The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-20 00:00:00

Tint II TIN,

be faultless in
talkies. care so to scout that idea, we 'are told so expressly snakes an army invincible,
the
and again I warn you
that the consent of foreign sovereigns is to be obtained for drill, become valueless in
alitfi
which you cannot have
the enlistment of their subjects, that I shall not argue that not to prefer the onerocv,
fcyr,
that which you have at
enelwdh;e may
point; for Ido not know at this moment any sovereign now without going
)abHopling
that my remarks may not
who has benefitted by the partition of unfortunate Poland home. (Hoar, h r
ea
to the patriotic spirit of th house,
to whom you could apply with any hope of success for I have been distastefulwa
of amendment to the noble lord's
permission to form a Polish legion, and to employ it in the I now move, by e:
this bill be read a second time this day •
that
war against Russia. Let me, however, upon this point emotion,
cheers.)
offer a word of advice to the Government. Whatever is months. (Loud MILNES w 1d to
• • • of Mi- 1 Mr. MONCKTON . asg a be able to avail
your present intention, seeing that the intentions
• hmself of the opportunity to offer some remarks in reply
nisters aro more liable to change than those of mere oral- e • - 'which 1 d • •
exci e so much admiration,
to the speeca
nary mortals —(a laugh)—if hereafter you should see the
\ and to arguments hich ewere as sincerely offered as they
expediency of enlisting a battalion of Poles or other ardor-
were admirably delivered. (Hear, hear.) He beloved the
tanate patriots, I implore you to make up your minds be-
forehand what are to be the definite objects of this war. \
Principle to be just in itself, because the whole of Europe
was engaged in thiswhile adoption of this
contest, the
(Cheers.) As the war proceeds, if you see your way to
satisfy foreigners that the people of England
\ bill would
the restoration of Poland to her ancient rank among the
There were not fighting for any selfish object, but for the libor-
arefree States of Europe, say so manfully. (Cheers.) . ties of the world dh • • -11.1 )
an t e independence of nations. ((J eers.
few in England who will not rejoice at such a barrier
for past Mr. ADDERLEY had no wish to call in question the
to Russian encroachments, and such a reparation . .. _ .
than levies necessity of the present war • he only questioned the fact
crimes. In that case, the Poles would be more
h th tth 'od - arrived ' •
ou aye , a e pen had when it had become necessary
—they would be our allie3. (Cheers.) But, i y
not prepared to 1 for England to resort to foreign mercenaries. He doubted,
no idea of such an enterprise, if you are . to plant your too, theof the noble lord's for proposing the
declare that one of the objects of the war is
bill,
then pause before viz., that it was always at the commencement of a war
standards upon the citadel of Warsaw,
or excite that assistance • dby this though it
put arms into the hands of Polish refugees, , was require country, by
you
• lities. (Hear, hear.) Nov, Ino means followed that the whole means of the country
the hopes of distressed nations.
let us look at the number of these foreign troops altogether. were exhausted in the first year of the war. He, however,
unlimited.
Why, it is
The bill gives you power to enlist differed with the roble lord, while he thought prudence
'
10,000 men at a time; but as soon as you have drilled them dictated that we should make use of all our national
in this country, and despatched them to the seat of war, resources that were possibly available at the verylfirst cern-
' drill another 10,000, and mencement of war, otherwise the enemy would be apt to
you have the power to enlist and
Now, suppose that you were to en- form an inadequate notion of our power. We were not
so o , without limit.
list an battalion of Poles, who, when peace was proclaimed, yet reduced to the neceseity of havingrecourse to foreigners,
should still have no country, what would become of the and he wanted to know why the Government preferred
large number of armed men whom you would leave on the hiring foreign mercenaries to using the national resources ?
