The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-20 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 20, 1853.

Hitherto the elections consequent upon the
change of Ministry have gone off to admiration,
so far as concerns her MAJESTY'S Government.
The temporary success obtained in the Oxford
University by Mr. PERCEVAL has long since been
eclipsed by the sustained triumph of Mr. GLAD-
STONE in the division of his old constituency.
Whatever may be the result of this day's pro-
ceediAgs, it will require a very extraordinary ex-
ertion on the part of the political antagonists of
the ABERDEEN Cabinet to exceed in numbers the
sum total of the voters who have already polled
for the Right Hon. Gentleman the CHANCEL-
LOR of the EXCHEQUER. Meanwhile the only
formidable obstacle yet encountered by one
of the large group of public men who have
accepted office under the Coalition is observed
to have sprung to view in Ireland. The
violent scenes witnessed the other morning in
front of the hustings at Carlow, augured some-
thing more formidable than an ordinary election-
eering brawl got up simply for the purposes of
intimidation. In testimony of this we may con-
tent ourselves with pointing to the intelligence
this day received from the opposite shore of St.
George's Channel, showing that up to two o'clock
yesterday afternoon, there was a majority of eight
in favour of Mr. ALEXANDER. It may prove,
doubtless, only a momentary advantage to the
opponents of the new Ministry, like that already
referred to as having been achieved in the first
instance in the struggle for the repre-
sentation of the Oxf Ord University. But,
however matters may turn out in reference to the
success or failure of Mr. SADLEIR, it is unques-
tionable thatcmeretuatsections of the Irish Brigade
have acted so
ungraciously in the viru-
lence of their animosity towards the newly-ap-
pointed junior Lord of the Treasury.. It might
not unreasonably have been
conjectured that the
members of the Brigade would have borne in re-
membrance yet a little while longer the course,/
pursued in regard to themselves and their brother
religionists in 1850, by some of the leading
statesmen in the present Administration —by
such men, for example, as the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet the First Lord of the Admiralty, and
as the noble Earl the Chief of the existing
Government. Yet such would by no means ap-
pear to be the prominent events cherished just
riow by the Irish Representatives in particular con-
sideration. In lieu of this, it would seem that
a considerable portion of them have determined,
with malice prepense, to oppose in every possible
manner the yet undecided policy of the ABERDEMN
Administration. Against any such course we for
one, as am ong the exponents of public opinion in this
country, must at once and most resolutely protest.
This, indeed, is what may with all justice be stag-
151.atiaed as a really.and intolerably factious 01313°-
Withoutfechng for one moment disposed to
become the a.'
i.heennt and un
must,
3.8 indepPetigists of the ADERDEEN Cabi Bet, we
betimes upon partial journalists insist
to them what they c
eacessltY of all parties according
corded to their predecess ors,
before pronouneincr
their policy—and thatyisclefinitive opinion upon
mg:" Strike, but hear Dal: I One word, a
was the "he
grand. ( )1d
ar-
raying of the ancient Greek.
no favour ! is the simple demand-A.:Lea: n ~, the 3'sr)
glishm stage a nd
-n
of a struggle by every true-hearted E
It would therefore behove the antagonisti all.
c gee_

tion of the Irish Brigade, if the members of that
section needs must strike, first of all to "hear"
the views announced by her MAJESTY'S Govern-

went. Again, while we, at least, by no means
demand anything like " favour" for the councils

of the ABEPDEEN Cabinet—(viewing the mere
manner of its construction, as we do, as most
sinister in reference to the integrity of public
men, as well as in referenc3 to the stability of
their political principles)—we aver, in terms most
, •

plain and unmistakeable, the necessity of accord-

ing at least a " clear stage" to the ABERDEEN
Government. Difficulties enough that Govern-

ment will have internally—difficulties so great,

we fear, as to impede, if not altogether to inter-
rupt, the general labours of administration.

