The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-28 00:00:00

qegging in the army. This was a painful subject, but British
Generals, even in time of peace, with a well-disciplined army,
were obliged to have recourse to the lash. Ho might, then,
be excused. When the Gallant Officer opposite led the un-
successful attack on Downing-street the Marines were men-
tioned, but now that it was diverted from the War Department
the Marines were put out of the ease.—( A laugh.) Did the
Marines do nothing at Sebastian—at Bilboa—to which so much
consequence was attached that the fate of Spain was said to
depend on Bilboa?—( Hear.) Who saved Bilboa, and in sav-
ing Bilboa saved the Spanish nation ? Who mounted the re-
doubts where the Carlist legions were posted, who carried bat-
tery after battery, and who inspired the soldiers of Espartero
with a generous rivalry, and taught them by example to rush
into the field and precipitate themselves into the breach ? It was
the Marines—( Cheers)—the Marines, whose success was a
cause of exultation throughout England.—( Hear.) It was
said that their interference was not justifiable—that we were
restricted to a naval co-operation ; but were we to become spe-
cial pleaders in a case in which England was the party, free-
dom the cause, and all mankind the judges 1—( Cheers.) The
world approved of the conduct of England. He would quote
the observations, not of Englishmen, not of democrats, but
of French Tories, of Doctrinaires—not of Thiers, but of
Guizot the Conservative. [The Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man here read an extract from a French Newspaper, purpor-
ting to be a speech of M. Guizot's, in which that gentleman
declared his conviction that the efforts of the Legion bad
kept Don Carlos for three years at bay, and eontinned.] There
was Guizot, the French Tory, saying that the Marines and
the Legion had kept Don Carlos for three years at bay. The
French Legion was not at all superior in its morale to the Eng-
lish, but what course did the French Tories take with regard
to its crime' and disasters? Did they exult in every reverse
sustained by French troops ? Was every fault exaggerated,
and every merit depreciated ? Was the whole force of a
party brought to bear against a French General ? In fine,
were the misfortunes of their countrymen turned to a factious
purpose ?—( Hear.) No, the victory of a party was not pre-
ferred to the honour of France.—( Cheers.) Many present
must remember the last Westminster election—did the Noble
Lord who had spoken of the lame and the legless remember the
procession of squalid wretchedness that then passed through
ievery street to disgrace his Honourable and Gallant Friend,
but which only tended to display the depravity of a party ?
'(Ministerial cheers.) And by whom was this horrid panto-
mime got up ? A distinguished officer opposed him—a brother
in arms—one who had often exposed his life to the same
danger, and stretched himself in the same tented field. But
he acquitted Sir George Murray of participation in the act.
—( Laughter.) He believed him incapable of it, but he ought
to have gone to his friends and cried shame. But he ( Mr.
Sheil) must come to the main question—he had been indulging
too much in digressions.—( Hear, hear.) The question was
were the Conservatives to get into power on a question of
foreign policy?—(Cheers.) It would be a pity to embarrass
them by allowing them to do so. With the Quadruple
Treaty before them what could they do ?—( Hear, hear.)
He could guess what they would do in Ireland—what they
would do in Canada—but what they would do in Spain he
had not imagination capable of conceiving.— ( Hear, hear.)
They said they were not the advocates of Don Carlos. Was
not this motion calculated to advance his interests ? It was
for this bad, this stone-hearted man, that the sympathies of
some English Protestants were so forcibly excited.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) But the people of England did not sympa-
thise with him ; they did not ask themselves the selfish
question of whether it concerned them ; it did concern
them—the question concerned all Europe. It most espe-
cially concerned Louis Philippe, for on a Carlist entering
the gates of the Escurial, he would have to fly through a
portal of the Tuileries.—( Laughter.) But if all the world
was combined against the liberties of Spain England would
stand alone on her side—not alone, for she would be,
supported by the millions whom she had at last learned
the way to win—(Cheers from the Irish Members)—and, as
it was said of old that the cause of mankind was the cause of
man, so wherever freedom and humanity were at stake Eng-
land would consider the cause her own.—(Cheers.)
Mr. BR OTHERTON then moved an adjournment, and
the other Orders of the Day having been disposed of, the
louse adjourned at Ten Minutes past Twelve o'clock.

ROUSE OF LORDS, MAIRet 27.

The LORD CHANCRLLOR took his seat on tho Woolsack at
ten minutes past five o'clock.
Lord W YNFORD presented a petition from a place iu
Derbyshire praying► for the amendment of the New Poor Law
Act.

NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP.
The Bishop of HEREFORD presented petitions f: on
various congregations in Hereford, praying for the total abo-
lition of slavery.
Lord DACRE presented petitions from several places in
Hertford and Buckinghamshire, to the same effect.
The Duke of SUTHERLAND presented petitions from
Stoke-upon-Trent, Cheadle, West Cowes, Houden, and
other places, praying for the immediate abolition of negro
apprenticeship in the West Indies.
Tha Bishop of CHESTER presented petitions to the same
effect from Charlton-upon-Matlock, Salford, and numerous
religious congregations in Manchester.
Lord RADNOR presented a petition from a place, of
which we did not hear the name, to the same effect.
The Earl of RIP ON presented a petition, from a parish
in the county of Down, against the plan for national education
in Ireland.

The Marquis of SLIGO said before he presented the pe-
tition he held in his hand, he wished to correct a misconception
which had got into the newspapers respecting what he had said
a day or two ago. It was stated by the newspapers that ho had
said Mr. Morrice Jones, a gentleman of great property in Ja-
maica, had declared his intention to emancipate his appren-
tices. He (the Noble Marquis) had stated no such thing-, or
at least had not intended to state any such thing.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) He had said that Mr. Jones informed him
that he saw it was inevitable that he should do so
—that he had written to his son to prepare his apprentices for
it—and that he meant hisnaelf to go out to see how the prepa-
ration was going on.
Lord BROUGHAM could not only vouch for the
accuracy of that statement, but he could vouch for
another statement which the Noble Marquis had made, namely,
that it was the intention of the Gentleman who had been
alluded to, and of another, to emancipate their slaves, pro-
vided others would do so likewise in the neighbourhood, which
just made good what he ( Lord B.) had always said. that it
would embarrass the whole thing, unless the operation was
made to be general by a Legislative enactment.—( Hear.)
The Marquis of SLIGO presented petitions from the as-
sociated united congregation of Falkirk, the Relief congrega-
tion of Falkirk, East Harling, Haddleburgh, Wivenhoe and
various other places in Norfolk and its vicinity, praying for
the immediate abolition of Negro apprenticeship ; also a peti-
tion from the London Anti-slavery Society, signed by Thomas
Fowell Buxton, Z icharah M'Aulay, and several others, who,
with those he had named, might, he considered, be called
the patriots of the cauits, having advocated this cause from
beginning to end, and having, though without any com-
munication from him, adopted nearly the same line of
conduct which he himself had done. They had not
stood forward for the agitation of the cause, but they
had come ions and when they saw the excitement was
so great that it could no longer be resisted. He felt proud
in haying the honour of the presentation of this petition to the
House.
Lord BROUGHAM was exceedingly glad to hear what
his Noble Friend had just stated. Those whom he had named
were only advocates of the cause by way of conversion, and
had now taken part in the cause which he ( Lord B.) had
advocated from the beginning.—( Hear, bear, hear.) His
Noble Friend also had come forward, avowing his en-
tire conviction of the propriety of the very course
which he (Lord B.) had always advocated ; and the Noble
Marquis, in the most disinterested manner—but those gentle-
men, even Zechariah M'Aulay and Sir G. Steven bad all been,
up to a few days ago, decidedly on the other side of opinion,
having entertained great doubts—but further reflection had
enabled them to remove those doubts, and now they came
forward as advocates of the cause.
Lord WH A RNCLIFFE, in presenting a petition, signed
by 18,000 persons--from Ripon(we believe)—for the emancipa-
tion of the negroes, said in case the regulations for their treat-
ment were not found effectual, that he could not at present
bring himself to consider that the Legislature would be justi-
fied in violating the contract entered into with the
planters, by unconditionally liberating the negroes—un:
loss indeed the provisions of the Act now before the
their Lordships ware found inefficient.
Lord BROUG HAM expressed a hope that the Noble Lord
would eventually be entirely converted to abolition principles.
The Earl of DEVON gave notice that on Thursday he
would move for a Committee to investigate into the state of
New Zealand.
Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from Hull, against
the New Poor Law. Also one from Carlisle for the uncon-
ditional emancipation of the Negroes.
Lord BROUGHAM said he had now upwards of 110
petitions to present, praying for the immediate emancipation
of the Negroes ; but perhaps it would be more convenient to
their Lordships for him to present them to-morrow.
Lord LIELI3OURNE observed that that would be, in fact,
sitting on Wednesday, for it would be impossible to confine the
presentation of the petitions to those of the Noble and Learned
Lord.
Lord BROUGHAM—Why, we sit so seldom now that it
won't quite kill us to sit on Wednesday.—( Laughter. )
Lord MELBOURNE.—WeII, I don't object to it, if your
Lordships agree to it.
Tho Duke of WELLINGTON.--But I most decidedly
object to it.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) Wednesdays are
usually appropriated to Cabinet Councils for the Government,
and I dont see why other Noble Lords should be deprived of
the opportunity of seeing their friends on that day.—( Laughter. )
He, therefore, thought it would be extremely inconvenient to
establish any precedent.