The Sun.
London, England, 1838-04-20 00:00:00

" J. M. PHILLIPPO, FEB. 28, 1838.-NO. 5,

" The details of the case which I hope to procure and for-
ward you by this conveyance, are harrowing in the extreme.
I saw the poor creature ! She was literally covered with scars
from head to foot. Never before did I see a human being so
dreadfully mangled. Surely, surely, unless an end is speedily
put to these abominations worse evils will befall us than those
which befel Egypt when her proud tyrant endeavoured to
bring Israel back to slavery."
51Aacti 14--The following is the case alluded to above :
" The case of Mally alias Eliza Francis, is briefly as fol-
lows :—Some time about Easter, 1837, she was beat by her
master ( Mr. Newell) ; she complained to Mr. M'Leod ; he
fined the man, and sent him to gaol for non-payment. After
he got out, he then, under pretence of some insolence given to
his housekeeper, had Mally tied up to an orange-tree, stripped
and flogged. The overseer then got salt, pepper, and lime-
juice, mixed it together, and rubbed her with it. He then ex-
posed her for some time, and afterwards chained her to a post
in his house with a cow-chain, so as to prevent her getting
away to complain. She states that she was with child at this
time, and subsequently lost it. That being recovered from
her punishment, she did not complain, as she was shortly to
leave him for Tyrrell, probably an overseer. That the week
before Christmas Tyrrell ordered his driver to flog her in the
field. His orders were obeyed, and she was flogged a second
time."

But what says Lord Glenelg himself, in a dispatch to
Lord Sligo :
" I, therefore, think it more wise to acquiesce silently in
the inconvenience which the refusal of the half-Friday in
every week may occasion, than to enter into a contest for the
redress of the evil, with a distinct conviction, that though
there is no prospect of success, there is a high probability of
widening the breach, which it is my duty, as far as possible,
to close."
Yet the slaves are to he mocked, and the people of Eng-
land insulted, by another Apprenticeship Bill. I will,
before I sit down, read a letter from an individual whom I
had met with when in Jamaica, who had raised 209/.
wishing to buy out his apprenticeship, who told me that the
negroes were willing to subscribe to pay his expenses to
England to plead their cause for them. To a friend of
mine, who forwarded the letter to me by the last packet, he
writes as follows :

" Deliverance, Feb. 10, 1838.

" Most Respected and Rev. Sir,—l have just received from
Mr. Sturge two copies of the Patriot newspaper, which con-
tain some very interesting speeches of the abolitionists and
Anti- Slavery Society, at a meeting which was held at Exeter
Flail last November.

" When Mr. Sturge was here last year, I hinted to him
that the apprentices of this district were very willing to sub-
scribe money to enable me to go off to England to represent
their case, and entreat their British friends to break off the
whole of the apprenticeship system on the termination of
August, 1838, which he then thought would be of essential
service to the cause. _ _

" Now, by seeing our determination, and the strong resolu-
tions which the British friends are making. it strikes me very
forcibly, that by the aid of our gracious God my testimony
will be of some help to the parties in England; and I really
believe that that is the reason Mr. Sturge has sent me those
papers.
" But the subject is a very difficult one, it requires much
caution, particularly in a country like this, where it is a case
just similar to those in Acts C. 16 19v.—C. 19 26 v., where men
have been living so long upon the sweat of their fellow-creatures
which they call their property.
" However, I am not afraid to broach the subject, if it is
not against the laws of the country, for I feel for my poor
brethren who arc still in bonds, having been not long since
myself in bondage. 1 have experienced the horrors of it;
therefore I sympathize with them, and am willing in a legal
manner to do all that is in my power to facilitate the removal
of their yoke ; only I wish to keep within bounds of the laws
of my country.
" I do really believe that it is Mr. Sturga's wish that I
should come to England, though he does not write.
" I now entreat you as a friend of the negroes to consult
Mr. Harvey ' • he being a lawyer, will be able to give me some
instruction whether it is right that I should put the subject in
question in execution.
" If others of her Majesty's subjects can send delegates to
England to explain their grievances, I do not see why the
poor apprentices ought not to enjoy the same privilege.
" I beg you will keep this quite quiet, only write me your
opinion.
" To J. M. Phillippo, Spanish Town, Jamaica."
Now, if he does arrive, it shall not be my fault if
he is not examined at the bar of the House of Lords
and Commons, and as I am anxious to make way for
the much more able speakers who are to follow
me, but as at the last meeting held here on this sub-
ject you unanimously passed a resolution expressive of
your confidence in the accuracy and impartiality of my
statements, it may be right for one moment to recur to the
various attacks that have been made upon me. They have
been mostly confined to those whose praise I should think
more a disgrace than their censure. Some attacks have
been made upon me in rather high quarters ; but did time
permit I might show the ridiculous contradictions some of
them have involved themselves in. One of the most viru-
lent has been from the pen of Mr. A. Hankey, a liberal
supporter of the London Missionary Society, and though
Lord Sligo's noble example, I understand, has induced him
to resolve to liberate his negroes on the I et of August, an
extraordinary advertisement in the last " Eclectic Review"
makes me think truth and liberty will be served by my
publishing some notice of it. I would only say that all my
statements that have been investigated have been con-
firmed almost literally, and that to an extent that I could
not have expected ; and all I ask is, that if there is any
doubt upon the mind of any of the friends to the
cause on this head, I should be particularly obliged
by their affording me an opportunity to remove
them. I hope I shall be excused this digression,
and will conclude by reminding you that the question be-
fore us is whether the foul plague spot of slavery still con-
tinue to tarnish your national escutcheon after the worthy
sacrifice you have made to obliterate it for ever. The
coronation of your youthful Sovereign is to take place
within a few weeks from the present time. If her counte-
nance is a transcript of her feelings she is not callous to
the sufferings of her sex, and if the miseries of the negro

