The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-14 00:00:00

higher ; but ultimately the qualification was reduced to
10/. value. Now, I think that in taking that franchise, I
and in abolishing, as we did, all those intricate franchises
which then existed, we too much confined ourselves to
one species of franchise, and did not make the franchise
sufficiently varied and comprehensive. We propose, then,
in the first place, that there shall be several franchises 1
common to the counties and to the towns ; and that these
qualifications (as we understood) shall entitle a person to
vote in the place in which he resides, whether he be re-
sident in a county or in a borough. The first qualifica-
tion we propose is 1001. salary, derived from any employ-
ment, public or private. It is provided that such salary
shall be paid half-yearly or quarterly, so that the qualifi-
cation shall not apply to persons who receive weekly wages.
I conceive that this franchise will bring in a very intelli-
gent body of men. (Cheers.) The next franchise we pro-
pose is 101. a year derived from dividends either from the
funds, from Bank Stock, or fresn East India Stock. The
next is a somewhat similar, though a higher qualification
than that which I proposed two years ago—namely 40s:
payment either to the income tax or to the assessed
taxes within the year. (Hear, hear.) Those who pay the
he
l
income tax will (receive votes for the present, and.. wheno,
they lose their votes- they will have the compens_at'e pro-
pose, ri
getting rid of the tax. (Cheers and laughter.) w
pose, likewise, that graduates of any university o
which
in the
United Kingdom shall have the right of voting, to
/se conceive they are entitled by them education and at-
tainments. We propose, also, that any
eremained in
persons
having
deposits of 501. in savings banks, which h
such banks for not less than three years, asvhallobdpoeeentetreiittloed
to vote. I think if the franchise were given t
whose money had been in the banks for a less periodh an
three years, there would be considerable danger of the
creation of fictitious votes, but I have no doubt the house
will concur in the opinion that a bona fide holder of 501. in
a savings bank has given a proof of prudence and frugality
which entitles him to a voice in the election of representa-
tives. (Hear, hear.) I now come those franchises which
belong exclusively to the counties.
and to cities and
boroughs. With regard to the counties, it may be recol-
lected that, at the time of the introduction of the Reform
Bill, the Government did not propose to depart in prin-
ciple from the general provisions of the constitution—that
while occupation gave the right of voting in cities and
boroughs, tenure should give the right of voting in counties.
The 40s. freeholds were added to by copyholders and
others who had similar property, but with the exception
of leaseholders, holding for 31 years, it was not at first pro-
posed to vary the nature of the right of votingin counties.
But during the progress of that bill through Parliament an
amendment was proposed and carried, by which all 501.
occupiers obtained the right of voting in counties. Now, I
am far from making any objection to that class of ~aO/.
Occupiers, but it will be seen that this amendment entirely
changed the characer and nature of the county franchise
as it had been previously understood, and tended certainly
to diminish the power of that class which I have always
considered one of the best and most independent
classes of voters in this country—namely, the 40s. free-
holders. When that principle, however, wasonce departed
from, reasons were shown why this occupation franchise
should be extended; and considering that we do not pro-
pose to add to any great extent to the number of towns
sending members to Parliament—indeed, we only propose
to establish three new boroughs, I believe it will be a very
great advantage to persons who live in towns which have
not the right of sending members to Parliament, that they
should have a voice in the representation of the counties
in which they reside. (Hear, hear.) We propose, there-
fore, to adopt a suggestion which has more than once been
made to the house—namely, that 101. occupiers shall have
a vote for counties. (Cheers.) With respect to that right,
whether in counties or in boroughs, we intend to check an
abuse which has prevailed. Under the words " any build-
ings and lands occupied (therewith," persons run up a
shed of the value of only 2s. 6d. a year, making out the
rent in land, and a species of voters was thereby created
who were never contemplated by the act. (Hear, hear.)