surface of Europe? Therefore, I say, for the sake of jug. (Hear.) Why should we have recourse to foreigners while
tics to Poland, for the honour of England, and for the the British colonies were offering to reinforce the army in
cause of social order on the Continent, I implore you, the Crimea ? They were assured by the Colonial Secretary
before you think hereafter of seeking the assistance of the other night that there was no intention whatever by
any distressed nationality, to consider well how far you this bill to express distrust in the loyalty and attachment
will extend the definite objects of the war. (Hear, hear. of the colonies ; but surely, after the Canadian Parlia-
It will be competent for gentlemen who succeed me to ex- ment had made an offer of its assistance, it was, to say
tend the discussion of this bill into a survey of the general the least of it, ungracious to accept this measure in prefe-
conduct of Ministers with respect to the war. I have no rence to their offer. (Hear.) He was assured upon excel-
such intention. I have no wish to reiterate former charges lent authority that a letter had recentlybeenreceived from
nor to bring into adroit display every casual error of negli- a Canadian gentleman, stating his readiness, in conjunc-
gence that may have occurred. (Hear, hear.) I can as- tion with other gentlemen, not only to raise a Canadian
sure the Secretary-at-War that the other night I heard regiment, but to maintain that regiment during the time
his eloquent speech with great pleasure, and pleasure more it served with the British army. (Hear.) While such
honourable to both of us than mere admiration, for I did offers as these were being made, coming as they did from
think that he satisfactorily disproved many charges that Canada, which could furnish the best troops in the world,
had been brought against his own department, not, in.
did it not convey a feeling of distrust to reject them in
deed, byfany gentleman in this house, but which had creme favour of German mercenaries? It seemed to him to be a
ated a painful impression out of doors. (Hear, hear.) downright insult to the colony; and being offered at this
With regard to the Cabinet itself, I cheerfully recognise time, when the connection between the mother country
men who have won that high name in the public service and the colony appeared to be most healthy and firm, was
of this country which gives them a deep interest in its exceedingly unfortunate. Why should we prefer the
honour and prosperity. Ido not know that there is one assistance of foreigners to that of our own blood and kin,
man in the Cabinet, or in all the Government, of whom I whether in the colonies or at home? The other day the
should wish to speak in other terms than those of personal noble lord the President of the Council recommended the
respect ; but it is not a discordant combination of able members of the Mechanics' Institute to study the decline
men that makes the most worthy Cabinet in times of and fall of nations, and remarked that it would be found
peace, while the spirited conduct of war requires a prosasp. a sure sign of the decline of a nation when it became nume-
titude and decision, a rapid and comprehensive foresight, rically inferior to the nations with which it was allied.
which can only come from a fixed unity of purpose and Now, if the noble lord was correct in that view, as no
object. That unity the conflicting spirit of Ministers has doubt he was, it would almost seem from this bill
notoriously belied. Take the last instance. Compare the that England was in the decline ; but he denied that
sanguine tone which the treaty with Austria created else- she was numerically inferior to her allies. The nation
where with the language and cautions scepticism as to its had ample resources within itself, and in the patriot-
important results expressed by the organ of the Govern- ism of its colonies, to furnish its army with plenty of re-
anent in this house. (Hear.) On a recent occasion the cruits without having recourse to a measure of this charac-
First Ministerof the Crown assumed that the Government ter. The colonies being enfranchised from political die.
had been blamed for their reluctance in going to war, as abilities, had begun to feel a warmer attachment towards
exhibited by the preliminary negotiations. That is not the the mother country, and it would be the height of folly to
fact. The Government was not blamed for their reluctance weaken that feeling, by rejecting their offers of assistance
to go to war; but what we regretted was this, that the in the present war; rather let them encourage it now
state of public opinion in this country, which so deeply re- when they could do so with so much advantage to our
sented the first disguised aggression upon Turkish rode- nationality, or a golden opportunity for still further
pendence, had never fairly been represented to the Russian cementing the colonies to the British Throne would be lost
Emperor ; and we stated that if the language used by our to us for ever. (Hear.) What troops could we havebetter
Minister at the first, without being at all more threatening, than our own, or better than the Canadian Rifles—the
had been much more frank and plainspoken, you would first volunteer force in the world, to whom we owe the
have had a better chance of preserving peace than you possession of Canada at this moment. (Hear.) The noble
could have by complimenting the Czar upon his moderation lord had attempted to make them believe that there were
and fairness, after he had secretly proposed the subdivision precedents for this measure, and that if they rejected this
of the Turkish dominions, and after he had deceived your bill, it would be a deviation from the teachings of history ;
credulity by misrepresenting great military preparations as but, in point of fact, there was not the least appositeness
an innocent mode of moral aggression. (Cheers and laugh- in the two cases which the noble lord had quoted; the
ter.) In prosecuting your negotiations with Austria, I most apposite of the two, perhaps, was that of Spain ; but
entreat you to avoid the spirit which pervaded your nego- did the noble lord think England was reduced to thsame
tiations with Russia. You have here an opportunity of state as Spain when she called in the assistance of the
the most complete success. You have only to consider the British Legion? Were the colonies of
spirit of your former negotiations, and to conduct your- position as those of Spain ? Certainly not ; and it would
selves in a spirit diametrically opposite. (A laugh.) We be most humiliating to the country, and crushing to her
never blamed the Government for not going to war until feelings of self-reliance, if the Ministers on this occasion
all parties were prepared for it ; but what we wonder at is were allowed to accept the services of foreign mercenaries
this, that the only persons in the three kingdoms who in preference to the noble offers of the colonies. (Hear,
were unprepared for the war wore her Majesty's Minis- hear.) Such a measure as this could be only justifiable in
tern;
and so unprepared were they that the best excuse for the most urgent case of necessity -no such case
Ihad been
all of them is that they commenced a war which they now made out, and therefore, without' trespassing
find to be protracted, and with a most formidable enemy, the house, he thought he had said quite justifyenoughontgoer upon
with military preparations little raised above the ordinary his voting for the amendment. (Hear, hear.)
