The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-18 00:00:00

CUSTOM-HOUSE RETURN.

Oct. 17.—Arrived—Ino, from Guernsey; Cobden, Gede
Sailed—Vesta (s), for Bremen.
Oct. 18.—Arrived —Armida, from Oran.
Sailed—Minan, for Hambnrgh.

DEAL, Tue3day, 9.27 a.m.
Wind, W., moderate and cloudy.
Passed—Calcutta, from Port Philip for London, in tow;
Nova Tantalira, London for Terceira ; Emily, London for
Bahia • Cambrian, London for Jamaica ; Agincourt, Mar-
gato Roads for Sydney.
Sailed—Coldstream Dalhousie, Lady Clarke, Spartan,
James Alexander, Mirzapore, Bank of England, Queen of
the East, Sir J. R. Reid, Daring, Anna and Fanny, Emily,
Geelong, Marion, Paraguay, Africa, Sylph, Orion, and
Mary Bannatyne.

LANDLORD SLATS -IN PARLIAMENT:

("Prom the Daily Nets. )
Those who arc striving to get additional " land-
lord seats" in the Rouse of Commons excuse their
imptident claim by pointing out an alleged disparity
between population and representation in towns as
compared with rural district*, they grumble over
the common-sense arrap&vwlits of our forefathers,
who, wanting a lay of of intelligent and indepen-
dent Mell #47,lce laws, summoned a certain num-
-11,4 4°W, towns, and another certain number from
eonnties. The towns being the centres of in-
activity, and wealth, -have ever shown
,y resUits the wisdom of
Whenever a useful law I,:da been
the, ancient arrangement.
members. 'will be fou:-,,i in the majority passed, the town-
ally ',Action has ; whenever
evriven to pass laws dangerous to
the liberty cif tbe people, to the progress of the
nations *4e town-members have ever been in
e Vii,4 of those who have preserved our freedom
and prosperity. The re-actionaries who now seek
to diminish the number of these town-members in
the House of Commons would do so by diminish-
ing, after their own fashion, the disparity they de-
clare exists. But this talk about disparity itself
is based on a false and fraudulent foundation. In
calculating the county populations the Tory statists
quietly "bag" all the inhabitants of unrepresented
towns, and then coolly reckon them in as so many
agriculturists ! The hundred thousand residents
in Chelsea and Kensington, for instance, are
shaken up with the strawberry-gardeners of Isle-
worth and the graziers of Enfield-highway as so
many ill-used, half-represented tenant farmers.
So with the townsmen of such places as Burnley,
of Birkenhead, of Newchurch, of St. Helen's, of
Chorley, of Over Darwen—all are duly entered as
" rural populations." Just the same trick is
played again in Yorkshire, where the honest
townsmen of Barnsley, and Keighley, and Don-
caster—nearly forty thousand strong—are clapped
into the totals and classed as so many quid vil-
lagers. Everybody else always supposed t'ne places
we have mentioned, with many others v:ve are about
to name, were towns—and towns, Moreover, de-
serving Parliamentary recognition
as such. "No
such thing," say the men 'who, with eyes behind
their bes, would always persuade us to go
backward instead of forwards. "No such thing—
the people living in tiese places are unrepresented
farmers, for whom -we want county seats. We will
not let them have members of their own. Cer-
tainly not—that would not suit our purpose, how-
ever well it might suit theirs. But as we, the
dominant landlord class, want a plea for more seats,
we will declare the inhabitants of these centres of
industry to be rural agricultural people, and make
them a stalking-horse, for getting more re-actionary
men into the people's House of Parliament." But
this scheme once understood by the country will '
never be permitted to succeed. The Times may
twist, and the Morning Herald exhort, the Globe
be oratorical, and the Edinburgh Review be wordy
and dull, but the people will refuse to be cajoled.
Under any new Reform Bill worthy of the name
all the towns we enumerated on Saturday as un-
represented will be provided with members, and
this change, together with another we would name,
would soon remove any such alleged " disparity"
as the Tories have discovered. We have often'
urged that no borough with less than a thoir,and
voters should enjoy a distinct and separate seat,
but by linking four or five, or even six. places to-
gether, upon the Scottish plan, larg,:, and indepen-
dent constituencies may be senred. Every one
of the following towns, for i
:stance, is at least en-
titled to a share in the return of borough members
to parliament—man:v' of them, under an extended
suffrage, might I)7o6ably claim special members of
their own

