The Sun.
London, England, 1853-11-11 00:00:00

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THE LONDON AND SOUTH WESTERN
RAILWAY.

( Prom the Morning Chronicle.)

Atthe special meeting of the proprietors of the
South-Western Railway which is to be held on
Tueslay next, a very important report will be sub-
mittdd by the directors for the approbation of their
constituents. It will then be seen whether the
shareiholders aro willing honourably to fulfil the
guar4ntee publicly- given by their chairman—in
corej)liance with resolutions passed by an over-
whelping majority at their meeting in May last—
on the faith of which the progress of the Devon
and Dorset Railway Bill was arrested by the ad-
verse report of the commiteee to whose considera-
tion it nad been referred. We might not, however,
think it necessary to draw public attention to the
subject, if we were not convinced that it is one in
which national interests are far more seriously in-
volved than they: have been, in any previous battle
of the gauges. We can most sincerely disclaim all
hostility to the Great Western Railway Company ;
and although, sheltering ourselves under the autho-
,Tity of Lord Harding°, we may venture to pro-
noinice the original laying down of the broad gauge
" a national calallAty,," we should nevertheless
regret t 0 sClq IA shareholders deprived, by reck-
less or unreasonable competition, of the return
they may fairly expect for theft investments. On
the other hand, attempts at raonopely—which, for
the sake of the Putllc, always be watched
with a vigilant eye—require to be resisted with
more than ordinary Vigotir Us the case of a
pally' the pecOarity of whose gauge, as it je-;:events
their working in harmony with the lines which
already occupy the greater pezt of the kingdom,
must necessarily occagiall great inconvenience and
delay at every point of contact. These evils are
sensibly felt by passengers—they are far greater in
the case of heavy goods— buktheyAre greatest of
all when the passengers are Odiers, and the heavy
goods artillery or other munitions of war. On
this gronncl we are justified in terming the ques-
tion one of national importance ; and had it not
vitally affected public interests, there would have
been no necessity for the Commander-in-Chief,
Lord Palmerston, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Sir James
Graham, and Lord Malmeabury, to assist the
Committee in arriving at their determination.
In order to render the subject clearly intelligible
to those who have not studied it, we Anna say a
few words as to the extent of railway communica-
wahlroleaedgyueti existingsQn
in England, because upon this
really turns, It is true that
tt
°el I
the present controversy is principally as to the
gauge to be adopted along a small portion of
the southern coast, from Dorchester to F., iNoter ;
and were those towns isolated, and, likely to re-
main isolated, from others, it would be a matter
of comparative indifference hew their union might
be effected. The facts, however, are very dif-
ferent. From every district in the north of Eng-
land, from every important town, from every
mili-
tary station, railways converge to the metropolis,
and all these are on the narrow gauge, Passing
from Loudon along the coast, we have uninter-
rupted railway communication to Chatham through
Woolwich—again from Canterbury to Deal, and
again
from Dover to Dorchester—the extreme dis-
tance from the shore being about ten miles, but the
average very considerably less, and all these lines
also are on the narrow gauge. At Ashford, Lewes,
Hastings, Brighton, and Southampton, other rail-
ways radiating from London—eaoh of them con-
structed on the same gauge—meet this coast line ;
and the point especially to be noticed is, that ten
out of the twelve main depots of troops in England
aro thus brought into immediate communication.
Movements between Weedon, Windsor, Wool-
wich, London, Chatham, Dover, Chichester,
Portsmouth, Brighton, and Dorchester, may be
effected without any change of gauge. Portland is
not far from Dorchester, with which it may easily
be brought into connection ; but Exeter has no
coast line to the east, and transit from that city to
any one of the places which we have mentioned
(except London) cannot. be effected without a long
deteur2 and a break of gauge in addition. It
may, perhaps, be thought that, in speaking of the
connection which exists between the northern and
southern lines, we are overlooking the distance
between the different metropolitan stations, and
the time which must be lost in transhipment ; but
although this consideration possesses some import-
ance, it must be remembered that, in many cases,
the short line from Brentford to Kilburn entirely
obviates the necessity of passing through London,
and similar facilities might easily be afforded in
other directions.

