The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

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merely a variety of Ciat delicate sarcasm, which may be
innocently employed in an after-dinner oration. Let
Daniel do what he may, in the circumstances, it is not
in his nature to avoid the perpetration of some mean-
ness. Let him, moreover, do what he may, his friends
will, perhaps, extract some kind of satisfaction from
ti!e reflection, that no variety of falsehood is new to
him ; and that, by no act however despicable, can he
descend to a lower point than he now occupies in the
estimation of all honourable men. Sir William Moles-
worth still professes his determination.to bring the con-
duct of Lord Glenelg before the House of Commons on
the 6th of March. That the conduct of Lord Glenelg
has been obnoxious to the gravest censure, we willingly
• admit ; but that Sir W. Molesworth should propose a
vote of condemnation on the Colonial Secretary, does
to us appear to savour of ingratitude. Without thepa se/ye
aid afforded so copiously by Lord Glenelg, Sir Wil-
liam Moles-North's especial friends, Papineau, Mac-
kenzie, and their coadjutors, would never have enjoyed
the chances of distinction which have lately been
showered upon them. Sir William openly expressed
in the House of Commons his hope that rebellion in
Canada might prosper. Lord Glenelg did all that man
could, by doing nothing, to ensure prosperity to the
rebel party. Why then should chase friends, these
active and passive allies of rebellion, fall out ? The
proverb amines, that " honour" may exist amongst
a class of men, prone to disregard the impertinent dis-
tinctions of zneunz and taunt. Why, then, should
not amity exist between men, who, in their different
ways, have aided as far as they might, the same holy
cause ?—Morning Herald.
The position into which the representation of Mary-
lebone has been thrown by the Parliamentary Com-
mittee who have announced the disqualification and
expulsion of Sir Samuel Whalley appears to us, we
confess, a very unintelligible one. Assuming that no
legal objection can be taken to the mere property qua-
; lification of Mr. B. Hall, we find that at the late
election there were two additional candidates for the

