
overstate the engagement in any way, and he quite agreed
that Austria might still, at the last moment, say, " that
those terms of yours, those four bases explained in a way I
did not expect, would reduce Russia too much, and diminish
too greatly her weight in Europe, and she can never be ex-
pected to agree to them." Such might be the language of
Austria, Athout any breach of faith, and she would then be
released from the alliance, hut his belief and expectation
were that she did concur in those bases which were neces-
sary for the security of Turkey ; and if Russia did not con-
seet to a treaty of peace founded on those bases, then in the
next campaign the forces of Austria would be joined with
those of England and of France. It might be said we ought
to have gone further and got better terms from Austria, bind-
ing her to join with us at once. It was easy to say that
these were not the terms that ought to have been accepted ;
but the question was, whether it was not worth our while to
form such a treaty with Austria rather than leave Austria
unconnected and bound by no tics. The belief of the Go-
vy3mFeyrice:nutmcnsh:t,ilai
ntn'gd was,a.
ttshhwteahteoal
fseituht:aweiitenwaselrai. into
therebygn
guarantee
tr
ah enstee ee
promoted.no gf a
tg
h 0
a-
ttlthh ace itsr s
utphc
Powers
wasee
we
sGeswrosoivernment of the Emperor of the
Principalities, and accepting from the Sultan a general
declaration in favour of the Christians, the natural influence
of Russia would be greatly diminished; and without some
such terms as these, no peace could be advantageously
concluded. He had regretted to hear the hon. member for
Aylesbury call the battle of Inkerman a fatal battle.
His belief was, that though our losses were heavy, that
victory would not be thrown away ; nay, such victories were
as likely as anything to bring about a conclusion of the
war. Deeds such as these, though not followed by the rout
of an enemy or the capture of territory, were fruitful of
consequences. They maintained the character of our soldiers
who had achieved them, and they taught other nations to
dread our enmity and to cultivate our alliance. It was with
these feelings that on Friday next he should move a vote of
thanks to our gallant army, and he should also on the same
occasion move a vote of thanks to the brave French army,
who at Alma and at Inkerman had fought so nobly by the
side of our soldiers. (Hear.) In alliance with that great na-
tion we could not fail to bring this war to a successful termi-
nation, and to such a termination he had every hope and be-
lief that it would ultimately be brought. (Hear, hear)
The Address was then agreed to, and the horse adjourned
at 20 minutes past 2 o'clock. •

MARKET .NEWS—(THIS DAY.)
..---
CORN EXCHANGE.
The supplies of wheat to-day were limited. For all kinds
the demand was steady, at full quotations. Othir descrip-
tions of grain were also unaltered in value.
ARSITALS THIS WELL
Wheat. i Barley. Malt. Oats. j Flour.
t
2,710 7,640 3,760 1,150 l2O
830
1,360 ....
—. 2,910 I 0400sYs.
300 brim.

English ..
Irish •• • •
Foreign ..