The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-01 00:00:00

occasion, that the arrangements, which might be considered
virtually to have been concluded, were arrangements which
with many other advantages he referred to, had this pecu-
liarity—that they contained no condition derogatory to the
interests or to the honour of the Ottoman Porte. (Hear,
hear.) Sir I need not remind the houie that a few days
after Parliament was prorogued the arrangement which
the Government had referred to made its appearance, and
that appearance took4he form of the famous Vienna note.
(Hear.) That note has since been recognised to have been
a proposition identical in spirit, and in many parts of it
even in language, with that celebrated iltimatum of Prince
Menachikoff which has occasioned so much disaster • and
dismay to Europe. Now, sir, remembering the tone in
which her Majesty's Ministers addressed Parliament at the
end of last session, and the confident hopes which they
held out on that occasion of an immediate conclusion of
this important controversy, I cannot but refer with some
hesitation to the language in which we are now addressed
in the present speech. lam not going on this occasion
to enter at all into the conduct of the Government dur-
ing all these prolonged negotiations. The documents
which they may place before us will have Millie attention
they deserve, and I shall not presume at thinnstant offer
any opinion of my own upon any of these transactions,
even in cases in which we have been furnished with docu-
ments by other Governments, or in that one instance in
which we have received a very important paper from her
Majesty's Ministers, namely, the despatch of my Lord
Clarendon. All I wish now is to remind the house 'of the
tone adopted by the Government when Parliament was
last prorogued, and the expectation that was then held out
to Parliament of an immediate and satisfactory conclusion
of this question, and to contrast the language used on that
occasion with the language which is now under our notice.
Sir, I think the house will not fail to observe that we are
addressed now much in the same terms as we were then.
We are still told that negotiations are going on, a hope is
still held out that these negotiations may be successful ;
but I think her Majesty's Government, after the complete
failure of the expectations which they held out to us six
months ago, after it having eventually been proved that
the plan which they protected was a plan which they
themselves now would not for a moment sanction—l think
her Majesty's Government, while they told the house that
negotiations are still proceeding, and that they do not en-
tirely despair of these negotiations effecting their object,
ought to have assured us that the object a these negotia-
tions is not one in the spirit of the Vienna note, which, six
months ago, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in
another place, held out to us as an arrangement not dero-
gatory to the interests or to the honour of the Ottoman
.Porte. (Hear, hear.) I think, sir, it would have been
more satisfactory to the house if the Government on this
occasion had advised her Majesty to use words which would
have assured the country that if the question can be settled
witllout the fatal arbitrement of which we have of late been
accustomed to speak, and to speak too familarly, the settle-
ment would be one which would maintain not only the inte-
grity but the independence of the Ottoman Porte, and not
one similar to the Vienna note, which, if carried into effect,
would in fact only operate as a ruse, giving to Russia an
opportunity of effecting those objects which all unnecessary
delay and precaution can only aid and serve. (Hear, hear.)
Although I shall not on an occasion like this, with so impor-
tant a discussion of the whole question before us, propose
any alteration in the Address to her Majesty, I feel it to be
my duty to express my conviction that the language held in
this Address is not sufficiently expressive, is not sufficiently
firm, and is not so explicit as, I think, the circumstances of
the case require. (Cheers.) There is a timidity of tone, I
think, in this Address which appears to me not only unwise
but also unnecessary. (Cheers.) I think that if we still
feel it our duty to sapport her Majesty's Government in
that attempt at negotiation which they may not yet con-
sider altogether desperate—and I am sure there is no mem-
ber in this house that will blame her Majesty's Govern-
ment for still clinging to negotiations if they themselves
have a conviction that there is still a chance of accomplish-
ing the desired end by such means—(hear, hear)—we must
yet be convinced that the tone taken in the Speech and
Address with regard to these transactions between the
Ottoman Porte. and Russia should have been of a higher
character than that which seems to pervade the documents
before us. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I cannot say, with regard
to our foreign relations, that the language of this Address
is in other respects altogether satisfactory. We hear—and
I, for one, hear with pleasure—of the cordial co-operation
of her Majesty with the Emperor of the French. I cannot
fail, sir, to remember, though I have no inclination to
dwell upon the circumstance at this moment, that little
more than twelve months ago I felt it my duty to call the
attention of the house to the relations that then were sub-
sisting between this country and France. I thought it my
duty to attempt to call the attention of Parliament and of
the country to certain expressions and certain conduct of
eminent personages who, from their abilities and their sta-
tion, were able to influence pub!ie opinion—which expres-
sions I was convinced had a tendency to weaken that good
feeling between England and krance which, under all cir-
cumstances, should be cherished, but which, under the
then and present aspect of affairs, was doubly desirable and
important. (Hear, hear.) I remember that I was told
then that my observations were factious observations ; but
I appeal for my vindication to the language which is now
held in her Majesty's Speech. (Hear, hear.) lam grati-
fied to find that her Majesty is in cordial co-operation with
the Emperor of the French ; and I have no wish, or need,
to say any more upon that subject. But, sir, there is a
suspicious omission in this Speech, which I think the hou.se
ought to notice. Her Majesty is in cordiid co-operation
-with the Emperor of the French ; but so far as the Speeah
from the Throne is concerned, and so far as our Address in
answer to that gracious Speech is concerned, there is not
the clear and manifest evidence that I for one could have
desired—that her Majesty is in cordial co-operation with
other powers of very great interest and importance in this
question. (Hear, hear.) I wish we could be assured by
the noble lord opposite that there is no ground for any suspi-
cion of that kind. A statement to that effect wouldpse very
satisfactory to the house and the country. I should hope
that upon this question her Majesty is not only acting in
cordial co-operation with the Emperor of the French, but
