The Sun.
London, England, 1854-09-04 00:00:00

ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS.

" This place fills up an hiatus which the Crystal Palace leaves
wviting. Vocal and instrumental music of the first order, and a
d,spiay of fireworks which exceeds all imagination, are a fitting
close to a day at the Crystal Palace."
DANSON'S COLOSSA.L PANORAMA of CHUSAN.
Splendid and Extensive Mena3erie and Marine Aqu.trium—Unri..
walled Military Band.

VOCAL and INSTRUMENTAL CONCERT,
in which Miss Poole. Miss Ransford, and Mr. Manvers sing
several National and Patriotic Songs—All the Amusing Novelties
of the Gardens in succession, concluding with the "Feast of Lan-
terns," and a most magmlfteent display of Fireworks by Smithy.
Admission One A splendid Pavilion for Dancing has been
Erected. Fall Quadrille Band, &c.

AsTLErs ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE.
Lessee and Manager, Mr. William Cooko.

The unequivocal success of the new Burlesque demands its repetition
every evening.
THIS EVENING,
A new Mythological Equestrian Burlesque, by lino° VAMP, Esq.,
called THE SIEGE OF TROY ; or, THE GIANT HORSE AND
THE MISS-JUDGMENT of PARIS !
After which, the inimitable performance on the Tight Rope of
HERR CHRISTOFF, who is engaged for a limited period.
The Matchless Stud in the brilliant SCENES in the CIRCLE, con-
ducted wholly by Mr. William Cooke.
To conclude with Mrs. S. G. Healey's Equestrian Ballet d'Action,
THE KNIGHT AND THE WATER LILY; or, Love among the
Mermaids,

Box-office open from Eleven till Fonr. Stage Manager. Mr. 'tr.
West. Acting Manager, Mr. Campbell. Equestrian Director, Mr.
Win. Cooke, jun.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
T► is DAY ..-.Morning 34 min.after 11 Evening 0 min.aft. 0
lo•Moaaow--Morning 9 min.after 12 I Evening 41 min.aft. 12

THE WEATHER.—Sun Orrica, SEPT. 3.
THEIIMOHE'rEB, IN THE SHADE.
70 —highest since noon yesterday.
54—lowest this morning and during the night.
71—this day at noon.

BAROMETER, 30.48.
WIND, S.E.—Light, and splendid harvest weather.
SEPTEMBER 4.
72—highest since noon on Saturday.
54—lowest this morning and during the night.
73—this day, at noon.
BAROMETER, 30'42.
WIND, S.E.—Fine sunshiny weather.

(4...711)

~ nfl

LONDON, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 1854.

The PRINCE CONSORT of England has this morn-
ing sailed from Osborne on board the Royal
yacht Victoria and Albert, en route to Boulogne,
to pay the first friendly visit to the EMPEROR of
FRANCE. The gallant vessel which bears the
princely freight is now speeding on her way, ac-
companied by an escort befitting the auspicious
occasion. It is to be hoped that by to-morrow