establishments of peace, and upon the niggardly priaciple Mr. WATSON
would
support this and every other pro-
that its cost should be defrayed out of our ordinary whichcalculated
re- Position was to carry on the war with
venue. (Hear, hear.) The public were disposed to receive efficiency.
your tardy assumption of energy at the commencement of Mr. E. BALL, as an opponent of the war, opposed this
winter as a partial indemnity for at least your bill, which he thought compare- would only add to the calamities of
tive indolence
during the previous months of summer and the war.
,
autumn • but who could foresee
efforts of your collective patriotism, reserved for made important a cur- a very announcement at the commence-
twine so pressing andprodigiousthat it
why
we
are
word about it in summoned together, although there was not a bill were defeated, the Government would feel it necessary
the speech from the Throne, would be to, resign their offices. After that announcement the
The national council is of
as 1%012
iforeignerse question before the house must be approached with consi-
(Cheers.)order to prepare all its military reamer.... co'unolazsit e.,
t!es in dereble difficulty by hon. gentlemen, and he (Mr. Gibson)
us that the troops are so numerous that he doesatanot tooa_wilenueg ;.13:1. himself to protest against that system of over-
tellsknow what to do with them. Another minister assures thefethat, iii. deliberate sentiments of the house by telling
us that we could have a million, and when we are waiting up their minds—and that,l 11171 a few hours' notice? make
an iraportant . •Ei
to learn what is our actual muster, out comes this riciicu- tive measure—the Government wnould consider iteeirlaa-t.
ha M243-011t comes this creeping, this crawling proposi- liberty to retire from office. He could not understand
tion to go to some third-rate power for the loan of 10,000 why resignation was to be the consequence of the defeat of
men. (Cheers and laughter.) It reminds me of the story this bill. (Hear, hear.)' Had
.not hon. members seen in
of an adventurer who was boasting to an acquaintance he the course of last session how measures of' domestic policy
had picked up in a coffee-house of the enormous wealth ho involving great principles were defeated, although intro-
possessed, at a distance. He spoke of his castles in Corn- duced by the Government, and how that Government did
wall and Yorkshire, of his copper mines in one country not think that those defeats rendered necessary their retire-
and of his diamond mines in Peru, and when he had ment from office? He maintained, then, that it was not
worked up his friend to the highest pitch of expectation as fair, upon a measure of this character (which was, after
to what he might reasonably expect from the munificence all, but a minor proposition with reference to the proposals
of the possessor of such boundless resources, he suddenly that had been made for the carrying on of the war), for
dropped his hand upon his breeches pocket and said, " I the Government to threaten that its rejection
see something nice there at at the bar, have you such a a break up of the Ministry. Whichever way he should
thing about you as NO. !" (Great laughter.) Well, vote upon this measure—(laughter)—he should vote with
now, I repeat there is no parallel ease or precedent for this reference to its merits his and
• s own conscientious convic-
bill, as I will presently show; but let me call the attention ~ions, and not to the
of the house in the first instance to an opinion given upon that it involved a princi • •
ple of far more importance than
this subject by a great man, which must have the highest the
resignation or non-resignation of the "
weight and authority with gentlemen opposite. Iwill What was the before Cabinet.
