The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-23 00:00:00

_ •
we Emperor of Russia will not allow in any dominion of 1
his awn. (Hear, hear.) We know that, during the reign
of the present mperor of Russia, the circulation of the
Bible, which was so much promoted by the Emperor
:Alexander, haabeen stopped ; so that if the hon. member
for the West Riding were to have his way, and. the Em-
peror of Russia, whose acts the hlon. gentleman seems
always ready to palliate, wore to be allowed apursue his
designs unchecked, you would,• perhaps, see Christian wor-
ship in St. Sophia ; but you would also see a varnish of
civilisation, which would ktfar worse than barbarism. I
have said that this waryra cauied, not for anY speculative
object, but because there-was MI aggression of the Emperor
of Russia against his neighbour. The, hon.' member for
Manchester,' in. a letter whieh ho has circulated, not
being ahle to justify such a factt'as that the,. Emperor of
Russia sent a note to Constaniiinople, \said, "aStgu. 1
the note I dictate, or your territories will
_be occupied
in eight days"—the honlmerober, finding ita. difficult mat-
ter altogether to jitstify, says that, my noble friend and Ia
were just as bade/for we sent a fleet td', Athens, with
menace to bombard it. That not eiactly the
The fact is, that some English,: subjects in Greece tr
truth.
been injured in their, property-A, and our fleet was sent
to Athens to institute a blockade and interrupt
~e
od. B
trade until
at
the pecuniary losses of outa`on,bjects were made _ )
as to bombardment it was never thought of. (Hear.
have made these remarks:becausethe hon. member for the
'West Ridine, at the beginningsof this discussion, iu a very
fair and temperate speech, I must say,Nmade observations
as to the nature of the war, and the reasons,why he cannot
concur in it. That question and others will come under
discussion hereafter. All I wished to do on the present
occasion -was, to point out that there must be some secu-
rities for peace; and, let me say, having sated at the end
of the discussion on the first night of the session, what
were the general provisions of the treaty with Austria, I
think the house will have found that I did not deceive
them on that occasion—that I did not overstate those
provisions. If I had done so, I should have been justly
charged with attempting to mislead ; but I made no at-
tempt to give an exaggerated notion of the provisions of
that treaty. But in stating this, I must now repeat that
my belief is, that although not contained in the literal
terms of the treaty, Austria will find that as we do not
propose to diminish the territories of Russia—as we
propose to leave her a great and powerful nation,
and only seek for securities which are as necessara, for
Austria as they are for England and France—(hear,
hear)--in order to obtain a durable peace, that
unless Russia shall consent to such terms—to such
fair and moderate terms as it will be our duty to
propose whenever the Minister of the Emperor of Russia
shall declare that he is desirous to enter into negotiations
—I feel convinced that if those terms are not accepted by
the Emperor of Russia, that if he is of opinion that that
great scheme which was begun in the reign of Catherine,
if not before—that great scheme which is to end in adding
Turkey to the dominions of Russia, must be persevered in
—if he is of that opinion we shall, before the commence-
ment of the next campaign, have the alliance of Austria
with us in a defensive and offensive treaty. (Hear, hear.)
I state to you that Austria is not literally bound to any
such course, but I think she is morally bound by the sti-
pulations into which she has entered. I have always been
of opinion that we might be obliged to have a long and
protracted war unless Austria was a party with us in that
war; but I do believe that if Austria joins we shall have,
before long, the accession of Prussia, and we shall be in a
position to say that the war will not be protracted, and
that at will be ended by a satisfactory, durable, and ho-
nourable peace. (Hear, hear.) I could not avoid making
these explanations. I have nothing to add on the subject
of the bill now before the house. I have not heard any
new arguments tonight. It has been successfully de-
fended; and I believe that, before long, it will be admitted
to be a useful and efficient measure.
Sir J. PAKINGTON said he was surprised that the Go-
vernment had delayed to se late a period to offer any reply
to the able and striking speech of the boa. member for the
West Riding. He did mot intend on the present
occasion
to enter into the questions which had been raised by the
hon. member for the West, Riding ; but they were ques-
tions whieh, at some more fitting season, must be discussed,
and submitted to the decision of the house. But the noble
lord had referred to his Russian despatches, and he (Sir
J. Pakington) could not pass that subject by without ex-
pressing his dissent from the views of the noble lord, and
repeating the opinion which he had always entertained,
that those despatches of the noble lord had tended in a
great degree to mislead the Emperor of Russia with regard
to the real temper and intentions of the British Govern-
ment, and thereby had been one cause of the war in which
we were engaged. The noble lord had alluded very briefly
to the bill which was now before the house, but he had
said that honourable members on his (Sir J. Pakington s)
side of the house objected to the employment of foreign
troops. The noble lord was mistaken on that point.
Their objection was not to the employment of foreign
soldiers, for we were at present fighting aide by side with
foreigners—(hear, hear)—but it was to the employment of
mere mercenaries, who, without any interest in the
strnggle, were to be hired by this country to fight its
battles in the Crimea. What had fallen from the noble
lord on this bill had not, in his (Sir J. Pakington's)
opinion, affected in any degree that great triumph in
debate and argument which had distinguished the oppo-
sition to the proposal of the Government. The noble lord
had taken with him a reluctant majority into the lobby ;
but, in point of argument, the victory of those who dis-
liked the measure was signal and complete. (Hear.) He
could not allow this debate to close without expressing
his extreme regret for the painful and unfair position iu
whichthe Opposition had been placed by the Government
shortin
session tothis question. They had come up to this
ssion 'willing and anxious to give the Government
their support. Let the bonne remember that when thelate
Government left office there was no• prospect of a
war, but from the hour when the coalition seemmeat
came into power, the danger increased from day to
day, and from _the manner in which the negotiations
were conducted by the Government, the country had been
involved in this dreadful struggle with the great empire of
Russia. They (the opposition) had no desire to interpose
in the conduct of the war further than was necessary fur
the safety of the country. All parties acknowledged that