Town. Population. Inhabitedhouse
Colne, Lancashire 8,987 1,729
Leek, Staffordshire
Brentford, Middlesex
Sheerness, Kent
Tredegar, Monmothshire 8,305 1,495
Runcorn, Cheshire 8,049 1,591
Burton-upon-Trent, Staffordshire 7,934 1,604
Torquay, Devonshire
Stourbridge, Worcestershire 7,847 1,523
Spalding, Lincolnshire 7,627 1,503
Gainsborough, Lincolnshire 7,506 1,561
Accrington, Lancashire
Newton, Cheshire 7,481 1,316
Middlesborough, Yorkshire, N. R 7,431 1,262
Gosport, Hants 7, 414 1,465
Prescot, Lancashire
Ryde, Isle of Wight
Chesterfield' (municipal borough),
Derbyshire 7,101 1,455
Redruth, Cornwall .
Penrith, Cumberland 6,668 1,307
Lowestoft, Suffolk 6,580 1,265
Newbury (municipal borough),
Berks 6,574 1,362
Camborne, Cornwall 6,547 1,174
Tranmere, Cheshire
Ulverstone, Lancashire 6,433 1,249
Rotherham, Yorkshire, W.R 6,317 1,269
Rugby, Warwickshire
Kingston-upon-Thames (municipal
borough), Surrey 6,279 1,119
Alnwick, Northumberland
Ely (city), Cambridgeshire
Hinckley, Leicestershire
Worksop, Notts 6,058 1,322
Sudbury, Suffolk 6,043 1,280
Chelmsford, Essex 6,033 1,204
Saffron Walden, Essex 5,911 1,173
Workington, Cumberland 5,837 1,360
Bideford (municipal borough), De-
vonshire
Dartford, Kent 5,763 1,033
Middleton, Lancashire 5,740 1,179
Maryport, Cumberland .. 5,698 1,242
Halstead, Essex 5,658 1,236
Brixham, Devonshire
Ormskirk, Lancashire
Whittlesey, Cambridgeshire 5,472 1,239
Nantwich, Cheshire
Worthing, Sussex 5,370 964
Hindley, Lancashire 5,285 950
Bishop Stortford, Herts 5,280 907
Hitchen, Herts 5,258 982
Leigh, Lancashire 5,206 956
Woodbridge, Suffolk 5,161 1,147
Kettering, Northamptonshire 5,125 1,046
Exmouth. Devonshire
Oldbury, Worcestershire
Selby, Yorkshire, W. R. 5,109 1,079
Wellingborough,Northamptonshire 5,061 1,055
Dewsbury, Yorkshire, W. R. 5,033 992
Bingley, Yorkshire, W. R. 5,019 961
Teignmouth, Devonshire
Radcliffe, Lancashire 5,002 927
Skipton, Yorkshire, W. R.
Barking, Essex
Horncastle' Lincolnshire
Ware, Hertfordshire 4,882 993
Nuneaton, Warwickshire 4 859 1,125

Oswestry (Municipal borough), Salop 4, 817 995
Abcrgavenny, Monmouthshire 4,797 944
Cowes, Isle of Wight 4,786 814
Southport, Lancashire
Goole, Yorkshire, W.R.
Dalton-in-Furness, Lancashire 4,683 575
Atherton, Lancashire
Hexham, Northumberland
Wellington, Salop 4,601 946
Faversham (municipal borough),
Kent
Tunbridge, Kent 4,539 827
Todmorden, Yorkshire, W.R 4,532 920
Otley, Yorkshire, W.R 4,522 846
Padiham, Lancashire 4,509 881
Crewe, Cheshire 4,491 805
Altrincham, Cheshire
South Molton (municipal borough),
4
Devonshire , 482 929
Leighton Buzzard, Bedfordshire 4,465 851
Daventry (municipal borough),
Northamptonshire 4,430 889
4,426 915
4,400 839
Bishop Auckland,
iWando,rcDesutreirisahniire.
Becoles, Suffolk 4,398 939
Melton Mowbray, Leicestershire 4,391 835 '
Barnard Castle, Durham 4,357 644
4,295 723
4,263 892
BCashßernasgnttssotwokeMguran°icuitphaslhibreorough),
4,244 957
4,240 973
BWriagdtfoonr,dC,Cumberland
Warminster, Wilts, 4,220 872
March, Cambridgeshire
Eccles, Lancashire
Ashford, Kent 4,092 737
Here is surely enough for the present to show—
not only that the Tories have swelled the ranks of
their " half-represented agricultural class," by a
wholesale metamorphosis of town into county—but
sufficient also to show that there are quite enough
unrepresented towns in England alone to meet all
difficulty about--What must bo done with any town
seats that may be at the disposal of the House of
Commons ?