The claims of the Baron de Bode were last night,
after an able speech from Mr. Warburton, and many
able speeches in support of him, decided against the
Baron by a majority in every respect disgraceful. A
claim embodying greater justice was never presented to
the House of Commons—a claim more unfairly treated
is not, we believe, upon the record of its proceedings.
If his claim be one which is utterly unfounded, why
not agree to the appointment of a Committee to prove
it be so ?—if right, why also object to the appointment
of a Committee to ascertain the precise sum to which
he is legally entitled ? " Give a dog a bad name,"
and every whipster will be up with his penny
pistol ; and such appears to us to have been the
case with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He
had no arguments to oppose to the facts adduced
by Mr. Waiburton in support of the Baron's claim ;
but he could say with truth that the Baron lived
within the rules of the Queen's Bench, and therefore
that he was not respectable—that he was a swindler,
and that he hoped that no one in future would be-
come his victim, by becoming inmates of the same con-
fined circle. Very pretty language certainly from a
Chancellor of the Exchequer ! If an impostor, why
not prosecute him ?—lf a swindler, why not have a
Committee to tell the world that be is a swindler, and
that no one ought to trust him ? The case is one of
atrocious injustice, and one which could not bear a
hearing in any Court of Justice. To that tribunal
we recommend the Baron to apply without loss of
time. The remedy is certainly one of considerable
expense ; but after the speech of the Chancellor of
he Exchequer last night respecting the Baron, there
is no other remedy either for the salvation of his own
character, or for the realization of what we deem to be
his just claims.—Morning Advertiser.
A sort of minor division on the Ballot question
rather unexpectedly took place last night, although
two or three Members, such as Mr. Brotherton and
Sir George Strickland, allowed their good nature to be
imposed upon so far as to sanction the introduction of
a measure which, if by any chance it become law,
must turn out a delusion, a mockery, and a mere pre-
tence of protection to voters. Mr. Slaney rose to
obtain leave to bring in a Bill for the punishment of
persons who used threats or intimidation to electors in
the choice of representatives, and, as the hour was
late, a general cry_ of " Move, move !" was raised, in
order that the Honourable Member might not go into
a statement of the nature of his proposal. Mr. Warbur-
ton, however, objected to the introduction of the Bill
without reasons first assigned ; accordingly Mr. Slaney
detailed some general grounds, and added that his in-
tention was to make the employment of threats or in-
timidation a misdemeanour, punishable by fine not ex-
ceeding 1001., past of which was to go to the voter, the
offence being to be ascertained at the Quarter Session,
or before' two Magistrates with the intervention of a
Jury. To this plan Mr. Warburton and various
other Members strongly objected ; and they were for
refusing leave even for the introduction of a Bill,
which was designated by them futile, nugatory, and
absurd. On the other band, the Attorney-General
complained that the Honourable Member for Shrews-
bury would thus be hardly treated ; for at first he
been called upon to bring in his measure without
observation, and then, after he had stated the nature
of it, resistance in the first stage was offered. To this
remark Lord G. Bentiuck replied shrewdly that the
very grounds taken by the Honourable Mover, and
the provisions he had opened to the House, showed
that the scheme ought not for a moment to be coun-
tenanced. Of course all the friend of the Ballot,
who are convinced that secret voting alone can protect
the cowed and menaced electors of the empire, coin-
cided in this opinion ; and Mr. John Jervis con-
tended that nothing could be more idle or ridiculous
then to attempt in this way to deal with an offence, which
might be committed by the merest sign or slightest
hint on the part of the person resorting to intimida-
tion. Mr. Goring was convinced that if such a Bill
could be brought into operation, it would be enforced
only against the lower order of voters, who might en-
deavour to influence each other, while wealthy land-
lords would entirely escape ; and Mr. James asserted
without reserve, that the object was to divert the pub-
lic mind from the only real and effectual remedy against
threats and intimidation. Lord John Russell, as may
be supposed, was decidedly in favour of the introduc-
tion of the Bill ; and, referring to hie late speech
against the Ballot, lie observed, that what he had then
prophesied had already come to pass—namely, that if
any body suggested a mode of protecting electors other-
wise than by secret voting, it would be instantly op-
posed by the friends of that- system. Surely his Lord-
ship could not be in earnest when he referred to the
sessional resolution of the House against bribery, and
suggested that a similar resolution might be annually
adopted against intimidation. Does not his Lordship
know that the passing of the Sessional resolution
against bribery has degenerated into a mere form, or,
as Mr. Gillon termed it, " a farce :"—and does he
not also know that to give effect to it, sundry
statutes have been passed to punish bribery by heavy
inflictions ? Did he mean that a similar course should
be pursued with regard to intimidation ; and, if hedid,
will he show us in what way the offence is to be esta-
blished ? Bribery (as Mr. J. Jervis told the House)
is an act capable of distinct proof, but intimidation
may be employed in a thousand unascertainable ways.
Then, as to the evidence : suppose intimidation in
some cases to amount to an act, from whom is the tes-
timony of it to be procured ? Often only from the
voter, who, by Mr. Slaney's scheme, is to be interested
in the fine, and whose deposition, if received, would
hardly be credited. Lord John Russell's view of the
matter was naturally enough supported by Mr. Scarlett,
Mr. Forbes, Col. Sibthorp, and some other Members on
the Tory side of the House, who urged that it was quite a
mistake, and that there was much more fancy than reality
in the charges of intimidation. We do not suspect
Lord John Russell of coinciding in this opinion at all
events. What did the Chancellor of the Exchequer
mean by talking of the indefinite language of the
Bill of Rights when it declares that all elections shall
be " free ?" They are to be free from intimidation,
free from undue influence, free from bribery, free from
the interference of the Peers, a ground of complaint
which existed as long ago as the time of Edward 1.,
and, if our memory serve us, it is the very word em-
ployed by those great and acute lawyers, Sir Edward
Coke and Sir Matthew Hale, in translating the pas-
sage in the earliest statute against the interference of
Brands hommes at elections. The word " free" was
employed in the Bill of flights to express in a single
term the absence of everything that could improperly
and unfairly operate upon the mind of the voter. We
can perceive nothing indefinite in it; nor do we at all
see, supposing it ever so ambiguous, in what way the
remark of the Right lion. Gentleman applied to the
question before the House. The ground he took,
that leave ought to be given to introduce the Bill, in
order that the House might see its details, was intelli-
gible enough ; but it was evident from the explanation
of Mr. Slaney that his plan would accomplish nothing
for the protection of the voter, while it might possibly
be brought to bear severely against him. The discus-
sion was brief, but rather animated, and on a division
there appeared—
For bringing in the 8i11,~
Against it
23
Majority
—27
On the motion of Sir W. Molesworth, a call of the
Mouse was fixed for the 6th of March.—Morning
Chronicle.