it was essential to strengthen the military force of the
country. They were willing to do so, and they came ex-
pecting that the Government would propoze some plan in
which they could concur without difficulty or hesitat:o.i.
Eat dining this short session the Government had submit-
ted measures so objectionable, so ill prepared, that they
had found themselves in this dilemma—either that they
must, however unwillingly, oppose the Executive, or shun-
- don a duty which they owed to their country by support-
ing measures to which they objected. They had with rc•
- leetance, but in the exercise of a strict Parliamentary
right, criticised the measures of the Government, and for
doing this they had been charged with faction. He though,
that a most unjust charge. Bat the noble lord the Presi-
dent of the Council had imputed to the right lion member
fur Buckinghamshire that he gloated-over the prospect of
disaster. The house must not suppose that he (Sir J.
Pakington) hid any intention of defending his right hon.
friend from such-a charge. He would no more condescend
to &lead him from that charge than his right hon. friend
would condescend to notice it, but he must complain that
such language should be used in the house. (Hear, hear.)
The noble lord in making this charge, which was not ono
of error or political mis.ake, but of baseness and of
disloyalty to the Queen, had exceeded the fair limits
of debate. (Hear, he.sr, hear.) But what must they
think of a cause which required such advocacy? It
reminded him of the advice which was given to young
lawyers when they had nothing to say—to abuse the
plaintiff's attorney. He would now refer to the provi-
sions of the bill. In the commencement of July her Ma-
jesty's Government determined to attack Sebastopol—they
determined to change the character of the war—to make it
offensive instead of defensive. He did not say whether
their decision was wise or unwise ; but surely it was the
duty of the Government to take every means to ensure the
success of that attack. A great deal had been made of a
passage in the speech of the Duke of Wellington upon the
Militia Bill, because the noble duke, in that passage, al-
luded to the fact that, in the Peninsula, a considerable
portion of the British armies had consisted of persons not
British-born subjects. But what was the tendency of the
opinion as expressed in that passage? First, that if they
wished to have an army of reserve, they must organise it
in time ; secondly, the extreme importance of a military
force. And the noble duke alluded, in distinct terms, to
its value, as exhibited by the conduct of the new Hano-
verian Militia at the battle of Waterloo. It seemed to him
(Sir J. Pakington) to be one of the strongest passages that
could be quoted to show the want of prudence on the part
of the present Government. Did they begin in time to
organise the militia ? Did they avail themselves of that
valuable force, the militia? (Hear, hear.) He had no
hesitation in expressing his opinion that, if, in last July,
when they determined to attack Sebastopol, they bad
acted upon the principle thus laid down, and embodied the
militia then, and taken steps to organise it in time, the
house would never have been asked to pass this most objec-
tionable measure. (Hear, bear.) What had the noble lord
said he presumed, in explanation of this want of prepara-
tion? He had told the house the other night, with what ho
thought ho might call a fatal candour, that the Govern-
ment had had made a mistake, and that they had under-
rated the strength of Sebastopol. The country might well
ask whether the Government which made such a mistake
was fit to conduct a great war like the present. (Hear.)
There had been many mistakes made during the last six
mouths—some serious ; some had been accidental, from
the novelty of their position, of which they (the Opposi-
tion) had taken no notice, and had refrained from criti-
cising. lint was the mistake as to the strength of Sebas-
topol one without excuse ? He could not apply the word
mistake to such an error; he called it a dangerous
error, for which the Government must be- held responsible.
What was the conduct of the Government? They did not
know its position, and therefore could not interfere to give
advice. The Government, acted upon their own responsi-
bility ; they concluded the session ; they dispersed—one
to the sea-side—another to Scotland, and the war was left
to take its course, and the expedition was to go on as it
boat could. Sad was the delusion, not of the people, but of
the Government. The people were watchful and anxious,
and, as time wore on, that anxiety increased to alarm ; but.
the delusion of the Government continued through Auestst,
September, October, until, at last, the events of October
opened their eyes. (Hear, hear.) When the battles of
Balaklava and Inkerman had been fought—when our attack
upon Sebastopol had failed—when the batteries had not
Produced the effect expected—when Government suddenly
found themselves in the position of having brought affairs
hriTnwant of ordinary precaution and care—to the very
made and destruction—when these disco-
Lititenhetia;:cen —as the Government had been impro-
outset, so they wore precipitate in the sequel
It w„„..numlartuti!nt was summoned with the greatest haste.
ment before calat they had no intention to meet Par ha-
December ; taitrlis-tas—they had prorogued it till the 14th
to which it had tineird3' it was summoned before the day
.prorogued. Let the house and the
Government remark
late in December, therl'ellawt, having assembled Parliament
nothing for it to do but to
register the bills of the othaser
were three bills to be brough...°fuer:w. (Hear, hear.) There
ard—one to enable the
militia to volunteer for foreign
hotmervice ; the Foreign En-
di‘cu,,,eaen,ll a third, which
listment Bill then before th
enable to which he
Lad been announced, but little
wished briefly to. refer, viz , the bill to the Govern.
merit to seed re,.(e.ments which el.ould volunteer to occupy
strerie
racodn sf
oerntthi
the garrisons Tel the Mediterramos.i. He believed it would
mbeilimtioarelooduinizistebe tcoausoec,ctrngthyoosehuia
purpose, they could not b 3 sent to the seat of war, which it
was essential the Government slio lid be at liberty to du in
respect to the troops in those garris ons, and that uponthe
shortest notice. But he had furthe.n to complain of the
Government, that they had prepared f;kose measures with'
so little care, that they had been obliged to resort to their
opponents for advice. Many of the Governm_ent's late
supporters had found it necessary to join the 9pn n
e ote itien
upon the present measure; and, indeed, he could bet-
ter describe them than as political free lancers of aSn,gland
who were ready to enlist under any banner, and to wear
any uniform. (Hear.) But the present measure having
been shaped by the Opposition in such a manner as.
.t,o,
carry teat the intent isms of the G overnment, was it. a Dili
which they were
sibil' stifledadapting? Ho felt the impos-
juin
ity of adding a pything new-.to the arguments which

