The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-06 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 6, 1853.

No. 19,042.]

NEW NOVEL BY THE AUTHOR OF "JOHN DRAYTON."
Now ready at all the Libraries, in 3 vols.,
.A.ILIEFORD. A FAMILY HISTORY.
By the Author of "JOHN DRAYTON."
" A work abounding in fascination of an irresistible nature.
Among the whole range of modern literature in the category to
which it appertains, there has been nothing superior to it recently
given to the public "—Observer.
Hurst and Blackett, publishers, successors to Henry Colburn, 13,
Great Marlborough street.

THE IRISH " CONFERENCE.'

The remnant of the " Tenant League" assem-
bled in conference on Tuesday at their rooms in
Beresford-place. The attendance was tolerably
numerous, and comprised the average sprinkling of
Roman Catholic priests, and the following mem-
bers of Parliament :—Mr. Tristram Kennedy (who
acted as chairman), Mr. Serjeant Shee, Mr. G. H.
Moore, Mr. Lucas, Mr. Potter, Mr. Duffy, Colonel
Greville, Mr. George Bowyer, Mr. Swift, Mr.
Fox, Mr. M'Mahon, Mr. Magan, Mr. P. O'Brien
—just 13 out of the once potential brass band of 60
performers. Mr. Sharman Crawford was also pre-
sent, and the Presbyterians of Ulster were repre-
sented by Dr. M‘Knight, the editor of the Banner,
and the Rev. Mr. Rogers. The proceedings
occupy no less than 17 columns of the Freeman's
Journal, so that any attempt at abridgment would
1 e utterly futile. It must, therefore, suffice to
remark that the " deliberations" closed in a regu-
lar " row" between north and south, which is thus
reported :
Mr. Lucas and Mr. McKnight were the leading belli-
gerents. The former, in the course of a lengthened
discourse, commented upon the conduct of Sir John
Fitzgerald, in reference to his votes in support of Minis-
ters, and contrasted the hon. baronet's acts in the
House of Commons with the pledges and professions of
the members who were returned to Parliament by the
it.fiuence of the Tenant League and the tenant farmers.
After some slight sparring, Mr. Bowyer moved an
amendment to the first resolution, to the effect that,
instead of the word " Cabinet," the word " Govern-
ment " be inserted.
(The original resolutions passed by the conference in
September, 1852, were as follows :—" Resolved-1.
That no Tenant-right Bill which does not fully embody
the principles of Sharman Crawford's Bill can be satis-
factory to the country. 2. That it is the unanimous
opinion of this conference that it is essential to the pro-
per management of this cause that the members of Par-
liament who have been returned upon tenant-sight prin-
ciples should hold themselves aloof from and indepen-
dent of any and every Government that would not make
Sharman Crawford's Bill a Cabinet measure.")
Colonel GREVILLE, M.P., thought that such an alter-
ation would be fatal to the tenant-right question.
Serjeant SHEE, M.P., remarked that if they unani-
mously agreed to change the word " Cabinet ' to the
word " Government" they would be regarded as plainly
intimating to all opposed to them that they were not in
earnest. (Hear.)
Dr. M‘KNIGHT seconded the amendment. At the con-
ference of September, 1852, he and his friends from the
norili were almost solitary in their opposition to the-re-
solutions then proposed, and they now had the pleasure
to hear the same policy recommended by the hon. gen-
tleman (Mr. Bowyer), who represented the borough of
Dundalk. (Hear.) A party like theirs ought to be in-
dependent of the Government ; but he objected to the
system of dragooning men into sitting on a particular
side of the House of Commons. (Hear.)
Mr. J. M. CANTWELL said that if they made the
alteration suggested by Mr. Bowyer they would imitate
the wisdom of Ulster, but they would likewise become
the disgrace of mankind. (Hear, and cheers.)
Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD said, he had spoken so often
upon the subject in the House of Commons that some
persons were in the habit of calling his tenant bill "Shar-
man Crawford's craze." Now, however, the question had
fallen into the hands of a British lawyerof distinction (Ser-
jeant Shee), and it had ceased to be termed "the craze"
of any man. (Hear.) With regard to the question be-
fore the conference, he was of opinion that they ought
not to alter any resolution to which they had formerly
wplattpipeohttollaaeaeiehsrndsdd:ni
atgggiefyt
ehterdhwsdol
stiymhhhttgtiaohehcei
ituxtehntopimsagtsdelehalsemdi
nerempbi themselves. vaentanrecnddat
bsohgl
m.
etmaecihisndppora
tenleotbeaducurprowl(Hear,sgoueahmhrkddteetei
concluded
interpretation.
compensation
fbobhdi
ieosynnener c.
pledgetphihcohm oeleb(eeewpHusar
rGneesreorrd.
Government
rovwtie:nhemdhHhrgeeaneeemfinennmatnsyrtheheets.
ahl:dnevt,ot edueTatbeghnvhihhl
personeidyelt_
unli-
mited as to time or amount. (Cheers.)
After some further discussion,
Mr. POTTER, M.P., expressed a hope that, after what
had fallen from Mr. Crawford, it would be better for
Mr. Bowyer to withdraw his amendment, which was
calculated to disturb the harmony of the proceedings.
Mr. BOWYER said that, after the appeal made to him
by Mr. Potter, he could not hesitate to withdraw the
amendment.
Mr. LUCAS objected to the withdrawal of the amend-
ment, because, by putting it from the chair, the mean-
ing of the words " Cabinet " and " Government" would
no longer remain in a state of doubt or uncertainty.
The CHAIRMAN had some hesitation in putting to the
vote an amendment which would warrant a departure
from the original resolutinns of the confeTence, and he
did so now only because it appeared to be the greatest
desire of the meeting.
The amendment was then put, and almost unanimosly
adopted.
The Rev. Mr. ROGERS then moved another amendment
to the original resolutions, which was as follows :
"Resolved—That this conference reaffirm their adherence
to the principles of Mr. Sharman Crawford's Bill, and
resolve to use every legitimate effort, in and out of Par-
liament, to have grafted on the Tenant Improvement