mother, under this accursed sysecin could be but faint 13s
pictured to her view, I feel persuaded her heart would beat
in unison with yours. But, unhappkv, the truth seldom
reaches the royal ear, and her respot tsible advisers have
determinec in defiance of her people's prayer, that she
shall be crowned a Queen of slaves. We have resolved
again to try the issue with them, on the result of -vhich
depends not only the freedom of more t han half a million
of British slaves, but a tremendous m0r.....! influence wllich
' may be felt throughout the world in ages yet to cmrre.
We ask your support, your sympathy, your prayers. i'f
the Ministers of the Crown again resist .our claim for negro
freedom. I appeal to this vast assembly comprising. I be-
lieve all shades of religious and political opinion. I say I
ask you ought such advisers any longer to wield the des-
tinies of this great nation ? I reptsat the query, if they re-
sist again our claim for mercy, are such iD ,!11 fit to govern
a free people? \Veil, Birmingham has e'er this, given the
key-note to a chorus in favour of liberty, wt. jell has
reached the senate and the throne, and I know you will
Dot be hackwork to come to help them. On the pr:ssent,
ct:easion I rejoice in the conviction that you will toue:l a.
cord that will vibrate in the breast of thousands and tens of

thousands of your countrymen and countrywomen. VvMay
He by whom " Kings reign and Princes decree justice,"
who has the hearts of all at his disposal, and whose love-

liest attribute is mercy, yet grant, that e'er the diadem
descends upon your monarch's brow, the fiat may be gis ea
that the sun shall rice no more upon a single slave of any
colour, or of any clime, in her extended empire.
The Rev. ANGELL JAMES then came forward and said,
before he read the resolution that had been entrusted to
his care, he begged most sincerely to congratulate the
chairman upon the honour which perhaps had never yet
fallen to any of his predecessors ; he was convinced ire had
sufficient intelligence to appreciate it ; lie meant the
honour he had conferred upon him in twice presiding over
town meetings, during his official year, for the purpose .of
raising from degradation, to rescue from oppression, and
redeem from slavery, nearly one million of fellow-subjects.
—(Hear.) And he would express his hope that the
honour would die with the chairman. When they last met,
they marshalled all their forces, arsa prepared their artillery
to attack one of the most gigantic roes they had ever to
encounter. He alluded to negro slavery.—(Hear,
hear.) They had made an attack, and in one
respect, he would admit they had been shamefully (not
shamefully to themselves, but to those who were the cause
of their disgraceful defeat) defeated, but he had little feaxs
for their future success. They were there to make another
assault and break the yoke of the, oppressor, and set free
the captive. It bad been in the mind of some, and had
been uttered by many, that they were giving themselves a
great deal of trouble, and that they were giving the public
a great deal of trouble, about merely cutting off two years
slavery from the negro. • Why, to show them that absolute
wisdom did not always reside even in Municipal Corpora-
!ions, he would tell them what a gentleman had said to him
:hat day. The gentleman was one of that portion of the
community, which was to take part in a corporation which
should be nameless ; and in the conversation which had
taken place, the gentleman he alluded to said—why should
money be taken from the oublic funds to defray the ex-
pence of petitioning against slavery ? Why should mo-
ney be spent upon such trumpery purposes ? He merely
mentioned this circumstance to show the feeling which
existed in the mind of some persons upon the subject of
slavery. It was very well fer men who walked about in
the unfettered enjoyment of civil liberty, who never saw
the treadmill except in a picture—who knew nothing of
the iron collar only what they read of it in the Newspapers
or in the reports of speeches—it was very well for such
men to talk of only two years' apprenticeship. He was
ashamed to hear such language from the lips of Britons—
from the lips of Englishmen, and professors of Christianity.
Was it thus they measured the blessings of liberty ? Did
they set no more value or importan.Pe upon the prin-
ciple of liberty, than that which would enable them to
say, two years of cruelty such as the Pejo was subject
to was a matter of no importance. He thought differently
....4Cheers)—and he would tell them why. _He thought
they ought to be there that. night, for the purpest' of show-
ing their hostility to anything in the shape and _form of
slavery and unjust oppression. He thought they oueeht to
be there, to smite off the fetters from the slave, who was
their fellow-subject. They owed it to themselves that it ey
should battle this matter Ishii ,the slave-owners, with the
planters, and with her Majesty's Government, if it must
be. They had paid twenty millions for the emancipation
of the slave, and they wer,, still in all but despair of re-
ceiving the value of their money. They required not. evi-
dence to prove that the contract, if ever there was any
contract (but that he denied) batween the p.!anters and the
friends of the negro, had bean violated—most wickedly
:Ind shamefully broken by the planters.—(Cheers.) He
himself had told her Majesty's Premier, that his owes
admitted that the contract. had been broken by the planters,
and that the only remuneration her Majesty's Government
could make for this filgrant violation of the right of the negro.
was instantly to remove his chains, and not suffer him to re...-
main in bondage even two years. He was ashamed tos
hear in reply to this, what was said not only by her Ma-
jesty's Ministers, but also by those who called themselves
the representatives of the people—one of those men who
opposed the emancipation of the slave, when he (Mr.
James) had expostulated with him, and raferred him to
the documents in his possession in proof of their suit. 'rings.
replied, " Why, Sir, do you think we can read the deN .ilish
heap of stuff they send us upon this subject."—(Sham. "•)
Here was a man who actually refused to read informatio.l
upon a subject upon which he was bound to legislate.
They owed it to themselves to put an end to the hor-
rible system of slavery, and they must do so with firmness
end determination. They ought to have known. when
they paid their twenty millions, that they were dealing
with men who could cheat them. They ought to have•
taken more care, end made sure that they bad the goods
delivered before they paid their money. Honesty was
unsuspecting, and the people ought not to have been
placed under the necessity of dealing with men who heti
a direct interest in defrauding them. He thought they
to prosecute the object of that meeting for another
reason—and that reason was, that it was indispensably
necessary that they should express to her Majesty's
Ministers the deep sense of disappointment and
indignation which the nation felt at the manner in which
they had been treated by the Government in reference to
the negro. The instant the Emancipation Act was passed„
these men ought to have at once considered themselves
called upon by God and their duty to the nation, to take
the negro under their especial care, and see that the Ant of
Emancipation ought to be carried into full operation.—
(Cheers.) Her Majesty's Government ought to have felt,
and it was his anxiety to make them feel, that the hapless
victims of oppression ought to be rescued from their misery.
He had been exceedingly unwilling to hear much said
against the present Government. He was willing to hear
all the good he could of them ; but he confessed that the
speeches he had lately heard, particularly the marvellous
speech of the head of the House of Bedford, had done
much to open his eyes.—(Cheers.) His Lordship would
seem to be growing very fastidious about the pressure
from without.—(Hear, hear.) They all recollected the
time his Lordship was not so sensitive upon that
point. When this clamour proceeded from another cause,
when it raised him into office and retained him in it, then