borough—the one a nobleman, whose pecuniary com-
petency admits of Pro dispute, and the other an indivi-
dual who, notwithstanding his oath at the Speaker's
table, is unable to establish a legal title to represent the
constituency who have been gulled by his pretensions.
To what extent Sir S. Whalley's insufficiency may be
greater now than during the two preceding Parlia-
ments, in which he supplanted substantial gentlemen,
or whether any means should be taken to make such
an adventurer responsible for his impertinent as-
sumption of other people's rights, are questions
which we leave to the solution of Sir 'William Horne.
But the original injustice done to Lord Teignmouth
and the Marylebone constituency, aggravated by the
vexatious contest into which they are again plunged,
cannot be so lightly disposed of. It now turns out,
that in July last Mr. B. Hall and his Lordship,
until the contrary be shown, were the only qua-
lified candidates ; and that the latter having polled
nearly three thousand votes, had an undoubted legal
right (though not till now established) to have been
included in the return. Why Lord Teignmouth should
for the present be excluded from a seat which, but
for an unlawful intrusion, was already rightfully
his, is what we cannot understand. All the sup-
porters of Whalley knew that their votes for that indi-
vidual were given under the usual risks and responsi-
bilities which pertain to the return of an unqualified
candidate. They knew that in the event of a pro-
perty flaw on the part of their favourite, their choice
would invalidated. But a new writ, it seems, is ac-
tually issued, and consequently a new trial of strength
must again be resorted to. The struggle, it is unne-
cessary to say, will be a severe one ; nor is there the
smallest hope for the constitutional cause, unless, (as
in the case of the Burdett triumph at Westminster) the
whole Conservative party in Parliament shall zealously
support Lord Teignmouth's return, divide themselves
into canvassing Committees, work night and day
during the contest, and bring their entire 'Westminster
experience to facilitate and secure the acquisition of
this great metropolitan prize. Not an hour or a mo-
ment should be lost. One word to Lord Teignmouth's
Committee. We know they will take in good part
what we are about to say. Vor their diligence at the
last election, their perfect organization as well as the
ability of their general agency, we give them all man-
ner of credit. But let them learn wisdom from past
experience. Let them keep a better watch at the poll-
ing-places, and interpose their protests against disqua-
lified voters with more vigour than they exercised on
the former occasion. Let them mark on their lists the
names of all the electors who are known to be disqua-
lified by removals or who are ascertaimed to be

dead ; and let the Radicals who shall attempt to
exercise an illegal franchise be publicly warned of
their danger, and firmly resisted in their iniquity : let
them be subjected to a thorough sifting and cross-
questioning at the poll. Moreover, the borough func-
tionaries must be compelled to listen to such reason-
able objections as may be tendered, and persons must
be present who are prepared to substantiate them. We
are credibly informed that nearly a thousand Radicals
voted at the last election who had not the shadow of a
right to do so. Now, Lord Teignmouth's Co:nmittec
must really look to this. No doubt the efforts we are
recommending will involve a good deal of trouble ; but
the labourers in the cause of Conservatism will be
richly compensated by the triumph which, in such cir-
cumstances, they cannot fail to achieve.—Times.

ANCIENT NIANUSCRIPT OF THE GOSPELS.—
The Rev. H. Todd gave lately to the Royal Irish Academy a
short account of a manuscript of the Four Gospels, of the 7th
century, and in Irish characters, which is preserved in the
library of his Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury, at Lam-
beth. The volume is a small quarto, in the minute hand called
Caroline, common to all Europe in the reign of Charlemagne,
but now used only in Ireland, and known as the Irish charac-
ter. The present volume appears to have belonged to Mach
brigid Mac Dornan, or Mac 'roman, who was Archbishop of
Armagh in the ninth century, and died A. D. 923. By him
it was probably sent to Athelstan, King of the Anglo-Saxons,
who presented it to the city of Canterbury. These facts are
inferred from an inscription in Anglo-Saxon characters (and
in a hand of the 9th or beginning of the 10th century), which
occurs on a blank page immediately following the genealogy
in the first chapter of St. Matthew. The discovery of this
manuscript and the satisfactory proof which facts afford of its
Irish origin are important, as adding another to the many in-
stances with which we are already acquainted, of the em-
ployment of Irish scribes in the transcription of the Scriptures
during the 6th and 7th centuries. It is now well ascertained
that almost all the sacred books so highly venerated by the
Anglo- Saxon church, and left by her early Bishops as heir-
looms to their respective sees, were obtained by Ireland or
Irish scribes.