Compensation Bill, which, on the recommendation of the
Government, passed the house last session, all the es-
sential principles of that measure."
After a long and stormy discussion,
pwiunat
as thetoionnly north.oaf
claptrap
amendment, Thennr.td-rnrmßti
gehen,heicytt.,:c Mr.ioainnGutdues conduct
t re' Sed
repelled
ead said,the i t
purposem
which had been made, and threatened to retaliate by ex-
posinga omf snogm
others,
t hoefr thee
a certain supporters
gentlemano f the
who went to the Chief Secretary oflreland to induce him
to withdraw any legislation on the subject this session.
Mr. DUFFY then rose to reply-to the statement of Dr.
Manight, and read passages frome aearaiort atnd. articles
in in the Banner of Ulster, whichh
e
grossest imputations upon members of Parliamentonane
then
in the room, charging the Irish Independent party with
endeavouring to thwart the carrying of the bills last year.
Mr. Duffy proceeded to deny the truth of certain state-
ments in reference to the conduct of Mr. Lucas and
others of the party upon the discussion of the bills of
last session. In one of the latest numbers of the Banner
of Ulster Dr. McKnight Chad said that "certain chosen
leaders of the party had carried their zeal so far as
secretly to urge upon the Government the policy of'
abandoning the measure." (Confusion.) Mr. Duffy, in
strong terms, characterised those statements as gross
calumnies.
Dr. M'KNIGHT, amid loud cries of " Spoke, "
"Chair," "Divide," and other manifestations of unwil-
lingness to hear him, claimed the opportunity of replying
to the observations of Mr. Duffy, and, through the in-
tervention of Serjeant Shee having at length obtained a
hearing, proceeded to say that he had come there firmly
determined, unless provoked, not even to make allusion
that might be the means of raising dissensions, but he
hoardwiai or
dinvolving t long bee n therehiu veracity.when heNot
heard
matterserely broughtin tthe
f
Nation, but elsewhere, his motives had been impugned
corrupted by Government gold. His colleagueskba
by Mr. Duffy, and he was charged with having' been
namebeeg
had been treated in a similar way. An attack had
been made on him of no light character, now in the
seuigehrithheeyd his labour,earofbist time,enant andrig money in thehtagitation,a usfteearhe. I
he had
f
the conference thought fit (continued the speaker) to
appoint a time to investigate the matters alluded to,
there was not a matter of fact in .chat report that he was
not ready to prove. He would do more. He would
give histories that he never intended the public to hear,
and he would enlighten the eyes of the country.
The Rev. Mr. O'SHEA—Do so ; we want honest men.
Dr. M‘KNIGHT—Pass a resolution calling upon me to
say who it was who went to a leading member of the
Government to ask him not to have any tenant-right
agitation. Pass a resolution, and I will name him.
The Rev. Mr. Rogers then attempted, amid great
uproar, to speak, but it was decided that he was not in
order.
The meeting called on Dr. M‘Knight to name the
person to whom he alluded, but he declined doing so,
unless in compliance with a resolution.
The two amendments having been put from the chair
and lost, and the original resolution having been carried
with only four dissentients,
On the motion of Mr. LUCAS, seconded by Mr. SWIFT,
Dr. McKnight was requested to give the name.
Dr. Marna-HT—Very well. The circumstance to
which I refer was this—that when the tenant-right mea-
sure came on to be a subject of serious legislative con-
sideration, a member of the independent party went to
the Chief Secretary for Ireland, a part of the Govern-
ment, having charge of the bill in the House of Com-
mons—at least he was the party representing the Go-
vernment, and acting on the instructions of the Cabinet
—and this gentleman used a number of arguments and
considerations, the tendency and effect of which were
to induce Sir John Young to postpone all attempts at
legislation for the last session, and let the thing drop in
as.
the mean
ntr
beginning
eagt i;
nt
Lucas--linbmiunetg.
13teoTf
ehrnaaeydt phnteeohrwesaonwansehwkwo ;parsa is gr. Mrt.itveeter nuan,cni
pronounce,
whoron ou
unmitigatednt oe l
ed
lie. (Cheers.)
that, in the lobby of the House of Commons, Mr. Lucas
Dr. McKnight—And, on the other hand, I pronounce
Alfred, 50, hauled out of No.
into the sea basin.
did admit to me that he had had such an interview with
ddSiriadcJeadol
also
itYn excuseotuo th,hi
think
ksde
ttfhhbaeyt factstah va z
rie whichy o I
reasons have
whiched, a
in-
went
e
etnoche,aysetehree-rshhiopt,tohmauelxeadminintoedt.he dock vacated by
Alfred,Dilig
.wtas thfe most expedient
weFnatidryo,wnyatcohot,sbMoransteepr
aCloameemthanisdearfteDranvoiodnN,
course even for tenant right. (Tumult.)
Elfin, Master Commander Balliston.
Devonshire,
first statement —(" Oh, oh," from Dr. McKnight.) Lis-
Mr. LUCAS—After the experience I have had of the
American liner, put back to the Mother-
bank during the night, owing to stress of weather.
oNfr
oe Welch,tliheev
if you dare. After
had of the first statement from that quarter, I need say
the experience I have
The barometerosdhaatv3eobeie4notabl!
wandrilisftt,dfuorrinogntMheonnidgahyt
Lis-
evening they ten to me,
little more than that when that statement comes from
and the
s.wholelsltoofrayiensitnegrdianytoitrrwenatssbulpo cktoiningidnne
arly a gale,
ianndthocecamioortinainy
ffoarctM. r. Lucas to deny it, and
it lulled a little ; at nine a.m. this day such
.a quarter as you, the meeting will know how to
the glass went 'down by the run, when, strange to say, treati4.
nothing could be finer.
the weather cleared up at noon, the sun burst forth, and
letpthr Aid
e7nalcligGoll.T—llttisisa
' authoritythe • •
Glass still falling, and now, five p.m., 29 2-10ths. Mr. LUCAS—Listen to me, if you dare. I called for
Wind, due west, but looking wild over the Isle of Dr. McKnight 's for original statement,
Wight. because it was one which, from its nature, could not