The substance of the case, then, is, that we have
a network of narrow gauge railways, extending,
with scarcely an interruption, over the whole north-
ern half of the island, over all the south-eastern
part, and along the southern coast from Dover to
Dorchester. At Exeter, about fifty miles from the
western extremity of the narrow gauge, its rival
furnishes a coast line to Plymouth ; and it may,
perhaps, at some future time, be able to go further
westward, notwithstanding the obstacles which im-
pede its progress. There is no immediate occasion
to suggest any interference with the South Devon
Company in their enjoyment of this territory—
though it might have been well they could have
avoided such close proximity to the sea, and the
comfort of travellers would have been greater if the
line had been originally constructed for locomotives,
and not on the atmospheric principle. It may be
too late to remedy past errors ; but, if we are will-
ing to act on the advice of those most competent
to give it, we shall avoid them in future. Lord
Malmesbury informed the committee that it was
the Duke of Wellington's decided opinion that a
coastline ought to be kept, as far as practicable, at
a distance of about seven miles froth the sea—that
space being requisite to secure it both against na-
tural encroachments and against the risk of surprise
by a hostile force. Among our past errors we must
also, as we have already observed, include the va-
riety of gauge, which must necessarily. occasion an
interruption to the facility of transit at some point
or other on the southern coast: The inconvenience
of such a break, in the transmission of artillery,
was forcibly urged upon the committee by Lord
Hardinge :—" A field battery of six guns would
require an hour and a half to tranship, for they
must have a very large number of carriages ; it
would require, probably, three trains—that is to
say, sixty carriages and three engines—to carry so
small a force as six field guns, because there would
be above 100 men and 100 horses, and therefore a
transhipment would be very embarrassing."
As to the necessity of filling up, with as little
delay as possible, the hiatus which at present exists '
in our line of communication on the southern
coast, there can hardly be two opinions ; and the
simple question, is, thereforo, whether the break of
gauge, since such there unhappily must be, shall
bo at Dorchester or at Exeter. We must here
warn the partizans of the Great Western Company
that this question is not to be decided by consider-
ations of private interest. The security of the
country in the hour of danger is not to be hazarded
for the sake of gratifying or thwarting one com-
pany or another ; and the House of Commons has
already evinced its determination to act on this
principle. We have shown that, by an extension
of the narrow gauge to Exeter, every one of the
twelve stations specified by the Secretary-at-War,
in his evidence, as the principal military depots in
England, will be brought into close connection ;
and we look in vain for any such advantage from a
broad-gauge line. If we refer to the evidence of
those most competent to represent the interests of
the public, we find the high authority to whom we
have just alluded stating that he "would rather
have a narrow-gauge line ;" and we learn further
that he is impressed with the importance, in a mi-
litary point of view, of direct communication be-
tween Salisbury and Exeter, which does not at
present exist. The Secretary-at-War expressed a
strong opinion that, "if there is to be a break of
gauge, the further it can be got to the westward
the better," and that the( line proposed by the
Great Western would have seriously interfered
with the principle which it is essential to carry out.
Sir James Graham, the representative of the Ad-
miralty, after consultation with naval authorities,
arrived at precisely the same conclusion; and Lord
Palmerston added to the views of his colleagues
the weight of his practical knowledge.
It would be needless to argue this part of the
question further ; but we must not forget that it
may probably be urged that the shareholders
of the South-Western cannot fairly be called
upon to sacrifice their own interests for the
good of the country. And it is no doubt true,
that as the ,nation has . wisely abstained from
making railroads for itself, individuals must,
as a general rule, make them or let them
alone, as they may think most for their own advan-
tage. There are, however, exceptions to this rule,
and the present case is one of them ; for all the
opinions which we have quoted were pronounced
on the assumption that, if the sanction of Parlia-
, naent were withheld from the proposed line, a
narrow gauge railway would be constructed with-
out delay ; and these opinions, coupled with a

N, FRIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER li, 1853.

direct pledge from the Chairman of the South-
! Western Railway, induced the committee to report
against the bill. It is, therefore, by no•meaus an
open question whether an engagement thus dis-
tinctly entered into by the company, and already
acted upon by the Legislature, should or should
not be carried out, even at the risk of pecuniary
loss. We hope, however, to take an opportunity
of reverting to the subject before the meeting
which is to take place on next Tuesday ; and we
shall endeavour to show that no such loss need be
apprehended, and that the pecuniary interests of
the proprietors, as well as their reputation for good
faith—which we presunao they value in their cor-
porate as well as in their individual capacity—will
sustain serious injury if they arrive at a decision in-
consistent with the report which is to be submitted
for their confirmation.

ii,RIcE SD.