there was no objection raised against the clamour from
without. The shouts of Newhall-hill were not so disagree-
able to him—(Cheers)—as the little clamour that had
lately been raised in the. House of Commons in behalf of the
unfortunate negro. He confessed he was very anxious
once more to protest against the view taken of the question
by her Majesty's Ministers ; and, if there was no other
object, that alone would induce him to say the present
meeting ought to be hold. He did not know that, in the
history of all the struggles that had ever yet been made for
freedom in England, there was anything so grand as the
position of their country at the present inoment.—( Hear,
hear.) What was it that moved their country from one
extremity to the other—that was exciting the Legislature,
and combining all parties in the Empire on one
great question ? It was not an effort to in-
duce the nations of Europe to put an end to the ac-
cursed and accursing Slave-trade—it was not a scheme to
put an end to that traffic in their own country, for it was
already done—it was not an effort for the abolition of
slavery here, but merely, and he said merely, in the opinion
of those to whom he alluded—it was merely to claim from
the Government the abolition of two years of what they
would call mitigated slavery.—(Hear, hear.) A finer tes-
timony of abhorrence against slavery, or to the value of

liberty, never yet was borne from civilized man, for they
stood there that night not only before God and their
country, but before the whole civilized world, to express
their sympathy on behalf of insulted humanity, and on be-
half of the incalculable value of liberty.--(Loud cheers.)
Even should the efforts they were now making prove un-
successful in the end, it would be felt across the Atlantic
it would be felt in the slave-holding States of that slave-
loving country ; and even that liberty-boasting body, the
Congress of America, would feel something of the power of
their example.—(Loud Cheers.) Yes, that very people
who committed the suicidal act of sacrificing their
own liberty rather than they would abolish the
slavery of their negro fellow-subjects, would no made to
feel, that they could not with impunity oppose the claims of
I justice and humanity, without being made to feel the influ-
ence of the struggle that was now going on in behalf of that
oppressed race, the negroes. They were speaking for the
world—they were acting for the world ; and even, if de-
feated in the object they had in view for the abolition of
the remaining portion of apprenticeship, they would meet
again, and ask for even one year's freedom from shivery, and
thus testify their love of liberty, and how high they held the
blessings of humanity.—(Loud cheers.) He called upon
them to strike one blow more for the slave, and if the Euiavi

