The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-08 00:00:00

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the Crown that unshackled exercise
sary prerogative, which present cirr
the only possible safety for this realm.
came forward in this way because she
dation of their Government; and the object of Russia was
to place their Government in so humiliating a position that
they could not escape from obeying her orders, and becom-
ing the means for the deception of England as well as for
its degradation. (Hear, hear.) This was not a question
between Russia and Turkey, but between Russia and Eng-
land and if they had never heard of the occupation of the
principalities, they should not be told that the English
trade would be stopped at the mouth of the Danube.
(Hear. hear.) He could tell them that the Turks did not
want their aid, and were more powerful than the Russians,
if they had not been interfered with by their conferences,
the result of which was that one party was allowed to do
nothing, and the other party was allowed to do everything.
(Hear, hear.) The following words of the poet were appli-
cable to the occasion :
" Disgusting crew ! Who would not gladly fly
To open, bold-faced, downright tyranny—
To honest guilt, that dares do all but lie—
From the false guggling craft of men like these ;
These holy leaguers, who then loudest boast
Of truth and honour when they stain them most ,•
From whose affection men should shrink and loathe
As from their hate, for they'll be fleeced by both—
Who, even in plunalering, forge religious name
To frank their spoil, and, without fear or shame,
Call down the Holy Trinity to bless
Perdition, leagues and deeds of devilness ,
He should conclude with this sentence, and it would be
his last—that if one member of the Cabinet was equally
responsible with his colleagues for this course of imbecile
infamy they had perpetrated, that man must be more eter-
nally damned than any English Minister ever deserved to
be—(loud laughter)—if he would accept the defence of his
noble friend, and say sneakingly, " I did not do it—it is
their fault." (Cheers and laughter.)
Mr. WM. NEWTON would second the amendment at the
same time that he rose to support the original resolution,
because he believed that there was no real difference be-
tween them. He wished to say a few words as represent-
ing the feelings of the working men on this subject. It
was said that the working population of this country were
opposed to war. They had been so on former occasions,
and for a very good reason—because former wars had been
undertaken against the people of foreign countries, and in
favour of foreign despotisms. But the people were in
favour of a war now, because that war would be under-
taken to stop the aggression of the greatest despot in
Europe. (Cheers.) They supported Turkey, not because
they anew much of the internal government of Turkey,
but because they. hated Russia with all the hatred which a
people of liberal aspirations could exercise, and because
they felt that in stopping the course of such an aggressor,
war, which, in other circumstances, would be denounced
as a horrid carnage, would become one of the highest bless-
ings of humanity. Their present duty, then, as a people
loving liberty, was to support Turkey, and to denounce
the Government. It required no great judgment in any
one to know beforehand how the Government would act.
The head of the Government, who was trained in the
school of despotism, feared to offend Russia ; he feared to
shake the stability of the imbecile Government of Austria ;
he dreaded to see Hungary in commotion again, and Kos-
suth recalled—(cheers)—he dreaded to see the further pro-
gress of constitutional principle in Prussia, and to see the
latent spark of liberty fanned into a flame in Italy, and
Mazzini brought back to the bosom of his country ;he
shuddered at the idea of Poland rising again from her ashes ;
and, therefore, modern diplomacy, under his auspices, had
brought England to this point—that her only ally was a
nistraonywodhLb by
Republicpe rfidy,ofpFerarjurynce, and assassination, had de-
. Their true ally was across
the Atlantic, in the other great branch of the Anglo-Saxon
race ; and if they had now a Liberal Government, they
would be found applauding such conduct as that of Captain
Ingraham. It was said they were to have a Cabinet Court.
cil. Would that a Cromwell was at the head of it ; and if
so, he had no doubt that their modern Blake (pointing to
Sir C. Napier) would receive a command. (Cheers.) These
he believed to be the sentiments of the working people of
England, who, if there was to be a war, would eventually
have to pay the cost of it, but who, even with that know-
ledge, preferred war to dishonour. (Cheers.) With these
sentiments, he would willingly second the first part of Mr.
Urquhart's amendment, declaring the incompetency of the
present Ministry, but with regard to the second part, he
did not quite nuderstand it ; he was not aware that the
Crown had lost any of its prerogatives, and therefore he
could not ask for their restoration.
The resolution as originally moved was then put to the
meeting,.o RaQnudlluAnitaTnim thenomly moved agreed
his
en
taomdment as a substan-
.
tive motion, and after various ineffectual attempts to ob-
tain a hearing in support of his views on the prerogative,
he succeeded in shouting out that where one club tossed
power to another like battledore and shuttlecock, there was
neither prerogative for the Crown nor liberty for the people.