ROUEN.—The letters from Rouen mention that the
market for manufactures was steady, prices having
throughout the week been well supported.
UNITED STATES.—The accounts from the United
States are again satisfactory as regards the tendency of
the rate of exchange on this country, notwithstanding
the large shipments of flour that were in progress. The
present steamer has brought 120,0001., and an expecta-
tion appeared to prevail that the existing high rata of
interest in England, by causing American stocks to he
sent out for sale, would render a continuance of
ispeecxio.
remittances necessary. Up to the present timebeteine
far
ports of gold from New York this year
fhtaiviee
two pre-
below those of the corresponding period of
3,070,000/.,
ceding years. They have amounted o2nsiy,
against 4,223,0001. in 1852, and
California have
On the other hand, the receiptsbu
t their influence has
been larger than in former
Yeared by the withdrawal
been in a great measure counteract,vsunnow
amounting
al-
f6r,cuu 2 000/. in 1851.
from circulation of the
_he„,), 's
/ in the treasuries of the
together to nearly 6,0(w0v
Union,

LETTER FROM KOSSUTH ON THE FO-
REIGN POLICY OF ENGLAND.

DEAR SIR,—I have just received your letter of Sept.
22, wherein you do me the honour of inviting me to at-
I tend the town meeting of Stafford, called for Monday
next, with the view to memorialise her Britannic Ma-
' jesty on the matter of Russian invasion of the provinces
of the Turkish empire.
Interests the most sacred and the dearest to me—as a
man, as a patriot, as a friend of freedom, and a member
of the great family of mankind—are intimately connected
with the pending complication in the East ; and I owe,
morever, everlasting gratitude to Turkey, for the noble
and manly resolution of the Sultan, by which my life
and the lives of my companions were saved from the
bloodthirsty persecution of Christian despsots, after my
fatherland had been overthrown—not by Russian arms,
but by the same policy of which the continuation—in-
deed, the second act of the same tragedy—now rouses
your indignation. I can, therefore, assure you, sir, that
I neither do nor shall neglect to exert all my activity to
serve the legitimate interests of the Turkish empire ac-
cording to my best abilities. Therefore, glad as lam to
see the citizens of Stafford intending to act in the same
direction, I certainly would have thankfully accepted
your invitation, were it not for the following two consi-
derations :
Had I been called upon to address the citizens of
Stafford on the subject, it would have been, from my
position, impossible not to dwell upon the intimate con-
, nection of the Turkish question with the prospects of
my own dear fatherland, and upon the advantage which
the cause of freedom might derive from Turkey effec-
tively supported in her resistance to the Czar of Russia
and his confederates.
Now, Sir, I know, on one side, that any particular
explanation of that nature would certainly have been
but an additional claim to the sympathies of the men of
Stafford ; but, unfortunately, I have also reason to
apprehend, on the other hand, that the more successful
I might have been in forwarding that cause, and in
carrying that point, the stronger stimulus I should have
given to the present English Government for pressing
affairs to an issue such as the friends of justice, freedom,
and humanity must deplore.
Sir, by analysing the conduct of the English Govern-
ment during the present crisis, it is impossible not to
come.to the conclusion that it is not so much either by
fear from, or by a particular predilection for, Russia,
that the English Government has until now rather
served than checked Russia's ambitious designs ; but
that it is rather for fear lest, by encouraging Turkey to
legitimate resistance, an opportunity might be offered to
some successful popular rising in other quarters.
I have, indeed, no hesitation to say that the policy of
England has long since been Russian in its results ;
though not Russian in its motives—it has been worse,
it has been anti-liberal in principle.
In 1848, Russia interfered against the popular move-
ment in Moldo-Wallachia by armed invasion, and thus
prepared the way for the subsequent intervention in
Hungary, as well as for the present occupation of the
Principalities. England did not oppose it.
Soon after, Russia interfered by arms in Hungary,
and gained by it an awful preponderance throughout
the Continent of Europe. The Government of England
had nothing to object to it.
This Russian intervention being carried on from
Turkish territory, was in itself the grossest violation of
its independence. Turkey was made an instrument for
Russian ambition and for Austrian oppression. It was
permitted that the resources of Turkish provinces,
provisions, money, means of transport, should be made
use of by Russia in her attack on Hungary. The Aus-
trians, beaten, twice found refuge and means of attack
ill the same Turkish provinces : which was neither more
nor less than a virtual resignation of the independence of
Turkey. And the Government of England allowed all
this to be done—nay, it checked Turkey in opposing it,
by advising her "not to conte into hostile collision with
her STRONGER neighbours"—as the Foreign Secretary of
England had the ridiculous politeness to style that
Austria which we had defeated so often that she was no
longer able to resist us without the aid of Russia, who,
in her turn, had to strain every nerve to effect it.
Now, Sir has the English GoVernment done all this,
because it liked Russia's striding preponderance ? No ;
it did it because it hated the popular triumph of what
they call "the revolutionary principle."
Arid now, once more, the Danubian Principalities are
occupied, and their resources made subservient to Russia
in her hostility against the legitimate suzerain of those
provinces; and, again, the English Government is guilty,
before God and the world, of having permitted such
piracy to be perpetrated without resistance. Was this
done because. England approved the seizure of Moldo-
Wallachia by the Czar ? No ; but it was not opposed,
because the English Government feared lest any resist-
ance to Russian aggression might lead some of the
oppressed nations to renew their efforts for freedom.
That is the real clue to that policy, against which the
citizens of Stafford are about to record their protest.
The fatal incubus which weighs heavily on the foreign
policy of your Government, is not so much love for the
Czar as fear and hatred of democracy. It would be
vain to dissimulate, Sir, that aristocracy and plutocracy,
as leading elements, will always less fear the despot than
popular liberty.
This is the reason, Sir, that I must decline the honour
of attending your meeting. I should not like, by my
participation in that demonstration, to add a new stimu-
lus to your Government for persisting in its harmful
direction.