sand heart of the British Legislature were not deaf to rea-
son—blind to policy--and dead to every feeling of huma-
nity, they would succeed in shivering to atoms the last frag-
ment. of the system of slavery in their dominions.—( Cheers.)
They bad been told that the 26th of June was rolling en,
when one pair of hands, but when millions of hearts, will
place the diadem on the brow of their young and lovely
Onsecn.—(Cheers.) But, it had been asked, would she
e,uffer herself to be crowned the Queen of Slaves? God,
in his mercy grant, that among the many laurels that
*lout(' that day entwine the wreath of glory around her
brow, the fairest and brightest might be, that she had not
by law a single slave in her dominions ; and then, whatever
might be the shouts that might arise from British hearts
that day, those shouts should raise an echo still more
heaven-ren'diag and heart-rending, from nearly a million of
slaves ; arid from both sides of the Atlantic, the voice should
go up of " Victoria for ever!"—(Cheers.) The Rev.
Gentleman concluded by reading the following resolution :
"2. That the Colonial system of apprenticeship having
been designed for the benefit of the negro, this meeting denies
'the existence of any contract or engagement, express or im-
plied, which would render immediate abolition a breach of
national faith, and declares that the national faith is as so-
lemnly pledged to give the negro his freedom as to the
planters the twenty millions which have been paid to secure it."
R. T. CADBURY, Esq., briefly seconded the resolution,
w/nich was put to the meeting, and carried unanimously.
WM. THOMAS BLAIR, Esq., late Mayor of Bath, was
next introduced to the meeting, and was received with loud
cheers. He however appeared to be labouring under con-
siderable indisposition. He said, although he came from a
considerable distance for the express purpose of being pre-
lent at that meeting, it was not his intention of trespassing
on their attention at any length. Indeed his state of health
prevented him from occupying more than a very few minutes
of their time, and this he trusted would be accepted as an
areology for any omissions or imperfections which might be
-discovered in the observations he -could have the honour of
troubling them with. They had come there, in part at
least, for the purpose of letting their opponents know, and
for the purpose of letting her Majesty's Ministers know,
that the country was moved, and moving to its very centre,
on this great question. He wished it to be known to her
Majesty's Ministers, that amongst those who were taking a
leading and prominent part in this cause throughout the
country, were numbered men who had proved themselves
the best supporters of that Government, and who might be
supposed to be doubly pained at the course they were com-
pelled to take.—(Hear.) The work was not the work of a
few individuals connected with Anti-Slavery Societies, but
the feeling was participated and shared in by numbers in
this country, many of whom were as respectable and hide-
pendent as any member of her Majesty's Government, and
who, on account of their rel.gious and moral principles,
whatever their attachment might be to the men, felt bound
not to relax their exertions till they were crowned with
success, though those exertions might be productive of ever
so much inconvenience to her Majesty's Government. He
confessed he was not a little encouraged in his hopes of the
speedy success of the object they had in view, wheu
lie looked upon the very respectable and crowded
assemblage before him ; for he could not but re-
remember that it was the men of Birmingham who formed
the right advance of that great national movement, which a
few yeas since won the Reform Bill for their country—thet
second Charter of the nation's liberties. He could not
think that the same men who were instrumental in doing
this, would be less forward or less zealous when the cause
-related to the personal freedom, and the dearest rights and
happiness, of thousands of their fellow-creatures.—(Loud
applause.) Political liberty was a great blessing, but per-
sonal freedom was incomparably more dear to those poor
outcasts of the human family whose cause they were now
assembled to advocate.—(Cheers.) Much had been said
of the political disabilities under which the Poles, and the
Greeks, and the Spaniards suffered ; but these, much as
the) were to be deplored, sunk into insignificance, in his
opinion, when compared to the physical sufferings of
the Negroes of the British Colonies.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
Before lie proceeded he hoped they would permit him to I
advert to the fundamental principles of the question,
which he hoped would never be lost sight of by its advo-
cates—A.llU he meant was, that shivery, under every form
and des.e4ption, apart from its peculiarity, unless expressly
ordered by the Almighty, was indefensible and wholly re-
pugnant to justice, humanity, and religion.—(Cheers.)
That it was, in all its forms, a crime of the highest magni-
tude, and should he as such denounced and extirpated:
The real question was not whether these unfortunate men
should be tortured, and oppressed, and flogged—but
whether one human being had any right of property in
another, and whether one man hail a right to the unrecoir-
pensed services of another ?—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Blair)
denied that he could have any such right ; or that a man's
liberty, which was above all law, could be filched from him
by any human authority.—(Cheers.) From these prin-
ciples he came to the conclusion, that even if the infernal