He moved his resolution iu its entirety, but in this shape
he could not find for it a seconder. He then made a virtue
of necessity, and agreed to withdraw the latter clause re-
garding the royal prerogative, so that it stood thus—" That
this meeting can come to no other lenient conclusion than
this, that the 'servants of the Crown who now advise her
Majesty are unequal to the emergency," in which shape
passed without contradiction.

ri)RlcE SD•

• ! tion of public opinion that evening must have the effect
, which it deserved to have. He congratulated them on hay-
: I ing such a magnificent meeting as this without the aid of
peers, for as to their chairman (Lord Dudley Stuart) he did
not consider him as a lord, but as one of themselves. (Loud
cheers.) They had no great City men amongst them that
night, but still the glorious manifestation of public opinion
at which they were now assisting would be felt far and
wide, and would sound the death-knell of the Administra-
tion of the Premier on whose devoted head the weight of
public censure must fall. (Immense cheering.) One of
the newspapers of the day remarked that there was to be
a meeting upon this question held at the West-end and
another at the East-end on the same day, and that they
wished that at the East-end might be held first. He (Mr.
Nicholay) would distinguish between them—one as the
meeting, the other as the conspiracy. (Cheers and laughter.)
As an Englishman, he felt that we no longer occupied the
same position in Europe, and that our national good name
and faith had been in a great measure forfeited. He re-
collected the time when the name of an Englishman was
in a great measure a passport, and he was treated every-
where with respect and attention—(hear)—and he trusted
that good old time would yet return. But look at the way
in which Englishmen were now treated when travelling in
Austria or Italy. Recollect the case of the mild and gentle-
manly. person who was cut down last year by some brutal
Austrian officer, and whose case was turned into a matter
pounds,of shillings, and pence—a course which, in the
feeling of an Englishman, was adding insult to injury.
(Hear, hear.) Contrast the conduct of our Government
with that held by the United States, under similar cir-
cumstances of ill-usage to any of their citizens. Only a
few weeks ago, an embryo American citizen—for he was
not a full fledged one, but an Hungarian exile, who in-
tended to become so—was seized at Smyrna, and taken on
board an Austrian vessel. An American man-of-war, how-
ever, soon made its appearance, and the captain boarded
the Austrian vessel, and insisted on the release of the
Hungarian. The conduct of the American captain was
approved of by his Government when he returned, but
would an English captain who so acted have been approved
of ? He said no • at least, not by the present Ministry.
(Groans.) Therefore,
fore, let them have men at the helm who
would make the name of England respected, and would do
justice to Turkey. (Cheers, and a voice called for " Three
cheers for the stars and stripes," which ed to further
cheering.) He would now make way for one whom he
skirnseirwohcthar.leesNy
AwNreairepEißearll anxious
t.he(nccahe to hear,
merse.)forwath the gallantanaw Admiral
ived
with enthusiastic and protracted cheering. He said—My
lord and gentlemen, I presume the object of the present
meeting is to teach the British Ministers their duty—
(cheers)---and in the event of their :doing their duty fear-
lessly, boldly, and courageously, to give them all the sup-
port that is in your power to carry on their operations.
(Cheers.) It was asked a long while ago, at the beginning
of this business between Turkey and Russia, when Mr.
Rose called up the British squadron to Constantinople,
why the squadron did not go there ? I will tell you the
reason why it did not go—because the Peace Conference
had forced a weak and imbecile Administration, at the
head of which was one of your representatives, to pay off
the British fleet, and to disable the British army. (No,
no, and cheers.) Why, if we had attempted to send our
fleet to Constantinople, we had not a man-of-war in Eng-
land to resist a force of twenty-seven Russian line-of-battle
ships from the Baltic. (Cheers, and some confusion.)
That was the reason why the British fleet was not sent to
Constantinople. But by the foresight of the late Ministry
—for I will give them credit when they deserve it, though

I am not one of them ; very far from it—this was reme-
died ; they did what the Whigs never had the courage to do
—they came to the House of Commons, and told the
country that it was necessary to augment the British
army and navy. Well, by their exertions, followed up by
the present Government, who, I must. say, have always
done their duty in this respect, we fitted out a very re-
spectable squadron, but instead of our parading and hav-
ing a review at Portsmouth, it would have been much
better to have told the Emperor of Russia, "If you dare to
cross the Pruth our fleet shall go to Constantinople ; and
more than that, we will treat you to a review in the
Baltic, instead of one at Spithead." (Loud cheers.) I
must say it was the duty of the British Government to
have said this, and done this, and we have been guilty of
great imbecility in not doing it ; but if our Ministers had
come forward boldly and done their duty, I am sure you
would have been happy to give them all the support they
would have deserved.