My second reason, Sir, for not responding to your
kind invitation, is, that I have no knowledge of the
practical purport of the resolutions intended to be sub-
mitted to the meeting. And this I take to be an essen-
tial point, Sir, because it is not enough to agree in the
ultimate aim, it is equally important to come to a clear
understanding about the most efficient means to attain
that aim, and I should not like to be placed in a false
position in that respect, out of delicacy due to the oc-
casion.

I am led to this remark by the fact, of which I am
well assured, that your Government was led into that
inconsistency—which I and you equally deplore—by an
endeavour to save Austria from her well-merited fate,
and to help her to a position which, even were it con-
sistent with justice and right, as it is certainly not,
would be impracticable.
I know it, Sir, and can prove it if needed, that all the
exertions of English diplomacy in the East have been
not so much prompted by the wish to do what is advan-
tageous to Turkey, as by the consideration what might
be least embarrassing to Austria. There are some who
suppose that this ungrateful task might have been in-
spired by considerations which, however dear to some
private relations, are certainly of no interest to the peo-
ple of England. But it is likewise founded upon a pre-
judice, blindly, without investigation accepted by exist-
ing diplomacy ; and that is, that Austria is necessary to
Europe, precisely as a barrier for Turkey against Rus-
sian encroachments. Now, sir, I proclaim this to be a
false supposition in the past, and impossible for the
future. Austria never has been a harrier of Turkey
against Russia, or else, how could it happen that in
spite of that barrier, in a time when it was yet shaken
by the universal discontent of all the nations which
Austria rules, Russia has succeeded in extending her
conquest upon Turkey on one side to the Kuban, on
the other to the Danube ; nay, that she took even into
her iron grasp the estuary of that Danube, which is
precisely the life artery of Austria herself ? Austria
was never a barrier to Russia. She was her ally
against Turkey in almost all her wars ; so much so
that even when she made a show of a mediation with
even when she made a show of a mediation between
Turkey and Russia in that war which ended with the
treaty of Belgrade, she did it only to disguise her pre-
parations for joining Russia, as she is doing now
again. When in 1828 Austria feigned a feeble oppo-
sition against Russia, it was only because the bribe
of the leading Minister, which he had regularly re-
ceived from the Emperor Alexander, was withheld by
Czar Nicholas ; the bribe returned, and the opposition
vanished. No I Austria was never a barrier of Turkey
against Russia. It is in complete defiance at history to
repress on her as a barrier ; and, even could she have
been s• in the past, she cannot be one in future ; for,
after she had accepted the intervention of Russia—alter ,
the Hungarians had arrived at the consciousness of their
strength, which enables them to destroy her when she is
unsupported by Russia—after Austria has aroused all her
nations by oppression and treachery—after she has
foolishly unrooted all her vitality —when she has no other
support than an army of doubtful faith, one-half employed
to watch and keep down the other half--after 'all this
has happened, it is more than ignorance to believe in an
independent Austria ; it is a political blunder. Every
sensible man in the world must feel convinced that Aus-
tria can in no case act but as Russia orders her ; because
by the hold which Russian influence has over the Sela-
vonic elements of the Austrian empire, and by the readi-
