The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-06 00:00:00

fore, to unite all the intelligence which Parliament af-
forded in order to furnish a strong and efficient Govern-
meynt ; but undoubtedly, if that end was to be accom-
plished by the sacrifice of principle on the part of the
Liberal party, he would say, better forego the good than
do that from which good could never come—namely,
have recourse to wrongful means to attain it. (Hear,
bear.) But, he said, there was no sacrifice of principle.
Look to the addresses put forth by all the members of
this Administration. Did they find in them any retro-
gression from the principles maintained by the Liberal
party, from those principles which the Government of
Lord John Russell—imperfectly, if they liked—endea-
voured to carry out ? He was told that he was sacrificing
his principles by taking office under Lord Aberdeen.
What principle ? He had always been an advocate for ex-
tension of the suffrage. He was so before he joined
any Government, he continued so under Lord John
Russell, he was so still, and he pledged himself that he
never would be a member of any Government which
did not only advocate, but attempt to carry out that
principle. The present Government would do so.
They had read the speech of Sir J. Graham—that
masterly speech which he had made to the electors of
Carlisle. They had read also the dignified speech of
Lord J. Russell to the electors of London • the address
of Mr. S. Herbert to the electors of Wiltshire, and the
eloquent language addressed by Sir W. Molesworth to
the electors of Southwark. Did they see in all those
speeches any symptoms of going back ? (Hear, hear.)
Certainly not. But then he should be told that the
Earl of Aberdeen and the members of his party were
sacrificing something of their principles. Lord Aber-
deen numbered among his followers some of the ablest
men which this generation, or even the generation
before us, had ever seen. Those men had not been
for the last ten years idle or indifferent spectators of
passing events ; and they could not fail to have
observed the growing intelligence and the love of truth
of the people of England. During that time the great
problem had been tried whether that so-called revolu-
tionary measure, the Reform Bill, which extended the
franchise to the 101. householders, had worked well or
ill, and it had been seen whether a further step might
not be taken in advance, and whether Parliament might
not still further extend the rights, powers, and privileges
of the people of this country. Lord Aberdeen and his
friends would no doubt be able to give a good account
of themselves. For him it was enough to know that
they were prepared to go in the march of political ad-
vancement, and that they were prepared to extend the
rights of the people with regard to their representation
in Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Had he ever proclaimed
himself an advocate of more than this, that he was now
to be told that he was sacrificing his principles to place ?
He had never been an advocate of universal or manhood
suffrage. He had been asked that question repeatedly,
and had always said he could not go so far. He would
tell them why. In all these matters, when they were
dealing with great principles, upon which the safety
and welfare of the nation might depend, whatever might
be their theories, they must proceed slowly and cautiously,
not only to prevent the possibility of danger, but also
to carry along with them the thinking and the
wealthy classes of the community. If they excited the
fears and apprehensions of those classes as to the perfect
success of the measures proposed, they would, like the
dog in the fable, be letting go the substance while they
grasped at the shadow—(hear, hear)—and, instead of
improving their position, they would injure it. He had
always said that the people must be educated, and ren-
dered, by that means, capable of exercising political
power. The schoolmaster was the great pioneer of civi-
lisation and power. (Applause.) A great, statesman
had once said, as the rallying cry of his party, " Regis-
ter, register, register ;" and if he might presume to give
a rallying cry, it would be, "Educate, educate, educate."
At the present moment we knew by authentic returns
that one-half of the population of this country could
neither read nor write, were destitute of the means of
instruction, and ignorant of all that pertained to Govern-
ment or to education. He said this class must be educated.
This was a first duty. It was of no use to give them
power until they were prepared to use it wisely and bene-
ficially to themselves. If the French people had been
satisfied with constitutional freedom—if they had been
satisfied with progressing step by step, and with en-
larging the boundaries of popular power gradually, their
laws, their lives, and their liberties would not have
been prostrated, as they were now, at the feet of a
despotic tyrant. We saw not long ago—and the memo-
rable epoch was still fresh in the minds of all—we saw
Europe agitated to its centre by a desire for freedom and
for constitutional liberty. Despotism tottered and
quailed before the cry, and we thought it had been
swept away from the face of Europe for ever. Alas !
what was the state of things now ? The people every-
where cast down, despotism triumphant, military execu-
tions and scourgings, which made one's blood run cold
-to read of, taking place everywhere. The Government
could not stand still, and, as the people showed them-
selves intelligent and wise, and fit to be intrusted with
political rights, they must extend those rights and ex-
tend the representation. He had advocated and voted
for a 51. franchise, and believed that that was the next
step they would have to take. (Hear.) He was an advo-
cate for the ballot—(cheers)—and before he joined the
present Government, he took care to ascertain that his
vote upon that subject would be left to his own arbitra-
ment, and not be made a matter of Ministerial dicta-
tion. He had heard it said lately that the ballot was a
bad thing, because you could not make it compulsory.
Now, that was a very poor argument, and his opinion
was that they could make it compulsory. On the other
hand, it was said that the ballot was a bad thing, be-
cause it engendered secrecy. and that secrecy was foreign
to the nature and character of the English nation.
