The Sun.
London, England, 1854-03-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 9, 1854.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOUANALS.

BANQUET TO SIR CHARLES NAPIER.

( From the Times.)
It might possibly admit of a question among
the fastidious whether the departure of a gallant
Admiral to conduct against a powerful enemy a
dangerous and difficult war be a suitable occasion
for anything in the nature of a public demonstra-
tion, however natural and agreeable to private
friendship such a festival may be. It is wise in
all things to worship the goddess Nemesis, and to
remember the admonition of the wise man who ad-
vises that " he who putteth on his harness for the
battle should not exult as he who taketh it off."
But, waiving these considerations, the recent ban-
quet at the Reform Club suggests reflections which
may be a source of solid gratification, without
having recourse to premature anticipations of vic-
tory. There was no Reform Club in the last war ;
but, if there had been, it would not have met to
fete our Admirals or to wish success to our arms.
The Tories had in those days a complete monopoly
of military enthusiasm. The nation was divided into
two camps, almost as hostile to each other as to the
common enemy, and one of these parties so far lost
temper as to absent itself entirely from the House of
Commons, because it was unable to influence the
policy of Government. Where are those party
differences now ? Where is that portion of the
British nation to whom the Emperor Nicholas
can look for a favourable attention to his proposals,
or a friendly disposition to his claims There is
no such party. Those whose trade it is to find
perpetual sources of difference and division have
indeed brought forward accusations, and sought to
scatter animosities, but their attempts have been
fruitless, and the public mind has never for a mo-
ment been led astray from the fixed conviction
that this war is just and necessary, and that a
further continuance of peace would be impolitic
and unworthy. The nation, which it was supposed
could not be torn from its commerce and its mer-
chandise, is pervaded more than any other nation
in Europe at this moment with a martial ardour.
The parties which men accustomed to the monoto-
nous silence of despotism assumed could never
agree upon any anything are in perfect accord on
this subject, and the peace agitation, which was
foolishly assumed to represent popular sentiment,
is as futile as it is absurd. But that in which
the speculators on the weakness and wicked-
ness, the folly and divisions of mankind, have been
most egregiously deceived is the union which this
banquet so enthusiastically commemorates between
England and France. Should we be able to get
over our domestic discord, and silence the voice of
the Peace Society, still it was argued we never
could amalgamate with France—our rival through
so many centuries of discord and bloodshed—who
has met us in every sea and on every shore, and
contested with us foot by foot the varying fortune
of a thousand battles. Let those who have given
way at any time to doubt on this subject read the
following passage from the speech of Lord Palmer-
ston, no unapt representative of the feeling of Eng-
land on the subject :—" We have had," said Lor
Palmerston, " to do during now more than twelve
months of most difficult and complicated negotia-
tions with the Sovereign of France. We have
met, on his part, with the greatest straight-
forwardness, with the most perfect good faith,
with the most single-minded sincerity, and with an
energy of purpose and community of determination
which inspire in our minds that full confidence in
him which I am proud to say he has always ex-
pressed in us." How completely, notwithstanding
our military preparations, the arts of peace are, in
this our age, predominant over the arts of war can-
not better be illustrated than by the fact that great
as the material and immediate advantages derived
from the French alliance are, we rejoice still more
in the guarantees for future harmony between our-
selves and our neighbours than in their immediate
accession to our warlike power. Discord between
England and France is the greatest evil with which
the civilisation and progress of mankind can be
threatened, and to see that evil not only averted,
but becoming every day more remote and impro-
bable by the closer union of a common civilisation,
common interests, and common opinions, is the
most cheering spectacle that can meet the eye of
a patriot or a statesman. We trust that the ex-
pressions of our Ministers will be read on the other
side of the Channel with the same feeling with
which they are here, and that from this day forth
France and England, abandoning in the spirit of
their more advanced civilisation, the worn-out
and barbarous policy of aggression and conquest,
will still be found ever ready to maintain the
integrity of the European system, and to recall
to its duty, by whatever force may be necessary,
any Power that abuses its strength, and claims to
be superior to and independent of the reason and
conscience of mankind. There are few, if any,
living Admirals whose name carries with it so
much renown for the past and hope for the future
as that of Sir Charles Napier. A member of that
remarkable family, which, like the Fabii and.
Decii of ancient Rome, seems born to fight success-
fully the battles of the country, the Admiral has
obtained a reputation, by hard and dangerous ser-
vice, which may well entitle him to the mighty
confidence which the country reposes in him, when
placing in his hands and trusting to his judgment
the finest fleet that ever left these shores. He is
armed with agencies always formidable, but now
possessed of a power of self-originated motion,
which must give them an efficiency difficult before-
hand thoroughly to conceive. The power of
placing wherever you will, and whenever you will,
any number of perfectly well-served and efficient
batteries is one of the most tremendous that can
be conceived. I\l o longer depending on the
caprice of the elements, but asserting our own
free will and control over our motions, we, by
virtue of these mighty machines, seem to have
become at last that which our poets have long
flattered us with being—the monarchs of the deep
Naval strategy will be just as amenable to criti-
cism as that of the land army, and the elements,
by ceasing to impede our motions, take from us all
manner of excuse. If we do not act, it must be
from the inertness of our commanders ; if we do not
combine, it is their want of tactical skill that must
bear the blame. The winds and waves must hence-
forth be exculpated. But, probably, among all
the advantages of our new armament, there is none
which the British public will appreciate so much as
its tendency to bring matters to a short and deci-
sive issue. Carried on in a sea from the narrow
outlet of which there is no escape, the conflict,
unless the enemy abandon the waves to us, must
speedily occur. We have not to look for the tedious
chase of Nelson, who followed the allied fleets to
the West Indies and back before he could bring
them to action. The Baltic and the Black Sea are
in the nature of two naval champs clos, where the
combatants cannot, if they would, long avoid each
other. The man selected for this perilous encounter
goes to it with the highest reputation and the most
glorious antecedents, and we heartily echo the
parting wish of the Reform Club banquet—that he
may speedily return to us successful from this new
and untried kind of naval warfare.