Act had been fulfilled to the very letter—had its provisions
been as fully carried out as they had been shame fully
violated—the parties who protested against it would have
had an undoubted right to do so, and to have demanded its
repeal. If these arguments were as he believed them to
be founded upon reason and revelation, the question of a
compact about which they had heard so much would be
very soon disposed of.—(Flear.) He for one would be
content on that point to rest upon the opinion of the Lord
Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, who had denied that
any contract existed. After a few further observations,
Mr. Blair concluded by expressing his hearty concurrence
in the resolution.
The Rev. Taos. MoRGAN, in moving the next resolu•
tion, observed that, to a generous mind it was much more
gratifying to commend than to censure.—(Hear.) But if
it be a fact that a law, passed professedly for the relief of
the oppressed, has been flagrantly and systematically vio-
lated, and that such violation has been acquiesced in by
the hi;: hest authorities in the State, it would be a derelic-
tioa of duty to hesitate, on proper ocasioes, to express the
deepest regret, and most entire disapprobation of such a
lion of cumiuct.—(Clicers.) Sir, that the law has been
flagrantly violated I think every one must allow, for the
Government itself has at length allowed it, and brought
furward a measure, after four years of oppression an
wron.z, prof,sselly to carry out illiu provisions of the Act
of Emancipation. But does the blame attach exclusively
to to e planters ? The resolution put into my hands n fen.
to a higher quarter than even the Celonial Assemblies, and
ineunpates the Mnisters of the Crown for acquiescing in
thos r,olations of the law which we complain of as the
most palpable injustice. No one would be more happy
thin in self to find that the Noble Lord at the head of the
Colonial Department, and his colleagues, have pursued a
righteous course in carrying out this measure ; but till I
have further light on the subject, I am compelled to think
tAat the violations of the law have been acquiesced in by
t ices greatly to the injury of the negro.—(Cheering.)
Allow me to advert, Sir, very briefly to two or
three particulars, in justification of this opinion. Tho
abolition law provided that the negro, after working four
days and a half for Ins master, should have one day and a
ha f for himself to cultivate his provision grounds, dispos
of their produce, and otherwise further his own interests.
Surely four and a half days of unrequited labour were
sufficient to hand over from the poor peasant to his more
fortunate lord. But that was thought to be too much ;
and by the adoption of the eight hour system, the slave
was deprived of his Friday afternoons. This flagrant in-
fraction of the law was represented at the Colonial Office.
And what was the answer of Lord Glenelg ? He ad-
mitted the fact, and said, " I think we had better silentlu
acquiesce, rather than irritate the planters by entering into
a contest for the redress of that evil." Here is a clear
case of deliberate robbery committed on the negro,
to the amount of one-third of his time, in which
the Government acquiesces rather than enter into any
unpleasant collision with the planters.—(Shaue, shame.)
The Emancipation Act provided that the disgusting and
degrading practice of flogging females should be abolished,
and we all thought that the practice was abolished. But
even until now, the aged matron, the married wife, the in-
nocent child, are exposed to the cruel lacerations of the
whip. There is only this difference, that before the pass-
ing of the Act they were whipped on the properties; now
they are sent to gaol, put on the tread-mill, and their blood
is shed within the walls of the dungeon, where there is no
eye to see, and no heart to pity them. And in this ar-
rangement, of course, her Majesty's Ministers think it best
silently to acquiesce.--(Cries of " Shame.") The Aboli-
tion Act provided that such negroes as were not legally re.
gistered as slaves, should be declared free an the first of
August, 1834. You are aware that laws were passed from
time to time, requiring the registration of slaves, in order to
secure the practical working of the great legislative mea-
sure, by which the Slave Trade was abolished. Now, in
the 'lndian Ocean there is an island called Mauritius, into
which, from time to time, slaves were illegally imported ;
and as all concerned in this illegal traffic were felons, they
neglected to register their slaves, lest they should be'
found out and punished. There were at the time up-
wards of 30,000 of these poor wretches on the island, and
all of them entitled, by the law of England, to their entire
freedom as much as you are. Of course you say, as they
were stolen property, not merely contrary to justice, but
contrary to express law, they obtained their freedom ? No
such thing ; the planters put in their claim for a proportion
of the twenty millions compensation money, with respect to
these very men who had a legal title to freedom. And
what did the Government do ? The question was ulti-
mately referred to the Lords of the Countil, who decided
that the robbers should have the money, and the free blacks
should be sent back into slavery. What think you of that,
my fellow-townsmen ? Thirty thousand men, who were le-
gally free, sent back into slavery, and a million of money
given to their masters for permitting them to be called ap-
prentices. But, no doubt, their Lordship's thought it best
to acquiesce in the demands of the planters. The Aboli-