ness of the Hungarian nation to accept any imaginable
condition to the hatred rule of Austria, she is well aware
that a word from the power which saved her in 1849,
may destroy her fictitious existence.
Yet, it is this Austria with which the Government of
mighty England is so anxious to combine her policy in
the East ; it is this Austria which led England passively
in all the negotiations hitherto carried on • which have
resulted in.itussia's taking possession of the two Turkish t
provinces, important in themselves, but more importl,d
yet as a strategical basis for further encroachments,
affording the sinews of war to Russia against the 1 :iti"
mate suzerain of those same provinces.
to do
Why, Sir, the most untrained novice in diplomacy
might haVe understood, that if Austriaagrees
something conjointly with England in
it is quite as much as if England acted
call dare to do
conjointly with
r_egara to Russia,
Russia herself, because Austria only ,
what Russia wills. If, therefore;
might Lave
slipped submitted to your mectinsg,_ mincttlijiiengresolutions to
sufficient our
ocuornsGidoevrearntiomnetnhte,
slipped in by not taking intnol
with your ultimate aim,
above-mentioned views, from
though professing
itaocnaablv: pretext for persistin, in its
might have derived ~,oquetterie" with Austria
injurious and impracticable
have found myself under the
I, being present, bsiteasaty, of raisin my humble voice against
b being unacquainted with the con-
tents n
it. 'Hence it is
tents of the resolutions, f could not accept your invi-
tation. ,
expressing time
Nevertheless, I cannot forbear from
high gratification I feel in seeing the citizens of Stafford
resolved to claim the constituti7ea(i; privilege of express-
ing the public opinion of the
policy of the Government ;
the
wrjheereobfyEnifglpaansdt upon
s-
chief cannot be cured, at least its future increase may
be prevented.
the mono
appropriate
ri
to express the Willnow, as Parliament is not sitting
of
of the people might be used as an excuse for acting in a
manner adverse to the people's wishes.
I certainly never could understand how it is possible
that the People of England—proud as they are of their
conatitutional rights, that is to say, of direct share in

1
the management of public interests—could so readily
submit to have almost no share at all in the direction of
the foreign policy of the country. In home affairs inis-
takes of legislation may be cured by' nieditAiitAll-
versing them, and still the people %pm),
slightest measure to be introduced' widiti litraW,rov. - t.>
1
But in foreign politics, where a s'ingPl#l64l !,(1.7r 7 'Y' I.
gender irreparable mischief, the:people* .:.....1. 1-„_e''.,t. ..,-
hear that it is incompatible with_publii/-1 ;1' -' :40:'. ,74
the people know how its dearest inteigar • , ~,,,:ry
If your age, sir, claims the creAit,br '
_.* . ~ -7
progress, it should not submit to inipqpi,tio -0 . -
out prejudices, the toleration of which Nan lanly-
cused by the undeveloped condition of the popular in-
tellect. Amongst these prejudices there is none fraught
with more mischievous results to all humanity than
secrecy of diplomacy. Conspirators, Sir, may want
secrecy, and weak nations may be excused for creeping
by stealth into positions which openly they could not
claim. But, be sure of it, Sir, that, with a powerful
nation, which should never claim but what is just and
right, and which has the power to enforce its claims, the
keeping secret the management of its national interests
is the surest indication of there being " something rotten
in the state of Denmark;" and that there must be ele-
ments in operation which are likely, if not to betray, at
least to compromise, public weal.