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THE NEW OUST DMS' DUTIES, LAWS, AND REGULATIONS.

Now ready,

THE BRITISH TARIFF for 1853-4
By EDWIN BEEDELL.
Of the Office of Examiner and Principal Controller of Accounts,

Custom-house, London,

Price 65., or Gs. 6d. by post to any part of the United Kingdom.

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come from himself, and he might have been mistaken.
He pretended to speak of a conversation with the Chief
Secretary for Ireland, and I presume he was not
present. (Dr. M'Kuight—" I was not.") His vera-
city was in no respect pledged to the original state-
ment, he might have been told so. I was anxious
to know his authority--(Dr. Manight--" You can
get it")—but for the second statement he has the
authority of himself. If that statement is a falsehood he
is false.: (Dr. M`Knight—Just so.) If he is not to be
believed in the last statement, neither is he to be cre-
dited that anybody told him of the former falsehood. I
therefore have two lies with one neck, and I behead
them with one blow. (Cheers.) The statement which
Dr. M'Knight has now made is the most unmitigated
falsehood I ever heard. It is not true ;it is nothing
like the truth—it has no foundation in fact—it has not
an element of truth in it—it is all the invention of that
wicked mind. (Cheers.)
Mr. MooRE complained of false statements which had
been made in the Banner of Ulster respecting him, and
reiterated, notwithstanding his contradiction of them
among others, that he was in communication with Mr.
Disraeli in the last session. (Hear.)
Dr. MqiNlGHT—What I stated was, that after the
accession of Lord Aberdeen, the member for Mayo was
the first to wait upon him, and pay him his respects.
Mr. MooßE.—lt is as completely and entirely with-
out foundation as the rest. I never even sent him a
message, nor had any communication whatever with
him. (Oh !)