tion Act provided that special Magistrates should be ap-
pointed, whose duty it should be to execute justice between
the planters and the apprentices. These Magistrates were
accordingly sent to the colonies. But, unfortunately, some
of these gentlemen, for obvious reasons, were more inclined
to side with the oppressor than do justice to the oppressed.
There were some noble exceptions, Gentlemen who were
only anxious to administer the law, like the Supreme
Law-giver himself, without respect of persons. But
were they sustained in this righteous course ?—(Hear,
hear.) Let the single case of Dr. Palmer answer—
Dr. Palmer soon became obnoxious to the planters, who
created considerable disturbance in the district. A Com-
mission of inquiry was appointed by the Governor, who in
their report stated" That Special Justice Palmer haeadmi-
nistered the Law in the spirit of the English Abolition Act,
• and that the present excitement is to be traced to such a
mode of administerine the Law." Well, there is no fault
attributable to the Magistrate. Did the Governor sustain
Dr. Palmer? On Sunday that report was sent in, and on
Monday he was suspended from his office.—(Hear, hear.)
He came home to represent his case at the Colonial office.
His suspension was confirmed in Downing-street, before he
could get there. The planters wished to get rid of a man
who administered the Law in the spirit of the English Abo-
lition Act, and the Government of this country thought it
most prudent, silently to acquiesce in the wrong inflicted
on a meritorious magistrate, rather than prolong any feeling
of irritation that might be lodged in the planters' bosom.
—(Loud cheering.) It must necessarily follow, that the
Law must remain a dead letter, when the magistrates are
abandoned and exposed to the malevolent persecutions
of irritated oppressors. I maintain, Gentlemen,
that her Majesty's Ministers ought not to have suffered
things to come to this pass. They held in their hands
twenty millions of the nation's money, a single farthing of
which they were not required to part with till the Colonial
Assemblies had passed satisfactory laws to secure the negro
his freedom. My Lord Stanley dec,ared, that after the Ist
of August, 1834, the negro was to be a free man—to be
invested with the privileges of a free man—to lose every
taint of his servile condition ; and the Government had a
right to require that these privileges should have been
legally secured to them before the money was paid. But
what did they do ? The Act sent home from Jamaica was
unsatisfactory—several exceptions on important points were
made to it by the Colonial Secretary. But, placing a ge-
nerous confidence in the Jamaica Assembly, the money was
sent forthwith, but the objectionable clauses were not rec-
tified.—(Hear.) Thus our trustees, generously confiding,
where no rational man would see any ground of confidence,
have paid away our money, and neither we nor the negroes
have got anything in return for it !—(Applause.) Now, I
ask this meeting, whether they can resist the painful con-
viction, that the violation of law by the planters has met
with the acquiescence of her Majesty's Ministers ? If any
farther proof were necessary, it is supplied by the line of
conduct they have seen proper to pursue on a late occasion.
A Bill was introduced into the House of Lords by the Colo-
nial Secretary. to oblige the colonists to carry out the pros i-
sions of the Emancipation Act. How preposterous! Afterfour
years of systematic resistance to the law, to proceed in the
course of legislation for the remaining two years. This
Bill passed the Lords, with an understanding that it should
not interfere with a Bill introduced by Lord Brougham for
immediate abolition. And yet this very Bill was put for-
ward by the Ministry as a substitute for the measure pro-
posed by Sir George Strickland. This law has now gone
forth to the colonies, and who is to execute it? It will be
in a great measure nugatory. Except you give to the
negro his liberty—the liberty of choosing his master, and
working for wages—any law yon may make leaves him,
essentially and practically, a slave. One word in conclu-
sion. I have been led to understand that the Ministry has e
staked their official existence on the continuance of the
apprenticeship system. It is said that, if the question is
carried against them, their seals of office will be tendered to
her most Gracious Majesty. Is it pos-ible that any Mi-
nistry—not to say a professed Liberal Ministry—should he
so enamoured of this atrocious slavery under its new name,
as to resign all their official honours, and emoluments, and
patronage, and a nation's good-will and blessing, and the
distinguished share that they will have to take in the pa-
geantry of the Coronation in June—(Loud and long-
continued laughter)—resign all, rather than that they
will consent to knock off the chains from the limbs of their
enslaved fellow-subjects. For my own part, I can scarcely
come to the belief that they will make so great a sacrifice ;
but if unhappily they should take such a course, I shall be
prepared to submit to even such a calamity, provided that
their successors form the righteous determination that our
young and lovely Princess shall be crowned the Queen of
Freemen and not the Queen of Slaves. The Rev. Gen-
tleman concluded, amidst loud and general cheering, by
moving the next resolution.
3. " That having ample proof from official documents and
other undoubted testimony, that the provisions of the App? en-
ticeship Act have been flagrantly and systematically violated
by the planters and the Colonial Assemblies, this meeting
cannot resist the painful conviction that such violation has ob-
tained the acquiescence of her Majesty's Ministers, who were
entrusted by the nation with the responsible duty of securing
to the negro the benefits to be purchased by that costly Act, a
conviction which is most strongly confirmed by the course they
have lately pursued in resisting, with all the weight of their
official influence, the universal demand for complete emanci-
petion, and in forcing on Parliament in its stead a measure
which, like every other Act far the regulation of slavery, is
destitute of an executory principle."
The resolution was seconded by JOHN TURNER, Esq., and
carried unanimously.
The Rev. Mr. APDONNELL moved the next resolution.
We regret that the late hour at which the meeting termi-
nated prevents our doing justice to the very eloquent and
' impressive address of the Rev. Gentleman.
" 4. That while this meeting tenders its sincere thanks to
the 217 Members of the House of Commons, who on the re-
cent occasion recorded their votes for the abolition of the ap-
prenticeship, and declares its opinion that the result of the
late division is a powerful encouragement to renewed exertion
on the part of the friends of the Negro ; it cannot withhold
the expression of surprise and regret, that so large a majority
of the representatives of Ireland and Scotland (in general so
conspiceous for their uncompromising advocacy of freedom).
either were absent from the division, or voted against the libe-
ration of their injured fellow-subjects. This meetin2-, how-
' ever, expresses IN earnest hope, that, on further consideration,
no viewl of political expediency will deter them from support-
, ing, on the coming occasion, so lust and righteous a measure."
The resolution was seconded by the Rev. Mr. GILBERT,
of Nottingham, and carried unanimously.
Mr. G. Enetotens proposed the next resolution. He
regretted that some of the gentlemen around him had not
undertaken the duty which had devolved upon him as they
would be much more competent to do justice to it. He
was satisfied that it would meet with the concurrence of
the meeting without any advocacy of his. He had been
delighted at the noble sentiments which had been delivered
by the several speakers who had preceded him, many of
them being of the most opposite political sentiments on
other subjects. He was rejoiced to find that all parties,
Conservatives and Whigs, had united in condemning the
base conduct of the present Ministry. —( Hear, hear.) It
was derogatory to their characters as men and as Chris-
tians, and they had earned by it the contempt of all honest
and independent men. Mr. Edmonds here read the reso-
lution, and observed that the vast sum which had .been
awarded to the planters had been granted under the idea that
the change would have entailed a loss upon the planters which
had not been the case. Instead of giving them such a sum
of money, they should have compelled the planters to dis-
gorge a portion of the plunder.—(Hear.) He would now
read them a passage from the Eclectic Review, for the pur-
pose of showing the brutal treatment to which the female
negroes were subjected for refusing to comply with the
licentious wishes of the overseers and drivers. Compen-
sate such men with twenty millions!—he (Mr. Edmonds)
would compensate them with the gallows.—(Cheers and
great laughter.) One of the estates where such infamous
practices were resorted to was, he was informed, the pro-
perty of the Speaker of the House of Assembly. He
hoped, if such things were countenanced by the present
Ministry, that this meeting would send forth its remon-
strances in a voice of thunder—that it would denounce
this atrocious system to the whole civilized world—and that
Ministers would be driven from the posts they held with
disgrace, unless they consented to do justice to these un-
happy creatures.—(Cheers.) He felt much pleasure in
proposing the resolution for their adoption.
" 5. That although the incalculable and accumulated
wrongs which for ages have been heaped upon the Negro,
cannot be redressed, this meeting records its deliberate con-
viction that Parliament and the Government lie under a
solemn moral obligation to insist upon the Planters making
the Negro full compensation for those losses either in time,