The practice of secret management engenders care-
lessness towards the most important political problems,
in the solution of which a mighty nation has to claim a
share, and that carelessness is always followed by popular
ignorance of all thematters connected with foreign policy.
It is upon such foundation that statesmen of high stand-
ing can dare to impose upon public credulity, by asser-
tions which history contradicts. Thus, it is possible that
the English people _have to hear Francis Joseph of
Austria praised as the hope of the nations whom he op-
presses ; thus, it is possible that another statesman
flatters the English people with the high sounding state-
ment that this country has stood forward many times
" to maintain the independence of weaker nations, and to
preserve to the general family of nations that freedom,
that power of governing themselves, of which, others sought
to deprive them ;" whereas, so far as history is the re-
cord of facts, scarcely a single instance is known of
England's Government having used its interference for
the triumph of popular rights. Certainly not in our
age, and, least of all, in the case of Hungary, though
that neglect was fraught with all the mischief which. if
God and the people of Turkey will not prevent it, is
just about to overwhelm the world. Thus it is pos-
sible that while, one day, one Minister of the Crown
pledges his word that the immediate and complete eva-
cuation of the Danubian Principalities is a condition
sine qua non of any settlement ; another day another
Minister of the Crown reduces this condition, sine
qua non, to the expectation that the " magnani-
mous Czar" will feel inclined to do so spontaneously.
Thus it is possible, that while England's moral dignity is
engaged in the support of Turkey, because it is England
which advised Turkey not to yield to the arrogant dic-
tates of Prince Menschikoff—it is England which presses
upon Turkey to sign conditions which, though more
mildly styled in form, are the same in essence. And thus
we come to the point that we may be doomed to see the
boasted friendship of England for the Porte coming to
the issue that England may interfere in Turkey just as
Russia did interfere in Hungary, and fight the Turkish
people for daring to resent the encroachments of Russia
upon the honour of the Sultan, and the independence of
his empire.
Sir, nobody can charge me with having ever attempted,
whilst I enjoy the protection of English laws, to meddle
with any internal matter of your country. But the ques-
tion now pending in the East, is not a question belonging
to Englandalone ; it is a question of mankind, of liberty,
of civilisation, and particularly of the future of my coun-
try, and in such matters, I may well claim the right of
having an opinion, and of expressing it. I, therefore, con-
clude by saying, that it is with deep sorrow and in-
tense anxiety that I see the British Government taking
a principal share in a line of policy which the course of
events has already condemned, and which impartial his-
tory will undoubtedly pronounce to have been unbe-
coming the position of England, adverse to the interests
of Great Britain and of humanity ; inefficacious to
achieve its declared design, inconsistent in its bearing,
compromising those it intended to help, and helping
those it professed to oppose.

I am, Sir, with particular regards,
Yours respectfully,
L. KOSSUTH.

Will:nail Peplow, Esq., Stafford.

WAGES IN NEW SOUTH WALES.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Sir,—l send you an abstract of the different rates of
wages given at the Sydney branch of this establishment
up to the 30th of June last :

Agricultural labourers, 251. to 301. per annum, and
rations.
Bullock-drivers 301. to 401. per annum, and rations.
Shepherds (single) 251. to 301. per annum, and rations.
Shepherds (married) where wife acts as domestic ser-
vant, or hut-keeper, 251. to 401. per annum, and
double rations.
Shepherds, with families of an age to shepherd and
watch two flocks, 451. to 60/. per annum, and three
rations.
Gardeners, 301. to 401. per annum, and single ration.
Married couples, as house servants, 401. to 501. per
annum, and board and lodging.
Married couples, as farm servants, dairy servants,

&c., 35/. to 401. per annum, and double rations.
Coachmen and grooms, 26/. to 401. per annum, and
board and lodging.

COUNTRY MECHANICS.

Blacksmiths 501. to 781. per annum, and rations or
board and lodging.
Bricklayers, 551. to 801. per annum, and rations or
board and lodging.
Carpenters, 501. to 651. per annum, and rations or
board and lodging.
Wheelwrights, 501. to 651. per annum, and rations or
board and lodging.
Masons, 521. to 651. per annum, and rations or board
and lodging.
Millers, 501. to 801. per annum, and rations or board
and lodging.