.(Cheers). One thing must be con-
sidered—the Government are placed in a very embarras-
sing position; all their motions are watched by the party
of the Derby Administration—if they go too fast, they are
accused of precipitation ; and if too slow, they are ac-
cused of procrastination. But we have been too slow, and
the hesitation and timidity which have been apparent in
our policy has caused all the mischief.' (Cheers). We
ought to have told the Czar, " If you cross the Pruth, we
will be at Constantinople, and we will not be sa-
tisfied with that, but will go on to Sebasto-
pol" (Loud cheers.) We were told the other day by
the First Lord of the Admiralty, when reviewing the
fleet, that we were ready to contend with the world in
arms, and when a Minister tells you that, is the Govern-
ment to continue the pusillanimous course they have
hitherto held. (Cheers) ? But the time for it is over—the
fleets can no longer remain in Besika Bey—they will be
obliged to go to Constantinople, if only for safety. I
hope they are there at this verymoment—(great cheering)
—but I do not believe they are there with the dastardly
view of merely getting possession of the castles of the
Dardanelles, but to support and defend the Turks.
(Renewed cheers.) But, gentlemen, you must consider
this matter calmly and deliberately. If you urge on
the Minister to war, and if the public voice says that
there must be war, you must be ready to put your
hands in your pockets, and to come forward with large
sums to fit our fleets. We shall have work on our
hands, and you must look for no child's play ; for when I
talk of fleets, I mean that we must have fifty or sixty sail
of the line ready to operate with ; you must send them
into the Baltic, and see whether the old Nelson trick can-
not still be performed. (Immense cheering.) I am sure
every person here will be ready to come forward and sup-
port the British Government when they are prepared to do
their duty. I wish this meeting had taken place yester-
day, if it had only been to prime the Cabinet Council.
(Cheers.) Well, there is one consolation; no doubt it will
be well reported, and it will be all ready for the next
Council that is held. (Cheers.) I see there is to be a
Peace Congress on the 13th, and that Mr. Bright, Mr.
Cobden, and all the peaceable men are to be there.
(Laughter.) I am a peaceable man, and I will be there
also ; I am just as much a man of peace as Mr. Cobden ; I
am as fond of comfort as he is, and should like v
etonu m
see thisan
country happy, peaceable, and prosprosperous,s'and f
enjoying himself. (Cheers.) I am not fond gbloodshed,
but my way of preserving peace is very different from their
mode. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Cobden told you some time
ago that he would take Russia and crumple . like a piece
of brown paper; why does he not crumple it now? Will
he crumple the army in its fortresses, and its fleets in Se-
bastopol, and in the Baltic ? (Laughter.) If he can only
do that, he will save an enormous sum of money. (Hear,
hear.) If you tell the Emperor of Russia that you will
crumple him up, do that and this, and the other thing, and
by pen, ink, and paper stop all this, where is the use of it?
Have we not been trying that for six months ? Have we
not been arbitrating, and has not Austria been arbitrating.
And why did Austria arbitrate ? To propose the very
thing that Russia wanted • and notwithstanding the
talents of our diplomatists, they never saw that until the
poor, illiterate, uneducated Turk saw through it. (Hear,
hear.) The winter is coming, and the Emperor of Russia
having gained in a single campeign, without the loss of a
single man, two provinces, is he going to give them up ?
(Hear, hear.) He will stay where he is if the people of
this country do not come forward and insist upon the Go-
vernment of this country acting boldly. (Hear.) It will
be called a fait accompli, and Russia will remain as she is
unless the people insist upon the Government taking a
bold position. (Hear, hear.) Look to the position of
Russia. She is throwing her arms around Europe ;
her right arm is over the Baltic, and her left over
the Sea of Marmora and the Dardanelles. (Hear,
hear.) Let us look back. Was it ever known in
treaties of any description whatever that even a proud
potentate—an autrocat—a—a—a (loud laughter)—a Czar
of Russia should send on a most insulting embassy.
to Constantinople one of the magnates of the land, accom-
panied by the admiral commanding the fleet, and by the
general commanding the army on the frontier? (Hear.)
It was as much as to say here is the admiral to examine
the ports, and the general to examine the forts, and if you
do not succumb, our fleets and armies will be upon you.