wages, or allowanCes, of which he has been unjustly and
illegally deprived."

Dr. MANNELL, of Edinburgh, rose to second the reso-
lution. He said he felt quite incapable of addressing them
in consequence of indisposition, brought on by his recent
journey to London, where ha had been deputed as delegate
from the Anti-Slavery Society of Edinburgh. It was cer-
tainly impossible to be present on an occasion like this,
without feeling a peculiar interest, for although from the
frequencies of such meetings, they might be said to have
lost much of their novelty, still it was evident they pos-
sessed attractions of a more substantial character, cal-
' culated to receive the attention, and interest the best
feelings of the human heart. He was sorry to say
that the Ministry were amongst the most determined op-
ponents whom the advocates of abolition had to contend
against—(Hear, hear)—and he was no less sorry to add
that they were supported in this policy by the Members
from Scotland. Before that meeting he declared that he
was ashamed of the representatives from his country, not
more than ten of %%horn supported the cause of the op-
pressed slave ; but he could assure them that the feeling
and temper amongst the people of Scotland was excellent,
and he had no doubt they would soon speak out firmly

and energetically, and make their voice be heard.—(Loud
cheers.)
R. R. DOUGLAS, Egq.,lEditor of the Birmingham Journal,
next addressed the meeting, and in a very eloquent and
argumentative speech, set forth the gross injustice prac-
tised towards the slaves, and deprecated, in appropriate
terms, the system of cruelty practised upon the slaves un-
der the apprenticeship system. He concluded by moving
the resolution.

" 6. That this meeting cannot restrain the expression of
their deepest indignation at the commencement of a new
slave-trade from Hindoostan, made by certain well known up-
holders of the present colonial system, sanctioned by Govern-
ment, and shielded by the form of apprinticeship ; and while
this meeting confesses its astonishment at the effrontery of the
attempt, it determines to employ all legitimate means to crush
in its birth a system fraught with so much disaster. And this
meeting records its high sense of obligation to Lord Brougham,
for his exertions in exhibiting this nefarious system in all its
deformity, and, generally, for his noble efforts in the cause of
universal freedom."

JOHN CROPPER, Esq., seconded the resolution.
Captain Moiusox proposed the next resolution ; which
was seconded by Samuel Lloyd, Esq.
The Rev. THOMAS SWAN next addressed the meeting.
He said—Flow sad is the state of things we are met to
deplore ! More than two years ago we assembled in this
temple of liberty to agitate the question. Then we had
found out the cheat. Much was said about moderation.
We have had plenty of Whig moderation—injustice—
since then. From the honest Special Magistrates, who
have sacrificed their own interests through their fidelity—
from disinterested men, who have braved the perils of the
deep that they might see with their own eyes—and from
the testimony of those honest Special Magistrates they had
ample testimony of the state of suffering of the poor negro.
Mr. THOMAS CLARK, jun. moved the next resolution.
James James, Esq. having taken the Chair, John Green
Esq. moved, and John Newstadt, Esq. seconded, a vote of
thanks to the Chairman, which was carried with acclama-
tion, after which the meeting broke up at half-past ten.

The following is the Petition agreed to at the Meeting:—
" L the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom
of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled.
" The Humble Petition of the Inhabitants of Birmingham,
in the County of Warwick, in Towns Meeting as-
sembled, this 19th day of April, 1838; the High
Bailiff ix the Chair.

" Sheweth—That your petitioners consider the nation
bound to persevere in its efforts for the instant extinction of
the present cruel system of apprenticeship in the West Indies,
the more so as they cannot contemplate without the most se-
rious:apprehension the approaching period, when a numerous
class, who hare looked for the enjoy ment of freedom, will find
themselves deprived of it in consequence of fraudulent regis-
tration, and when the vast majority of the negroes are regis-
tered as prwdials, contrasting their situation with that of their
most fortunate brethren, may be unable any longer patiently
to endure their wrongs.
" That the colonial system of apprenticeship having been
designed for the benefit of the negro, your petitioners deny
the existence of any contract or engagement, express or im.
plied, which would render immediate abolition a breach of na-
tional faith, and declare that the national faith is as solemnly
pledged to give to the negro his freedom, as to the planters
the twenty millions which have been paid to secure it.
" That, having ample proof, from official documents and
other undoubted testimony, that the provisions of the Appren-
ticeship Act have been flagrantly and systematically violated
by the planters and the Colonial Assemblies, your petitioners
cannot resist the painful conviction that such violation has ob-
tained the acquiescence of her Majesty's Ministers, who were
entrusted by the nation with the responsible duty of securing
to the negro the benefits to be purchased by that costly Act,
a conviction which is most strongly confirmed by the course
they have lately pursued in resisting with all the weight of
their official influence the universal demand for complete
emancipation, and in forcing on Parliament in its stead a mea-
sure which, like every other Act for the regulation of Slavery,
is destitute of an executory principle.
" That although the incalculable and accumulated wrongs,
which for ages have been heaped upon the negroes, cannot be
redressed, your petitioners record their deliberate conviction
that Parliament and the Government lie under a solemn morel
obligation to insist upon the planters making the negro full
compensation for those losses, either in time, wages, or allow-
ances, of which he has been unjustly and illegally deprived.
" That your petitioners cannot restrain the expression of
their deepest indignation at thecommencement of a new Slave
Trade from Hindoostan, made by certain well-known up-
holders of the present colonial system, sanctioned by the Go-
vernment, and shielded by the form of apprenticeship.
" And your petitioners humbly pray your Honourable House
to take the premises into your grave consideration, and espe-
cially that you will forthwith adopt measures for the imme-
diate extinction of the apprenticeship system in the British
Colonies; and that you will cause such fall compensation to
be made by the planters to the injured negroes, as the justice
and wisdom of Parliament may direct.
" And your petitioners will ever pray, &c. &c."