(Hear.)
measure the house? By it they were
real what was said on a similar occasion tothis by invited Mr. to enable her Majesty to enlist foreigners in the
Grey, afterwards Lord Grey. (Hear, hear.) Thatßritish
greatarmy, to Seta the battles of this
. _ , ecountry, and to
man once said, "1 cannot doubt that occasions may arise become the enemies of Russia. He wished to know h
when it would be proper to introduce foreign troops into , ther it was consistentwithview w e•
a sound of public law
this country, but it should never be done except in •
cases that Parliament should make • • provisions enabling the Ca-
of extreme necessity, and never should be suffered to be binet to communicate with the subjects of some neutral
done without being watched with that constitutional state? Ought not
jealousy which is the best part of the character of this Governments? He appealed to any hon. member in that
house, and the best security of the rights and liberties of house to say whether or not it was policy sound
to sepa-
the people. " Now, I appeal to the candour of the majority ratepeoples from t' • S •
their Sovereigns, and to give power to
of gentlemen opposite, if these words Mr. of
at least justify • • .us in the jealousy with which we regard this
bill—awljests of neutral States without at all recognising the
whether we are right or wrong in that jealousy, Governofthose States?
Governments
or whether it is overstrained or not, I appeal t o them to What would be our feelings if a foreign state should at-
Bay if it does not amply vindicate nsfrom the unworthy tempt to enlist men from England without the consent of
charge that we are obstructing the necessary preparations the Queen? It was not consistent with sound principles
n
must
tn to say, " For the purpose for our Government to attempt to enlist men from. foreign
of our own defence we us
sometimes
employ
foreign States without the consent of their S i vereigns or Govern-
troops ; but still I cannot helpthinking that the wisest ments, and at a time when they were at peace with that
course for us to pursue is to relyy upon the courage and power with which we were at war. And yet it appeared
(Rear.) Where is your to him that that was the very policy of this bill. Not a
case of urgent or proved necessity for this
it has not been urged as a case of msure ? Why word was said about any treaty having been entered into
ble lord said not a word about these necessity,
because the no- with any foreign Government. Not a syllable was said
foreigneer, troopsear being shout any alliance, or any understanding, but simply that,
required for the safety of the nation. (R
sir, he was too much of an Englishman for 'that, •a.)ndNl:e, by this bill, her Majesty would be empowered to go by
means of her recruiting officers to foreign countries—to the
only urged itt territories at the most as a question of convenience. The of neutral States—and to raise forces there for
bill is required for the convenience of drilling the troops in' the
. ' this country. Well, then, it being a mere question of Eitaurrgaste of
being
engaged in the war with Russia.
going to be done with the consent of those
convenience, I say the convenience is not worth the pier- neutral States,
con-
chase. It has not been unseasonably asked elsewhere, sent or knowleClure.
wasfgioting to be done without their
how will the enemy regard this proposition ? (Cheers.) sent, then they gforfaltted werehei to be done with their con-
neutrality. As they were
What a pretext you give to the Emperor of Russia to re- prepared to exercise that Y
belligerent
right against Russia,
present to his subjects the correctness of the estimate which they must also be prepared to declare war against Russia.
he had formed of the power of the British people. (Hear, But, if they were so prepared, lett
hear.) Well may he now refer to the braggart talk of the the face of Europe. (Cheers.)
Lot
them
it openly, and in
ene.ii:mter into an
House of Parliament—their boast of the popular enthu- alliance with this country, and send forces as
siesta—their willingness that the best blood of the nation their contingents in support of the commonauxi cause.
sthoould be spilt in the struggle ; well, I say, may he refer That course would be straightforward, and connsrsieniEtlwesirth
all these things, and compare all this talk with the sirn- the public law of Europe. But, if it were to be done without
pie fact that in the first year of the war we are compelled the consent of these States or against their wishes, then the
. to go somewhere else for the loan of 10,000 bayonets. And British Parliament ought not deliberately to sanction any
upon what pretence do they seek this • hofpublic •
assistance 9he will ouch course
naturally ask. Why, he will sa by th ••
their own confession, of Switzerland and of other countries had passed laws to
because they are not a military yn'ation, and have not had prevent the system of carrying on wars by means of mer-
time since the commencement of the war to drill a suffi- cenaries. The noble lord (Lord J. Russell) might quote
clout number of recruits for that army
which at the battle to the house precedents of past times—he might go back
of Inkerman could only ruusterB,ooe men- (Hear, hear.) to the middle ages—he might quote to them the precedent
Sir, I. as an Englishman, am not willingna that the country of employing Indians, with their scalping knives and their
should stand thus before the eyes of the ene
Still less am I willing to stand thus before enemy.
