The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-05 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1854.

The CzAa, doubtless, reads the " Morning
Papers," and the " Evening Papers," too, as
regularly as any of the denizens of this country.
We know not whether others have noticed one
probable result of this, but to us it seems not un-
likely that the diminished magnitude of MENSCHI-
KOFF lies may be in part due to it. No doubt
many of the original bulletins were accompanied
by something more truthful for the secret study of
the CZAR ; probably, however, both Russia and its
master had more to learn from the Euglish
press and its own correspondents than was wel-
come or convenient at St. Petersburg. MEN-
EICHIKOFF, therefore, seems to have received a hint
to keep a little nearer the truth both in secret
and official despatches. He was warned that lies,
like murder, will out ; and that a free press in
Abe hated " Isle of the Free" made it necessary
that a Petersburg press, worked by the hand of
the Czan himself, should not make the Imperial
printer look quite a- fool amongst his brethren
in the same line. How delightful could he
but wield the knout and the soizzars amongst
the successors of CAXTON here, as he can
amongst the writers and printers of his
mandates on the Neva ! Ono satisfaction only is
left ; he has made his nation a nation of liars ;
from his Chancellor to his beadle, from his generals
to his private soldiers, he has not one whose word
he can take if unchecked by another. They may
tell him the truth, but he suspects it the more. An
English free press therefore comes in to help him
here. We can fancy him reading the veracious
despatches of our commanders, and the truthful
letters of even our private soldiers, letters such as
his barbarians could not write, and ex-
claiming amidst his rage—" Well, thanks to
that hellish monstrosity the freedom of the press,
I know
valet my slaves high and low are doing—
and bymy Czarhood I'll make them tell me the
truth, whatever lies they may telegraph to Vienna
or Berlin."

But there is another fact which he may learn
from our newspapers, and he of Prussia, and he
of Austria, and he whopresides in our Govern-
ment, too, may
also learn it from
them—a fact
which if they have any
Pro
is
indeed phet to read to them the
interpretation,the handwriting on the
wall for all the profane despots ,—and that is,
the enthusiasm aroused in our people
by difficulties and delays. we
all hoped
our Government knew what it was about,
and that Sebastopol was to fall before winter.
We are now told otherwise. What follows I We
blame the head managers of the war, of course,
but with a marvellous readiness to forgive them
if they do but manage better and hit his CZAR-
slur harder. Not a hint of withdrawing. No-
thing will do but spending any necessary amount
to make three times as many soldiers as comfort-
able as all our manufactories can make them till
the spring. No doubt some hope mingled with it
that in frosty weather artillery practice against
redoubts, and redans, and batteries will be an ad-

mirably healthy auxiliary to stoves and clothing. He
may learn that it is settled he shall lose the Crimea,
cost what it niay ; and that we will hearken to
not one word of his lying diplomacy till we have
taken security for his veracity in Cronstadt, War-
saw, and Ismail. He will perceive, that in pro-
portion as we begin to see the necessary cost of
reducing him to a CZAR of Moscow, we are deter-
mined to admit no other settlement. He may
make the Kremlin as strong as he likes, but he is
no longer to plant his artillery from North to
South, in fortresses built not for defence, but for
intimidation and conquest. That busiiess, Eng-
land, and her brave Ally, are determined to settle
for ever.

