The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-01 00:00:00

degree evitality which its internal constitution may retain
the Emperor will readily agree that the best means of up-
holding the duration of the Turkish Government is not to
harrass it by overbearing demands, supported iu a manner
humiliating to its independence and its dignity. (Loud cries
of ' • Hear, hear.") His Majesty is disposed, as he has ever
t been, to act upon this system, with the clear understanding,
however, that the same rule of conduct shall be observed,
without distinction and unanimously, by each of the great
Powers, and that none of them shall take advantage of the
weakness of the Porte to obtain from it conceslAons which
t might turn to the prejudice of the others. (Hear, hear.)
; This principle being laid down, the Emperor declares that he
' is ready to labour, in concert with England, at the common
work of prolonging the existence of the Turkish empire, set-
ting aside all cause of alarm on the subject of its dissolution.
He readily accepts the evidence offered by the British Cabinet
of entire confidence in the uprightness of his sentiments, and
the hope that, on this basis, his alliance with England cannot
fail to become stronger." (Hear, hear.)
Now, my lords, this was on the 15th of April, and is the
result and conclusion of a correspondence begun apparently
with very different feelings on the part of the Emperor of
Russia from those which he new entertains ; and, unless
we are to proceed upon a general system of disbelief and
suspicion in the honour and rectitude of persons in high
quarters—if at the end of April last, and before the real
nature of Prince Menschikoff's mission was known, I had
been enabled to lay this memorandum on your lordships'
table, I think your lordships would have felt, as her Ma-
jesty's Government felt at that time, that Turkey was safe
from the dangers in which she was soon after involved.
(Hear.) These dangers are of a very clear and substantial
nature. The Emperor of Russia endeavoured by treaties,
or by engagements which should have the force of treaties,
to obtain that right of interference between the Sultan
and many millions of his subjects which would have ex-
tended not only to a virtual protectorate, but have con-
ferred actual government upon him. Had the Sultan
entered into the engagements which were required from
him, no question, however small and however trifling,
connected with the control of the affairs of the Greek
subjects of the Sultan could have arisen which would
not have had to be determined by the Russiaki am-
bassador at Constantinople. (Hear, hear.) We should
then *Lave seen the enlightenment, the intelligenc:e, and
the progress of the Greek subjects of Turkey, as well as the
free exercise of their religion, brought down to the same
low level as those of the subjects of the Emperor of Russia,
and any demur upon the part of the Sultan to submit to
the government of the Russian anibassador would have
been an infraction of treaty and a legitimate cause of
quarrel. (Hear.) - Under these circumstances, my lords,
Russia would have been enabled at any moment, and upon
any pretext, with her powerful fleet in the Black Sea, to
render herself mistress of Constantinople. I need not
waste your lordships' time by any comments upon the
effect of such an event as that occurring. We should have
found in such a case, to our cost and to our disgrace, that
the maintenance of the Ottoman empire, which is a matter
of European necessity, was nothing more than a vague and
unmeaning term. And I must say, my lords, that it was
unworthy of the dignity of the Emperor of Russia perse-
veringly to attribute the failure of his scheme, not to the
nature of the scheme itself, but to the perseverance and
malignity of Lord Stratford de Radcliffe. (Cheers.) The
Sultan was perfectly alive to his own interests, and under
any circumstances, would have refused the terms sought to
be imposed on him by the Emperor of Russia. (Cheers.)
True it is Lord Stratford, on being consulted, did not
advise the Porte to commit political suicide, but the
same advice was given at the same time by the French
Ambassador, the Austrian Internuncio, and the Prussian
Minister. (Cheers.) When the outrage of occupying the
principalities was committed, it was committed as a gua-
rantee for the fulfilment of a treaty which had not been
violated. Although this part of the subject has been
more than once alluded to before, your lordships must
bear in mind that the whole question, as regards the Em-
peror of Russia, turns upon the interpretation of the
seventh article of the treaty of Kainardji, by which the
Porte engaged to protect the Christian religion and all its
churches throughout the Ottoman dominions ; but so care-
fully did the Porte guard itself against any right of inter-
ference on the part of Russia that, by a subsequent por-
tion of the article, that interference was limited to the
right of making representations with respect to a church
at that time building at Constantinople, and to an en-
gagement on the part of the Porte to take those represen-
tations into consideration. (Hear, hear.) That is not the
unlimited interpretation of the treaty which has been
throughout insisted upon by Russia, and for which she is
now prepared to enter into war. I leave your; lordships
to judge what would have been the effect as regards
Russia if this scheme had succeeded, and if the Em-
peror had been entitled to demand all that was con-
ceded to him, with the additional interpretation put
upon this treaty. We have a treaty with the King of
Naples. Suppose we had suddenly chosen to give an in-
terpretation to that treaty that it was an undertaking to
admit British commodities free of duty, for the purpose of
rendering them cheaper to his Majesty's subjects ; and sup-
pose the King of Naples, as he was justly entitled, had re-
sisted this, and we had seized on Sicily as a material
pledge—not of any right of claim, but of our interpreta-
tion of the treaty—in that case, I ask whether the indig-
nation of Europe would not have been aroused, and
whether the King of Naples would not have been war-
ranted in calling in the aid of allies? (Hear, hear.) Just
such an assumption of right as this, and such an unwar-
ranted use of power has taken place on the part of Russia.
But, notwithstanding all that had occurred, the media-
tion of Austria for the settlement of the differences be-

tween Russia and the Porte was called in, and Austria
invited the aid of the other three Powers in this work.