Let not those difficulties be enhanced by any un

generous or factious opposition. Listen to what
Ministers may have to submit to the considera-
tion—the acceptance or refusal—of the Legisla-
ture. Listen : and then, but not before then,
decide. If good measures are the result of pre-
sent deliberation, they should command the sup-
port of all parties indiscriminately, no matter
upon what side those parties may sit in the Upper
or the Lower House of the Imperial Parlia-
ment. The feelings of the patriot ought
then to set aside the minor hopes and
aspirations of the partisan. The courage and
civism of the Government ought to be responded
to by the magnanimity of the Opposition.
It is unfortunately but very improbable that
good can come out of so dark and sinister a Coali-
tion. Before, however, we arrive at any decision
upon this head, we shall await with as much pa-
tience as is at all possible under the circum-
stances, for the revelation of their policy by the
leading members of the new Administration. Im-
probable we conceive it to be, we repeat, that ad-
vantage can come from any compact so glaringly
in defiance of all the dictates of consistency :
but, still, we believe it to be just a
hair's breadth within the limits of possibility.
Time alone can remove uncertainty in this par-
ticular. Until then, we must learn to Wait confi-
dent, at least, in the integrity of our wishes for
the national good, whether it be Lord DERBY or
Lord ABERDEEN who presides over the councils of
her MAJESTY'S Government. The excellence of
the intentions of our leading statesmen, we believe
with scarcely one solitary exception. We are not
among those who credit the old-wives-tales, too fre-
quently current of late years, as to the sinister pro-
jects cherished by this or by that eminent statesman.
We rest satisfied that all alike are at heart solicitous

to forward the general good to the utmost of their
ability. The excellence of their intentions, we
repeat, is to us, rather more than matter of mere
credibility. It is not with intentions, however,
that a great country like England can rest satis-
fied. The Whigs for five long years endeavoured
to glut the popular appetite for reform with pro-

miser, and it was in consequence of this that they
were at last compelled to withdraw from the re-
sponsibility of filling the various offices of the
Government. The Tories, by whom they were
followed, had at any rate, to say the very least
of them, the merit of displaying something
more like Ministerial activity—the reforms
effected . under their auspices during eight

or nine months' possession of power spreading
more or less throughout the whole of the nume-

rous departments of the Administration. Lat-
terly, it is true, those reforms—possibly from
their unavoidable precipitation—were rather ill-
considerel in character : the Budget, for example,

removing only half of the obnoxious Malt Tax,
without attempting in any way to break down the
intolerable monopoly of the Brewers ; and, while
peddling thus with the operations of the maltsters
and of the agriculturists, estranging the towns

from the DERBY Cabinet by the imposition of a

double Tax upon Houses. Hence the downfall of
the recent Administration—hence the construction
of this eccentric Cabinet of All the Talents, and, we
might even add, of All the Principles ! Upon the
members of the Happy Family—upon the mem-
bers of the ABERDEEN Ministry, more burthen-
some responsibilities will now accumulate than
have perhaps ever before pressed simultaneously
during a time of peace and of mercantile prosperity
upon the British Government. The Whigs will
have to redeem their lost reputation as reformers.
The Peelites will have to abandon for once some
of their favourite crotchets, and to throw over-
board some of their more stubborn ideas as to
Ultra-Conservatism. These two great parties will
have to coalesce intimately with each ether, and,
while doing so, will be expected to eclipse the
triumphs of the Tory Reformers lately in posses-
sion of the affairs of her- MAJESTY'S Government.
Enormous expectations ! Will they be realised ?
For answer, we must look to the future acts of the
Earl of ABERDEEN and his Ministerial colleagues
in the present Government.

We would earnestly invite attention to the
letter of " A FREE-TRADER," which will be found
in another part of this day's impression. The
subject is one of no ordinary importance. It is
neither more nor less than " Free Trade in
Money." Whether 'the moneyocracy are still to
be permitted to make their own terms for the use
of capital, and thereby to secure for themselves
the lion's share of every speculation and every
improvement ?—or whether a number of less
wealthy individuals may be permitted to co-ope-
rate together, and, by combining their resources,
to obtain the means of carrying out undertakings
beyond the powers of any but the leading mem-
bers of this. highly-favoured class.
The existing law of partnership can only be
regarded as a protective code for millionaires. It
is as if a law were enacted by which the occupiers
of small farms should not be allowed to cultivate
certain crops of the most remunerative charac-
ter—for example, as if the growth of wheat
were sanctioned only on holdings of five hundred
acres, and upwards, and that less influential
farmers were restricted to produce of a less pro-
fitable description. It is, indeed, the great
damper of joint stock enterprise—the matter which
enhances the price of money to all but capitalists
—or the holders of first-rate securities. Through
its baneful operation no person is allowed to invest
a limited amount of money in any undertaking,
unless prepared to risk his entire fortune on its
success, and to become a bankrupt or insolvent in
case of failure. A single share of even 5/. or 10/.,
held in any concern, renders a party responsible
for all its debts and liabilities. The creditor may
obtain a judgment against the Company—and such
judgments have frequently been entered up by
collusion, and for the purpose of getting rid of a
troublesome shareholder—without any notice to
the party on whom it is subsequently to be
levied.