THE WAR IN THE EAST.
(Front the Morning Chronicle.)

The overbearing insolence of Russia has fairly
rous2d the spirit of the French nation. The Czar's
allusion to the disasters of 1812 was intended as a
defiance, and the challenge has not been refused.
"We also," says the President of the Legislative
Body, in the address which we publish elsewhere,
" might appeal to glorious recollections ; but we
prefer to establish new claims to honour." The
whole Assembly, after unanimously voting the loan
required by tho Government, proceeded to the
Tuileries to express their cordial concurrence in the
vigorous measures which form the sequel to long
and patient attempts to preserve peace. Both the
Allied Governments are entering into the war under
the influence of the same motives, and with the
same resolution to conduct it with energy. " I
hope," said the First Lord of the Admiralty, at the
Reform Club, " that the war may be short, and
that it may be sharp ;" and M. Billault, in his ad-
dress to the Legislative Body, expresses a similar
feeling—:•"The war must be vigorous, rapid, and
decisive." The preparations made on both sides of the
Channel abundantlyshow that these declarations are
no idle boasts. While the naval and military arma-
ments of our ally are proceeding with extraordinary
rapidity, Sir James Graham has known how to call
forth all the zeal of the department which he ad-
ministers ; and he has succeeded in manning and
arming, with unparalleled speed, a fleet which it
might have been thought impossible to collect,
when so large a portion of our naval force was
already employed in the East. Nor, we may be
assured, will Sir Charles Napier fail to do his part
when he comes within reach of the enemy. It is
only by au appeal to the teat of pike and gun that
the official theology of St. Petersburg can he cor-
rected.