We propose, therefore, with respect to this county right
of voting, that—with the exception of a dwelling-house,
which may be of any value provided the voter lives in it
—in all other cases the building must be of the value of
51. a-year. Supposing there is a house and land—the
house may be rated at 11. or 21. a-year, provided the voter
resides in it, but if the qualification is made out by any
other building—a cattle-shed, or any building of that
kind, then we propose this check, that such building shall
be of the value of 51. a-year. This, then, is the franchise
we propose to give in counties for the future, and the house
will see that it has a very considerable bearing upon the
question of the increase of the number of members which I
have stated we propose. Out of the whole number I have
mentioned I shall propose that 46 members shall be given
to counties ; but, as these counties will hereafter include
the 101. Itouseleoldere, it is obvious that the constituencies
will be lase of a special character. (Hear.) It does seem to
me that all the endeavours made to ran down the agricultu-
ral interest or to run down the mauufacturing interest are
totally foolish and absurd, and that there can leo no better
system of representation than that which takes into consi-
deration the whole of the great interests of the country—
(hear, hear)—which contribute to its glory and prosperity.
(Cheers.) Now, Sir, I come to the question of the fran-
chise of the boroughs. It certainly appears to me that in
taking. the 101. franchise so absolutely as we did in the
year 1831, we did not make a sufficient provision for the
admission of the working classes to the franchise. (Hear,
hear.) It was not intended, as has been supposed, that
the middle classes should be exclusively the electors in
cities and boroughs ; but still it was supposed—as has
taken place—that the middle classes would have the greater
portion of the power in their hands, and that they would
have, in effect, the greatest influence upon the future con-
duct of the legislation and government of this country.
Entertaining that desire, I am prepared to maintain the
opinions which I formerly expressed. I think it is most
desirable that the middle classes of this country should
have a great influence upon its fortunes ; but, seeing the
character of the working classes of this country, seeing
their importance, seeing how much the wealth of the
country depends upon them—(hear, hear)—l think we
ought to endeavour to make the door wider—(oheers)—
than it now is. I may be permitted to state to the house
the views held by Mr. Fox a.,e to the right of voting for
members of Parliament. He said, in 1797 :
" I have always deprecated universal suffrage, not so much
on account of the confusion to which it would lead, as be-
cause I think we should in reality lose the very object we
desire to obtain ; because I think it would in its nature em-
barrass and prevent the deliberative voice of the country from
being heard. Ido not think that you augment the delibera-
tive body of the people by counting all the heads, but that,
in truth, you confer on individuals by this means the power
of drawing forth numbers who, without deliberation, would
act implicitly upon their will. My opinion is, that the best
plan of representation is that which shall bring into activity
the greatest number of independent voters, and that that is
defective which would bring forth those whose situation
and condition take from them the power of deliberation."
(Hear, hear )
I think that principle is a sound one, but the difficulty is
in applying it. I myself do not at all shrink from saying
that I think the extension of the franchise which I pro-
posed two years ago—namely, to rd. householders, did not
go too far ; but, at the same time, I knew that proposition
would give rise to great objection on the part of those who
think that would be carrying the franchise to too low a
point, and that we should not thereby get the intelligence
and iudependence we wished to obtain. Yielding to some
extent to that opinion, we turned our attention to the
municipal franchise. Two objections may be urged against
the adoption of he inunicipel franchise. One is, that we
should snake municipal elections always the precursors of
Parliamentary elections, and thereby expose municipal
boroughs to continual excitement and agitation. The
other is, that, under a certain act which passed two or
three years ago, the rates of all houses under a certain
value may be compounded for by the landlord, who thereby
becomes the sole payer of the rates. I purpose taking the
limit laid down in thet act. It must be acknowledged
that the fact of a man living in a house is to a certain de-
gree a proof of independence, and, as to the amount of the
value, without intending to say that all persons living in
houses of less than 6'. value are venal, we have determined
to draw the line there, and to provide that all persons
living in houses of above 61 value shall be entitled to vote,
on condition that they have fulfilled the municipal term of
residence—namely, about two years end a-half before they
can be placed on the register, or two years and ten months
before they can exercise the right of voting. This is au
extension of the suffrage which will inched() those among
the working classes who are most remarkable for resi-
dence and conduct—those who are most remarkable
for their skill and enterprise in their respective trades,
and are thereby able to live in houses of better cha-
racter than those occupied by the great mass of their
fellow-workmen. There is one change we purpose making
both with respect to this new franchise and the old
101. franchise. According to the old doctrine of
representation, when votes .in boroughs were unknown,
persons paying scot and lot had the right of voting. By
this means the franchise was extended to the lowest
classes; but it was accompanied by this check, that proof
of the payment of poor rates, which, in process of time,
came to be substituted for the ancient definition of scot
anti low, was always insisted on before the voter was
allowed to poll. We introduced that check and several
others into the Reform Bill, with the view of ascertain-
ing the solvency and sufficiency of voters. Considering,
however, that a voter must be a person living either in a
house of 101. value, or in one rated at 61. a-year, and must
be in employment for a considerable time before he can
vote, it appee re to us to be no longer necessary to keep in
force the previous payment of : ates and taxes, and there-
fore we propose that, in future, persons on the register
hall give their votes without being subject to the cheek.