matter appear to be settled than Austria next presented
herself with her demands, and which demands she sup-
ported by formidable military demonstrations on her
frontier. Austria claimed her concessions ; they too
were granted ; and then came the unexpected and totally
unprepared-for visit at Constantinople of Prince Men-
schikoff, with his numerous array of officers, and the
concentration of an enormous fleet at Sebastopol. In
the first instance those demands were said to be wholly
connected with the shrines ; but they were in reality
put forth insidiously to hide other and the real inten-
tions. The demands made by Russia were in spirit sim-
ply the same as if the French Emperor were to insist
upon taking under his protection the whole of the
Roman Catholics in the British empire, because he was
at the head of the Roman Catholics inFrance. (Hear,
hear.) In a case of that sort, what would be the answer
of England? Why, the answer would be, that whilst—
as was the fact in Turkey—we extended perfect religious
liberty to our fellow-3itizens who were Roman Catholics,
no power on earth should interfere in matters which con-
cerned only the Government of the Queen and her peo-
ple. (Loud cheers.) What was the real object of
Russia ? It was notorious that she had kept the attain-
ment of that object in view for centuries. For centuries
she had had her eye fixed steadily on Constantinople,
and had always intended to seize it. And it was a mat-
ter of paramount importance to the civilised nations of
Europe, that she never should be permitted to do so.
(Cheers.) But the demand she had put forward was
rendered all the more odious by the mode in which it
had been sought to be enforced. (Hear, hear.) For
some three or four months the combined fleets of France
and England had been lying in Besika Bay awaiting the
pleasure of the Russian to be informed what out of
his infinite goodness he intended to do—waiting for his.
Atitimatnm, it was Palled! ' Well, but where and what
was the ultimatum of France and England ? (Cheers.)
How were they supporting their friend and ally, the
Sultan ? Why had they not done what every intelligent
Englishman without exception of party had declared
ought to have been done—why had they not made the
passage of the Pruth a casus belli ? (Loud cheers.) Had
they stated at the outset that they were determined to
regard the step in that light, the Pruth would never
have been crossed. (Cheers.) In short, if a firm as
well as moderate tone had been assumed by France and
England, Russia would not have taken the course she
had done ; whereas the timid, hesitating, and paltry
course adopted had rather invited than checked her
aggressions. (Protracted cheering.) He had long en-
tertained a strong feeling that immense mischief had
been done to the moral influence of England abroad by
a society here which was known as the Peace Society.
(Laughter.) Why, the very existence of a Peace So-
ciety in England implied what was not the fact, that
the people of England desired war. (Hear, hear.) Now,
he believed it would be difficult to find a single man in
England who wished for war, unless he felt it was abso-
lutely necessary for the honour and the rights of his
country. Therefore, when a number of gentlemen took
upon themselves to form a Peace Society here, they
seemed to him to arrogate to themselves a degree of
love for peace in which they did not excel the mass
of their countrymen. (Hear, hear.) But in estimating
the weight of the influence of those good people
abroad, when foreigners came to see at their head
certain gentlemen for whose talents all entertained re-
spect, who were amongst the most eminent men in the
land, and one of whom especially had closely identified
himself with the success of the greatest alteration in our
commercial code that had been effected during any
period of our history—when these gentlemen were seen
to be associated for the promotion of' a principle which
was termed "arbitration," and recommending this
country to disarm in the face of Europe armed to the
teeth, with governments' here and there ever prepared
and on the look out to take advantage of some weak
neighbour—when foreigners witnessed this then, he
contended, that so far from the society to which he re-
ferred promoting the interests of peace, it was really
and truly proving itself to be the most quarrelsome
body in England. (Cheers, and loud laughter.) He
held that no ministry could exist in this country—he
did not care who they might be, whether Tory, Whig,
or Radical—who dared undertake an unjust war. In
the first place, we were bound in too heavy bonds to
keep the peace, and also by the full consciousness that
the slightest act of war would be immediately felt in
the shape of increased taxation and other disagreeable&
Though the Peace Society might have employment else-
where then, there was no scope for their operations
here. (Cheers.) (A Voice—" They're a set of hum-
bugs.") He perceived that their next meeting was to
take place at Edinburgh. He would advise them rather
to visit the city of Florence, where they would find a
countrywoman of the people of Edinburgh, a young
Scotch lady, shut up in a dungeon at the command of