In the meanwhile, the position of the Austrian
Government becomes every day more clearly defined.
In the official manifesto just published at Vienna,
it is openly declared that the Imperial Cabinet has
never doubted that the demands of the Western
Powers were just, and in accordance with the in-
terests of Europe. " Till the very last," it is said,
" the Government has obeyed the calls of duty to
Europe, and of friendship to its ally ;" but it
now only remains for the Emperor of Austria " to
maintain the interests of the nations under his
sceptre." It would be difficult, short of a declara-
tion of war, to speak in plainer language. The un-
hesitating rejection, by the Court of Vienna, of the
last Russian overtures was but a casual incident in
the =me of 0, consistent and determined

7 The issue of proposals for a loan, and the concen-
tration of troops on the frontiers, form a significant
commentary on the measured language of the Go-
vernment. Above all, the active measures adopted
for completing the cavalry remounts may be consi-
dered as a proof that active operations are expected;
for the purchase of horses on a large scale is com-
monly deferred until war has become inevitable.
Contrary to the expectations which had been ge-
nerally entertained, Austria is taking the initiative
in the negotiations which are destined to unite Ger-
many with the Western Powers. The treaty of al-
liance, with certain modifications, has been for-
warded from Vienna to Berlin, with urgent recom-
mendations that it should be adopted by the Prussian
Government. The hesitations and delays which
have taken place at the latter Court may reason-
! ably have excited impatience ; but it is neither
prudent nor just to comment with severity on a
decision which may still be regarded as improbable.
An independant State naturally resents the criti-
cism of foreigners on its real or supposed domestic
dissensions ; and the conjectures which may be en-
tertained as to the secret causes of any difficulties
which have arisen at Berlin can only tend, if they
are publicly circulated, to foment the differences to
which they refer. The conduct of Austria ought
to have taught impatient politicians that calcula-
tions founded on the ascertained interests of a
State will, for the most part, afford a clue to its
ultimate decisions. In addition to the reasons
which have determined the policy of the Emperor
Francis Joseph, Prussia has peculiar motives for
joining the European alliance. No other Power
has so constantly been oppressed by the protection
and the menaces of Russia—no other popula-
tion is so unanimous in its desire to throw off,
once for all, the influence which has long been
regarded with bitter indignation. The Prussians
would rise as one man to vindicate the indepen-
dence of Germany, and to chastise the ambition
of Russia. The Government enjoys the advantage
of a well-organised army, and of unencumbered
finances : and it has already pledged itself, again
and again, to the justice of the demands put for-
ward by the Western Powers. Baron Budberg's
last proposals were firmly rejected ; nor did Count
Orloff even think it worth while to extend his
journey to Berlin. Whatever apparent oscillations
of purpose may be seen' or imagined on the eve of
a great decision, there is no serious reason to doubt
that the balance will finally preponderate in the
true direction.

At various stages of the negotiations all parties
have alternately displayed hesitation. It is easy
for the Emperor Nicholas, having no will to con-
sult but his own, to maintain an attitude of reso-
lute perseverance ; but the parties to a common
undertaking must occasionally watch and wait to
ascertain the dispositions of those with whom they
are to act. The Western Powers found an additional
reason for their long-continued moderation in the
hope that, by placing their opponent visibly in the
wrong, they might secure the co-operation of Ger-
many. Austria, in her turn, suspended her deci-
sion until it was certain both that the aggressor
was determined to persevere, and that his oppo-
nents were in earnest ; for it seemed imprudent to
incur the resentment of Russia until it was known
that France and England would support their own
ultimate demands by arms. At this moment, Prus-
sia may not improbably be waiting, with a similar
view, on the policy of Austria. The ancient rivalry
between the two great German monarchies, as it
first opened an entrance for Russian intrigue into
the politics of the Confederation, still renders the
Court of Berlin unwilling to commit itself, so long
as a possibility remains of Austria establishing her
superiority by the aid of a Russian alliance. Per-
sonal sentiments and dynastic relations may, per-
haps, strengthen the disinclination which exists to
proceed to a final breach ; but there are intelli-
gible excuses for delay and vacillation on the sur-
face, and there are reasons of State which will
eventually prevail over individual prejudices and
scruples. It is not by anticipating an unfavourable
result that the promoters of the alliance among the
great powers will be likely to succeed in their
object.