morning the journey will be safely accomplished,
and the anxiously desired meeting have taken
place that the bonds of amity now existing
between the Western Powers, the guardians of
civilisation, the protectors of " right against
might," may be more firmly cemented by the per-
sonal, regard and esteem mutually entertained by
their rulers. In the olden time these results
were sought after by matrimonial ' alliances, in
which the personal feelings of the parties con-
cerned were but little considered, and where the
interests of the nations were as lightly regarded
as the affections of the illustrious victims. The
trengthening and consolidating dynasties con-
stituted the motive to which all other matter s
should give place. The selfish fears of the heae Is
of the respective families sacrificed without he ci-
tation or remorse many victims to these marria<tes
de conversances, and as we have stated the peoe le
of Europe were fellow sufferers ; for these rights
and privileges were but too frequently disregard ed,
and their liberties trampled under foot, through
the banding together of crowned conspirators.
Although England has fared better than the
generality of nations with respect to the conee-
quences of these connections—chiefly because tare
religion of its Sovereigns prevented such alliances
with any of the great Powers, and compelled
them to resort for pretences to the minor Courts
of Germany—yet it, too, has painful experience s
derived from the union of the British and Hare s-
verian diadems. Numerous as have been the
benefits derived from the kindly and benignaa
rule of VICTORIA, not the least conspicuous w as
the separation, that insured her happy accessioi
between the English and German dominions 'of
her immediate predecessor. From that time a
sinister influence ceased to exist in the Councils
of the Sovereign,. which were devoted solely to
the interests of the United Kingdom, until the
great truth was enunciated that " nations have
no cousins"—a truth, however, which has not
yet spread through the entire Continent. Had
it done so, we should not now have been pained
by witnessing the vacillation, and something
worse, of the King of PRUSSIA, who looks rather
to saving from humiliation and loss the husband
of his sister, than advancing the interests of his
people, and who, by his "injudicious nepotism,"
is encouraging the AUTOCRAT to persist in the
arrogant and unwarrantable course of policy that
must ultimately prove incomparably more in-
jurious to himself than the most unequivocal and
humiliating submission at an earlier period.
But although these dynastic nuptials have been
. proved to be very prejudicial to the interests of
the various communities, it is very desirable that
the most friendly relations should subsist between
the respective rulers and their families; and that,
so far as practicable, social intercourse should be
maintained by the interchange of friendly visits.
There is no longer reason to dread a treacherous
seizure of the person of any Monarch, or his de-
payment of a Royal ransom.
tention until the
VICTORIA and ALBERT may traverse France
"---LOTTIS ISTApo
through all its " departments
Lrwx
may view the wonders of our hardware or cotton
metropolis--racy
rove freely from the "Land's-
end e to "John o Groat's "—without dreading
interruption or annoyance. The guards by Which
the Royal visitors may be accompanied would
be
merely for show, not for defence, and the total
abandonment of one of the parties into the power
• of the other would not be regarded as any extra-
ordinary mark of confidence—nothing like that
which FRANCIS gave to HENRY, when he entered
the quarters of the English Monarch accompanied
by a single attendant.
As we have already stated, we greatly regret
that Queen VICTORIA herself could not accompany
her husband to render honour to the chosen ruler
of France, who has so eminently merited every
honour which it is in the power of England to
bestow. The absence of the Queen of ENGLAND
is, however, moat probably occasioned by that of
the Empress EUGENIE, whose health is not suffi-
ciently restored to allow her to leave the secluded
watering-place in which she has been enjoying
sea-bathing, or to undergo the fatigue and excite-
ment ef A Royal reception, Tim: circumstances

sufficiently account for the visit being merely that
of Prince ALBEIT without Queen VICTORIA ; but

we hope ere many months to be enabled to an-
nounce the visit of Louis NAPOLEON and EUGENIE
to VICTORIA and ALBERT, and to be all Owed to
testify, on English ground, the feelings of the
people of the United Kingdom to the elected of
Eight millions of Electors—voting by ballot—and
to the Royal Lady whom ho elevated to the high
position she now occupies, not for reasons of
State policy, but because she was the chosen of
his heart, the object of his disinterested love.

The visit of King LEOPOLD has already been
brought to a conclusion even before that of Prince
ALBERT commenced. In consequence of the resig-
nation of the Belgian Ministry, he found it neces-
sary to return to Brussels, in order to preside at
a Council this day. The meeting,•therefore, took
place at Calais on Saturday and yesterday. The
:Royal party arrived at Boulogne, from whence
King LEOPOLD and his heir apparent, the Duke
BE BRABANT, started yesterday evening on board
a Belgian Mail-packet for Ostend. This day the
King of PORTUGAL is expected to arrive at
Boulogne. This Royal Congress, however it
may be regarded here, will have a more peculiar
signification to the CZAR, who will thereby learn
how deeply he was deceived in supposing that a
new enteinte cordiale between the reigning dynas-
ties, as well as between the People of France and
England, was morally impossible. It is not the
only mistake into which he has been led since the
appointment of the Earl of ABERDEEN as Prime
Minister of Great Britain.