Tuscany's Grand Duke, for having been guilty of the
dreadful offence of giving a Bible, and a copy of dear
old John Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress" to an Italian
peasant. (Tremendous cheers.) Aye, let them go to
Florence. There they would find ample scope for their
pet scheme of negotiation and arbitration. (Renewed
cheers.) Here we did not want it, and they must try
it elsewhere. (Great cheering.) He begged them,
therefore, no longer to convey to the minds of foreign-
' ers the idea that they alone were favourable to peace—
that the people of England were not. Above all, do
not let them induce other nations to believe that we
alone, of all the powers of Europe, were going to leave
everything to arbitration ; that we were to disarm
though others did not—that the manhood of England,
like that of the nations of old, was destroyed, and
that we were to sink into utter insignificance in conse-
quence of our effeminacy and corruption. If Russia
should ever be permitted to occupy Turkey and have com-
mand of the Dardanelles, the most serious effects might
be apprehended to the rest of the nations of Europe.
If they looked at the geographical position of Russia
and the vastness of her territory, the importance of pre-
venting her obtaining possession of Constantinople
must be still more obvious. Her dominion extended over
190 degrees of longitude ; she possessed one-eighth of
the habitable globe, and one twenty-eighth of the whole
superficies of the earth. But vast as was her territory,
she was almost comparatively shut out from Europe.
For a long time she was destitute of a seaboard, and it
was always the chief aim of Peter the Great to constitute
his country a naval power. It was true she had an ex-
tensive sea coast in the Baltic ; but then for a consider-
able portion of the year that was closed to navigation by
the ice. And her fleets could only quit the Black
Sea through the narrow Straits of the Darda-
nelles. Thus, notwithstanding the enormous mag-
on
aittuledtes offo r her r ter
fleetsr ito ryt,o she hsaeda s not
of the
ur
obpe
es t.
He abhorred war as much as any man, but there were
were some things even more horrible than war : there
nation's patriotism ; and sure he was, that whatever
awbans e
gtahe ti tno
of
a lo
fl a
nation'sssof a
feelings—thenation's in dp s eupepnrde
sesni co en—otfh
ae
might be the petty quarrels, national or municipal, which
existed amongst ourselves, when a cause like the present,
in which the honour and dignity of the country were
concerned, demanded their sympathies, the minds of
d
Englishmen
resolution was put to the meeting, and carried by
if
necessary t
hwe
iorual
rdm be s s t
rauntil
gm abtye db
übt ut by n
one
nerve. oe s spirit, a
(Cheers.)
ri , n
acclamation.
Mr. JAMES FRANCIS HOLLINGS moved the next reso-
lution :—" That the integrity of the Turkish empire
being guaranteed by the most solemn treaties to which
Great Britain has been a party, it is the plain duty of
the English Government to fulfil its engagements to the
utmost, by preserving her territory inviolate, and by
maintaining the Sultan in the full possession of his rights
as an independent Sovereign." Russia was the colossal
impersonation, as she was the avowed patroness, of ar-
bitrary and despotic rule—the uucomprising enemy to
constitutional principles wherever they could be assailed,
either by her influence or her arms—the sworn foe to all
freedom, whether political or religious, social or commer-
cial—the subjugator of every kind of separate nationality
and every form of municipal authority to a relentless
military absolutism—to the iron decrees of a single and
an irresponsible will. The favourite dream of her states.
men had far the last six generations been the establish-
ment of a dominion in modern times similar to that
which was once held by the great Kings of Persia and
Assyria, by Alexander of Macedon and by the Cmsars of
imperial Rome. And there was not a noble or serf
within her territories that did not believe this was the
ultimate destiny of his country. Step by step this object
had been perseveringly followed, and in the estimation
of her people there now remained but one conquest to
effect its consummation—that was the wresting of the
city of Constantinople and the Turkish empire from its
present possessors, and the enthronement of her Czar
and patriarchs in that which was once the metropolis of
Christianity, and which seemed almost destined by na-
ture to be the metropolis of the world. Once established
there, and she would be at full liberty to complete the
measure of her iniquitous project of universal do-
rno st rp
mot ul s
with
w unjustifiable
ifa hand,
minion. For the past twelve months we had seen
this subtle and unprincipled power undisguisedly,
openly, avowedly, working out her favourite design.
If
aggression had
been committed, it was clearly the march of the Russian
armyevera
promptly
y n acrossm
ever
strong
there
a n was
,toa nation
called
repress
the contumelious insolence of Russia it was clearly the
people of England. (Cheers.) We had solemnly set
our hands to deeds which guaranteed to the Sultan the
fo
the
Pruth—and
and
perfect integrity of his dominions. (Cheers.) Were

