The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-03 00:00:00

naval service of the enemy, or any articl og 71-
hibited' or contraband of war, or any despatch of
or to the Russian Government, they will justly
forfeit every claim to the kind consideration of
this country, and their ships and cargoes will be
liable to confiscation as lawful prizes. It is also
provided that any Russian merchant vessel which,
prior to the date of that order—the 29th
instant—should have sailed from any foreign
port, bound for
,Any -port or place within
her MAJESTY'S dominions, shall be permitted to
enter into such port, or place, to discharge her
cargo, and afterwards forthwith to depart without
molestation, and to continue her voyage to any
port not blockaded.

This, to a certain extent, is as it should
be. It is a graceful tribute to the genius
of commerce. The Maritime Powers, forced
into hostilities which they had made every
possible sacrifice to avert, do not wage war on
peaceful merchants. Although they would be
fully justified in seizing enemy's property wherever
it may be found, and thus reducing the resources
that might be brought into operation against them,
the confidence of those engaged in a peaceful mission
is still respected, and they are permitted to depart,
not merely scathless, but with their object fully
accomplished. But it certainly seems that the
time conceded is more than that which could
reasonably have been required. For vessels that
have already been for some time lying in our
ports and making preparations for their departure,
six weeks, or even three weeks, appears more
than could be wanting for any legitimate purpose
—more than could have been anticipated, and
more than we believe was ever previously granted
on a similar occasion. It must be borne in mind
that hostilities have not been resorted to in con-
sequence of a sudden or unexpected dispute. We
have looked for a declaration of war day by day
for the last six months, and censured the delays
that were sanctioned by the Government. War
has not, therefore, burst unexpectedly, like a
thunderstorm, over our heads. The aspect of the
political horizon was sufficiently ominous to warn
all parties within its range of the necessity of
setting their houses in order, and entering into
no engagements which it would take even a fort-
night to wind up. Besides, we must recollect
that in this affair we are giving these great ad-
vantages where we cannot hope for anything like
an equivalent from the adversary. Notwithstand-
ing all these matters, however, we trust that the

laudable precedent will be henceforward, to some
extent, recognised, and that there will be no
seizure of the persons or property of innocent
travellers or traders, without affording ample time
and opportunity for the withdrawal of either, or
both, from the hostile nation.
Save as to the time allowed, there can be
no difference of opinion as to the propriety
of the course adopted by the Governments
of England and France. But then another,
and a more difficult question arises, as to the
exemption of neutrals trading in the 'produce
of the country with which we are at war, and
to a certain extent, at least, supplying the "sinews
of war" to the enemy. It will be said on the
one side that the only way in which we can hope
to bring Russia to reason, is by the crippling or
total destruction of her trade and commerce. A
matter which, with our maritime superiority, may
easily be effected. We may confine her vessels
within their ports and prevent the conveyance by
sea of any of her products. How very damaging
this would prove to the parties concerned, how very
speedily it would open their eyes to the iniquitous
conduct of the AUTOCRAT, may easily be imagined.
The Russians of all classes, serfs as well as nobles,
would behold in the strongest light the evils of
despotism, and be disposed to bring the conflict
to a speedy conclusion, by making the required
submission, and giving ample guarantees for their
future good behaviour. Nay, more, it would
probably be productive of great reforms, and
the introduction of Constitutional Government,
when they saw the intolerable evils resulting
from the indomitable pride and gt asping cu-
pidity of one intoxicated by the possession
of arbitrary and irresponsible power. We can
only hope to terminate the untoward state of
affairs now existing, by making these evils as pain-
fully perceptible as practicable. We must not
wage a "rose-water war." The hostilities forced
upon us should bring with them their own fear-
ful consequences to those with whom we are
engaged. It would be but a very doubtful kind-
ness to them, as well as very questionable policy
on our own part, to afford the means of pro-
tracting the contest, and of offering up their
myriads of serfs as 'food for gunpowder. It
is not by the destruction of men so much, as by
cutting off the supplies that we can hope to bring
the AUTOCRAT to reason. He may find new con-
scripts, men pressed into the ranks of their op-
pressors, and compelled to fight, under a flag they
loathe, in a cause they abhor. No ; the destruc-
tion of commerce is better than the destruction of
life, even if those lives only belonged to our ad-
versaries, and that none of our own gallant de-
fenders were involved in similar danger.
"Fleets and armies are," asA.Dam SMITH tells us,
"maintained not with gold and silver, but with con-
sumable goods. The nation which, from the annual
produce of its domestic industry, from the annual
revenue arising out of its lands, labour, and con-
sumable stock, has wherewithal to pur3hase those
consumable goods in distant countries, can main-
tain foreign wars there." We are, by sanctioning
the trade of Russia with neutrals, giving it the
means of carrying on the war, of supporting the
invading army that has already crossed the Da-
nube, and which, so far as we can judge, is striving
for the attainment of the great object of Mus-
covite ambition—the occupation of Stamboul.
Is that prudent or judicious ? Is it fair towards
either the Ottoman Empire or towards our own
troops who are engaged on their side ? No bene-
fits to be obtained by our own merchants can
compensate for the evils that must follow such a
milk-and-water proceeding.
Besides, although the nation has unquestion-
ably decided against the principle of protection
for our own fellow-subjects, it is equally opposed
to bestowing exclusive advantages upon strangers
which are denied to those having stronger claims.
If we allow trade at all, our own merchants should
have their share of its profits. But it is forbidden
—and very properly forbidden—to them, and
therefore it should not be allowed to strangers.
Such are a few of the many arguments that
have been advanced against the propriety of pass-
ing, free, enemies' goods in neutral vessels. That
they are worthy of calm and attentive consideration
will at once bo manifest, and however laudable
the intention of the Government, we should not
suffer ourselves to be led astray by impulse, or to
act on a feeling which cannot bear the test of
reason or reflection. We do not, however,
wish ourselves to be understood as deciding the
question. There are many powerful arguments
which have been and may be adduced in favour of
respecting the rights of neutrals, which should be
maturely and carefully examined before a final
judgment is arrived at. We place the most
important problem of the day before the public,
trusting that some CEDIPIIS may be found capable
of discovering a satisfactory solution thereto.

is but the
To the great
ina,mperofborabaly,spolfenoduidr,
have been educated there ;
or part by par
readers, Oxford
aristocratic and hi
of the general public have
mystery. But few
they care not to read about an
institution with
which they have no direct connection ; they know
of it but from common report, and from that they
chiefly hear of the youthful extravagance of the
scions of our aristocracy, of its tractarians jour-
neying to Rome or gone thither, and of its rigid
exclusion of everything like heterodoxy or non-
conformity from the benefits of the education it
gives. They also know that it claims to be, par
excellence, a national university. Of rival anti-
quity with a great municipal corporation, which
has also lately been rudely made to bare its hoar
head before a commission but of yesterday's ap-
pointment, it was long presumed, to be too vene-
rable to be submitted to such vulgar interroga-
tions. But the age of steam, railroads, and
electric telegraphs bids fair to deprive future
phrenologists of every living specimen of the
bump of veneration. Windermere
has been invaded