The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-20 00:00:00

idea-of-the nature and importance of the affairs of-the East;
and, if the Court of Vienna had shared her views and her
good intentions, there can be no doubt that the plan of the
Imperial Cabinet would have been accomplished."
I may say at this very moment, that if the Cabinet of
Vienna had shared vthe iews and good intentions" of
Prussia some short time back, the object of Russia might
have been accomplished. Then, again, Count Nesselrode
expresses his opinion in these terms
".Count Pozzo di Berge transmits to us the most positive
utterances, which leaves no doubt touching the favourable
dispositions on which Russia may reckon on the part of Prus-
sia, whatever may be the ultimate course of events."
I have now stated the opinions which have been expressed
by Count Pozzo di Borgo and Count Nesselrode with regard
to the different powers of Europe, and as to what Russia had
to fear, either from their separate opposition or from their
general action, and I think that they afford us a satis-
factory lesson as to the caution we ought to exercise, and
as to the apprehensions we ought always to entertain of
the proceedings of the Court of Russia in endeavouring
to carry into effect its long cherished object of the annexa-
tion of the Turkish empire to the empire of Russia. The
same system has been constantly kept in view and con-
stantly acted upon : every precaution has been taken for
the purpose of giving it effect in all the instances to which
I have referred, and in consequence of the prudent advice
and conduct of the Emperor he accomplished in a great
measure the object he had in view by the great advantages
f
he obtained on the termination of the last war by e
the unfortunate treaty of Adrianople.
there is another important point for our
consideration.ust receive
We may say we are not to be sacrificed, Now,
my lords,
eearity of Thr-
all effectual guarantee • without such a guarantee we can-
not be safe, we cannot be certain that the i
nraiilee has been
. key_will be held sacred ; but when that
tguheerenteeobtained we need be under no apprehwensgiuotantshosft
conse-
quences. But I ask you, my lords,
is to be? (Hear, hear.) We can have the guarantee of
the Four Powers and that of Russia,
a guarantee ? The
but what will be the
consequences and the effect of such
united
and of the Four Powers, as long as
they are
be-
na ant disputes t
ele
and hold together, as long
paosrt points, will be Yard
no
tween them upon other i
but the moment this state of things comes to a termina-
tion,l' the moment a quarrel takes place between them with
regard to the other matters and other interests, this gua-
rantee will be perfectly useless. What assurance can you
hate that a Power of this character will not infringe
any neig„emeuts, however positive, into which she may
enter? For my part, I look upon an engagement with
Russia on a subject of this kind as perfectly useless.
it would not be worth the paper on which it might be
written. (Cheers.) Look at her whole conduct,
and then if any person can be credulous enough to trust in
any statement of Russia, or in any engagement into which
she may enter contrary to her own interests, all I can say
is,. that I admire the extent of his faith. (Hear, and
laughter.) Let me recall to your lordships' recollection
what took place at St. Petersburg with respect to Sir H.
Seymour, our intelligent, active, and able ambassador at
that Court. Sir H. Seymour heard that Russian troops
were being collected on the Turkish frontier ; he was satis-
fied With his authority, and he mentioned the circumstance
to Count Nesselrode. The Count contradicted the state-.