Mr. Hubbard--It Is anything but attractive.
_ _

The Chairman—What do you conceive to be the rea-
son for this ?

Mr. Hubbard—l scarcely know, but I can say that
I was once offered an alderman's gown, and I declined
it for this reason. It occurred to me that the admi-
nistration of justice was too important and too solemn a
duty to be undertaken unless a person had the proper
education and sufficient time for the discharge of such a
trust. I felt that it was incompatible with my position
As a merchant to go through the requisite training to fit
me for the office, and I could not consent to run the
risk of maladministering justice to myself, or adopt the
only other alternative of leaving my judicial functions to
the clerk, who might be very competent to . exercise
them, but at the same time I would have to be respon-
sible for his decisions.

The Chairman—lf the corporation of London were
brought into closer resemblance to the corporation of
Liverpool and the other great cities of the country, do you
think there would still be the same indisposition on the
part of the great merchants to accept municipal offices,
such as that of the Lord Mayor, for instance ?
Hr. Hubbard—I know so little of Liverpool that I
cannot sufficiently judge. I only know that there is an
indisposition to become aldermen among the leading
merchants of London.
The Chairman—Supposing it were not necessary to
be an alderman to become lord mayor do you think the
great merchants of tie city of London would be averse
to taking the office of chief magistrate, as a matter of
public duty, for one year, and without having to go
throuiti the preliminary duties of an alderman ?
Hubard—lf the office were not connected with
a 'sacred trust like that of the administration of jus-
tice, the case might be different ; but then, on that
supposition, I do not know what the duties of the office
would be—they might merely be to go through all the
civic array and grandeur.
The Chairman—The pageantry which now surrounds
office of Lord Mayor I imagine is no inducement to a
first-rate merchant to take the office ?

Mr. C. Lewis—You must be aware of the constitu-
tion of the corporation, and of the manner in which it is
administered—have ryou formed any opinion as to any
defects which may exist in that body, or as to the mode
of remedying them ?

Mr. Hubbard—You arc' mistaken in your premises—
I know nothing of the corporation. I only know one
alderman slightly, who is a member of the Bank of Eng-
land—l mean Alderman Thompson ; and I have not
learnt anything of their constitution or their admini:
stration.

Mr. C, Lewis—Then you have formed no opinion OR
the subject ?
Mr- Hubbard—l have not.
The witness then retired. The next witness called
was

Mr. John Dillon, of the firm of Morrison, Dillon, and
Co., wholesale warehousemen, Fore-street, City, who
stated that he had been a merchant in the City of Lon-
don for may years, but had never been connected with
the corporation.

The Chairman—Have you formed any opinion on the
constitution of the corporation ?

Mr. Dillon—l feel convinced that the City corpora-
tion, if as perfect as man can make it, must be extended
beyond the present area and limits of the City.
Mr. C. Lewis—On what do you base that opinion ?
Mr. Dillon—On the necessity of uniformity of plan
with regard to the.police for instance, in order that the
powers of the police may not cease at Temple-bar. Then,
with respect to sewerage, there ought to be some large
and complete plan ; and there ought to be no conflicting
jurisdiction on such important matters. I mention these
as illustrations.