esseee-seevesereeeJseesee eseesoeoe,--, _ _
had been already used ; but he felt himself bound to state
his concurrence with them, and to declare his opinion that
the Government had taken an unfortunate course in hav-
ing proposed a measure so repugnant to the feelings of the
nation—(hear)—and humiliating to our pride as English-
men ; a measure, as ho believed, immoral in its tendency,
and one which could only hareis ffect, to lower us n
gie to all European Powers a
aannad dangerous idea, that the country
tfhalosee,yaensdofmEisutarkopene,,
was so weak that it could not raise troops to defend itself.
•He also objected to the way in which it had been brought
forward, so as to avoid discussion. It ought to have been
introduced into her Majesty's Speech, but the Government
was afraid of its influence upon the people. In vain had
it been asked, where the men were to be obtained
they
.were to be officered ? but to these, and many other
enquiries, no answer had been given. The precedents of
the noble lord at the head of the Government had alto-
gether failed. That of the employment of German troops in
the American war, and many others, had warned them of
what they ought to avoid, rather than of what they ought
to follow. But the great argument, which the Secretary at
War had employed upon every occasion, was the necessity
of the case. He believed there was the strongest necessity
to avoid such a measure; but the Government could
show to him its necessity, he would be very glad to
vote in favour of it, however objectionable it might be.
But ho denied the necessity, and the Government had alto-
gether failed to establish it. (Hear, hear.) If there was
any consideration from which they might derive Eolace
under the privations of this war, it was in the gratification
they must all derive from the burst of loyalty which the
people had given forth. It was proved that the British
heart was sound, and never *lid the people conic forward
more nobly than at the present time. He believed that
feom the moment war was declared, the Horse Guards had
been applied to by every military man elision- to share the
fatigues and honours of the campaign. The recruiting, too,
had gone on with vigour. He had received a letter from
Liverpool, a day or two ago, in which it is said that the
number of applicants for enlistment were so great that
they could not be enrolled. But had the Government
availed themselves of the means at their command ? If
they had, how was it that up to this time the Irish militia
was not embodied ? Was the British militia even em-
bodied? Why had not the Government embodied them?
(Hear, hear.) He believed that if the Government felt
any pressure for soldiers for immediate service, there was
no quarter to which they could better turn than to the
Irish constabulary force. (Hear.) They were well dis-
ciplined and fit for immediate service. He had heard that
there would be no difficulty in forming two brigades of
infantry from the Irish constabulary force. Even now,
by embodying the militia, they could collect a force which
they might soon send to the Crimea. Did the difficulty,
then, turn on what the Government said it did—viz., the
want of disciplined troops for the East ? He asserted
that it was possible to collect a sufficient force from the
Irish constabulary and English militia. That might be
done in as short a space of time as in which they would
get their mercenaries ready ; for he agreed with au hon.
friend who had spoken, that in a very short period an
English force might be sent to the Crimea. Assuming
that they had as many men under this bill as they wanted,
another question remained behind whether, when
they had. got the men, they could trust them ? (Hear,
hear.) They must remember that the Emperor of Russia
would fight us, not only with steel and with iron, but with
gold. If they bought the interest of men in the way pro-
posed, was there no fear that their services might be bought
again ? (Cheers.) They would not buy the hearts of such
men. (Cheers.) They must recollect, too, that they had
invaded the Russian land, that they had invaded Russian
homes, and had, indeed, excited feelings in Russian hearts
similar to those which had enabled the Russians to repel
Napoleon from Moscow. There was no doubt, then, that
the forces they would bring against us could only be met
with like forces—men devoted to their country. (Hear.)
Lot thorn not place reliance!, in the mercenary soldier they
had engaged. Let them remember what the Duke of
Wellington said of mercenary troops in tho Peninsula. He
was forced to leave a large body at Lisbon, for fear, he
said, they would desert hini. Let them mind they had not i
to leave a large body of these mercenaries at Balaklava.
Better, then, to have Englishmen oa whom they could
rely. He could not help hoping that Parliament would
reject the bill. He could not help hoping, too, if Govern-
ment carried the bill they would carry it out cautiously;
but if Government were determined to employ such men,
those on that side of the house would, at least, have the
consolation of having raised their voices against a measure
so derogatory to our national honour. (Cheers.)
Mr. BRIGHT said he did not rise to make a speech at
that time of the night, but the noble lord had chosen to
get up at a late hour—which, by the way, was a convenient
plan with him when he did not wish anything he uttered
to be answered—cries of " No, no"—but the noble lord
took the opportunity of misunderstanding, as he (Mr.
Bright) supposed he must not say misrepresenting several
opinions of his hon. friend the memberfor the West Riding.
The noble lord said that his friend desired to spread a
system of propagandism over the country, but what his
friend had said was exactly the contrary. (Hear, hear.)
The next mirrepresentation was that his friend had
struck in for a status quo. But what the honourable
gentleman really had said was again . quite the con-
trary. He said that ho started from the position where
we were at the present moment, and referred to certain
assertions of the noble lord respecting proposals from Rus-
sia, and which'he (Mr. Bright) supposed would, in future,
form perhaps the " Four Points." He could not tell how
the noble lord could make the mistake had he listened at-
tentively to the speech of his hon. friend. Then his friend
had spoken to the observations of the noble lord about the
condition of Turkey. They had, over and over again, re-
ferred to a monstrous statement of the right bon. member
for_ Tiveirton. But what did the noble lord do? Why,
what he (13,. Bright) would be ashamed to do. (Cries of
oh, oh.) It was all very well for lion."
gentlemen who
came down there to cheer a Minister—(yt—r..h r
from '
the Opposition benches)—to object ; but there was not a
man on those benches who did not know that the noble
lord was wrong when he said that the Turks had improved
so much in the last 20 years. Was it not a confusion of
the noble lord's of Mussulrnan with Christian ? It was
nut ths Turks bet the Christians who had unproved. Was