'There was a good deal in that argument. But the
answer to it was, that if, on the one hand, it was foreign
to the English character to do secretly that which ought to
be done in the face of all men, on the other hand, it was still
worse that an Englishman in whom the constitution of
his country vested a certain trust for the benefit of the
community should be placed in such a position as that
he could not, without bringing ruin upon himself and
family, exercise that trust, and was compelled to sacrifice
his country for the sake of protecting those were near
and dear to him. (Applause.) Upon that ground he
thought it was better that the ballot should be adopted,
with all its faults, than that county constituencies should
be driven to the poll, as they now were, by the stewards
of their landlords, like so many cattle and sheep to the
market, and compelled to record their votes for candi-
dates of whom they did not approve, at the dictation of
others. (Hear, hear.) That question remained under
this as under the' former Government. He had men-
tioned the importance he attached to the subject of
education. Tho present Government had pledged itself
to take the subject of the education of the people imme-
diately into consideration. Further reforms, also, were
promised. Legal reform he could pledge himself for.
(Applause.) He had the honour to be a member of the
commission which had to revise the common law of the
land, and he could say this, that when Parliament met
they would be prepared to lay before it a report which
would show they had not been idle, nor wanting in zeal
to carry out reform. (Hear, hear.) The subject of our
finances was now committed to one of the ablest minds
of the present day, Mr. Gladstone, and all people
seemed now to be agreed that the principle of a gradu-
ated income tax was one which must be applied, as far
as Parliament could apply it, at the earliest possible
period. (Hear, hear.) He had always said so. He
never could bring himself to believe that the income
which, although nominally of a given value, was not
intrinsically of that value, ought to be taxed-on the same
footing as they taxed the income which was derived
from fixed and secured property. (Hear, hear.) The
income which was dependent upon the precarious
accidents of life and health, was a totally different thing
from the income secured upon property ; and, when,
they taxed the one at the same rate as the other,
disguise it as they would, they committed a great and
grievous injustice. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He
knew it was very difficult to apply any principle of gra-
duation to such a tax. All that could be done was to
make some approximation to justice ; but, better an im-
perfect approximation of that sort, than a stubborn re-
sistance to a principle which justice and truth had clearly
shown to be on its side. (Cheers.) These were, un-
doubtedly, great questions. There remained the subject
of our colonies. Those colonies had been, more or less,
from the earliest time, subject to misrule. A great re-
former had, however, risen among us—he meant Sir W.
3lolesworth—(cheers)--who had devoted his sound in-
tellect and great powers of thought to investigate the
subject, to probe the evils complained of to the core, and
to discover a remedy. It was no trifling thing to find
that man a member of the Cabinet. True it was, the
colonies were not at this moment intrusted to his care ;
but this he knew, that all the right hon. baronet's
opinions would have the weight they deserved with the
Administration, and they might depend upon it that his
-presence in the Cabinet was a guarantee to the full for
colonial reform, and for the introduction of the prin-
ciple of self-government among the colonies of this coun-
try. (Cheers.) Well, then, he wanted to know again
where was the going back, where was the sacrifice of prin-
ciple in the members of the new Ministry ? It was very
well to hurl a political anathema, and to make charges of
undue sacrifice of principle for the sake of power and
place. But let his accusers descend to particulars. The
new Administration combined both ability and power to
carry out their principles. He believed it would have
the confidence of the people of England, and he believed
they would only retain power upon the condition of ad-
vancing the welfare of the great mass of the nation.
(sean) It made an appeal to no pocket or hole-and-
corner boroughs •to decide on its political principles.
What places were to pronounce the verdict of the people
of England upon the Ministry ? Southampton, Oxford,
Nottingham, Halifax, Leeds, Brighton, Wiltshire, South-
wark, and London ; these were the constituencies ap-
pealed to, and he rejoiced to say that almost everywhere
the Government candidates had been returned without
even the shadow of opposition. In Halifax, it was true,
there had been a struggle, and what had been the result ?
Why, that Sir Charles Wood had been returned by a tri-
umphant majority. Gloucester was another exception,
and so was Southampton ; but the gentlemen who ap-
peared to oppose him were obliged to admit that they
had very shrewd suspicions they were in a minority.
(Hear.) Re was far, however, from blaming the oppo-
site party for putting forward a candidate to oppose him,
and
a dhe would not care if they only fought him fairly.
n attack on the pamphlet of Mr. Cochrane, en-
titled " Who are the Liberals," and a lengthy allusion
to the attacks made against him (Sir A. Cockburn) of hav-
ing been guilty of bribery
at the last election, he ex-
pressed his assurance that the electors
would carry his
cause to a victorious and triumphant issue. issue. (The hon.
and learned gentleman sat down amid
cheer-
ing, after having spoken for more thanptwroolhnoguerds.Mr. A. B. COCHRANE next address the electors)
The MAYOR then called for a show oe hands,
, which
be declared to be in favour of Sir A. Cockburn.
A poll was then demanded on behalf of Mr. Cochrane,
and appointed for this day (Thursday).
A vote of thanks was then passed to the Mayor, and