Dr. MckNIGHT.—I can tell the hon. gentleman that I
gave those statements upon the authority of a Parlia-
mentary correspondent who gathers up chit-chat.
The conference then, at half-past 6 o'clock, adjourned
until 11 o'clock next day.

'--"TBEEASTERN QUESTION.

GREAT MEETING AT LEICESTER.

For the purpose of conveying to her Majesty's Govern-
ment the sentiments entertained by the people of the

flourishing and important town of Leicester on the neces

sity of prompt, energetic, and decisive action at the pre-
sent crisis of the Eastern question, a public meeting was
held there on Tuesday evening, in the New Hall, which
was attended by upwards of 1,000 of the inhabitants.
The assembly was convened and presided over by the
Mayor, John Manning, Esq., upon a requisition which
had been signed, in a few hours only, by upwards of 160
householders, comprising amongst them many of the
most respectable and influential gentry, manufacturers,
and tradesmen of the borough, and that irrespective alike
of party and creed. That so large a number of persons
could be brought together in defiance of the pitiless storm
of wind and rain which they had to encounter on their
way to the meeting, and that the attendance included
men of all shades of political opinion, may be taken fairly
to indicate the depth of the sympathy pervading society
generally in Leicester on behalf of our old and trusty ally
the Ottoman Porte. The only parties who kept aloof
were the local Whig leaders and the admirers of the Earl
of Aberdeen ; but in Leicester these people form but an
insignificant section of the community, and their absence
failed to excite either surprise or regret. •
After some preliminary observations by the chairman,

Dr. NOBLE moved the first resolution That in the
opinion of this meeting the invasion of the Danubian
principalities, and the continued occupation of those pro_
vinces by the armies of the Emperor of Russia, is an un-
principled act of aggression, contrary to the law of na-

tions, and calling for the most decisive interference on
the part of the English people." (Cheers.) In appealing
to that meeting of Englishmen he doubted not he should
receive their acquiescence in the resolution ; for he was
asking them for their moral support of the weak against
the strong, their reprobation of the spoiler, and their
sympathy with the spoiled. (Cheers.) At a period
of the year when their representatives happened not to
be assembled within the walls of parliament it seemed
especially fitting that, on a great question which involved