(eCshoe;rs.) tomahawks ; but, if the present war was to be carried on
ally—(cheers)—while Ido not think it is the besty our as war had been carried on by
the nations of Europe
mode to in recent times, the plan proposed by this bill could
remove the timid hesitation of Austria and Prussia not be adopted
(Cheers. I am convinced, in spite of all your
omissions,
in.
ins
on
war by the house, because the system of carry
means of mercenaries had been utterly con-
spite of all your delay, that we have men still sufficient at 4 damned by tlyn h e w ole course of public treaties and of mu-
this moment to fight our own battles. (Cheers.) Yon tell nicipal law. (Cheers) It might be contended that every
us that you sent ample reinforcements to the Crimea a foreign Power might all ow this country to enlist its sub-
week, nay, a month, ago ; and I say you have had plenty jade to make war upon Russia, and yet maint •am its non-
of time and means since for preparing and raising and dril- trality ; but that, he submitted, was a dangerous
princi-
ling more. I say you have had an ample field for raising pie to lay down, for it would justify the Government of
a sufficient number of troops in the over-crowded popula- the United States in permitting Russia
to Oro
Americans
tion of the country. (Hear.) I deny altogether the idea that to fight against us in the present contest. (Loud cries of
if you draft off in that way the labouring population of the hear, hear.) Ho had heard it said that a
countrye might
rural districts you will disturb the operations of agricul. lend its troops to carry on a war in another country
with-
tnre, because the suspension of the ordinary industrial oc- out forfeiting its neutrality, if there were
some
, cupations of the labouring classes, especially in railway treaty or understanding to that effect. But if ie existing
thl
that were
works, caused by the war, has released a large number of the case, ho wished to knew with what country we had a
' • the most able-bodied portion of ourpopulation. I believe, treaty of that nature? A little diligence
moreover able the Go
~ er, you might employ to advantage in your army varnment to inform him what was the name of
the large number of marines stationed at Chatham and that country, and he hoped that the Government would
ether ,
Liu ~.maces. Try every other means before you resort to 0 tell him in what country it was that we were enabled to
1 won._ this ; and if I were to presume to offer you advice, enlist men for the purpose of carrying on the war with
emit'''. who to you, "Go into the best market for your re- Russia, ? (Hear, hear.) He believed that this bill would
het h",,lZeere you can get spirit and strength." That mar. embark this country in a course of policy most dangerous
tonal yo'n
etehome. Go there, then, and get the best ma- tO its future i °tercets, and calculated to multiply wars be-
long run, toil: at any cose— it will be the cheapest in the yond all bounds. (Hear.) If this country, by enlistment
when the pet.useejt 2 Sir, I remember in the year 1779, of men the subjects of foreign States, should involve those
hostile ships, ~,Q. .France and Spain were bristling with States in war with Russia, it would devolve upon thin
Channel with sten443,riean privateers were cruising in our country to aid -those States against Russia. (Hear.) He
sentatives of Ireiane Y4'.000
Lord Hertford offered the repre believed that two greet countries like England and France,
the enemy would make eo descent foreign troops, in alarm that with the aid of Turkey, ought to be able to carry on the
was their answer? sin itwas
a upon their coast. What war with Russia, without having recourse to the dangerous
refusal. (Cheers.) They .4if wanly and independent course proposed. by this bill, namely, the employment of a
potent to defend ourselves without e...are. not perfectly coin- diminutive sup ply of mercenaries. (Loud cheers.) In
worthy cf being defended at ate irretgn aid, we are not conclusion, the right hon. gentleman said he would vote
came the representatives of Ireland '
, sorely
that, answer be- against the second hisf the bill, to which he would
unbecoming the united Parliament of entireth:it would not be offer every opp osition in power.
in-
(tClheers.) Let me ask you how many of tu. kingdom. Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE also opposed the bill as
a the armaments of Rnesia, who bore with equal
who dashed volving a calamity and a degradation to this country.