there a gentleman in that house who was not aware of the
fact that the Ottoman dominions—called au empire----we.e I
gradually dying out ? and lie was convinced that the two
nations who had combined to set it on its let's would find
it more difficult than they had ima:;ined. (Hear, hear.)
Why, what did their own officers say ? (The hon. gentle- I
man read a letter in which it was recommended that the I
Turks should be employed in mending the roads, and '
trusted the " biutee" would not be sent to the Ci imea.)
He had, too, seen a letter from au officer of distingui.lied
character, in which it was said that half the men out in
the East did not know for what they were fighting, and
the other half prayed they were not fighting for the Turks.
The only.sign of vigour they had exhibited was that in the
hour of danger. They raised an army for their defence,
which was now almost destroyed by the conduct of Govern-
ment. Another improvement in their condition was that
they lied lately taken to wear trousers, but as to their
commerce or their industry, no such thing really existed.
There wore now twogreat empires leagued eor the support of
Turkey, and it was rumoured that there was to be a third.
But how stood the case ? Turkey now wanted money, but
but could not get it under 8 or 9 per cent. • But Russia
was an empire, against which three empires—if Turkey
were one—were at war; and it was said that a fourth was
to join them ; and yet the Russian funds attained on
'Change the same price as the stock of the London and
North-Western Railway. What was it Government had
undertaken to do? To set up the Turkish empire, an
undertaking in which they must of necessity fail. They
had themselves pressed tho Sultan to enter into the con-
test, to carry on which he was now forced to mortgage his
Egyptian revenues, and that, as the Chancellor of the
Exchequer could tell the house, was tantamount to a dis-
memberment of his dominions. So far with respect to the
arguments of the noble lord. He would now like to know
what the noble lord saw so worthy in the Greeks, who had
been charged falsely, he believed, with setting fire to
Varna, and whom it had been thought necessary to have
removed from Balaklava ? Why were atterup!s made to
create dislike to tie Greeks here, if the Greeks, as the
noble lord alleged, were Turks? The fact was, that he
was himself destroying that Turkey which he professed to
defend, and smothering it in his embrace. The forcible
language of the Times newspaper in reference to the com-
mencement of the war was sure to be realised. That jour-
nal had stated that whatever else might be the result of
the war this was certain, that at the conclusion there
would be no Turkey in Europe. The noble lord had
quoted a letter which had been written by him (Mr.
Bright), and which he, like many others, found not easy
to answer. (Laughter.) The noble lord had referred J.
what he (Mr. Bright) had said about the Don Pacifico
affair; but the noble lord must know that he referred to
the despatch of Count Nesselrode to Bare* Brunnow, in
which ho charged England with pursuing an isolated
policy, and considering her own will as right. He had
now to state of that affair, that had it not been con-
ducted with more temper and more good sense than the
question of the Holy Places had been, there might
have been a war on it, and it was a question on which
Russia might fairly have gone to war with England. The
noble lord again misrepresented his hon. friend. His hon.
friend had said—and he appealed to every gentleman in
the house if it was not so—that in the present war Aus-
tria and Prussia had a stronger interest than England, and
that he did not see why terms which Austria considered
safe to herself should be refused by this country and by
France. Now he (Mr. Bright) was prepared to show that
there had not been a single thing in the course of the nego-
tiations that Austria or France agreed to, that the Govern-
ment of the noble lord did not refuse, and he (Mr. Bright)
should therefore consider that it alone was responsible for
the war. He would not go so minutely into circumstances,
but should content himself with the mention of two facts.
The one was, that when the French Ambassador had re-
ceived the instructions of the Emperor of the French not
to take on himself the responsibility of pressing the Porte
to refuse the Vienna note, the English Government,
through Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, secured its rejection.
The other fact was, that when, in September last year,
terms of agreement had been drawn up at Olmutz, and that
the Emperor of the French urged their acceptance on Tur-
key, Lord Clarendon wrote a letter, in no statesmanlike
spirit, but in a contemptuous tone of expression, that he
would have nothing more to do in regard to the Vienna
note. On the truth of both these facts, he was ready to
stake his reputation. Be the policy so pursued right or
wrong, it was one adopted solely by the Government of
this country. If that were true how could it be that Aus-
tria could engage in war for objects beyond those which
she had contemplated? or that the Emperor of the French
would battle for objects beyond those with which he was
satisfied in September of last year ? Thero was another
despatch which had never as yet been published in this
country, but had lately appeared in a St. Petersburg paper,
from which it had been copied in Paris, in which the Em-
peror of the French urged on Russia to accept the Vienna
note, on the ground that it did not differ in sense from
the original propositions of Prince Menschikoff. The de-
spatch said further—" The French Government submit
it to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, with the hope they
will find its sense differs in nothing from the sense of the
propositions presented by Prince M enschikoff, and that it
gives satisfaction in all the essential parts of it, demands.
The slight variation in the form of it will not ho observed
by the mass of the people either in Russia or in Ttt, key."
It also stated that, in the eves of the mass, it would have
all the significance which the Cabinet. of St. Petersburg
wished to give it, and the Emperor Nicholas would Appear
to them always as the powerful protector of their rel;gier.s
faith. This despatch was similar to the termsof the Vienna
note, and up
to that moment neither the Government of
France, nor the Government of this country, bad ever
deniedfor a single instant the justice of a claim on the part
of the
Russian Government as against that of Turkey. And
then they turned against their own note, and said there was
a different construction put upon it. The whole of that
statement was delusive ; and if he (Mr. Bright) were not in
that house, he w
were
making
give it a harsher term. He maintained
they
accepted their 4n terms war against a Government which had
a thateof
f arguing t hrys we ' fe
rl3 eace, and he stated this only
Gfoorvtahrne
mpuernpot,
eth the house, and with the
further terms from the Power at
teast bound to exact no
with
whom they
were at war

