The Sun.
London, England, 1854-10-12 00:00:00

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Theacseount given of Russia, by Talleyrand—that
has an obsolute monarchy limited by assassination—
has been true from the time the Romanoffs ascended
the throne till the present century. The important
question whether the nation has advanced so as to be
capable of enforcing a better limitation is that which
now rises above the horizon of many minds. The first
of the Romanoff Czars was an elected monarch. The
empire had been so afflicted by civil wars, and by con-
Sequent famine—during which mothers slew and ate
their own children—that the nobles actually agreed on
the election of a Czar in 1613. They chose Michael
Romanoff, son of the Bishop of Rostof. It is worth re-
membering this fact, for the sake of the hope it suggests
that the nobles have not gone back in the interval, and
that, as true Romano& came in by election, they may
out by the same method, when their rule has become
incompatible with the welfare of the empire. This
family, almost every reigning member of which has died
in consequence of his personal vices—either by assassi-
nation or disease—was at first, prior to the use of
power, a fair representation of the nation. All of them
have had strong passions and stubborn self-will ; more
or less kindliness, of a vague sort, towards people who
were not in their way, with a propensity to cruelty or
provocation ; an extravagant love of parade, of one sort
and another, covering up grossness and sordidness ; a
narrow intellect, and little or no heart. Nicholas is a
complete type of the Itomanoffs. The time is at baud for
showing whether the Romanoffs are still a type of the
Russians. Their ignorance, scarcely conceivable to the
educated classes of free countries, is an unavoidable
attribute of their own nobles, in the ordinary state of
affairs. It remains to be seen whether collision with
other nations has introduced any of the enlightenment
which would best show itself by the removal of Nicholas
from the throne without any question of assassination
at all.
The present condition of things is this. Every boast
of the Sovereign has been stultified—every pretension
has been mortified—the assumptions of Divine appoint-
ment and of infallibility have been thoroughly exploded
—the landowners are beggared as to serfs and money—
the merchants are ruined—the financiers handle nothing
but paper money—territory is lost—armies cannot stand
their ground—and navies are at the mercy of the Allies.
Now, nothing like this has happened during the
reigns of former Romanoffs. New circumstances have
arisen ; and it will soon be seen how fit the effective part
of the nation is to deal with them. . Peter the Great
added to his empire the provinces of Livonia, Esthonia,
Ingria, Carelia, aid a portion of the northern coa'st of
the Gulf of Finland. Catherine's additions are only too
painfully remembered—the large portion of Poland and
Lithuania, Gallicia, Courland, and Taurida, including
the Crimea. Alexander annexed Georgia and other
Transcaucasian territory, Bessarabia, Finland, and
Swedish Lapland. Nicholas has taken more Transcauca-
sian territory, destroyed the remnant of Poland, and put
out his feelers in various directions, with a view to
future annexotione. But by his too vehement rapacity
he has brought this work of annexation to a sudden stop;
and he has not only lost his chance of annexing the
Danube and thci Greek archipelago, but is losing ter-
ritory which has long been called Russian. The world
is watching to see what his subjects will do in conse-
quence. His infallibility and his invulnerability are
gone. Will they permit the substance of the empire to
go with it ? The inquiry is interesting, not only for phi-
losophical and historical reasons, but because it beans
immediately upon the prospects of the war.
In finding the answer, we must remember that though
the so-called educated classes in Russia can obtain no
reliable political information in ordinary course, they do
get it by means of war. No one has better reason to
know this than Nicholas himself. He knows that his
empire and his life hung by a thread, thirty years ago,
through this very fact. Russian officers returning from
the war in ISI4 brought new ideas about society and
government into their homes and social meetings ; and
the consequence was that conspiracy which waylaid him
at the threshold of his palace, on the death of Alexander.
He is aware, too, that his officious haste to help Austria
to crush Hungary has brought retribution in the same
shape. Not only his officers, but his lowest soldiers,
came back from Hungary quite altered men ; with ideas
in their heads, and aspirations on their tongues,—and
perhaps projects in petto, to be confided in sacred mo-
ments of confidence. Will there, or will there not, be ac-
tion, a3a,result of this ? And if so, what will the action
be These are questions in which the whole world has
an interest. The army of the Czar cannot Eet foot in a
foreign country, nor meet an enemy in the field, without
encountering ideas. What use will they snake of them ?
Thirty years since, the project ear to dethrone and
slay the Czar, and set up a new method of government.
Has there been an advance since that time which, sti-
mulated by mortification and lo.s, will induoe a better
project?
Any project of better government, and of saving the
empire from the curse of a bad man's stubborn will,
must involve his dethronement. The world may well
hope that thelvulgar barbarism of assassination will be
seemed in Ea great a cause. It seems as if banishment
must be the proper punishment of this troubler of his
generation. ile can trouble foreign countries only from
the throne of his own ; and he can interest nobody
abroad to give him his crown again. Away from his
superstitious subjects, he would have no adherents who
could help him back. An Autocrat has no party at
home, and has established no political interest abroad.
Nicholas deposed and rendered harmless, who should
succeed him ? Here would be the test of the real ad-
vance of the determined portion of the Russian people.
The utmost wisdom would be shown in the deepest hu-
mility as to the political capacities of the nation. No-
body expects a good political condition for Russia for
centuries to come, seeing that she is just a thousand
years behind the rest of Europe in civilisation ; but the
thing that is reasonable 'to hope from people who will
have the sense to dethrone the tyrant,. and spare his
life, is that they will lay aside desires of foreign con-
quest, turn all their energies full upon their national con-
dition, and thus pass naturally and, if possible, peace-
ably, frgns the military stage of civilisation to a higher.
That it can be done peaceably we do riot venture to
hope, seeing what the serf•systern of Russia is. That
there must be a servilewar sooner or later we only too
clearly apprehend ; but no less clearly do we see that
the most fatal course of all is to go on, as at present,
offering aggression which ends in defeat, and staking all
upon, an issue which may steep the empire in blood and
wretchedness, or explode it altogether. If the effective
inhabitants know anything of what is doing, they ought
to be preparing for such concerted action as placed the
first Romanoff on the throne. And if ye are wondered at
for offering friendly counself to such people, we say again.
what we have said from the beginning, that we wish all
good to the " subjects" of the Czar—to the people of
Russia—whom we know to have no cause to be our ene-
mies, and no voice to tell us that they are our friends.—
Daily News.