and intrepidity the sufferings and caleiniti__Plat fortitud Mr. SIDICEY HERBERT said—Sir, in the speech
the fatigues of the Crimea, how many au'i'Ll,eatliwseearso ant we have just. heard from the hon. gentleman the member
B
es) Why, then, the material of
wbieehnew for Manches'eor (Mr. M. Gibson) he complained that her
- British army in the Crimea consists is still to be
fo the Aajeaty'a G.)verninent, in the speech of my noble friend
amongst the labourers of this country ; and these are
utnb: the Lord Ps esident of the Council, acting as the meals-
men you should look to for your recruit 3 —men who lies kw)iece of G cvernment, had assumed a touo which
their brothers and fellows in the Crimea, would tilers not jus ,eliable, inesmuch as he had attemptee by
patient of their own sufferings as they were humane te eealirtei of reoignetion to force this house into a decision
the wounded. (Loud cheers.) That is the kind of ma I sin)--en"utfrilsrY to his own opinion and conviction. Sir,
terial your army is, and should continue to be, made of ineividuealri. est) who hold at a high value the rights of
You may draw troops from Germany, from Switzerland, in this honsniec-1 chars of Parliament. I hold that every men
from Sweden. from Poland, when the absolute necessity exact ophliot
of its
a perfect right to act in every case on his
for it comes, but I say this is not the moment when, you bronco to
en)4te.ts.merits, if he so chooses, without re-
ought to set aside our own willing and able-bodied, stout- in the merit of the argument
consequence. I have that confidence
hearted countrymen, in order to arm foreigners for our forward, that •I
eakaztemoent which I am about to bring
her of this ha
defence. (Cheers.) Depend upon it, they will accomplish 050, a
.ddeeiehiallenge for it, from every mem-
merit?, moor , on given on conviction of its
more for you than whole hosts of foreign soldiers, who line to the
have been reluctantly trained to arms under the sway of likewise trues that in annecessity of the case. Bat it is
despotic constitutions. •
(Hear, hear.) The foreigner may to take what ever coarse they assembly which consists of men free
like upon any
be well disciplined, hie training may have been perfection, must not be any exception, still less that question, there
but he will still lack that strength in his own right arm Ito be her Maje sty's Government—none mthitsbeexception is
which has always been the characteristic of the British to forego that policy which they think vital to the public
Soldier. (Cheers.) Without that feeling which alone - interest, and. none must be compelled to do thatwhierthleye

LONDON,

know to be fatal to the public interest, because other gen-
tlemen choose to take a different view of what is or is not
for the public interest. Now let me attempt to discuss
this measure in perfect fairness. Ido not moan to insinuate
against any gentleman who differs from Government that
his motives are factious or hostile to Government, even if
they appear to me to be founded on prejudice or misrepre-
sentation of the measure. I think that there is both in
the House of Commons and in the country a desire honestly
to give the utmost effect to the war which her Majesty's
Government are now carrying on. Well, I think that I
may make every allowance for differences of opinion, but
I ask you to listen to the arguments which I shall lay
before you, and which seem to me to be conclusive, first,
as to the danger which it' is supposed will threaten the
constitution ; and, secondly, as to the danger which it
is supposed will threaten the British army from the ad-
mixture of foreign troops. Si., with respect to the
danger which it is supposed will threaten our social state
if we seek for aid in the prosecution of the war--which
is 'not an English war, but eminently a European war
(hear, hear)—the hon. baronet who moved that this bill
be read a second time this day six months made great use
of some arguments with reference to the precedents which
exist for a bill of this kind. I will not delay the house by
going into this subject at length. The precedents which
were adduced by my noble friend who moved the second
reading of the bill were not, he said, instances in which
we were engaged in treaties offensive and defensive, but
were mere pretences. Now, sir, as far as this question is
concerned, I want to know if ever there was a case in the
world in which a European quarrel was entered into which
could not by common consent be called a German quarrel
also ? Do you mean to lay down this principle—that if the
law of nations be broken through —if some great and vio-
lent injustice be committed by a strong state upon a
weaker one, are nations like Franco and England, who pro-
fess to be the leaders in civilisation, who profess to bo iu a
great degree the arbitrators of the conduct of other nations—
are they to abdicate their high functions—are they to say
that injustice may be committed, that power and might are
to make such inroads over Europe, so that at last, when it
comes to their turn, they will find themselves unable to re-
sist it? (Hear.) I tell you that throughout Germany you
have sympathy with you in the war, and is this sympathy
of Germany to pass away and beax no fruit whatever. Hon.
gentlemen say that "you have noinstance of raisingan army
in countries not in strict alliance with you. You may go to
Hanover, for Hanover is Hampshire. You may go to Prus-
sia, because Prussia is in alliance with you." These, how-
ever, are not all the precedents. In 1813 an act of Parlia-
ment was passed which appears to me not to be so chary of al-
liances. It appears to me that it is thought right at the end
of a war, and not at the beginning of a war no stone should
be left unturned ; but what happened in 1813 ? An act was
passed to enable his Majesty to do what ? If we had corn.
to the house and said—if we had come to Parliament and
proposed to introduce foreigners into English regiments,
I must say that in my opinion such a proceeding would
have been unwise ; but do you think we have not prece-
dents for asking men to come and serve in our regi-
ments which former Governments have net introduced ?