-
than such as might give that security which was at first
believed to be necessary. But if they carried on a war
for vengeance, for conquest, or for the pul•pose,s of the Go-
vernment at home—as many a war had been carried on—
they would be guilty of a heavy crime in the eyes alike of
God and man. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord (Lord J.
Russell) spoke very confidently that evening ; but a consi-
derable portion of the speech was not very satisfactory to
him (Mr. Bright) hoping, as he did, for a speedy termination
to the war. The noble lord would be acting a more states-
manlike part if, in making his speeches, he abstained from
those trifling but irritating charges which he was constantly
bringing against the Russian Government, such as their
prohibiting the sale of Bibles, and other matters of a similar
character. But, what said the right hon. gentleman, the
President of the Board of Control, to the Government of
our ally ? Did not that right hon. gentleman thank
God that our ally could not gag oar newspapers ? (Hear.)
MI this showed a littleness on the part of the statesmen of
this country, when vast interests hung upon every word
they uttered ; and, might be, that tens of thousands of
our countrymen might be hurried to an untimely grave if
the noble lord made one false step in the position iu which
he was now placed. (Hoar, hear.) During the time the
late terrible calamities were happening, he (the hon. gen-
tleman) had been given to understand there was not a
Cabinet meeting. The noble lord (Lord Johu Russell)
was making a speech in Camberland and another iu Brad-
ford, descanting upon the decline of empires; and after-
wards be delivered a speech at Bristol in faveur of a new
history of England. If such a history were impartially
written, he (Mr. Bright) knew not how the hoblo lord's
conduct for the last, few months would show. (Laughter.)
The noble lord, the member for Tiverton, was about the
same time making a speech to the Hampshire peasantry,
which overthrew the Now Testament, and disturbed the
i very foundations of morality. (Laughter.) When he
looked at the hon. gentlemen upon the Treasury benches,
and considered all that their policy had brought about
within the last twelve months, he scarcely dared trust
himself to speak of them either in or out of their presence.
Hon. gentlemen know what they had loot in that house.
He (Mr. Bright) met the late hon. and gallant member for
the borough of Frome (Colonel Boyle) a short time before
that gallant officer went out, at the shop of Mr. Westerton
the bookseller, near Hyde-park-corner. He asked him
whether he was going out to the Crimea, and the gallant
member replied that he was afraid ho should. Not afraid
in the sense of personal fear—(hear)—but with a look and
tone that he (the hon. member) should never forget, the
gallant colonel said, " It is no light matter for a man who
has got, a wife and five little children." Well, that gallant
officer had found a grave; his wife was a widow, and his
children orphans. (Hear.) Now, let them take that hon.
and gallant member who bad sat on the opposite side of
the house, the late Col. Blair. Who would not recollect
his frank, manly, and ingenuous countenance. (Hear.)
He doubted whether any man on either side of the house
was more capable than that gallant colonel to engage the
good-will and affection of all. (Hear, hear.) But the
place that knew him would know him no more for ever.
(Hear.) He (Hr. Bright) had specified but two gallant
officers • but there were 100 officers who had been killed
in battle or died of their wounds ; there were 40 who h d
died of disease, and more than 200 had been wounded more
or less severely ; and every post brought them the narra-
tive of some one or more death. There had been a ter-
ribly destructive war for the officers. They had been, as
he (the hon. member) would have been expected them to
be, first in valour as in place—(hear, hear)- and they had
consequently suffered more in proportion than the common
soldiers of the army. Well, then, this spread sorrow over
the whole country. He (Mr. Bright) was at the bar of
the other house of Parliament when the vote of thanks to
the army was moved, and there were many ladies in the
galleries, three-fourths of whom were in the deepest
mourning. Was this nothing? In every village there
were cottages to bo found in which sorrow had entered,
and entered, ho (the hon. gentleman) believed, through
the policy of her Majesty's Government, which might
have been avoided. No one supposed that the Govern-
ment wanted to spread a pall of sorrow over the land ;
but the least one would expect would be this—that, when
such questions as the present were discussed, they would
be discussed with a becoming gravity and a sense of those
terrible consequences which might come to individuals
and to the nation. He recollected the late Sir R. Peel,
upon the occasion of some anticipated rupture with the
United States, and he (Hr. Bright) could not forget the
'gravity of the countenance of that right hon. baronet, and
the solemnity of his tone. He recollected even the way
in which the right hon. baronet walked up to his seat in
the house, and there was a general feeling at the time
that he was 'weighed down by a sense of the deep
responsibility which rested upon him. (Hear, hear,
and cheers.) Was that the case with the present
Government? Was buffonery at the Reform Club be-
fitting a matter of this nature? Was the flippant style
of speech from that (the Treasury) bench becoming states-
men and Christian men on a great subject of this para-
mount importance? It was very easy for the noble lord,
the member for Tiverton, to tell him (Mr. Bright) that
he was against war under any circumstances, and that if
an enemy landed on our shores he would make a calculation
whether it world be cheaper to take the enemy in or drive
him out, and that, therefore, his opinion was not worthy
of acceptance either by Parliament or the country. Don't
let the noble lord suppose that he (Mr. Bright) was for a
moment afraid of discussing this question upon the noble
lord's own principles. Ho (Mr. Bright) understood the
blue books as well as the noble lord; and after reading
them from beginning to end, he said, and he said it with
as much confidence as he ever spoke anything, that this
war could not be justified out of these negotiations, and
impartial history would teach that conclusion to our pos-
terity if we did not now comprehend it. He was not,
and never pretended to be a statesman. That character
not sure that a pure
taenjoyed,
ands.d
v,
like
ehonourabletshoe
was so tainted and equivocal in these days, that he was
of
fanoblee.e ambitionlordsf or 3weideouywledz
rtashs aspire
irhrel
i to
thei t ileha
du
emolumentso
\ had not set his sails to every passing breeze ; he was a
plain and simple citizen, sent to that house by one of the
first constitneeeies in The empire, and his orpicniom,rnigixt.
therefore, be the opinions of very many out of doors, and
consonant with the true interests of those who sent him
there. Let it not be said that he stood alone in the con-
demnation of the war, and of this incapable and giddy
Administration. But if bo were alone, and if his voice
were the solitary voice that was heard amid the din of
war and the clamour of a venal press, ho should have the
consolation which ho had that night, and which ho trusted
might rest with him to the last moment of his existence
a priceless consolation—that no word of his hail over
tended to promote the squandering of his country's trea-
sure or the spilling of his country's blood. (Cheers.)
The house then divided—
For the third reading
Against it