It was on Friday, the 20th of July, that the
third Court-Martial on Lieutenant PERRY com-
menced its sittings. Since that time five weeks
and a-half have elapsed. The proceedings were
actively carried on during sixteen days, exclusive
of one day occupied by the Court in considering
its verdict ; and yet the deeply-injured young
man is still virtually under arrest, suffering from
the nervous anxiety which, under such circum-
stances, it is impossible to avoid, and " the hope
deferred which maketh sick the heart."

It is true that he has had something to cheer
ara encourage him under his affliction. He has
found public sympathy more strongly excited in
his favour than perhaps it was ever for any victim
of a similar persecution. He has found that it is
not a barren expression of feeling, but that it has
been, and we venture to assert will be, testified
bymore solid proofs,which will be doubly valuable,
inasmuch as they will foil the persecutors in their
chief object, and will retain a meritorious officer in the
service of which, we trust, he will one day be-
come a distinguished ornament, and from which
they intended to effect his compulsory withdrawal.
We shall not, however, until the conclusion of
the proceedings, enter at any length into the case
of Lieutenant PERRY personally. When the ter-
mination of Court-matial No. 3 is announced,
and the next move developed, we may have some
further observations to offer. At present we
shall content ourselves with directing public atten-
tion to the composition of military tribunals, and
the system of procedure there adopted, and ask
whether, in any respect, they are in accordance
with the spirit of the age ?—whether, in fact, it
is not essential that there should be a large and
comprehensive measure of reform in the constitu-
tion and practice of these court; so as to render
them better qualified for the administration
of impartial justice, without reference to the
rank or station of the parties implicated, whether
as prosecutors or defendants ?

Now, in the first place, we may ask, can any-
thing be more injurious to the morale of the ser-
vice than the fact that six weeks may bo dawdled
away without the results of a trial being made
known even to the defendant. Why, Chancery
in its worst days had nothing so atrocious. Had
a case like that of Lieutenant PERRY been brought
I.sefore one of the Superior Courts, had it been
f/ tried by an experiencedand impartial Judge, as-
sisted by a Jury, it would have been decided in
two or three days at the outside, and that decision
promulgated to the community. It would be
received with respect, because the eijects.of those
by whom it was delivered would be above
suspicion. They might fall into an error,
for perfection cannot be anticipated in merely
human institutions. But that error could
not be occasioned by—nor—what is no less
important—attributed to any undue truckling
to the influence of a superior, who, while acting as
prosecutor, and pressing every argument to the
utmost extent to which it could not merely
"fairly" be applied.—had, from his official posi-
tion, power over the fortunes of every one of the
jurors. Major-General WETHERALL was practi-
cally the dictator of the Court. According to his
mere will and pleasure, the most pertinent.pieces
of evidence—those directly applying to the ques-
tion at issue—were rejected ; the most imperti-
nent admitted, if only prejudicial to the defen-
dant. When the prisoner endeavoured to elicit
truth from reluctant witnesses, which would ex-
hibit their " prevarication"—perhaps we might use
the stronger phrase, "falsehood"—in the clearest
light, he was stopped by the sneering suggestion .
that " recrimination was not defence." But when
the vindictive malevolence of his accusers trumped
up new accusations, although not in the remotest
degree bearing on the points at issue, -They
were eagerly grasped and improperly admitted
on the records ; for, although not apply-
ing to the charges, they might serve to pre-
judice Lieutenant PERRY in public estimation,
and to show a colourable excuse for his ill-treat-
ment by his brother officers. 'Experience proves
that nothing is more essential to the due admi-
nistration of justice than the supremacy of the
Judge over the prosecutor, and the complete in-
dependence of both Judge and Jury. But that
-we have shown to be utterly impossible when the
Adjutant, or Deputy-Adjutant-General, comes
down expressly from the Horse Guards to prose-
cute, and strives, as an advocate, to obtain a
conviction.

