The Sun.
London, England, 1853-08-08 00:00:00

(From the Times.)
We understand that a telegraphic dispatch has
been received by her Majesty's Government from
Vienna, from which it appears that the Emperor
of Russia has accepted the propositions of the Four
Powers. At the time when the last Cabinet courier
from St. Petersburgh left that capital the proposal
in question had not yet been received there, but an
intimation had already been given by the Russian
Government to the British Minister that it was the
Emperor's intention to accept the terms recom-
mended to him by the Conference at Vienna. That
decision is now announced to have taken place, and
we trust that we may congratulate the country and
the rest of Europe on the speedy termination of the
prolonged crisis which has already produced so
much serious- loss and embarrassment, and has
threatened to cause still more formidable conse-
quences to the peace and tranquillity of the world.
This result—if, as we have now reason confidently
to hope, it be indeed attained—is the most con-
clusive answer to the taunts and impatience of that
party which has urged urged upon the Government
a more active policy, and it is the appropriate re-
ward of the steady forbearance with which these ne-
gotiations have been conducted. At the same
time, after the repeated alternations and disappoint-
ments which have occurred in the course of this
question, we cannot place entire confidence in any
declaration of the Russian Government until it has
been followed by positive and immediate compli-
ance with the terms proposed. As long as the
Russian armies continue to occupy any portion of
the Turkish territory, a flagrant infraction of the
public law of Europe has been committed, and the
arrangement to which Russia is now understood to
accede must, of course, include an entire and im-
mediate cessation of a state of things which is utterly
inconsistent with the independence of the East and
the peace of Europe. We shall therefore await
with the utmost impatience the fuller details which
must soon reach us as to the nature and extent of
the terms to which Russia gives her assent. Until
they are known and acted upon we cannot regard
this period of suspense as entirely at an end ;
but, from telegraphic dispatch which has been
already received, we believe that the first and most
important step has been taken, that the Cabinet of
St. Petersburgh ceases to hold out against the
united determination of Europe, and that, if the
most ordinary good faith be observed by the Em-
peror in the subsequent stages of this transaction,
he will escape the disgrace and the danger of in-
flicting the horrors of war upon the world.

protest against the severance of Moldavia from
Turkey is still on its road to its destination. Nor
must it be forgotten that there are other elements
of uncertainty and danger, over which the me-
diating Powers have no control ; for, at any mo-
ment, the news may arrive that a change of
Ministry at Constantinople has precipitated hosti-
lities, notwithstanding the prudent advice tendered
by England and France to the Porte. When
diplomacy is employed in adjusting the terms of an
arrangement which all parties seriously desire, a
mere analysis of the facts and bearings of the case
will often supply materials for a confident antici-
pation of the result ; but it is always difficult to
calculate on the passions of individuals, or to fore-
see the extent to which ambition may outweigh the
dictates of justice and prudence. Were the Czar
determined on extorting, at all hazards, the
sub-
mission of his opponents, war would ensue, in spite
of all reasons in favour of peace.
It cannot, however, be too often repeated that
ostentatious preparations for war may, after all,
be only a machinery of intimidation ; nor can it
be supposed that Russian statesmen are unable
to count fleets and armies, although it may have
been thought expedient to assure the people that
the Emperor's enemies will be scattered like dust
before the wind. Should the aggressor persist in
his design, he would embark in the contest with-
out an open ally, and even without a secret well-
wisher. Austria and Prussia live in constant
dread of their encroaching neighbour, and the
minor Princes of Germany have no desire to be-
come Muscovite pensioners, on a level with the
Prince of Georgia or the descendants of the Khan
of the Crimea. Even the immediate object of the
Imperial aggression would be by no means a con-
temptible enemy. Behind the Danube, the Turkish
dominions are protected by three strong fortresses,
defended by a race unsurpassed .in the obstinate
courage with which they meet -besiegers. Some
doubts may be entertained of „the quality of the
-Turkish infantry, and it is noialmssbable_that,
regular campaign, they could face the Russian
army on equal terms. Yet it is known that the
military organisation of the Ottoman Empire has
been greatly improved since the war which ended
in 1829, nor could the Russians again count on the
disloyalty which, at that time, had been caused by
the then recent reforms of Sultan Mahmoud. Die-
bitsch, after buying the frontier fortresses, crossed
the Balkan with so much difficulty that he was
only saved from a disastrous retreat by the sudden
conclusion of the Treaty of Adrianople. In the
event of a new invasion, many risks would be run
before Menschikoff or Gortschakoff could establish
a second claim to the title of Sabalkanski. The
Turkish fleet, already strengthened by the Egyptian
contingent, numbers as many guns as the Russian
fleet in the Black Sea ; and on the eastern coast of
the Euxine, thousands of fanatical Mussulmans are
ready to engage in a crusade on behalf of the repre-
sentative of the Prophet. The Circassians must
already be meditating the recovery of the frontier
from which, in the course of twenty years of war,
they have been slowly and painfully pushed back.
The army of the Caucasus at least would spare no
aid to the forces on the Danube ; and it is not im-
probable that Persia also would take a part in the
general struggle.
The resistance of Europe would, however, be far
more formidable. England alone has power to
close the Sound and the Bosphorus, and to shut
up the Russian fleet in Cronstadt and Sebastopol.
France, again, is singly superior to Russia at sea,
and certainly not inferior by land. Were Louis
Napoleon to throw his whole strength into the
struggle, the Russian army would be overmatched
even on the Danube; and, meanwhile, Austria
would stand by, with forces equal to those of
Russia, to watch the course of events. It is true
that the Emperor Nicholas may at one time have
persuaded himself that, by audacity, he could
paralyse or divide his antagonists ; but no war of
conquest has hitherto been undertaken in the face
of so overwhelming a preponderance of strength.
If, under these circumstances, Russia refuses to
evacuate the Principalities, it is evident that the
defiance thrown out to Europe will have been de-
liberate and premeditated. So dangerous a reso-
lution can only be taken from a desire of aggran-
dis ement too strong to yield either to conciliation
or to menaces. The persevering moderation of
England and France may have offered some strate-
gic advantages to the invader, but it will not have
been the cause of the war. On the other hand, it
will be much to have satisfied the whole world that
the blame rests exclusively with the Imperial
aggressor ; nor is it a trifling advantage to have
waited until the bias of the Austrian Government
yielded to the pressing necessity of union with the
Western Powers.