The first intimation of danger received by
a man who had invested 201. in a concern
which he believed to be of public utility might be
the service of a notice for liberty to issue a scire
facial against him personally, under which his
person or property might be taken in execution.
If he endeavour to show cause against the rule,
he will not be allowed to question the validity of
the debt. To that extent the judgment will be
Considered final and conclusive. All he can do is
to prove that he had removed his name from the
list of shareholders a certain time before judgment
had been entered up, so that ho was not a pro-
prietor of stock at the time ; but if his money
remained in the undertaking nothing can save
him from proceedings, the consequences of which
may
ft br
may
adestructive
b e said
htaot
thereailh is a mode by which his
s
future
„rrieprospectsi.chba
remedy to this acknowledged
obtained. A Royal Charter geleravlalyneelimmitasy thee
liability of shareholders to the amounts for which
they have subscribed, and for -which they have
expressed themselves willing to become responsible.
But this is the exception, and not the rule, and
it is at best an expensive and a tedious remedy.
Under the most favourable terms, 1,0001. must be
sacrificed before the charter can be obtained—a
heavy outlay, unless the undertaking be one of
immense magnitude. The costs, too, will be
l •
considerably increased, and great trouble im-
posed on the apl)icants, if any opposition be offered
by interested
parties to the concession. Sturdy
monopolists, disguised as Free-traders, may im-
pede undertakings of unimpeachable
may absorb
unquestionable utility. The expenses
character and

a considerable proportion of the profits to he rea-
lised, and the shareholders be thereby disappointed
and dispirited, and their reasonable anticipa-
tions blasted in consequence of the vexatious
interposition of the enemies of unrestricted com-
petition ; but there is no remedy. A law favour-
able to monopoly is in fault ; and nothing but a
decisive movement on the part of the Legislature
can abate the nuisance.

" They manage these things better in France,"
in America, and, indeed, in every civilised coun-
try in the world. It is in England alone—in
what was once termed " the nation of shopkeep-
ers"—that we retain these absurd and antiquated
regulations, that we refuse to recognise a
" Societe .artonymes," or partnership "en corn-
mandite," by which a subscriber may limit
his liability .in any concern. It is difficult
to conceive how the addition of considerable
funds, advanced by parties who would not under-
take unlimited liability, can render a concern less
solvent. Our commercial code in this particular
renders us the laughing-stock of our neighbours,
who are, however, willing enough to profit by the
antiquated—we wish we could say obsolete—rules
that send so much English money abroad for
foreign loans and foreign intestments, while much
sounder speculations at home are neglected.
The " Red Emperor," it is said, speculates on
raising £10,000,000 in England—the very coun-
try which his advisers refused to recognise in
the last Austrian Loan ; but which may now be so
far favoured (!) He may obtain the amount, and
the circulating medium—the very life-blood of in-
dustry—be drawn from our shores for purposes
unknown and unapproved of by the lenders. If he
succeed, it will be solely from the operation of
what our correspondent truly terms the " absurd
Law of Partnership." A reform in this respect
would be really advantageous to the country ; and
we may hope that it will not be lost sight of by
those who are desirous of extending and carrying out
a policy that has been truly designated as " wise,
just, and beneficial." That it will be so, sooner
or later, we have not the slightest doubt. Men
of all parties and shades of political opinion may,
therefore, endeavour to obtain the credit of that
' which will receive almost universal acceptance
' when brought forward. It is a subject of legiti-
mate competition, in which the Members of the
present and the late Government may fairly vie
with each other for the public approbation that
will assuredly attend any successful legislation on
the point.

" 0 wad some pow'r the giftie gie ns,
To see onrsels as ithers see us,
It wad frae movie a blunder free ns,

And foolish notion."