What do yon think of the act of 1813 ? We proposed to
raise the 60th Regiment to ten battalions ; the Bth, 9th and
10th battalions were to be added to the 60th Regiment ;
and orders were issued to the officers not to recruit the
battalions 'in Russia or in Prussia, but to recruit them
from foreigners generally, and to get foreigners from any
country they could. You wanted precedents—you have
got precedents—but I confess that if you have no prece-
dents to go upon, where you see a menacing and crying
necessity, I say do not let us stand upon mere precedents,
but exercise what is far better—oar own common sense.
If you see the means of getting assistance and have the op-
portunity of getting ready trained troops, I say, in God's
name do it, and do not talk about precedents. (Hear.)
The hon. gentleman who has just sat down has asked what
magic is there in being a German or a Swiss which the
English recruit does not possess? I say that this is the
magic. I say that the English recruit makes the best
soldier in the world, and, instead of being made in five
months, has been made in three months. You can make
a soldier in three months, but can you convert a boy into
a man in three months ? (Hear.) Honourable gentlemen
ought to have read the letters of the greatest military
commander that the world ever saw—l mean the Emperor
Napoleon, that great master of organisation. You will
find him saying, when he wanted reinforcements in conse-
quence of the immense consumption of men—you will find
that he wrote constantly, and said, " Pick me out older
men ; do not seed me boys who consume my rations, im-
pede my marches, and encumber nay hospitals." (Hear,
hear.) I think that you have had experience of this.
(Hear, hear.) I will state one fact. We have com-
mitted errors in sending out reinforcements. The house
will feel that in operations of this description after
a long peace our armies may be exhausted. Now, the
great mass of the recruits which some in are, comparatively
speaking boys. The youngest age is 18, and the greatest
difficulty is felt in preventing them from passing them-
selves as 18, when they are much less, so that the greatest
mass of recruits come in at the earliest age. Is this the best
age for soldiers ? Young men in the higher ranks of life,
who have been well-fed and well-lodged, are much more
advanced towards the strength of a man than lads taken
from the plough, who have had scanty supplies of food and
meat not more than once or twice a week. What is the
consequence of this ? Ween they are put into rations for
a short time you find them to be growing lads. You say
that in 1803 or 1804, when the war broke out—what did
you do in 1804? For the first five years you acted on the
defensive. So long as the army, is kept at home well-
quartered and well-fed, so long as it is kept in such a posi-
tion as this youth does not tell against it ; but at the first
exposure to hardship and privation the constitution of
young lads are not strong enough to bear up against them.
When you send out lads of this age, whose constitutions
are not fixed and settled, you find that, under the constant
exposure to the weather, your reinforcements, man by
man, melt away, your rations are consumed, your marches
impeded, and your hospitals encumbered. Then yon re-
cognise the truth which the Mulperor Napoleon uttered.,
who knew what he was talking about :—"I say you can
make a soldier in three months, but can you convert a boy
into a man in three months ?" I have stated without re-
serve the difficulty under which we labour. It is asked,
what is the magic by which the German is excepted from
this difficulty ? I think I can easily explain that matter.
In Germany all the peasantry are subject to military con-
scription or military service in some shape or other. Mili-
tary service expires, generally speaking—l am not allud-
ing to any state in particular, but in most German states
military service expires when the peasant has approached
the age of 26 or 27. The German Governments will not
give the peasant permission to emigrate until he has core •
pleted the period of his military service, and he therefore
Linnet leave the country until he is 26 or 27 years of age.
We have German emigrants passing through England to
the United States, to Canada, and to Australia, to the
amount of 30,000 souls every year. Throughout Germany
provisions are high, and there are in those states something
like the feeling which exists in Ireland of the dedre to emi-
grate to another hemisphere. The amount of emigration
to the English colonies is very great. It would be greater
but for this circumstance, that as they are persoes of small
property, and possess limited funds, they are obliged to
take by preference that passage which costs them the least.
Therefore the great mass of emigrants have gone to Canada
or the United States, but if they had the means I have no
doubt they would have gone to Australia in preference.
Again, you should recollect this circumstance. The Ger-
man Government gives the peasants permission to emigrate
as soon as they have satisfied the Government that they
have performed their military services. That gives a power
of denaturalisation. In England we have no such power.