Majority for the third reading 33
The bill was then read a third time.

The SOLICITOR-GENERAL then moved to substitute
the following clause for clause 2
" Provided always, that the mar serving under this act
shall not be employed in the United Kingdom except for the
purpose of being trained, arrayed, and formed into regiments,
battalions, or corps for foreign service, and except such bodies
of reserve as may be kept in the United Kingdom, and which
shall be kept and used solely for the purpose of training and
arraying recruits, and for supplying vacancies in such regi-
ments, battalions, or corps ; and the men serving under this
1 act shall not be billetted or quartered on any person or per-
; sons ; and that there shall not be within the United Kingdom
i more in the whole than ten thousand men serving under this
! 1 act at any one time."
The Earl of MARCH was at a loss to understand how in
I the event of there being cavalry amongst these foreign
troops, and it being desirable to transfer them from the
barracks (say of Dorchester) to the place of embarkation,
it would be possible to get them to that place without bil-
leting them on the road.
Mr. S. HERBERT said that no such difficulty could
I arise, as it was not in the interior but on the coast that
the foreign troops would be trained.
Mr. MILES was not at all satisfied with the answer,
and feared it would be impossible to avoid the billet.
,The SOLICITOR-GENERAL explained that in case
hotel accommodation were required for these troops, it
would be sought as in the case of civilians, but not by way
of billet. . . .. . . ._

--------
Col. SIBTHORP renewed his protestation against the
whole bill, and wished to know who was to protect the fe-
male ♦irtue of the country if these foreigners were to be
let loose? (Laughter.) Oh, how he wished that he had
the training of the Government, and though he would find
them an awkward squad, he would make them do their
duty. (Laughter.)
The clause was read a second time.
On the question that it be read a third time,
The Earl of MARCH repeated his objection, and declared
his conviction that unless some assurance were given that
the barracks should be within one day's march of the coast,
it would be impossible to avoid the billet.
Mr. S. HERBERT said that the existence of railways
rendered any such assurance unnecessary. There was no
I barrack that, in these times, was two days' march from a
seaport.
Mr. BANKES approved of the clause.
The clause was agreed to.
Mr. L. KING moved that the following clause be added
to the bill :

" No officer serving under this act, when reduced, shall
be entitled to receive half-pay; provided, nevertheless, that
when any such officer shall be rendered incapable of military
service by wounds or infirmities contracted while discharging
his military duty during the period of his continuing to serve
as such officer under the provisions of this act, then and in
such case it shall be lawful for her Majesty to make such pro-
vision for such Officer as she shall think proper and necessary,
so that such provision shall in no case exceed the half-pay of
the rank in the British service similar to that which such offi-
cer shall have held at the time,of his becoming so incapable
as aforesaid."
Lord J. RUSSELL said the Government would have no
objection to the clause being added, as it was the same as
in the former bill.
The clause was then read and agreed to.
Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE proposed to add the following
proviso to clause 4 :—Provided always, and be it enacted,
that at least one-third of the officers of the said 10,000
men shall be British subjects, and that none of the said
10,000 men shall remain in this kingdom above one year
from the time when they shall be enlisted under the pro-
visions of this act.
Mr. S. HERBERT objected to the proviso being intro-
duced. Nothing could be more inconvenient than to add
such a clause, and he should therefore oppose it.
Mr. F. SCOTT thought the proposition of the hon. and
learned member a reasonable one. Ho would suggest to
the Government that, as these men would probably be
Spaniards, Germans, Piedmontcso, and others, it would be
well to engago interpreters.
Strangers wore ordered to withdraw, but no division
took place. _

The proviso was then negatived.
Mr. PARKS moved, as an amendment to the sth clause,
" That this act shall continue in force until the end of tb e
next session of Parliament, or until one year after the rati ~
fixation of a definitive treaty of peace, if such treaty shal I
have been sooner concluded ; provided that the expiratio t
of this act shall in no way affect the service of each.
foreigner who shall have enlisted before this act shall ex-
pire." Ile trusted the Gevernment would not object to
the clause.

Mr. S. 11ERBERT did not think his lion. friend saw the
effect of this amendment. Thu Governmant could not
assent to it.

The amendment was negatived without a division.
The bill was then passed.
Lord J. RUSSELL wished that the house should meet
at two o'clock to-morrow (this day).
This was assented to.
The Common Law Procedure (Ireland) Bill was read a
second time.