And what a lesson for the whole horde of people-
crushers to see the spontaneous and universal libe-
rality of all classes in a free nation! Taxation is
heavier, the price of provisions higher, yet every
man seems to think only of what his trade or pro-
fession will enable him to do. We might say every
woman, too ; for, foremost amongst the patriotic,
we all must rank Miss NIGHTINGALE and her corps
of nurses. Next, all who have hundreds or but
shillings to spare pour them into the Patriotic
Fund, and with a zeal which soon brings a
Major Povrrs and his 14th regulation to book.
Each bethinks himself of what he can do in his
own special line. First anti foremost the most
eminent of our railway contractors offers, without
personal reward, his whole navvy and engineering
corps to bring the oamp and Balaklava close
together, and to save the weary toil of conveying
ammunition and supplies over the heavy ground.
And how easily and quickly as it strikes us non-
military scribes could these tunnel-makers of Eng-
land, when there, tunnel half-a-dozen mines
from the nearest siege batteries under the very
out-works and walls of the city itself. Next
come free-will offerings of lint for wounds,
of preserved meats and soups for the hospitals, of
books to amuse the convalescent, of cigars to cheer
the lovers of the soothing weed. Nobles convert
their yachts into ships of burden, and Royalty
contributes seal-skin coats for its " own" regi-
ment. The same spirit pervades our merchant
service. Three shipmasters offer a thousand first-
rate seamen to man a ship of war, provided she
inay take a name from their native land—" The
South Welshman." In the Crimea itself Captain
',Asp, of the Jason, receives the thanks of Sir
11. LYONS for the offer of his officers and thirty
men, and of landing anywhere two guns of 13
cwt. each ; and Captain METHUEN also offered
to tow any of the ships into action on the 17th.
Let, then, all at Berlin, Vienna, and St,
tihmes's, as well as at St. Petersburg, understand
what this growing, spirit means. It means neither
more nor less than this, that as our soldiers at the
Alma and Inkermau would not be beaten on the
field, neither will we at home be beaten by any
demands their comfort and safety make on our
purses. If they will do the fighting, at the
h.aelard of their lives, we will do the pay-
ing, at the risk of a little sacrifice, or of a
great one either. We have not, as a na-
tion, studied in the Manchester school, till we
think cotton and calicoes the only thing worth
producing. England still thinks that to humble
a despot, and the very despot of despots, would
be an ample return for a large investment. The
people who willingly gave 20,000,000/. to eman-
cipate their negro slaves, will never grudge a much
*ger sum to drive the great slave-master of
Europe to " his own place," and to restore self-
government to the nations.

The Treaty with Austria has been concluded,
and on a day celebrated in the annals of at least
one of the high contracting parties. It was, as
we have been reminded by a contemporary, on
the anniversary of Austerlitz that a firm alliance
has been entered into between England, France,
and Austria, three of the most powerful nations
of the earth, for the purpose of checking the un-
conscientious aggressions of Russia. We are
therefore told to rejoice on this auspicious occa-
sion, and that " the 2d of December has another
claim to be ranked amongst the fortunate days of
the era of NATOLEON." It may be so ; but we
confess that we cannot feel that boundless exulta.
bion in which our contemporary indulges, nor ea*
we put implicit faith in the advantages that must
follow the arrangement, until completely informed
of all the terms and conditions assented to by the
Western Powers.

Ant, although we are still ignorant of the de-
tails, we cannot help noticing the significant
feelers that have been put forward, manifestly to
prepare the public mind for renewed negotiations
and further delays. It is more than hinted that
Austria is again to interfere, and "to make, at
this the eleventh hour, another appeal to the Em-
peror of RUSSIA, and to proffer, for the last time,
a chance of peace on the terms of a full and un-
conditional acceptance of all that is required of
him !" It is likewise added that " the period is
eltnost exhausted, even in the eyes of the German
Courts." Yes—el" nearly, but not quite." Even
VINCENT CaI:MULES himself was not more inge-
nious in devising expedients for more last appear-
ances than these " German Courts" so feelingly
alluded to. The distrust with which we have
regarded Austria ab initio has been materially
enhanced by the matter thus cautiously thrown
out, and we cannot help suspecting that even the
" day of Austerlita" has been marred by a serious
mistake, and that Austria has, by a diplomatic
victory, made up for the decisive nailitary defeat
which she had formerly received.
Why, we ask, if her intentions were bona fide,
and that she was determined to cast in her lot for
good or evil with the Western Powers, did she
stipulate for further delay 7 Why was she not
prepared for immediate action —to endeavour,
sa far as in her lay, to repair the serious injuries
she had already occasioned by enabling the army
of Moldavia to attack the Anglo-French Expedi-
tion before Sebastopol ? To her deceitful and
treacherous conduct we owe the bloodshed at
Balaklava and lukerman. That' fearful charge of
the Light Dragoon division, that left BO many
saddles vacant, was owing to her interference with
a really honest ally, and to her preventing OMER
RICHA from affording occupation,in a very different
district, for LIPIrANDI'S corps. To her vexatious
delays we owe the deaths of the gallant CATHCARZ,
and GOLDIE, and STRANGWAYS, and innumerable
officers of less exalted rank, but of invincible
courage and distinguished merit. With such de-
plorable results our diplomatists ought to have
regarded even a suggestion for further procrasi,
tination as a mockery and an insult, and not have
fallen into the trap so palpably set to snare them.
The Ministerial organ expresses its persuasion
that " neither France nor England will be any
party to the repetition of an offer previously re-
jected, and which can only be accepted for purposes
of delay and deceit." Why, then, should the re-
tp)raerstcy hanging
gof these Powers consent to a third
back until such an offer is made.
If it is to be-refused, it can be of no practical
utility ; if accepted, it can only be "for purposes
of delay or deceit !" eta bone, then, in suffering
it to be put for Nerd