TOWN MECHANICS.
Black and white smiths, bricklayers, carpenters,
masons, and the other trades connected with the
building branches, 9s. Gd. to 12s. per day.
Brassfounders, ironfounders, and tinplate workers,
10s. to 12s. Gd. per day.
French polishers, cabinet-makers, and upholsterers,
9s. to 12s. per day. (As much of the work in
these trades is performed as piece-work, a sober
and industrious man can add greatly to his pay
by working additional hours.)
Butchers and bakers, 9s. to 12s. per day ; or by the
year, 521. to 801., and board and. lodging.
Farm Cooks,
an2(oll.d taoi
r4yo/. servant pe r wan:FulEmsNl,l at no d 1
.boardp er
General board and
house lodging.
annum,lodging. nd
servants, 151. 12s. to 311. 4s. per an-
dbloarldae ca. pern2dlodng.
Honuusmet'naa nids, 4, to
annum, and board and
lodging.
Kitchenmaids, 161. to 201. 16s. per annum, and board
and lodging.
Ladies' maids—not wanted as such.
Laundresses, 201. to 311. 4s. per annum.
Nurses and plain needlewomen, 151. to 201. per annum,
and board and lodging.
Good needlewomen, 1/. to 11. ss. per week, and board
and lodging.
A few ladies capable of teaching the accomplishments,
particularly music, of which the "currency lasses" are
devotedly fond, would meet with ready engagements,
at salaries varying from 351. to 521. ; but they should
ether go out under the protection of their friends or ob-
tain introductions to some of the numerous families of
respectability in the colony.
Much has been said and written against the desira-
bility of New South \Vales as a field for the emigration
of women, whether of humble or patrician birth, but a
lengthened residence there has enabled me to affirm, that
in no portion of the world is a well-conducted woman
treated with greater respect, a virtuous woman more
secure, more highly thought of, or her advancement more
certain, than in New South Wales.
I am, sir, yours most obediently,
J. FREDERICK JOHNSON.
New South Wales Labour Office,
28, Bridge-house-place, Southwark, Oct. 17.

T I O N
I THE. Loco
.—waini pleadingsonlay next ta
ctthieonlong
n
vacation will
the superior courts will be resumed. The Common
erous departures_ a fr°
circum-
stance
f l
terminate,V AcA
ls—ytrnTaulliimaen colonies during
Law Procedure Act has diminished the force of the
vacation.
Are
remelt'
Aue.
past week have
the Is
Londonl'
°b
been seTtiliti
which is explained to have arisen from
g
of many vessels that had hitherto rem •
thPgrAtEr.7
remained, t
complete their cargoes before they left. ' hbping '3
however, displayed since the receipt
Marlborough, which have fs4ve_of the advices by the
ports, has put an end to ss6'll: a check to further ex-
ships have, therefore at 1 expectations, and these
They have, comprised ,altogether,
last taken their departure.
of the larger class, Of 24, including several
to Port Philip, with the total number there were 14
6to Sydney, with an aggregate burden of 7,643 tons ;
to Adelaide, of 73111 aggregate burden of 4,870 tons ; 1
tons; Ito New Z tons ; 1 to Hobart Town, of 648
ton, of 412 to Zealand, of 430 tons; and Ito L'aunces-
-14,737 +
.ons. ns.v. Their total capacity was, consequently,
the berth for ery few vessels are now being put on
Australia,hale but thei. ratesh of freight within
the last two days
BUSINESS OFTHE'
PORT, becooirneLleoiN• firmenr.
business I the general
of the port of London during the past week
there has been considerable activity, and in some
branches of trade the importations have been very large.
The number of ships entered inwards was 450, being an
increase of 311 over that of the previous week. So
many vessels reported iln one week is rather unusual,
but is accounted for by the very large arrivals of timber,
tallow, and corn from the Baltic. The total quantity
of grain reported is 117,044 quarters, including 71,629
quarters of wheat, nearly the whole of the remainder
being oats. Of tea there have been 9,717 packages re-
ported ; and of sugar, 30,654 bags and mats, 2,497
boxes, and 893 casks. There are still a great many
vessels overdue, particularly among those engaged in
the fruit trade. The number of ships cleared outwards
was 123, being an increase of two over the previous
week. Of these 10 were in ballast, and a large number
for Australia and Van Diemen's Land as above stated.
The actual exports to Australia have been rather heavy,
and, among other things, may be noted 724,228 yards
of calicoes—plain and part dyed—and 70,300 yards of ,
crapes and cambries.