Besides, a "leetle" knowledge of the law re-
lating to evidence and crimes, on the part of the
Judge, is clearly desirable, if not indispensable.
There is no ".Royal," or perhaps, in this case, we
might more appropriately say " military," road
to legal acquirements. The gentleman who
has previously been occupied in learning
strictly professional matters, even if his studies
were as innocent as those of Lieutenant PERRY
himself, and not directed to drawing his brother
officers out of bed, drinking, gambling, rioting,
or even more objectionable conduct, cannot be
supposed to be thereby qualified for sifting dis-
puted points of conflicting evidence, or ascertain-
ing the value that should lie assigned to each. He
knows not what to admit, or what to reject—what to
value, or what to treat as of comparatively trivial
1 importance. The undisguised contempt with
-which the highest authority on such matters is
treated, the refusal of the President to listen
even to the quotation from SII\IMONDS on Courts-
Martial, and his assertion that the tribunals are
" bound by nothing but the Mutiny Act," must
shake the faith of juries, and deter any one de-
!irons of discharging his duties fairly from enter-
ing_ on a veryarduous and troublesome task, in the
hope that he might be enabled the better to dis-
charge such a duty when it fell to his lot
But if we haves en the errors of a Court. where
the greatest experience was made available, and
where there is a manifest perception that " the
eyes of Europe" were surveying their proceedings,
what are we to suppose might have been the
case when the Press maintained an unbroken
silence, and when the friendless prisoner had no
" DARYILL" at his right hand to bring the blush
cf shame in to the cheeks of his persecutors. In
such a case there would not have been 16 days' sit-
tings, the obnoxious subaltern would be very sum-
-1 marily " dismissed her' MAJESTY'S service " or
‘` cashiered," 7-- the non-commissioned officer or
private flogged, or sent to hard labour at the
military prisons, or, possibly, transported. From
what we have witnessed, we may form some
estimate of the injustice that may be perpetrated
under less favourable circumstances, aid axe jus-

titled in demanding that if Courts-martial be not
altogether abolished, except in cans where the
troops are engaged in the face of an enemy, that
the system may at least be strictly revised, with
a view to very extensive alterations and modifica-
tions such as may remove the well-founded causes
of complaint now existing.

THE AUSTRIAN AND PRUSSIAN NOTES

TO IZTTSSI.A..

The following is the despatch addressed by Count
Buol to Count Esterhazy, setting forth to the
Cabinet of St. Petersburg- the four points laid down
as sine qua •nom bases for an arrangement with
Russia :