ment he said to Sir H. Seymour—" Do not believe what
you hear ; believe only what you see—(a laugh)----all that
is. taking place is only a _change in the position of our
armies, which is usual at this mason of the year ; I assure
you you are mistaken." Sir H. Seymour, however, was
too able a diplomatist to be thrown off his guard, and
he wrote to the noble earl opposite a despatch in which he
deelared the impossibility of reconciling all he heard from
various quarters with Count Nesseirode's assurances. Is
this the system, and are these the persons, on whose assu-
rances we are to depend ? (Cheers.) I remember hearing
an, eloquent speech from a noble lord on the cross-benches
as to the necessity of placing confidence in a person with
whom we might be negotiating ; but the speech, though
eloquent, was not convincing. As far as relates to the
transactions of private life, confidence may probably be
founded upon character ; but when great interests are de-
pending, and when we employ agents to protect those
interests, give me leave to say that caution, jealousy,
and foreeight are the qualities which should cha-
racterize our negotiations. (Cheers.) lam of the same
Mind as Charles Fox was when he said he preferred the
old Parliamentary word "jealousy," to the modern one,
" confidence." (Cheers and laughter.) When the inte-
rest of millions are at stake—when the liberties of man-
kind are in issue--away with confidence. (Cheers.) Con-
fidence generally ends in credulity. (Loud cheers.) This
is true of statesman as of individuals. (Hear, hear.) My
lertlielthe history of Russia from the establishment of the
enapireedown to the preseut moment is a history of fraud,
duplicity; trickery, artifice, and violence. The present
Rl:ripener hiss proclaimed- 'himself protector of the Greek
Church in Turkey, just as the Empress Catherine declared
herself protector of the Greek Church in Poland. By means
of, that protectorate she fomented dissensions and stirred
up political strife in the country. She then marched
into Poland under the pretence of allaying tumults, and
stripped the kingdom of some of its fairest provinces. We
know the ultimate result ; it is too familiar to require more
particular reference. Look at another instance of Russian
policy of more recent occurrence. Russia agreed to a
treaty with Turkey by which she recognised the indepen-
dCnce of the Crimea. Nevertheless, she stirred up insur-
rection in that country under the old pretence of protect-
ing 'one party against another, and when the opportunity,
offered, she sent Suwaroff, one of her most barbarous ge-
nerals into the Crimea, who murdered the inhabitants and
despoiled them of their territory, while a line of Russian
ships invested the coast and cut off all communication with
Constantinople. At the very moment when this was being
done Russia was not only at peace with Turkey, but was
actually negotiating a treaty of commerce with her.
(Lotid cries of " Hear.") The Russian Government is
Mailed by all the characteristics of Asiatic barbarism. St.
Petersburg is merely a second Tobolsk. When Napoleon
was going. to Egypt he took possession of Malta and an-
mother small, rook -in the- Mediterranean, which caused
Pitt to say that there was nothing too vast for the aim of
his esploition, nothing too small for the grasp of his rapa-
city. The remark is as applicable to Russia as it was to
Napoleon. Russia has doubled her European territories
Within the last 50 years, and yet she is bent on possessing
herself of Khiva. The loss of two armies does not deter
her from prosecuting this purpose, although the place can-
liot be of the slightest value to her except as affording her
the means of annoying us in respect to our Eastern pos-
sessions. In this way does Russia go on for ever, Take
the most recent instance. While Nicholas was pretend-
ing to act the part of protector of Turkey, and try-
ing to cajole the Sultan with professions of friend-
ship. and esteem, he was at the same time planning
the partition of his empire. (Hear, hear.) This is the
Emperor with whom you are now dealing, and on
whose statements and representations we are to rely !
(Cheers.) When Prince Menschikoff was despatched to
Constantinople Count Nesselrode assured our Government
that his mission was connected with nothing but the dis-
pute between the Greek and Latin churches ; but after he
had been a short time in Turkey the Prince opened nego
tiations with the Turkish Government—which he threat-
ened with vengeance if it should venture to oppose his
views—having for their object the placing of Nicholas in
a position in which he would share the government of the
country with the Sultan. Your lordships, too, may recol-
lect hearing at that time that Prince Menschikoff had sent
a military' officer to Athens. It has now turned out that
that statement was correct, and there is little reason to
doubt that the Greek insurrection was the result of the
mission. These circumstances should put us on our guard
against placing the slightest reliance on any engagements
into which Russia may enter. We must have guarantees
for the fulfilment of her undertakings. Ido not mean per-
sonal guarantees—they are worthless. Russia has coined a
new phrase of which we may avail ourselves—" material
guarantees." (Cheers and laughter.) Russia must give us
what she calls material guarantees; and if we hold in pledge
or mortgage something valuable which she would not like
to lose, we may hope to bind her to her word ' • but as for
moral guarantees—as for a pledge of good faith and honour
—such things, coming from Russia, are to my mind of no
value whatever. But then my noble friend opposite may
say,— What course would you pursue? What is your
policy ? My reply is, that that would depend a good deal
on the events of the war. (Hear, hear.) This, however,
I unhesitatingly declare, that in no event, except that of
extreme necessity, ought we to make peace without pre-
viously destroying the Russian fleet in the Black Sea, and
laying prostrate the fortifications by which it is defended.