(Hear, hear •) We propose another change in the existing
law with respect to the register of electors. There have
been various decisions in
eleetion committees upon the
question of striking names oil the register ; now we make
the register of voters final. (Hear, hear.) 1, perhaps,
have not
subject of explained
myself with sufficient clearness on the
the 101. franchise. We preserve this franchise
exactly as it is, with the ex.seetiou of changes, one of
which provides that, if the franchise is claimed in respect
of buildings aninduidth/ oelling-house of the joint value of 101.,
the/buildings eof the value of 51. a-year ; the other
charge relates to the
no longer be insisted payment of rates and taxes which will
years and
To this franchise will now be
added the new one,
fled on a residence of two years
and a half or two y
at imuand 10 months in a house rated 61.municip b'
al
that that condition can gh. Any person fulfilling
compelih the overseer to put his
loafy eeeonns still name on the register.
qi ampi no r
tt a thenee
house with another change
considerable
which we purpose effecting When
bribery and corruption -have complaints respecting
boroughs in this kingdom, it proceeded fines man
of
voters—namely,
over and over
hra)s"7
again represented that one clam
freemen—were deeply implicated in theseetels—nanielY' the
actions. (Hear, hear.) When proposed
the Reform
trans-
form Bill
is 18:31, it contained a clause similar to thatsk
fur leave
Ipu‘rpotse
inserting into the measure I am about to a
introduce—namely, a clause to enact that, after Ze e
ex-
piration of existing interests, the freemen's franchise shall
cease. (Hear, hear) We propose that no person who may
orhvsoitninflguen
foundedeinfluenced
u
hereafter take up his freedom this whicha
lq, birth or servitude shall
s
in our proposition have the right of voting-
It is h
to add the new right
on the 61. municipal rating ; for otherwjen our bill, by ex_
tinguis 0 I ii;e the freemen's right of voting, wo, hl be a mea-
sure for contracting instead of extending the suffrage. I
have now to mention itnother intended change, which,
though not arising iminedietely out of the proposed bill, is
connected with the general scheme of pre iesentation. It is
our intention to propose an alteration in regard to the
statute of etnne, which obliges any member of the House
of Commons who accepts office under the Crown to vacate
his sent and go to a fresh election. The spirit of this act
jo-t•'... was tiuknown from the time of the Revolution until the
6th of Arise. The act arose out of a dispute on a great
acting wic •h. h Whig'sand Tories took entirely
Whi
vi
a'ffercut ' —namely, the Question whether the House
of ould be entirely independent of the Crown,
or whether ould contain Ministers of the Crown who,
having art influence over the assembly, might establish
Parliarcem Whigs
~rotainetery government in the country. The
,
ed that Ministers should have seats in Parlia
meant ;
el -1; , Tories, on the other hand, maintained! that
Pwieethen should be excluded from the house. It being
impossible to reconcile these conflicting views, an act was