"VIENNA, Aug. 10.—I bad the honour to make
known. to you, by my despatch of the 9th ult.' the im-
pression which had been produced on the Imperial
Cabinet by the communications which Prince Gortscha-
koff was charged by his Government to make to it, as
well as our intention to make known to the maritime
Powers the elements contained in those communications
which might serve as the bases for negotiations for the
re-establishment of peace. Although we do not conceal
from ourselves the difficulties of this mission since the
overtures of Russia only imperfectly respond to the de-
mands which we ourselves had addressed to her, we have
no;, yet considered it our duty to point out to the mari-
time Towers in what spirit the Emperor, our august mas-
ter desired to see them received, in attaching a particular
importance to the resolutions which those Powers might
come to. We have reminded the Cabinets of Paris and
London that the common efforts of the Powers" ought
to be invariably directed towards the re-establishment
of a solid and durable peace. We have expressed to
them the opinion that no Power ought to expose itself
to the reproach of having neglected any means calculated
to put an end to the horrors of war, and we have con-
cluded that the maritime Powers would conscientiously
weigh the question as to whether the reply of the Cabinet
of St. Petersburg did, or did not, contain the germs of
an understanding which might lead to a definite pacifi-
cation. The Cabinet of the Emperor endeavoured to
procure for the overtures of the Court of Russia a re-
ception by the maritime Powers, so that happy results
might be obtained from them. We are, nevertheless,
compelled to state that the first effect produced on the
French and English Governments by the communication
of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, has not answered our
expectation. The French and English Cabinets persist
in considering the evacuation of the Principalities as the
preliminary condition of any understanding, and they
are astonished that Count de Nesselrode should pretend
that the integrity of the Ottoman territory will not be
threatened by Russia so long as it shall be respected by
the powers who occupy the waters and territory of the
Sultan. Their Cabinets have warmly rejected the analogy
which the despatch of the Chancellor of the Russian em-
pire seeks to establish betwean the presence of the allied
troops, which was demanded-by the Sublime Porte, and
which took place in virtue of a diplomatic document,
the effects of which must cease by common accord,
and the fact of the entrance of the Russian troops on
the Ottoman territory. As far as regards the religious
question, the Courts of Paris and London think they see
that in the opinion of Russia the religious protection
which she pretends to exercise over the Greeks of the
Oriental rite ought to be founded on a European guaran-
tee, and they cannot understand how the independence
of the sovereignty of the Porte
.could exist with such a
system. The Courts of France and England, while pro-
claiming the interest which they take in the ameliora-
tion of the condition of the rayas, nevertheless think
that the reforms which are to be introduced in the ad-
ministrative regulations should emanate from the initia-
tive- of the Ottoman Government, and that any foreign
action on that subject can only be in the form of good
advice, and not by an intervention based on treaties,
which no power could sign without renouncing its inde-
pendence. The Cabinets of Paris and London have, in
fine, observed that the Russian Cabinet had avoided
touching on that point of the protocol which ought to
have excited its particular attention, and which was, in
the opinion of those Cabinets, of the oreatest importance,
as it implied the necessity of sufficient guarantees
against any fresh attacks upon the balance of power in
Europe. The Governments of France and England think
that the sacrifices which they have made are too great,
and the objects they have in view too important, for
them to allow themselves to be stopped until they
are certain of not having to recommence the war. From
all these motives the maritime powers have thought it
their duty to reject peremptorily any proposition which
might lead to a suspension of hostilities on their part,
and they have even hesitated to declare their opinion on
the conditions of a treaty of peace, because those condi-
tions depend too much on eventualities for them to be
determined on at present. On our urgent representa-
tions these powers have, however, consented to make
known at present, under the reserve of such modifica-
tions as circumstances may render necessary, the gua-
rantees which appear to them indispensable to found
solid bases for the re-establishment of peace and the
maintenance of the balance of power in Europe, and they
leave to us the liberty, if we think proper, of declaring
our opinion on the subject, in our own name, to
Russia. These guarantees are pointed out in the iden-
tical note, of which the copy is subjoined, and which I
the representatives of France and England have ad-
dressed to the Imperial Cabinet, and as they agree with
the principles laid down in The protocol of the 9th
April, they aro consequently in conformity with our
own views. The Imperial Cabinet, which sees no
other practical means of enterinr, on the path of nego-
tiations than the acceptance of them by the Cabinet
of St. Petersburg, warmly recommends them to
the serious attention of that Cabinet. In reading
the present despatch to the Count de Nesselrode,
and leaving him a copy of it, point out all the motives
which speak in favour of an unreserved acceptance of
the bases on which alone we think it possible to put au
end to the calamities of war which have already cost so
many sacrifices, and which must inevitably acquire in-
creased extension. Austria sees iu the free acceptance
of these bases the only 'necessary conditions for a solid
peace, and the chance of a general understanding. If the
Cabinet of St. Petersburg acceded to the four guaran-
tees in question, it may rely on our zeal for the serious
representation which we shall address to the maritime
powers, in order to induce them to open negotiations as
soon as possible on these bases, and to obtain at the
same time the suspension of military operations. We
once more conjure the court of Russia to consider the
immense importance of the resolution which it is about
to come to, and it is unnecessary for us to recom-
mend you to employ all the means in your power in order
to cause that resolution to be in favour of peace. As the
importance of the state of affairs will explain the im-
patience with which we await the reply that will be
given to you by the Russian Cabinet, I beg you to trans-
mit it to us as soon as possible. Accept, &c.,

