The Sun.
London, England, 1853-03-05 00:00:00

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Lord TRURO, who spoke with his back to the gallery,
was understood to say that one of the most important
points was the desire on the part of foreign Governments
that the English Government should endeavour to pro-
cure the passing of some new law on this subject. Now,
it was quite clear that if the old law was sufficient a
new one would not be desirable. But in what respect
could a new law be framed that would be observed ?
The difficulty was in the procuring of evidence to sustain
a prosecution. Would an alien law have any such
effect ? Not in the slightest degree. His noble and
learned friend had stated most correctly that it was the
duty of the British Government to do everything in their
power to prevent that course of conduct which had been
pursued, and he would venture to say that during the
short time he had the honour of being connected with the
Government no pains were spared, but every effort was
made to detect and punish such parties. If the Govern-
ment had made an attempt to prove a case, and had not
been able to do so,' what would have been the conse-
quence ? Just what his noble and learned friend had
stated. Such a proceeding would have done infinite harm
for it would have shown the parties how far they could
go without being detected, without the law being able
to reach them. , An abortive prosecution would have
shown them what would be understood as the weakness
of the law ; whereas the failure would have arisen
from the difficulty of ascertaining the fact. It would
have encouraged parties to the prosecution of these
very conspiracies which it was the object of the com-
plaining parties to prevent. Every prosecution for libel
would lead to a disclosure of how far parties might pro-
ceed without being subject to the law, and in the case to
which he was referring every failure would prove how
great was the difficulty of the Government in ascertain-
ing the fact. (Hear, hear.) His noble and learned
friend had stated, and he (Lord Truro) believed the state-
ment to be perfectly true, that much that appeared to
have come from England, much that was supposed to
haie been done in England, was merely surmise, with-
' out any foundation, and the difficulty they had of de-
tecting the thing was that it had no existence. (Hear,
hear.) People had been led to suspect conspiracies be-
. our neiglebtift-domplieem,..by-reatTlof
the evidence befare them, and, perhaps, not unreasona-
bly. But if the papers dated London never emanated
from London, it would be impossible to get up evidence
to show a case of conspiracy here. Knowing the atten-
tion that had been paid to the subject by the Govern-
ment of which he had the honour of being a member,
and having no doubt that great attention had been paid
to it by the late Government, he felt fully satisfied that
a mistake had been made by those who supposed that
such transactions had been going on in this country.
(Hear, hear.) He, therefore, contended that no new law
was necessary—that our present laws were sufficient to
give every security to foreign Governments which could
be given to our own Government. (Hear, hear.) He
was quite satisfied that the assurance given by the noble
earl would be considered satisfactory, because no human
being could doubt that any assurance coming from such
a quarter was given with the utmost possible good faith.
(Hear, hear.) It should not be forgotten that no coun-
try in the world had stronger wishes or stronger motives
to cultivate the good will and friendship of foreign Go-
vernments than England. It was, therefore, our own
interest to prevent anything occurring in this country to
alienate them or excite on their part. Our own
interests then, united with justice, policy, and humanity,
ought to be sufficient to afford them a reasonable secu-
rity. (Hear, hear.) If any such proceedings had taken
place here„ would not foreign Governments or their
agents have endeavoured to assist this country in detect-
ing the offenders ? Had they been able to arrive at any
one fact to implicate any individual. No such thing. If
foreign Governments could furnish any information to
enable the British Government to prosecute, let them do
so. Independently, however, of that, the Government
of this country were bound to use all due diligence.
But when they had reason to believe that no such con-
spiracies existed in London—that no such papers had
issued from London—when no person could afford the
slightest means of detection, it was a strong confirmation
of the impression that such things did not exist. He
hoped that what had now taken place would have a ten-
dency to cause the suspicions and apprehensions which
had been entertained to subside, and would give foreign
nations still greater confidence in the honour of the
British Government. (Hear, liear.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR said, although the con-
versation had been somewhat desultory and irregular,
and although the subject had been pretty nearly, or per- '
haps he might say completely, exhausted, not only by the
able address of his noble friend who put the question,
but also by what had passed subsequently, he felt that
he should not be discharging his duty if he did not rise
merely for the purpose of excluding the notion that he
dissented from anything which had been said by any
of his noble and learned friends. He concurred with