SHERIFFS' COURT (SCOTLAND) BILL.
Mr. COWAN moved an address for a return of litigated
cases in the sheriff courts of Scotland, commenced subse-
quently to the Ist day of November, 1852, and finally de-
cided prior to the Ist day of November, 1853, with the sums
and taxed expenses &corned for therein; similar return
as to cases commenced subsequently to the lst day of

November, 1853, and finally decided prior to the Ist
day of November, 1854 ; return of the number of 1
cases sent to proof between the Ist dl,y of November, 1852,
and the Ist day of November, 1853, in which such proof
was concluded within that period ; showing the time °cm-
pied by such proof in each case, and the sums paid to coin-
''. ~
tnissioners for taking the same ; similar return for the s-'
period between the let day of November, 1853, and the
lst day of November, 1854; return of the number of cri-
minal
cases before the sheriff courts of Scotland in which St
the panels pleaded guilty, for the period between the Ist 1'
day of November, 1852, and the Ist day of November,
1853, and the sums charged and paid in Exchequer on 5c
account of witnesses in such cases ; and similar return for ri
the period between the let day of November, 1853, and
the Ist clay of November, 1854. 3]
FAIRS AND MARKETS (IRELAND) BILL.
Sir J. YOUNG obtained leave to introduce a bill for E
the regulation of fairs and markets in Ireland.
The house adjourned at 10 minutes to two o'clock until 2
two o'clock this day. 2.

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-DEC. 22.
ENLISTMENT OF FOREIGNERS BILL.

Order for Third Reading read ; Motion made, and Question
proposed, " That the Bill be now read the third time :"
Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and
at the end of the Questiln to add the words "upon this day
six mouths :"—Question put, " That the word now' stand
part of the qu.•stiou :"—The House divided ; Ayes, 173 ;
Noes, 135.

AYES.-173.
A'Court, C. Goodman, Sir G. Mowatt, F.
Acton, .1. Gordon, A. 11 ulgrave, Earl of
Aoair, 11. Gower, F. O'Brien, P.
Anderson, Sir J. Grace, 0. O'Brien, J.
Atherton, W. Graham, Sir J. O'Connell, D.
Ba'nes, let. Hon. M. Green, Cant John O'Connell, J.
Baring, Sir F. Greene, Thomas 0 borne, R.
Barnes, T. Gregron, S. Owen, Sir 5.
Berkeley, Hon. H Grenfell, Chas. Paget, Lord A.
Italie% Sir R. Grey, Sir G. Palmerston, V isct.
Biggs, W. Grey, R. Paxton, Sir J.
Blackett, J. F. B. Grosvenor, Ld. R. Pechell, Sir U.
Bonham-Carter, J. Hall, Sir It. Peel, F.
Brady, J. Hankey, T. Peel, Col. J.
Bramston, T. W. Harcourt, G. Pellet, A.
Brocklehurst J. Harding', Hon. C. I'erry, Sir T.
Brockman, E.D. Basile, Alex. Philipps, J.
Brother ton, J. Herbert, S. Phillimore, R. J.
Bruce, Lord E. II ervey, Lord A. Phinn, P.
Cardwell, E. Heywood, J. Pilkington, J.
Caulfield, Col. J: Hogg, Sir J. W. Pinney, W.
Chambers, T. Howard, C. Price, Sir It,
Cheetham, J. Howard, Lord Price, W.
Clay. Sir W., Bt. Hughes, W. Reed, J.
Clinton, Lord R. litachins, E. Ricardo, 0.
Cockburn, Sir A. J. E. Hutt, W. Illchardson, J.
'.loffin, W. Ingham, R. Robartes, T.
Cogan, W. 11. F. Jackson, W. Russell, Lord J.
Jollier, It. P. Jermyn, Earl Russell, F. C.
Cowan, C. Keating, It. Russell, F. W.
Cowper, W. F. Keogh, W. S A Ileir, John
Davie, Sir H. IL F. Kershaw, J. Sawle, C.
Dent, J King, P. Scholefield, W.
Dive t, E. Kinnaird, A. Scrope, G.
Druinlinrig, Via. Labouchere,lttllon.ll Sc•tily, F.
Duke, Sir J. Laing, S. Szally, V.
Duncan G. Lang ton, H. G. Seymour, 11.
Ebrington, Viscount Lee, W. Seymour, W.
Elcho, Lord Lindsay, W. I- eymour, W. D.
Ellice, E. Locke, J. Smith, J. A.
Elliot, J. Loveden, P. Smith, R.
Fsmonde, J. Lowe, It. Steel, J.
Euston, Earl Luce, 'l'. Thornely, T.
Ewart, W. Mackinnon, W. A. Walter, J.
Fagan, W. Mangles, It. D. Warner, E.
Fellden, M. Manners, Lord G. Watson, W.
Ferguson, Col. Marjoribanks, D. Whitbread, S.
Ferguson, J. Martin, J. Wickham, 11. W,
Fitz Gerald, Sir J. Massey, W. Wilkinson, W.
Fitz Gerald, J. Matheson, Sir J. Williams. W.
Fitzroy, Hon. H. Milligan, It. Wilson, J
Forster, C. Mills, T. Wood, Sir C.
Fors'er, J. Milner, W. Wrightson, W.
Fortescue, C. Milnes, It. Wyvil, M.
Fox, W. Mitchell, T. Young, Sir J.
Freestun, Col. Molesworth, Sir W
•

TELLEZS.
Hayter, W.
Be:keley, G.

French, F.
Freshfleld, J.
Gladstone, W.