Thus sung our immortal Scottish bard, and
thousands of times have thousands of hearts said
"Amen" to his prayer. It is plain, nevertheless, that
this seeing ourselves as others see us, however de-
sirable, is not a very pleasant sight ; and, most
unfortunately, when " others" hold the mirror, it
requires no ordinary patience to look with peni-
tent and self-reforming calmness on our own image.
The very sex most accustomed to the use of the
glass are in danger of returning very cold side-
glances at the holder, and even to present a mirror
in return, although the first might have been prof-
fered with all the refined amenities of the best-
bred and the most benevolent of our English aris-
tocracy. Our readers will understand at once
that we allude to the Stafford-house assembly of
ladies, and the Address first circulated in the
papers of the day by the Earl of SHAFTESBURY,
and, after adoption by the ladies, sent abroad far
wide for signature. Now, however much many
of our ablest journals and their correspOndents
have questioned the wisdom and expediency
of sending such an address, none would
deny that, if one were sent at all, it was
scarcely possible to conceive of its being drawn
up in a spirit more befitting Christian and culti-
vated females. Not a taunting, assuming, self-
righteous word can be found throughout ; not an
innuendo for the most jealous captiousness to de-
tect. England's guilty share in the existence o:
American Slavery is strongly asserted and humbi
confessed, and the dangers of immediate emanc
pation acknowledged also. American ladies are
kindly invited to consider how far the system of
Negro Slavery is in accordance with " GOD'S Holy
Word, the inalienable rights of immortal souls,
and the pure and merciful spirit of the Christian
Religion." The necessity of preparation for eman-
cipation is admitted; and they are kindly re-
minded that, as. a part of that preparation, the
sanctity of marriage between negroes should be
respected, and their education permitted and en-
couraged. Indeed so moderate are the sugges-
tions of the Address, that the well-known and re-
spectable Abolitionists, Sir E. N. BUXTON, JOSEPH
STURGE, SAMUEL GURNEY, and G. W. ALEXANDER,
felt constrained, after a perfectly amicable cor-
respondence with the Earl of SHAFTESBURY, to
issue, with his entire concurrence, another for
signature by ladies holding their views—an Ad-
dress identical with the former, except in the
statement that it is a " Christian duty to termi-
nate, without delay, a system which deprives man
of his rightful freedom," &c., &c. The ad-
dress was received by the English press with
the courtesy which could \ not well, be refused
either to its authors or to the unaffected blandness
of its tone. General CASS, however, the hot
pro-slavery and fugitive slave-law advocate, and
his English protector, Mr. JOHN BRIGHT, would
have been utterly non-plussed in seeking cause of
irritation in the English journals (unless perhaps
in some obscure one)—for the expediency of the
address was much called in question—though it
was impossible for an English freeman to dissent
from its statements ; and plenty of condemnatory
and even sarcastic letters were freely admitted:
Soon, however, the " American Sisters " began
to answer for themselves. The first communica-
tion was dated, oddly enough, from Milan ; but,
though professing to be written by American
ladies there, and sent to the papers through Mr.
HUME, yet, as we have not seen any voucher
from him of 'its authenticity, we hardly feel war-
ranted in regarding it as in all respects genuine.
It was, however, merely a sarcastic retort, aimed
in no very graceful style or spirit at the aristo-
cratic circles and the Church to which the origi-
nators of the movement belong. In our paper of
Friday, the 14th, however, we gave a very long
reply, occupying a full column of small type,
" from many thousands of the women of the
United States of America, to their sisters the
women of England." We extracted it from the
New York Courier and Inquirer.

We fear we need hardly mention. that this also
is a retort, and certainly a very able one. We
should have said, from its total contrast in style
to the moral qualities of that of the Stafford-house
Address, that it is a thoroughly masculine compo-
sition, did we not know that America just now
abounds with strong-minded women ; moreover,
the et to quoque form of its remarks, certainly
smacks very strongly of one of the characteristics
of feminine displeasure. " You are as bad as we,"
is, alas ! the sole argument which pervades it.
We will not, however, retaliate on behalf of our
fair memorialists at home. We know that the
ladies of Stafford-house can command their tem-
per ; we are confident they would shrink from
recrimination ; we believe, indeed, that they will
earnestly inspect the indictment of the American
ladies, -to see whether it suggests to them any new
form of benevolence at home.
We hope, however, we may venture, without
offence -to either side, to explain a little on behalf
of our countrywomen ;• we will pass over the sar-
castic adoption throughout of the language of the
Stafford-house Address, and at once remark on two
things which strongly strike us English people,
while reading over the catalogue of evils tolerated
in the r,idst of us, whether it be misgoverned
Ireland., poverty, ignorance, or vice. The first is,
that we are not interdicted from petitioning our
Legislai ,ure on these subjects, nor from freely dis-
cussinc, them there as well as elsewhere. No
stauen . order or resolution prohibits the Earl of
s nAFTEs. BURY now, or prohibited the Lozd ASHLEY
of
the II -Rise of Commons, from raising the long-
oevfsast
debate,
iebbaffat- teeer: a 4sto,enler
of their any one of them.
The Am erican lathes must at once perceive the
Neither by means
committees case.
seOf investigation, cora-