It certainly looks as if we were to have Austria
following in the wake of PriAssia, and insisting on

the acceptance of the " Four Points" without '
guarantee or security of any kind for their obser-
vance, as if it were an ABERDEEN- trick lo cobble
up peace on any terms, however disreputable.
The Prime Minister of England has not concealed
his bias. We are indebted for what has been done
not to his determination to vindicate the character
of England or to defend her Ally, but because
the voice of public opinion made itself heard
within the inmost recesses of Downing-street, and
it was impossible for him to retain office if he
altogether ignored it. The pressure from without
was too powerful to be disregarded. Now, how-
ever, in conjunction with Austria, he may do
something more to help his "friend of forty years'
standing," and the further delay looks as if some
project of the kind were on the tapis. It is,
however, for the representatives of the British
People, who will so speedily be assembled together,
to insist on knowing the details of the new Treaty,
and to take care that the Austrian jugglers shall
not be allowed to fling dust in the eyes of France
and England.

If Zainisters really intend to carry on the
" War in earnest"—if they have even at the
eleventh hour determined to act with energy and
determination—there must be a decided change
in the financial policy of the country. We can-
not consent to see interests of vital importance
seriously prejudiced to gratify the crotchets of
Mr. GLADSTONE, or of any other man or set of
men. If the contest is to be waged vigorously—
if England is to put forth the whole of her mighty
power to obtain what she requires—the expenses
of the War cannot be provided out of the accruing
income of the country. • If the attempt be seri-
ously made two results must follow the indus-
try of the nation will be paralysed, and our gal-
lant defenders now in the Crimea be sacrificed.
Therewill bea financial crisis exceeding in intensity
that of the disastrous year 1847, and those of
whom their country may well be proud will be-
come the victims of false economy and erroneous
principles.

There is reason to fear that, if seered to do so,
Mr. GLADSTONE will still adhere to the course on
which he entered— that he will pertinaciously
resist all the suggestions for providing at least a
portion of the extraordinary expenditure by means
of a War Loan, or relaxing the restrictions on a
free circulation of money. There is but one de-
scription of logic that can carry conviction
to his mind. No impression will be
made save by decided majorities. He will
attend to a vote of the House of Commons, but
all other arguments are completely thrown away.
We are told on good authority that the Mi-
nisters will, in all probability, reserve the decision
on the question of a loan until it can no longer
be postponed. We have no doubt that
they will do so, unless sufficient rea-
sons be shown for a contrary course ; and,
as we have already stated, it is for the
chosen representatives of the people to adduce
these reasons. They must insist on a clear and
definite statement as to the exact financial con-
dition of the country before they pass a single
vote of credit, or do anything which may enablo
Ministers to dispense with their presence. They
can obtain ample information if determined to
exact it, and they should not allow themselves t•
be hoodwinked or bamboozled.

We are told that the Treasury is fully able to
meet all demands ; so much the better, if it be
so. But we are entitled to ask for ample proofs
on the point before any further credits be voted,
or outlay sanctioned, except with the distinct
and positive understanding that no fur ther taxes are
to bo imposed to meet the credits thus granted.
But that if they cannot be provided for from the
existing resources, a loan muss be obtained of not
less than eight millions, sufficient to recoup the
money abstracted from the Treasury to satisfy the
dissentients under the abortive conversion scheme.
The fact of that enormous payment seems to be
completely lost sight of by all persons arguing on
the propriety or expediency of a loan. If the
principle, that every generation should pay its
own expenses be admitted, and that no portion of
an enormous outlay encountered mainly, if not
altogether, for the protection and security of pos;
terity is to be charged against it, there is at
least no reason why the existing generation should
pay off and liquidate from its already over-taxed
resources the charges created by their forefathers.
Even the most prudent proprietor would scarcely
be expected at the same time to pay off encum-
brances for which he was not personally respon-
sible—effect permanent and lasting improvements
for the benefit of his successors, and, in addition,
construct at an enormous cost extensive works to
keep out the ocean, or some other destructive
agent that was sapping the foundation of his estate,
and threatened to leave it barren and unproductive
for his children. If ho attempted to do too much he
would altogether fail in the effort. He should
not work hard, on scanty means, to make his
children much better off than himself. Let him
make every fair exertion, but let it not be sup-
posed that he is to reduce himself to the condition
of a mere slave. " All work and no play" may
be very well for Mr. GLADSTONE, but we do not
think that he will find the British tax-payers
such very " dull boys" as to assent to his views.