(Great cheering.) If we leave Russia that fleet and those
defences, we leave her in a position that she will be sure
to coerce Turkey, because in that case Turkey must—to
use the words I have already quoted—be submissive to her
will. I know not what course Austria intends to pursue,
but I think I may venture to state that, in this matter, she
has far more at stake than either England or France.
Should Russia hold permanent possession of the Principa-
lities, the whole southern frontier, and, indeed, the inde-
pendence of Austria would be threatened. If this mon-
strous—l know not what to call it—this leviathan Power,
which stretches forth its arms so many thousand miles from
west to east, and presses on the northern and eastern fron-
tiers of Austria, should also succeed in establishing itself
on her southern frontier, Austria must be crushed. (Hear.)
What course Russia will take if she should succeed in
obtaining possession of the provinces of Turkey in Europe
it is not for me to predict. That she will not stand still-
-that she will not remain stationary, is certain. She knows
• usethe emphatic language of the Emperor—that sur-
Xonuding nations contemplate her colossal power with awe,
and know that her vast armies only await the signal for
'pouring like a deluge over the States and kingdoms of the
swarld. •My lords, I feel strongly on this subject, I
arbaroui nat
believe that ifthis b
ion—this enemy of all
eeotis own
tr.,<F, except that which tends to strengthen and cense-
i
power—which punishes education as a crime
.......ttitne
- E e succeed in establishing itself in the heart of
"'Per it would be the greatest calamity that could befal
.thediuman• rase; Sustained cheering.)
The of CLAtRENDON—Before replying to the ob-
servatioes of se
with
all
due
4efyerneoble friend, I hope he will permit me,
gular, and therefo: i!e' to
remark upon the somewhat irre-
uwerureuient, course which he has taken
upon the present occasion..-My
noble friend has made a
loog, able, and mostlnterestin
epeecb.—(hear, hear)—with
e the view of directing year lordsb:
ipe attention to a docu-
ment which is not before Yen, of which
you can have
cognisance/ and which has not been com u no
for this reason, namely, nicated to the
Government, that Powers Governrn
make known to foreign entscoraseued t. do not
relative to their ca ionswhich
. pass between them ere own affairs Your lord-
ships may or epee
not, as my noble friend au
l'lxu'ess have
. seen this document when it was published some months
ago ; but I contend that you are not in a position to
pass.
judgment on a paper, the
contents of which, I believe,
for the first time.i moist
'of- yell have heard to-night
into a precedent for
making
this
proceeding should be drawn Governments thesub-
jectthe communications between foreign
I fear we shouldbe exposed
of discussion in this house,
to the inconvenience of arriving at decisions upon incon-
sistent and erroneous data,
and expose ourselves to remon-
: strances from foreign Governments on account of the con-
. elusions at which we may arrive. The document to which
iv
my noble friend has referred contains merely a recap lantuld ~-
tion of transactions in which the four
powers—Ens
ed, and it
France, Austria, arid Prussia—were concerned,
powers
the four
states; as my noble friend observed, that
ce of the
-were unanimously agreed upon the maintenaen
h Sultan as
- integrity of Turkey and the independence of t
This document
essential to the equilibrium of Europe.
was transmitted by Austria and Prussia to the members
of the Germanic Confederation, who had felt aggrieved at
, having been excluded from the negotiations relative to these
transactions, which materially concerned the interests of
Europe. This was a matter with which her Majesty's
Government had nothing to do, and no doubt the Cabinets
of Berlin and Vienna had sufficient reasons for not do-
,
viating on this occasion from the mode of proceeding
usually observed in similar cases. These Powers, fore-
- seeing that the aggressive policy of Russia might reu-
der war inevitable, 'concluded with each other an offen
, sive,and defensive treaty, and then arose the necessity
, of communicating it; net only.for the purpose of securing,
the union of Germany against acommon enemyeand a ,coense
mon danger, but also for securing the support of the large
armed force which the Confederation was always willing to