Some hon. gentlemen have said they de not know what
number the Government can get, or where they can got
them. Never was anything more truly said. I think the
Government must be endowed with wonderful powers of
prophecy, if they can tell how a measure will work when
it is necessary to obtain the sanction of Parliament to that
measure before they can put the proposition in any shape
before the parties to whom it will bo necessary to apply.
(Hear.) It is obvious that the Government cannot pretend
to say how many men they will get, or where they will
get them from. We may have reasons for forming an
opinion on this subject from the statements which have
been made to us by persons who have been accustomed to
deal with Germans •, but we cannot pretend to say that we
are going to take 30,000 men, 33,000 men, or any other
number of men. (Hear.) The number, of course, is left
very much to the option of honourable gentlemen opposite.
The hon. baronet opposite took the case in both ways. He
spoke of 10,000 men as something so insignificant as not to
be worth mentioning; but when he thought the objection
would be altogether fatal, he magnified the number into
30,1.00 or 40,000, and said that the worst part of the mea-
sure was that there was no limit. (Hear, hear.) There
certainly is no limit in one sense. But there is a Parlia-
mentary limit. I apprehend that year by year the esti-
mates must be submitted to the house, and they must con-
no
t exceed.ofin(Cheers.)en,which theT Gh
e
o ye ru
rue ieat h
wille m
Par-
liamentary limit is therefore in your hands. There is
no other limit, except that of the willingness of the
parties to come. What we ask you to do is to try the
measure. We think if it succeeds that it will be of the
utmost value. We tell you we can get recruits faster
than we can train them and make them soldiers, and I
hope we shall continue to do so. (Cheers.) Bat this I know
that if we have the means to enable us to spare these men
until they are fit for service, we should make soldiers of
them not merely to meet the enemy the first few days after
their arrival, and behave as our recruits did at Alma and
Inkertuan, but we should have men who would be able,
besides fighting a battle, to undergo all the hardships and
privations which they may have to endure before meeting
with the enemy a second time. (Cheers). When you pro-
duce a recruit able to meet the enemy in battle, you have
not made a soldier of him • and what you have to do is, to
overcome the difficulties Which I have mentioned. I say,
any Government, knowing the nature of these recruits,
and knowing their extreme youth, knowing the risk to
which they are exposed, knowing the certainty of their
being laid up by fever or dysentery, in consequence of their
inability to stand the fatigue and the change of climate—l
say that if any Government, knowing these facts, should,
in order to meet the prejudice or a vote of the House of
Commons, neglect the means which they may have in their
hands for providing auxiliary forces, whose services may
give our men time to recruit themselves, that Government
would be highly culpable. (Loud cheers.) Well, are we
degrading our army by sending out foreigners to combine
with them in these operations ? I can imagine the feeling
entertained towards men who would fight for either Eng-
land or Russia, and I wish the hon. and learned gentleman
would make himself the agent of the Emperor of Russia,
and try his eloquence in Germany for a few days.
(Laughter.) Do you think that the men of Germany will
come to our standard for the sake of nothing but a shilling
a-day? They will not come to those who pay the most.
Thera exists throughout Germany a great sympathy with
the Western Powers. (Cheers.) Are you going to deny
to other countries all share of honest feeling against unjust
encroachment ? Do you suppose you have the monopoly
of that feeling ? Would our army be degraded by having
such men fighting by its side? Did our army feel de-
graded when the troops of Germany fought along with
them ? No, you may say, because these states wore in
alliance with us. But do you suppose that the privates
in our ranks entered much into the consideration of di•
ploinatic reiations ! Do you suppose that Sir Colin Hal.
kett, who is now at Chelsea in comfortable retirement,
felt degraded when he was identified with tilos., men
who under the greatest difficulties rendered him such es-
santial services? (Cheers.) I cannot read the debates of
1501 without seeing that the identical arguments were then
',reduced which are now used, and without a feeling of hu-
miliation that those arguments have not made one atom in
advance. The hon. baronet says we were in alliance with
Germany. But the army then raised was the most motley
army that ever was seen, and was composed of very many
nations. (Hear.) But, it is sail, you are letting these men
supersede English soldiers. Now, if you will show me an
army of Enelish soldiers consisting of seasoned men whom
you may safely send to a foreign clime to undergo td.
dangers of a campaign in a pestilential country, I will a
mit there is something in your argument. Bet you do not
attempt to do that. When you talk of superseding the Bri-
tish soldier by the German, you assume that the English
soldier is a man of years sufficient to insure the stamina of
his constitution, and you assume the German to be a mere
boy. Bat I have shown you, and I hope satisfactorily,