Though the four Powers felt that tbo Emperor of Russia
hail committed a great wrong, they thought it advisable
to find for him a means of retreat without loss of dignity,
and if the Emperor had accpted the modified Vienna
Note he would have lost nothing of dignity, but in reality
would have gained more. (Hear, hear.) He rejected the
terms proposed, and Count Nesselrode then, in a note, ex-
plained what it waa that Russia really required. Still,
however, the Emperor of Russia having said, after the
Conference at Olmutz, that if any tresliterms were pro-
posed to him he desired that they should be first settled
with the Porte, the Four Powers again renewed their en-
deavours, and their representatives at Constantinople ob-
tained from the Porte fresh terms, giving the Emperor
much more than ho had a right to demand. And it is
worthy of remark that after the Sultan had been com-
pelled, in his own defence, to declare war, and after the
massacre at Sinope which aroused national indignation,
a fresh negotiation was begun. The terms of the negotia-
tion were sent to Vienna, and unanimously approved by
the representatives of the Four Powers, who declared
them to be just and honourable, and such as the Emperor
might accept without any loss of that honour and dignity
which it was thought so desirable to maintain. And, my
lords, how were those negotiations received ? (Hear.)
The Emperor of Russia did not even notice the terms
offered him by the Porte. He disregarded the advice and
recommendation of the Four Powers, and he disregarded
the highest and greatest interests of Europe and the uni-
versal expression of public opinion. (Cheers.) He,
however, subsequently sent proposals of his own, in which
his original demands, far from being abated, were in-
creased, and put in a form to render them more injurious
and more offensive to the Porte. (Hear, hear.) Could we,
under such circumstances, allow the virtual supremacy
over millions of the subjects of the Sultan to be handed
over to the Emperor of Russia ? Could France and
England submit to the degradation of allowing Russia
to take up a position in Turkey which would be the means
of inflicting death upon that country, either by slow poi-
son or by sudden death ? An answer has already been given
by the generous and high-minded people of this country—
(cheers)—who detest aggression in whatever form it may
assume, and who are always ready to protect the weak
against the strong. (Loud cheers.) And, my lords, it was
a sense of national hour, a sense of duty, and a desire to
maintain the respect in which this country is held among
the nations of the earth, that made her Majesty's Govern-
ment, in conjunction with the Government of the Emperor
of the French, feel it their bounden duty to bring this
question to a final decision, and require within a given
period an understanding from the Emperor of Russia,
giving him notice at the same time that his refusal to
comply with the terms proposed would be received as a de-
claration of war. (Cheers.) Late on Saturday evening
last a messenger arrived with the information that the
Emperor did not consider it consistent with his dignity to
give any answer to the communication of the allied
Powers, and on Monday her Majesty's Royal Message was
read in this house. I think your lordships will admit that
we have been actuated by no selfish considerations, that
we have sought for no territorial aggrandisement and no
extension of influence. We want nothing for our trade,
and we fear nothing for our Indian possessions. (Cheers.)
For none of these would we make the sacrifices we are
now about to make ; but for the preservation of our honour
and our self-respect we are prepared to make any sacrifice,
and it is to maintain them that her Majesty appeals to
the loyal devotion of your lordships. (Loud cheers.) On
Monday evening a noble earl opposite expressed a wish
that the agreements between England and France, and
England, France, and Turkey, should be laid upon the
table. Certain papers have already been delivered, but at
the present moment we are not able to lay our agreement
with France on the table. At present it consists simply
of an exchange of notes, containing arrangements with
respect to military operations, and which have been drawn
up for the purpose of facilitating arrangements elsewhere,
which, I hope, may have been concluded before now.
When the arrangements are concluded the notes between
France and England will take a more decisive and definite
form, and wi!l then be laid upon your lordships' table.
Will:Prospect to the convention entered into, I explained
to my noble friend opposite (the Earl of Matmesbury), last
night, that, in consequence of a misunderstanding at the
French Foreign-office, the Ambassador of the Emperor of
the French at Constantinople had not yet received his full
powers, and, consequently, the treaty had only been pro-
visionally signed. It cannot, therefore, at present be laid
upon the table; but I may at once reply to the inquiries
made by my noble friend (Lord Derby), the other evening,
with respect to some fears ho expressed with regard to
certain rumours which had reached him, that the treaty
contains no stipulations of any kind with respect to the
Christian subjects. (Cheers.) A question has been asked
by my noble friend opposite as to the terms and manner
in which we are about to carry on the war, but I think
my noble friend will not press that question, when he must
be aware that the answer must depend upon a vast variety
of circumstances.' (Hear, hear.) Our object is to check
and repel the unjust aggression of Russia, but in what
manner that will be carried out, and to what consequences
it may lead, must depend entirely upon the pro'erbial
chances of war, upon the success that -may attend our
arms, and upon the activity of our allies. When the
British army went to Spain we went to assist the people
of that country to defend themselves from aggression ; but
in 1808, or 1809, or 1810, or 1811, we could nut say we
would make no peace except upon the territorial arrange-
ments which were ultimately fixed at Vienna. In enter-
ing on war now, we do so to repel aggression. I believe
there is not a man in the dominions of the Czar who does
not expect that Constantinople will ultimately belong to
Russia. It will be oar duty, as far as we possibly can, to
prevent the realisation of that expectation, and to take
care that a Russian. occupation may never begin there.
Were it to succeed, and were Russia to be in possession of
Constantinople, commanding, as she would do then, the
Black Sea and its shores, being enabled, as she would, to
occupy Circassia and Georgia, and convert the population
of those frontier countries into one mighty army, having
access to the Mediterranean and a vast naval fleet in
the Baltic, and determined, as she now is, to illOreaBol