Suppose there was a French fleet lying at Cherbourg, and.
that France thought fit to interfere with us about the go-
vernment of Ireland, and sent an ambassador to London
accompanied by the admiral commanding the Cherbourg
fleet, and the general commanding the army, to dictate
terms to us—suppose they took possession of the Channel
Islands, and said to us if you do not agree to do so and so,
we will make war against you, what would be said?
(Hear, hear.) That is exactly the thing that Russia has
done to Turkey, and if it were brought home to you, there
is not a man, woman, or child in the whole kingdom that
would not rise up in arms against the assailants. All the
men-of-war, all the merchant ships, would be afloat to
attack them. (Cheers.) In Turkey they have done the
same thing, and the subjects of the Porte have come for-
ward from the different provinces to attack the Russia!!!
and make war against them. (Cheers.) I hope they will
do it successfully ; but they must be supported. (Cheers.),
We and France must support them with all the p
can. (Cheers.) Having said so much about Russia
we
ae
weand '
Turkey, there is one thing we are bound to do. o
If
come forward and assist the Turks to resist the aggression
of Russia, the allies that assist her will be also bound to
exact from her proper terms and conditions for her Chris-
tian subjects. (Hear, hear.) I feel
subject, because, after the settlement
t ofv warm on the
the last Eastern
question, when Turkey was supported,. she did not fulfil
her promises to the Christians, or keep her promises to the
Egyptians. (Hear, bear.) I repeat,
a healpnidngl hhoapned,and e trustshal
that if we come forward to lend
alsoinsist upon Turkey performing all the promisee that
she makes to her Christian subjects. (Cheers.)
Mr. D. URQUHART came forward to address the meeting
amidst loud cheers. He thought that if their fleet had not
found a passage through the Dardanelles, it was owing to
their fatal counsels. It was not caused by the storms of the
north, but by a whisper in the council chamber. (Hear.) It
was not owing to the weakness of England, but to the
dexterity of Russia. (Hear.) He attended there in con-
sequence of having read the resolutions which had been
published, and which he considered to be inapt, ludicrous,
and absurd, and for the purpose of moving an amendment,
but he would not disturb the meeting by doing so. The
following was the amendment he should have moved,
"That the facts which have come before the public satisfy
this meeting that the men who have advised her Majesty
are not competent to deal with the emergency." (Loud
cheers.) He had received his noble friend the chairman's
permission to move his amendment, but he had not stated
it all. He would then go on to say, " That a more lenient
expression of opinion cannot be come to than this, and that
that expression is made, not for the transfer of power from
one political party to another, but in order to restore to

Captain MAYNE Rim moved the next resolution—" That
not only does the interest, but the duty and honour of Eng-
land, call upon our Government to discard all secret and
dynastic diplomacy, and render unconditionally to Turkey,
prompt, decisive, and effective aid." The first clause of this
resolution spoke of secret diplomacy. Secret diplomacy !
There was not a phrase in the language that was more re-
pugnant to the hearts and the ears of Englishmen. Secre
diplomacy ! There was dishonour in the sound—there wa.,
positive and palpable meanness in the thought. What had
secret diplomacy done for England ? Was it by secret di-
plomacy that this mighty nation had been built up ? If
they looked back upon their former history, they would
find that the tricksters of foreign countries had always out-
tricked the tricksters of England. He could understand
some mean and petty nation having resort to secret diplo-
macy, but he could not understand why England should
have recourse to it. Their first duty was to know what
was right, and having ascertained that, to demand it in the
most open and straightforward manner. (Cheers). But if
secret diplomacy was repugnant to their ideas, dynastic
diplomacy was still more so, whose sole aim was how to
better the condition of petty German families. There was
a rumour abroad that a certain high personage was med-
dling with our diplomacy—was, in fact, directing our diplo-
macy. He trusted, for the sake of the high character
which that gentleman held—for the sake of his character as
a gentleman—that that rumour was not true. He should
be very unwilling to imitate the conduct of the Irish gen-
tleman who cried out of an unfortunate individual, ‘ ' Don't
nail his ears to the pump." But if this rumour should
prove true, ho (Captain Reid) would be the first to denounce
his conduct as that of the meanest individual in this coun-
try. (Cheers). Then the resolution went on to say that
they ought to render Turkey prompt and effective aid. It
was impossible to disguise that that sentiment breathed
the spirit of war ; and he agreed with it on that account,
for he behoved that peace was no longer possible. He was
no lover of war—he would be glad to see the sword turned
into the ploughshare; but he believed the time had come
ceToohnuesnrctei
country, the
times ic
oma
nebsdd
ewhenpnast
andrioet
ivßee r
gn thehts
_g oow (11 ob, r o
when war was not only just, but a strict and holy necessity.
hedbeblir
believed, were
ofwtelLe
men—(cheers)—would feel a
whisper in their hearts that war was not always sinful.