POOR. LAW LOGIC.—At a recent meeting of the
Poor-law Guardians, application was made by a woman, about
70 years of age, for relief. Inquiry was made what family she
had. Her reply was that shu had two tons, one a shepherd,
the other a labourer, and that they were very good to her in
paying her rent. She was considered nol a fit object for re-
lief, on the ground that her sons ought to support her ; and a
small allowance WV; made t,) her, with the declaration that hsr
eons' wages would be Attached for her support. Another
woman of above 70 years of age also applied, who had a son
,aho lodged in her house, who was not of good character. In
t:lis case it was pronounced that the aged woman was not a
fit object of relief, because she had this son under her roof ;
and an allowance was made only on condition that she got rid
of him So that it seems that aged and infirm people are
equally unentitled to relief, if they have children, whether
these be good or bad I—Lincoln Gazette.
A melancholy event took place at the Circus
Loiqset, at Brussels, a few nights back. In the pantomime
of the Mort des Grecs, a soldier of the line employed in the
theatre was killed by what appeared to be the top of a
ramrod, discharged from a musket in the representation.
His companions did not at first perceive that he was wounded
until he fell, covered with blood, which flowed from the back
cf his neck. The authorities, on an examination into this un-
fortunate catastrophe, were not able to discover from what
negligence or carelessness it arose.

The business of both Houses, last night, was of a
miscellaneous description ; and was conducted in a
gossipping fashion. Lord Brougham deserves great
praise for the manner inwhicllhe clings to the ques-
tion of slavery in all its departments, and for his
refusal to allow Lord Glenelg, during the remaining
period of his tenure of office, to convert the Colo-
nial office into a dormitory. In the House of
Commons, Lord Maidstone gave notice, that he
should to-night, put a question to Mr. O'Connell, as
to the accuaacy of the expressions imputed to him, in
the report of his speech at the Crown and Anchor,
on the subiect of the election Committees now sitting.
Daniel wil , of course, put in practice his familiar
arts of shuffling and equivocation. He will deny that
he used the objectionable words at all ; or he will al-
lege that he did not use them in any objectionable sense.
Be will perhaps, accuse the reporters of being " Tory
perjurers :"--perhaps, he will declare the phrase to be

ENGLISH MEDICALPRACTITIONERS INFRANCE.
—Some time since proceedings were commenced against
Englishmen practising in France, but were shortly afterwards
suspended. They have been recently renewed, and in a ♦ery
extraordinary manner. The Commissary of Police, with on•
of his agents, without previous notice, has entered the different
pharmacies or druggists' shops, and seized on the 61e of prescrip-
tions, on the evidence of which he has drawn up his pieces
verbal, by which none have escaped-
REMARKABLE LONGEVITY.--There were lately
in the township of Wardleworth, ten persons (three males and
seven females), receiving parochial relief, whose united ages
amounted to 821 years.—Manchester Guardian.
PoLITICO-POLEmics..lt appears that the Rev.
Henry Irwin, a Minister of the Hi,gh Evangelical School, who
officiates in a Church near Cullenswood, was selected to
preach in Werburgh's Church, on Sunday last, in presence of
his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, and such was the
paliti-
cal tenour of the discourse—so violent and vulgar in its party
fanaticism—that the Cergyman and Churchwardens felt con.
strained to address a fetter of apology to his Excellency.
Such is the mode of showing forth spiritual-mindedness in
in this new era of grace,--Irish Paper.

vs .4 IX ‘•_

THE SUN, LONDON, Fill DAY, FEBRUAItY 23, 1838.