the possibility of the recurrence of another European
war, the opinions of the nation should be decidedly ex-
pressed, whether to urge to activity and vigilance a
torpid and lagging ministry, or to confirm a resolute
though cautious one. (Hear.) It might be said that
the fears which were entertained from the first with
regard to the despotic tendencies of the Prime Minister
of the present Coalition Government were now realised
in the unsatisfactory results of the foreign policy said to
have been adopted in conformity with his views. But
he (Dr. Noble) thought that ,such men as Lord John
Russell, Lord Palmerston, Sir James Graham, and Mr.
Gladstone, however they might defer to the opinions of
their chief, would rather desire to be urged on to the
adoption of a policy more in accordance with their own
well-known and oft-expressed opinions. It was probable
therefore—if the meeting concurred in the resolution,
and if similar demonstrations to the present were made
in other great towns of the kingdom—that the sluggish
motions of the Government on the Turkish question
would be materially quickened. (Cheers.) The first
manly step they had taken since negotiations were
pending—was that of sending a portion of our fleet into
the Dardanelles—to the assistance of the Sultan, and
that step should be followed by measures of a much more
decisive character. (Cheers.) The quarrel begun by
Russia, who was now openly sympathised with by. Aus-
tria' was in reality a quarrel of much older date than on
the face of it itseemed to be. But he thought the noble
conduct of the Sultan was worthy the imitation of any
Christian king or potentate in Europe. When, in defence
of their national liberties, the brave Hungarians rose
and overthrew their oppressor, the Emperor of Austria,
and were on the eve of accomplishing their indepen-
dence, that Calmuck, the Czar of Russia, marched
his savage hordes into their territories, and over-
whelmed them. Again the nationality of the Hunga-
rians was destroyed, and the liberties for which they
bad fought and bled once more subdued, though not ex-
tinguished ; for he believed that that noble people,
wisely profiting by the calamities of their last struggle,
and acting not ess enthusiastically, but with more pru-
dence, caution, and unanimity than they did then, would
yet achieve the conquest of their nation's independence.
(Loud cheers.) There were few men in England pos-
sessing any political reputation at all who were opposed
to an active interference on the part of this country in
support of the Sultan of Turkey at the present crisis.
(Hear, hear). True, it was said by some, that the Turks
ought not to receive our aid against the Russians, be-
cause they were infidels. But that was not the fact.
The Turks were by no means infidels : they were deists,
not atheists ; and he doubted if they were one-half as
blasphemous as those Christian Russians whom the
friends of peace and non-interference so greatly ad-
mired. (Cheers.) In Turkey the principle of religious
toleration was well understood and acted upon, and in
reading the work of a French traveller lately he observed
it stated, that as much as three centuries ago the Turks
were in the habit of providing for the administration of
the religion of every Christian sect in their dominions,
and that even those who were sent to the galleys for
social crimes were supplied with spiritual instruction in
their own peculiar religious views. That was an ex-
ample of toleration and liberality which might lay claim
to the consideration even of many soi-disant Christian
monarchs and governments of the present day. Upon
the ground then of the great principles of civil and re-
ligious liberty, always so cordially sustained by the
public opinion of Leicester, he called upon them to raise
their voice in behalf of the Sultan in this crisis of his
country's history. (Cheers.) If the Czar of Russia
should succeed in his dishonest and infamous aggression
on his weak ally, the Porte, from that moment Tur-
key would become, not even a new Greek empire,
but a mere Cossack province, throughout which liberal
principles and opinions would be suppressed at the
will of the Russian Emperor, who arrogated to
himself the power of dealing out life or death
to his subjects, and a uka3e, with his seal affixed to
it, had all the authority and force of law. (Hear, hear.)
The policy of interference by the western nations of
Europe, for the purpose of protecting the weak against
the strong, was not a novel policy. But something more
than this was involved in the present question—some-
thing more than a simple expediency. It was very pos-
sible, if the Russian were permitted to acquire the rich
territory of Turkey, that, emboldened by success in that
quarter, his appetite would increase by what it fed upon,
and that in his cupidity and lust of conquest he would
cast his eyes on yet fairer and richer provinces of Europe,
and make war on the nations around with still greater
chances of success. (Hear, hear.) It was, therefore,
upon the general principle of European policy, and,
above all, in aid of the great and glorious principles of
civil and religious freedom, that he called upon them to
give their unanimous support to the resolution which he
had now the honour of moving. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. W. HARDY, in seconding the resolution, said,
that having felt that for the last three months two of the
greatest and most civilised powers of Europe had been
placed in an extremely humiliating and degrading posi-
tion, and feeling also that of the two our own govern-
ment was the more degraded, he for one could not re-
fuse any post that might be assigned to him on this
occasion for the purpose of expressing that opinion.
(Cheers.) The question at issue to his mind assumed an
amount of importance considerably greater than that
which had attached itself to any subject connected with
our foreign relations during his lifetime. It became
them, therefore, in considering it, neither to adopt
rash conclusions on the one hand, nor on the other

to submit to anything cowardly. (Great cheering.)
The course of aggression upon Turkey commenced in
the present instance, he was sorry to say, by a
series of paltry claims, not on the part of Russia,
but of France and Austria. France first sent her
ambassador, M. Lavalette, to Constantinople, to claim
certain concessions with regard to the Holy Places—
in fact, he believed she wished to have the key of the
door. War was even threatenedagainst the Sultan, and
when M. Lavelette quitted Constantinople he did so
under the impression that he had obtained a triumph for
his master, the Emperor Napoleon. No sooner did this