them fully in the belief that legislation would be as ab-
siard as it would be'wicked, and that the law had ample
power to do all that the law could ever be enabled to do.
The difficulty, as had already been said, was not in the
administration of the law, but to find out the objects
against whom it was to be administered. Did any such
objects really exist in this country Foreign Govern-
ments assumed the facts to be so, and reasoned against
this Government not acting on such facts. Now it was
not mere speculation that there was no such criminal
proceeding. How could large bodies of men associate
here for such purposes without that facility of the know-
ledge of our laws and liberties which would enable them
to evade the detective eye of the police ? How could
they have gone on in that manner for two or three years
without the Government being able to detect them ? It
was impossible. The truth was, that the notion once
prevailing in Austria, or any other country on the con-
tinent, that these schemes were manufactured in Lon-
don, it became the obvious policy of the persons acting
in Austria and those other countries to pretend to issue
their proclamations from London. He believed that to
be the true solution of the difficulty with respect to nine-
tenths of the matters supposed to be concocted here.
Now, even if a law should be passed to enable the Go-
vernment to investigate these matters in a different way,
it would be useless, for no species of detection could de-
tect that which did not exist. Legislation, then, was out
of the question. But was not the law at present amply
sufficient for the purpose? His noble and learned friend
had referred to a case which occurred some fifty years
ago—the prosecution of Peltier for a libel on the First
Consul. Before that case there was another— an informa-

tion laid against he believed a native subject for a libel
upon the Emperor Paul. In these cases neither Lord El-
lenborough nor Lord Kenyon ever doubted that any pub-
lication in this country which was levelled at a foreign
Government, so as to be calculated to excite the Govern-
ment into hostility with this country was punishable by
the common law of the land. That was the principle there
laid down, and then, if the publication of a libel was sub-
ject to such prosecution, a multi fortiori, the meeting to-
gether and the collecting of money for the carrying out of
such acts, must equally be liable to prosecution. (Hear,
hear.) Therefore, supposing the case to exist, there was
no doubt that the law was amply sufficient to meet it.
The law was not applicable to foreign refugees only. It
was just as applicable to any native-born subject. It
was referable to everybody, and upon this ground, which
ought to be always kept in view—parties were liable to
be prosecuted, not merely because they might have
libelled or insulted foreign sovereigns, but because that
act was calculated to excite hostilities to this country, or
a breach of the peace between this country and foreign
countries, and therefore it was provided that when such
cases arose the prosecution should be conducted, not by
the foreign Government, but by the law officers of the
Crown of this country, the law and peace of which might
have been violated. It was the violation or probable
violation of the law which was the real ground of prose-
cution. (Hear, hear.) He had made these few obser-
vations feeling it necessary to do so in the position
which he had the honour to occupy, in order to show
that he entirely and cordially concurred in all that had
been stated to their lordships. (Hear, hear.) And he
would say, not only for himself, but for all those whom
he had the honour to represent, that he concurred with
his noble friends in nothing more than in the feelings of
detestation and abhorrence with which every one had
heard of the outrages committed, and which he believed
were most erroneously supposed to have been committed
by persons in this country. (Hear, hear.)

GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.
Lord MONTEAGLE presented a petition, signed by
upwards of 2,400 native inhabitants connected with the
presidency of Bombay, the signatures on the first sheet
of which petition were those of persons representing pro-
perty to the amount of between two and three millions.
'lt had not been prepared on the suggestion of any Euro-
peans, but was entirely the act of the petitioners them-
selves, who stated their wishes and opinions, and repre-
sented their own case in their own language. They
fully recognised the benefits which they had derived
from their connexion with England. They frankly
pointed out the evils of the present law, and the defects
in its administration, but they acknowledged that the
benignant character of the English race had tended
greatly to alleviate the evils of which they had reason to
complain. The noble lord, after referring to the various °
subjects discussed on the last renewal of the East India
but involved
e,
Company's charter, said that the commercial interests of
commerce,
th
the country having been settled, the
eqruestion Was no
ltohnegerigr ahtnsie
arnedquthesetia eeodnvoafnßrmiteisnht
people of India. Fourteen days were einterests of the
occupied last year
in the discussion of the whole question of our Indian
administration, and this session, judging from the way
in which it had been hithertotii proceeding, did not
very
any neglect
eteot
here e number of those days.
Tmhiseeextoeueaendfer
people of India took nori Parliament
interest in the matter.
seemed to be that the
short time, and that our was imperfect,
It was admitted that
that to the InNvdiasanrse evidencea lament had examined but
answer to that. Itshowed but urged
it was of comparatively little impar-
were faithful witnesses tance what
ended. This petition wsasvr
d their
that the petitioners, "
country, consideredeqpects de-
fective and
as re • •
the present law in many r
i•s
ses, and deeply interest
ed their
gave a (During re-consideration.
representation of their eztse, ands PraY •
lordshi to give They tated the in-
PS them a hearing. present system,
conveniences and the hardships °f
c, ththeein the remedy.
Th petition
and they suggested what seemed t