"BuoL."
•
The following is the despatch addressed by M.
de Manteuffel, the Prussian Minister of Foreign
Affairs, to Baron de Werther, the Prussian Minis-
ter at St. Petersburg :

"BERLIN, AUG. 13.
"I had the honour to transmit to you with my de-
spatch of the sth inst. a copy of that which I addressed on
the 24th ult. to the representatives of the King at Paris
and in London, in order to comniunicate to those Cabi-
nets our impressions on the Russian replies of the 29th
and 30th June, and to express to them our hope that they
would agree with us in seeing therein the elements of an
understanding and of negotiation. Although we have
not received either from London or from Paris any direct
reply to these overtures, confidential and verbal commu-
nications which have been made to us will not allow us
to conceal from ourselves, that the manner in which the
Governments of France and England appreciate the
Russian declarations differs essentially from ours, and
that there is little of a nature to offer us a common
starting point. It was particularly the prolonged pre-
sence of the Russian troops in the principalities which,
in the opinion of the Western powers, would prevent
them from attaching any practical value to the pacific
communications of the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. The
adhesion to the principles laid down in the protocol of
the 9th of April do not, moreover, appear to them suffi-
ciently complete, since it makes no mention of the gua-
rantees which, according to that same protocol, were to
he sought for in order to more closely attach the exist-
ence of Turkeyto the general balance of power in Europe.
The Calsinets of Paris and London have not concealed
from us that in their opinion these guarantees ought
to contain several principal points which, subject to
modifications dictated by events, would naturally
form the indispensable basis for a negotiation for
peace or armistice. These points were afterwards
set forth in the identical notes which the representa-
tines of France and En'gland sent to the Cabinet of
Vienna, and to which the latter adhered in its reply.
In informing us of it, it announced to us at the same
time that it considered them as being founded on the
principles laid down in the protocol of the 9th of April,
and that, consequently, it could not too warmly'recom-
mend its unreserved acceptance to the Cabinet of St.
Petersburg. I request you, Monsieur le Baron, accord.
ing to the express orders of the King, to give all the sup-
port in your power to this step of the Court of Austria.
Our august master considers it to be distated by a sincere
desire to prepare the path of negotiations, and a suspension
of hostilities on allsides, and his Majesty thinks it suitable
to facilitate that result. The Emperor himself will be con-
vinced of the necessity of obviating, for the future, the
inconveniences and the dangers which, both for Russia
as well as for the repose of Europe, are attached to the
institutions which formed the public right of the Danu-
bian principalities and of Servia, and the enlightened
solicitude of his Majesty for those countries will not fail
to point out to him the advantages and benefits which
would be secured to them by a collective guarantee of
their privileges by the European Powers. The free naviga-
tion of the Danube cannot but be favourable to the real
interests of Russian commerce, and although the ob-
stacles to which it is subjected at the mouths of that
river are not yet entirely removed, the enlightened
spirit of the Emperor and the reiterated declarations of
his Cabinet leave no doubt as to their firm intention to
promptly put an end to them. As to the privileges of
the Christian subjects of the Sultan, it is not only in
a loptinT, the protocol of the 9th of April that his Im-
perial Majesty declared himself in accord with the prin-
ciple of a joint and collective solicitude of the powers for
the condition of .our co-religionists, but the same idea
had already presided over the overtures which the
Cabinet of St. Petersburg made some time since on this
subject at Berlin; and as the independence and sove-
reignty of the Sultan have been so frequently and so
loudly proclaimed as being in conformity with the poli-
tical views of the Emperor, his Majesty could not re-
fuse his co-operation to the united efforts of the Powers
to reconcile the amelioration of the condition of the
rayas with the interests of the Ottoman Government,
by securing to tl2O latter the initiative which it requires

*. .