EARL GRANVILLE ON THE TVA..

At the dinner succeeding the review of the Stafford•
shire Yeomanry on Friday last, Earl Granville, in re-
plying to the toast, " Her Majesty's Ministers," said :
There is one feeling which I entertain strongly—that if
her Majesty's Ministers could reproach themselves with
the loss of those precious lives. which have been sacri-
ficed in the Crimea, by the reflection that they had in
the slightest way let slip any opportunity of maintaining
peace, I believe if they could have forgiven themselves
the country never would have forgiven them. I believe
that that peace being no longer possible, they acted in
unison with the opinion of all political parties in this
country when they felt that the war must be vigorously
carried on, not only for the maintenance of the honour
of this country—not merely for the settlement of the
present question, but with the hops of maintaining
peace for many years to come. (Cheers.). I believe I
may say that the finest army has gone to the East whluh
was ever sent to a foreign country. Lord Raglan has
under his command 102 guns of very heavy calibre.
When you compare these with the six guns which Wel-
lington /as able to collect in battle array, it does show
that at all events we have not fallen into that great error
which characterised the Government of the day when the

greatest commander which this country ever knew was
in command. lam almost afraid to state the great
amount of ammunition which has been Bent out. If I
were to state it to you it would almost sound like the
tale of Baron Munchausen. I may, however, say that
if it is all used it will actually wear out those 102 guns
to which I have referred. Government did not conceal
from themselves the great responsibility of their urging
on the commanders of both services an attack on Sebas-
topol. They were not ignorant of the opinion entertained
by many distinguished officers of every country a
in E
mosturope
—that, if not impracticablejthe attempt wawadd.-
ficult nature, but they did feel that the integrity and in-
dependence of Turkey
key of the position, and they
was a mere joke so long as that
fortress was deemed impregnable, situated, as it is in,
assistance of the French, of
the very centre of the Black Sea,- as the only port froth
which vesicle can come .in or go out with safety—they
A. landing
could achieve all that it was
fdeildt thathte think
h that,
awt the,aswi
th vtherey
ean exploit
whose straightforward and loyal conduct it is impossible
has
to speak in too high terms, these two forces, acting in
In
itleienvteetrhnalte(tioemb.
Nv
e al so knuonwPathraal;
ogei:brel(eiriafielcrt°l"-v°iePncetor. achieved.atrytoi°lallia'cseolm.iepelnishThere is reason
to believe that at least one mot has been gained. -So
far, although there certainly has been lbeel been
nl
in effected.
y,
some disappoint-
ment experienced, in consequ
ence of that false news
which was so extensively
the whole consider the circulated, I think we may on
new! which has been received
good, instead of bad. Certainly
it is not for me, nor
any one else, to boast of success until it has been achieved.
If we should not be successful in the attempt, I believe
would
Coat Government ill understand the principal
characteristic of Englishmen should they be easily dis-
couraged by any temporary defeat. If, on the other
hand, N we should be successful, I believe the Government
will act only in accordance with the public feeling of the
country, by showing that we must not rest on our oars.
but that we must redouble our efforts to gain the victory
—(cheers)—and I cannot help feeling that though it
would be highly criminal in any Government to be car-
ried away by the excitement of military glory, of which,
God knowe, we have had enough in this country, and
to refuse to make a peace when that peace could be made
perfectly consistent with the honour, dignity, and inte-
rests of this country, and with the interests of Europe
and the cause of justice and humanity, yet on the other
hand I do feel that if the horrors of war are unnecessarily
prolonged by the enemy—if those terrible
resources
n
country, are considerable, are rendered necesnsary_,
will
if precious lives, both of our own soldiers, a. d, I i
cod it must be
add, the soldiers of the enemy, are saorifi • .
felt that the rigour of the terms imposed should be in
proportion to the sacrifice occasioned! (Loud and pro
longed cheering.) •