also with the Emperor of Austria and with the King of
Prussia—(cheers)—and if her Majesty is in so satisfactory
a position, then I think the language of the Speech and the
Address should have been of a bolder and firmer character
and one more calculated to cheer the heart of the country
at a moment when it may be entering into a trial of so se-
vere a character. Sir, the whole manner indeed, in which
our foreign relations are treated in the Speech from the
Throne is very peculiar. One would suppose, for example,
that in consequence of the absorbing interest of this unfor-
tunate struggle between the Porte and Russia, all conside-
ration for other great Powers and for other allies of her
Majesty was entirely overlooked and forgotten. I observed
the other day that, in that part of the address of the
President of the United States in which he touches on the
external relations of the great Republic, he particularly no-
tices that there are three great questions of policy connected
with the Government of Great Britain which are yet
unsettled. Now, sir, it does not appear to me that it would
have been an unusual, an unwise, or an unreasonable thing
if there had been some reference in her Majesty's speech on
this occasion to those three unsettled TrMiens of foreign
policy with the United States, to whic.al the President had
so particularly and so formally ref-arred. (Hear.) There,
have also been other incidents cc,
Onected with our foreign
affairs, not unworthy I think o:".‘ being noticed in an Address
to her Majesty or in a Spoe',;h from the Throne. I remem-
ber about two or three Ve..ars ago one paragraph of her Ma-
jesty's speech informed the Parliament that a treaty had
been effected with OA State of Equador for the abolition
of the slave trade There were a great many gentlemen in
the house—not; I think, much to their discredit—who were
• not quite aw are where the state of Equador was (a laugh)
—but the paragraph which the noble lord the Secretary for
the Howie Department, who was then Foreign Secretary,
contri!outed to the Speech from the throne on that occasion
was the important announcement of a treaty having been
• successfully negotiated•and ratified by her Majesty for the
abolition of the slave trade in the state of Equador. Now
air, there have been treaties this year of still more import-
ance than that with the state of Equador, negotiated and
ratified by her Majesty, referring also to that part of the
world, or at least that qnarter of theglobe; treaties in which
theme-ecantile interests of this country-are interested, in the
successful accomplishment of which-they have taken great
Ptide, and which I believe are of more real value than
:many diplomatic arrangements of greater pretensions.
Why, is there not that important treaty which has opened
to us he navigation of all the great rivers of South Ame-
rica? (Cheers.) If you want to know what is the opinion
of the merchants •of England of the importance of that
treaty, go to the Royal Exchange, go to Liverpool, and
there you will hear men, whose opinions ought to influence
the Howie of Commons. Speak of that successful diplo-
matic arrangement as not inferior, at all events to the
Vienna note.- Why was that not noticed in her Majesty's
Speech ? Why was not the house and the great mercantile
community of Great Britain gratified I y an announcement
in her Majesty's Speech of that important treaty having
been concluded ? I will not believe for a moment that it
was because the negotiations had been mainly carried on,
and the policy had been entirely recommended, by the
predecessors of the present Ministry. That I cannot for a
moment believe ; but no one will deny that it is a most
important arrangement—no one will deny that it is highly
appreciated in this country—and allow me, sir, to tell the
house—allow me to impress upon the merchants of our
great manufacturing and commercial towns that they ought
to be very thankful that that important treaty was success-
fully concluded; because, unless 1 am misinformed, when the
• despatch of the distinguished officer who unsuccessfully ne-
gotiated that treaty, announcing the completion of his mis-
sion, was transmitted to this country, it crossed instruc-
tions coming from the Secretary of State at home, recalling
him from his post, and telling him no longer to waste the
public time and money upon so fruitless an enterprise.
(Cheers.) Now, sir, having obtained such a success under
such hazaraous circumstances, I think that it is an addi-
tional reason why we should have been informed in her
Majesty's Speech of such a treaty having been successfully
concluded. (Hear.) Sir, I shall not, as I have -already
said, attempt to touch upon the important question which
probably will soon engage all our consideration. I am per-
fectly prepared to give her Majesty's Ministers credit for
the most sincere desire to avert from this country the great
calamity of war. (Cheers.) That is an admission which I
am sure requires no affectation of candour on any man's
part to make. It must be so clearly their interest as
well as their duty to maintain peace, that I am certain
now no considerations but those of that paramount cha-
racter which should influence statesmen will ever induce
them to take a step so vast in its character, and so
enormous in its results. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, although
I am ready to give them that credit I shall expect to find
—and I am sure every member of the house will agree
with me in this—that they have been the faithful guar-
dians of the honour of the country. (Cheers.) I say the
faithful guardians of the honour of the country, because I
cannot dissever the idea of the honour of the country from
the interests of the country. I utterly deny that in this
great question, which concerns the balance of power in
the East—which, I think, has been unwisely sneered at
to-night—l deny that there is what has been called a sen-
timental portion and a political portion. I deny that there
. are things which are impolitic to be done, but which our
honour requires us to accomplish. I say, on the contrary,
that in every instance it can be made manifest that what
our honour requires us to do you will find the interest of
the State sternly demands. (Hear.) If there is one thing
more than another which, notwithstanding the gloomy
prospects of the country on this important matter, still in-
clines me to hope that there is some chance of an honour-
able peace—it is the ample means which her Majesty's
ministers have provided for the occupatiOn of the time of
Parlianient •at the very commencement of the session.,
(Hear and laughter.) I can hardly conceive that a body
of men Who are about to embark in—l will not say a great
• European struggle—though that is the common phrase—
*which in fact is not only a European question, but an
Asiatic question—which in fact may stretch into a third
quarter of the globe, for Russia has not only European and
Asiatic but American territories—l say I cannot oonceive
that a body a statesmen, who believe that we are about
to emboak in such a conflict, who are sowing to meet