LAW INTELIGENCE.

COURT OF CHANCERY, APRIL 19.
mociNs V. PEPPIN AND OTHERS.
In this case a 'notion was heard yesterday for an injunction
to restrain Mr. Morgan Vane, a Solicitor of the Court, from
proceeding with an action to recover from a poor woman
named Lydia Spriggs, a sum of 881. being the cost of a mo-
tion made on her behalf in the cause and dismissed.
The LORD CHANCELLOR gave judgment this morning, and
'oust refuse the motion. There was no application for costs.
IN THE MATTER OF RICHARDS, AN ALLEGED LUNATIC.
In this case, which was only partly heard yesterday, when
our Repor'er quitted the Court,
The LORD CHANCELLOR, after referring to the affidavits,
said it appeared to bins that under the circumstances it would
be expedient to consult Mr. Salmon, the present medical at-
tendant of Mr. Richards, on the best means of allowing Dr.
Southey to have an interview with Mr. Richards in such
.a
manner as to give no unnecessary alarm to his feelings, as it
was alleged that any appearance of a coercion might have
dangerous consequences. That interview might be arranged
before Tuesday next, and the matter mentioned again on that
day. A distrin9as has been issued by the Court of Exche-
quer to restrain any transfer of Mr. Richard's property,. which
amounted to nearly 100,0001. That writ his Lordship thought
the parties were bound to continue in force till the result of
Dr. Southey's visit was made known.

COURT OF QUEENS BENCH, Arzat, JD.
JAMES V. PHELPS.
Mr. SERGEANT TALFOURD moved for a rule to show Clll3ll
why the verdict given for the &fondant in this case should not
be set aside, lnd a new trial granted. This was an fic-
tion for a malic•iolg pro3ecution. Thl cause was tried
before Mr. Baron Gurney, at Monmouth.—Rule granted.

BAKER V. DEN IE.
Mr. ROGERS moved for a rule to show cause why the verdict
for the plaintiff in this case should not be set aside, and a non-
suit entered. This was an action of trespass, to which the
defendant had pleaded that the place on which the alleged
trespass was committed was not the soil and freehold of the
plaintiff. The defendant claimed under a will executed by a
person since deceased, which will was dated on the 911 of
January, 1833. The plaintiff claimed under a codicil which
revoked that will, and was dated on the 4th December, 1835.
The cause was tried before Lord Denman at the last assize;
for the County of Devon, when the jury returned a verdict for
the plainti ff.—Rule refused.

COURT OF EXCHEQUER, AntiL 19.
GRIMM, V. GI{RENOFF.
This was an action tried before Mr. Justice Coleridge, at
the last Liverpool Assizes, in which a verdict was found for
the plaintiff on one issue, and for the defendant on two others.
It was an action for trespass, for breaking and entering a close
called Fleet-lane, in the township of Parr, and for working
the coal under it and under the highway. Mr. Cresawell now
moved on behalf of the plaintiff to set aside the verdict, and
for a new trial, on the ground that evidence had been rejected
which ought to have been received, and also that the verdict
was against the evidence in the cause. The Court granted
the rule nisi on both grounds.
THOMPSON, ASSIGNEE OF SARAH HEDGES, V. CHAMBERLAIN.
Mr. ERIE TitOfly
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i
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and
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e The
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action
Cyoht,noyr trial
nolht
feggwrtvrharaeoinnrcvtdtheeei granted,
verdict
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the rule.

TaiiEsuißtlCfloirMoeN oDin
This was originally sion,
ADMIRALTY CO CRT, APRIL 19.
promoted by the
owners of the brig the Boreas against the owners of the
Richmond. The collision took place on the 29d of May,
1837, off Beachey Head, on the coast of Sussex. The causo
was argued on the 30. th of January, and the Court, which was
assisted on the occasion by two of the Elder Brethren of the
Trinity House, came to the decision that the blame of the
accident was attributable to the master and crew of the Rich-
mond. The question on which the case was again brought to
the notice of the Court was as to the extent of the responsi-
bility of the owners of the Rich. mond—vvhether they were
liable to the full amount of the bail which was given in, the
vessel itself not having been arrested, 2,5001., or whether they
were only liable to the amount
.of 9001., the computed value
of the ship and freight.
Her MAJESTY'S ADVOCATE appeared on behalf of the
owners of the Richmond, and accordingcontended that, according to
the Act of Parliament—by which, of course, the practice of
the Court was guided—they (his clients) were only liable to
the amount of the value of the ship and freight.
Dr. ADDAMS, on behalf of the owners of the Boreas, con-
tended, 'that according to the Act ofParhament, the practice
of this Court, and common sense, his party Were entitled to
the whole amount of the bail.

The Learned JUDGE, after having briefly stated the facts
connected with the original suit, said, tnat if the value of
the ship amounted to 2,500/. the parties were entitled to that
sum; if only to 9001., then they were. only entitled to that.
Under these circumstances, the Court directed this matter, as
to the value of the ship, to be referred to the registry,

Dr. Hooker, the Rector of Rottingdean, died at
the parsonage house on Wednesday last rather suddenly. He
was in his 76th year ; had been present at an opening dinner
at the village inn in the afternoon; and returning home, after
a very moderate repast, was seized with illness, which termi.
uated his mortal career in a very few hours.