Mon creiff, J.
Monsen, W.
Mostyn, E.
NOES-135.
Alexander, J. Gibson, T North, Col. J.
Arbuthnott, Gen. Graham,;Lord W. Oakes, J.
Archdall, M. Grogan, Edward Packe, C
Ball, E. Guinness, R. Ppkington, Sir J
Bankes, Rt Hon G. Hadfield, G. Parker, It.
Baring, T. Hall, Gen. J. Plullimore, J. G.
Bennet, Capt P. Hamilton, G. A. Bolt. P.
Bentinck. G. Hamilton, J. H. Sandars, G.
Beresford, Rt. Hu. W. Ilaubury,Capt II C Scott, F.
Boldero, Col. 11. G. Harcourt • Col. F. Se y mer, H.
Booker, T. W. Henley, J. Shirley, E.
Bright, J. Herbert, Sir T. Sihthorp, Col.
Buller, sir 3. Ililyard, R. C. Srnijth, Sir W.
Bunbury, Capt. W. Hotham, Lord Smith, J. B.
Burghley, Lord. Hudson, G. Smith, Abel
Butt,G. Hume, W. Spooner, R.
Butt, I. Joiliffe, Sir W. Stanhope. J.
Cecil, Lord R. Kelly. Sir F. Stanley, Lord
Chambers, M. Kendall. N. Stuart, W.
Chelsea. Viscount Kennedy T. Start, 11.
Christopher, Robt. A. Kerrison, Sir E. Swlit, R.
Clinton, Lord C. P. P. Kinr, J. Tollemache, 3.
Cobbett, J. M. Knightley, R. Tyler, Sir G.
Cobbold, J. C. Knox, Col. B. W. Tyrell, Sir J.
Cobden, R. Knox, W. S. vance, J.
Cocks, T. S. Lacon, Sir E. Vernon, L.
Coles, H. B. Langton, W. Villiers, F.
Conolly, T. Laurie, J. Vyvyan, Sir R.
Corry, H. T. L. Lennox, Lord A. F. Vyse, Capt. H.
Deedes, W. Lennas, Loid rl. 'Waddington, D.
Dering. Sir E. Lockhart, W. Walcott, Admiral
Disraeli. B. Lytton, Sir G. 'Walpole, S.
Dram, J. Macartney, G. Walsh, Sir J.
Duncombe,Hon. A. Macgregor, Jas. Welby, Sir G.
Duncombe, Hon.W. MacMahon, P. Whiteside, J.
Maddock. Sir T. li. Whitmore, 11.
DEguennrteoliCol..
Matins, R. Williams, T.
Egerton, E. March, Earl of Willoughby, Sir 11.
Evelyn, W. Meux, Sir H. Wyndham,;Gen.
Farnham, E. Miles,- W. Wyndham, 1.1.
Ferrer, J. Michell, Dr. W . Yorke, E
Floyer, J. Montgomery, 11.
Follett„ It. Mowbray, J.
Forester,V. Nees, Lord
'Frevren, C. Wavier. a.
Gaskell, J. Wewdegate, C.
George, J. Noel, G.

PAIRS.

Against,
Lord Eluiley
Sir J. Trollop°
Mr. I:oat:Wain
Mr. Leslie
Colonel Lowther
Captain Laillin
Captain Lowther
Lord Galway
Lord Beoti 0
Mr. Mundy
Lord Newport
Hon. H. Liddell
Mr. S. Child
Mr. Tomline
Mr. laseelles
Mr. J. Johnstone
Sir Gore Booth
Mr. Davison
Mr. Long
Mr. Dupro
Mr. Irton
Sir G. Forster
Lord Barrington
Major Maxwell
Sir W. Codringtou
Mr. Pod
Lord Ossulston
Mr•. 11. Liddell, jun.
Sir F. Thesigor
Mr. Octavius Morgan
Lord Lovaino
Lord Edwin Hill
Mr, H. Waddington
Mr. John Ball
Mr. Wynne
Mr. Clive
Lord Barnard
Lord Granby
Mr. Greaves
Mr. Buck
Mr. Compton
Mr. Gwyn
Mr. Forbes
Mr. Tudway
Mr. Palmer
Colonel Gilpin
Sir George Berkeley
Sir F. Geach
Lord H. Bentinck
Mr. Mullings
Sir J. Duckworth
Sir E. Hayes
Mr. Batesou

TET..1.E11.3
Taylor, Col.
Yl9.

For.
Mr. Macaulay
Mr. Scobell
Mr. AV. Windham
Mr. J. Dull'
Mr. Portman
Lord Uxbridge
Mr. C. Cavendish
Mr. P. Urquhart
Mr. Corbally
Lord Waterpark
Mr. Thornhill
Mr. G. Vernon
Mr. J. L. Ricardo
Mr. S. Wortley
Mr. G. Cavendish
Mr. Fergus
Mr. Bland
Mr. Langston
Mr. Ellice, jun.
Lord Dalrymple
Mr. Marshall
Sir W. Somerville
Sir J. Vivian
Mr. Stirling
Mr. Heneage
Mr. Rice
Sir J. Johnstono
Lord Monck
Mr. Keatinge
Mr. Rumbold
Mr. Roebuck
Colonel Tynte
Mr. Foley
Mr. Seymour Fitzgeral,
Mr. 0. Stanley
Mr. Sheridan
Mr, Heard
Lord Goderich
Lord Emlyn
Mr. Strutt
General Buckley
Mr. Mackie
Mr. Beaumont
Sir F. Lewis
Sir R. Ferguson
Mr. Brand
Mr. Tancrod
Mr. S. Adair
Lord Grosvenor
Mr. Bass
Sir G. Strickland
Mr. Rich
Mr. H. Vivian
Mr. Glyn
Mr. Raikes Currie
Mr.. Pigott
Mr. North
Mr. Bouverie

Sir Graham Montgomery
Captain Gladstono
Lord Newark
Mr. Robertsou
Mr. Baldock
Mr. M. Moore
Sir J. R. Carnao
Mr. Muntz
Major Somerset
Colonel Herbert
Lord Claud Hamilton

Mr. Thompson,of Aberdeen
Mr. Brown, of Lancashire
Mr. M. Williams
Captain Kingscote
Sir Do Lacy Evans
Mr. Henry Herbert

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