The Chairman—Could there not be a uniform system
of police and of sewerage without abolishing the munici-
pal functions of the City altogether ?
Mr. Dillon—Decidedly. If I were asked whether I
should propose a total abolition of the corporation, I
should say decidedly not. It has existed from ancient
times, and has gradually grown up and mixed itself with
the manners and institutions of the City. It certainly
retains many obsolete, some useless, and some objection-
, able customs ; but I think it very far from desirable
suddenly and entirely to do away with it. The re-
form of some of its institutions and the abolition of
some offices are desirable ; and if municipal func-
tions were given to Finsbury, Marylebone, South-
wark, Lambeth, and the other metropolitan boroughs,
you might have the means of hereafter—but not
immediately—creating, out of this series of corpora.
tions, boards for the management of sewerage and the
police of the whole metropolis ; and all this without
danger to the corporation of the city of London. The
witness then proceeded to give evidence with regard to
the manner in which freemen were enrolled 20 or 30
years ago, and also of the reduction which had been
made of late years in the fees paid by the citizens on
being admitted to civic privileges ; and he gave it as his
opinion that a nominal fee should still be demanded
from persons on taking up their freedom, such fee being
only designed to cover he necessary expenses.
The Chairman—Will you pass now to the next point
if you please ?

Mr. Dillon—With regard to the reluctance of the
bankers and merchants of the City to accept office in the
corporation, I think that too much stress is laid upon
that circumstance when it is used as an argument for tip
total abolition or the thorough alteration of the corpo-
ration of the City. The corporation, no doubt, has
many defects, and things in it which were originally
harmless, have by the lapse of time become obsolete and
wrong; but I doubt the soundness of the arzument
based upon the non-acceptanco of corporate offices by
the leading merchants. Some, the richest bankers
and merchants in the City, had fathers and grand-
fathers who once served as aldermen and Lord
Mayor; and a large class of existing merchants, al-
though they object to the system of the corporation,
have prospered and amassed their fortunes under it. To
some extent also the contempt cast upon municipal
office in the City is simply an excuse for neglecting
the duties attached to them ; and I feel satisfied,
whatever change you may make in the City corpo-
ration, and although you clear away all the
nonsense of the Lord Mayor's Show, that the
large bankers and merchants will still be re-
luctant to take office. I cannot explain why this
is, but there is something peculiar about the city
of London, the merchants of which have almost a na-
tional character, and this makes them devote their leisure
time and direct their ambition to other objects—to the
House of Commons, perhaps, or other places. With re-
spect to Chambers of Commerce, I have seen several
attempts made—but all unsuccessfully made,--in the city
of London to establish such an institution. The example
of other large ports has been quoted in support of the
adoption of such a tribunal for the purposes of commerce;
but for some reason or other, whether it be jealousy, a
peculiar bent and turn of mind, or the largeness of the
community, I cannot tell what, the leading men in the
City have shown an indisposition to form such a combi-
nation.

Mr. C. Lewis—Formerly the bankers and principal
merchants resided within the City, but they live out of
it now—does not that make a difference in the feeling
with regard to accepting office ?
Mr. Dillon—l think it does make a great difference.
Mr. C. Lewis—Would they not naturally feel a greater
interest in the local institutions Of the City if they lived
there than if they resided elsewhere ?
Mr. Dillon—Yes ; I myself am an instance in illustra-
tion of your remark. Ido not live in the City now, but
when I did so I took more interest in its affairs than .1
have done since.
Wiest
Mr. Dillon—There Dillon—There are three distinct
The Chairman—Will you go now to another point ?
sua
the sake of
dies in the city of London, and I would
reduced for
priety of their number being re( mon
c°,:igest the pro
simplicity
constituencywithadvantage in several
Mr. C. Lewis—Do you
fSetehe
fo
r regardalall elections
tto po
iyo objectctyo tf o
joonnedcoonn
City being elected by a
of the principal officers o
k (
rat views although I am inclined to libe-
larAgler.coDnisltloitnu-e-nlcyti
on such ,natters) that there is sometimes an
such appointments being taken out of the
Z,,,dnvdarns.to Lafgae i
ab
o;uocphuelraerms:iiituaes
se constituency.
to the magistracy, I.
Mr
presume
Dillon—Certainly. I think, however, that the
election to the office of Chamberlain ought to be left in
themhra.nod.s
Lo feNNt,hise—CAo mr
emothn
ellealielc.tions in Common Hal
generally corrupt ?

Mr. Dillon—The contested elections are. The Lord
Mayor is generally chosen from the aldermen by rota-
tion, and then there is no contest. I consider that
the magisterial duties of the Lord Mayor and alder-
men ought to be placed in the hands of duly

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