Such a time, he believed, had come now. Turkey had a
noble cause ; she'wae fighting for her country, her altars,
and her homes. And a no less noble cause called upon
England to bear her part in the struggle. They were
bound by treaty to protect the integrity of Turkey. Throw
interest to the winds ; their honour called upon them.
(Loud cheers.) But ho had a very slight belief that their
resolutions would have any effect upon the Government.
He drew his convictions from the fatal experience of
many years, during which time he had heard public opinion
speaking trumpet-tongued one voice, while he had
seen the action of Ministers directly opposed to that opi-
nion. Let them look back to 1849, to the struggles of the
Hungarian people. (A voice : Three cheers for Hungary—
which were warmly given.) Then Cabinet Ministers used
their utmost efforts to crush Hungary. He had demon-
strative proofs of that fact. It breathed in every dispatch
from minister to ambassador, and from ambassador to
minister—in every report from every consular agent, and
in every letter from every English spy ; for there were
English spies then in Hungary. Look at the blue books.
There they would see that Lord Ponsonby wrote to the
Foreign Minister of the day—to Lord Palmerston, whom
some of the speakers had so much lauded—" The rebels
have received a great chuck." This was preceded by some
dotted lines, which he could fill up. The dispatch ori-
ginally ran thus :—" I beg to congratulate your lord-
ship on the fact that the rebels have received a
great check." (Hear, hear, and hisses.) England
had interfered in the war between Hungary and Aus-
tria in a more base manner than Russia, whose inter-
ference was that of the open robber, whereas the English
aristocracy acted like the mean and skulking thief. (Cheers.)
As for Lord Palmerston and his policy, he held that the
people had allowed themselves for forty years to be juggled
and chicaned by a political dandy. The Cabinet ministers
had lately been professing their sympathy for Turkey. If
they wished to give a practical proof of this sympathy, he
called upon them, if not to suspend the Foreign Enlist-
ment Act, at least to give an Englishman leave to take part
in the coming contest, and draw his sword in favour of
liberty. (Cheers.)
Mr. HARNEY seconded the resolution. He contended
that
Ibdy, shouldo
f interferearm.(Cheers.)
The promptly, decisively, and
n
resolution was put and carried unanimously
.
Mr. BROWN moved the next resolution That this
meeting is of opinion that Austria, by reason of her pre-
vious course of policy, and of her recent perfidious beha-
viour towards Turkey, ought to be regarded by us as an
enemy, and not cherished as an ally."
Mr. NICHOLS seconded the resolution.
Mr. TEELAWNEY felt as strongly as any one the duty of
succouring Turkey, but could not agree in the observations
that had been first made in reference to Lord Palmerston.
They should recollect that at the time of the Hungarian
war Lord Palmerston's hands were not strengthened. It
was not the fault of Lord Palmerston if Hungary were
not efficiently assisted in 1848. There were difficulties in
the way—they were bound by treaties which would make
it excessively difficult for them to support a republic in
Hungary. There had been a motion made in the House of
Commons for the reduction of the standing army, and where
was the use of barking if they were not prepared to bite, or
of shaking their fist in the face of Russia if they would not
double their standing army? (Hear.) It would also have
been far better if an observation had not been made by the
same gentleman in reference to the Duke of Wellington.
(Hear.) He (Mr. Trelawnev) had come there to assist them
in giving strength to the Government, but he found there
nothing but division. (Oh, oh). They should not have
strangers coming there to abuse that part of the Cabinet
from which they expected the most decisive and energetic
action in this business. (Hear, hear.) Lord Palmerston
was the man from whom, of all others, they should expect
strong and decided action. (Hear, hear.) They were there
to give a tone to the acts of the Government, and he hoped
they would not be too quick in judging of their conduct.
They should not be too ready to think that the Govern-
ment have not the same object in view as they had in com-
ing there that evening. (Hear, hear.)
The resolution was adopted.
Mr. ELT moved the fifth resolution—" That an address,
embodying the foregoing resolutions, be entrusted to a de-
putation, to be presented to her Majesty."
Mr. MoonE seconded the resolution, which was adopted.
Mr. HODGES proposed the sixth and last resolution.
" That a copy of the foregoing resolutions be tarnsmitted
to the Turkish ambassador."
The resolution wee seconded and carried.
A vote of thanks was passed to Lord D. Stuart, and the
meeting separated.

/