Those who doubt the expediency of standing on
good terms both with Prussia and Austria may
derive instruction from observing the effect already
produced by the attitude which those Powers have
assumed. The Russian army which occupies Poland
has not been able to detach any portion of its
strength to take part in the Turkish war ; and it
is even said that its numbers have been increased
by reinforcements. The troops which are kept to
watch the frontiers of that country and of Galicia
are as effectually withdrawn from the scene of action
as if they had been destroyed in battle. Some of
the movements which have recently taken place
towards the north may not improbably be explained
by the necessity of strengthening the Baltic pro-
vinces against attacks from the coast ; but if any
secret understanding with Prussia had been estab-
lished, Poland would immediately have been de-
nuded of troops.
It is fortunate, perhaps, that the severity of the
weather has, for some weeks, checked active opera-
tions on the Danube and in Asia. The Turkish
supplies and reinforcements have had time to arrive
at the scene of action ; and the allied forces will
probably disembark before the middle of April.
There is no reason to suppose that the enemy has
been able to make any great addition to the army
which occupies the Principalities ; and it, is scarcely
probable that, on the opening of the spring cam-
paign, he will attempt to cross the river in force.
The Danubian fortresses are at least strong enough
to maintain themselves until the arrival of the
French and English troops ; and there would be
little use in forming a siege which the assailants
would inevitably be compelled to raise. According
to present appearances, the aggressor has certainly
no ground for anticipating success, or even impunity.

(From the Daily News. )
The felicitous manner in which Lord Palmerston
discharged the duties of chairman at the dinner
given by the Reform Club to Sir Charles Napier
can surprise no one. The occasion was eminently
suited to call into play the finest qualities which
distinguish the noble lord. One characteristic
which pervaded all his speeches was at once pleas-
ing and re-assuring :—the entire absence of any
cant about the necessity of interference on the
part of the great Powers of Europe to afford what
is called " protection to the Christian subjects of
the Porte." Incidentally Lord Palmerston indi-
cated his sense of the needlessness of any such
foreign interference in the domestic affairs of the
Ottoman Empire. Adverting to the distin-
guished merits of the course pursued by the
present Sultan since his accession, Lord Palmer-
ston said :—" The Sultan has been one of the
greatest modern reformers. He has not indeed
wounded the habits and prejudices of his subjects ;
he has been too wise to attempt that rapid re-
form which would have defeated its own purposes ;
but, making allowance for the ancient prejudices
and rooted habits with which he had to deal, he
has, I venture to say, made more and greater im-
provements throughout his dominions than has
ever fallen to the lot of any single sovereign to
execute within the same period of time. And now
he is enjoying the fruits of the benevolent course
he has pursued : for while the neighbour, of whom
I have before spoken, flattered himself that at the
sound of his voice and the beck of his finger half the
subjects of the Sultan would rise up in rebellion,
we have seen that all the subjects of the Sultan,
both Christian and Mahometan, have rallied
round him with an united patriotism which
might be imitated worthily by any nation in
the world." It is obvious that the acute mind
of Lord Palmerston penetrates the real drift
of those meddling busy-bodies who, under an affec-
tation of religious zeal, are advocating a foreign
tampering with the internal affairs of the Ottoman
Empire—a tampering equally mischievous as that
contemplated by the Russian Government. This
was to be expected from the author of a certain
admirable letter to the Presbytery of Edinburgh.
It is gratifying to see in this, as in other im-
portant points, an entire accordance between the
leading statesmen of France and England. There
is a passage in the last circular addressed by M.
Drouyn de Lhuys to the diplomatic agents of
France which reads like a comment upon an
elucidation of the words we have just quoted from
Lord Palmerston France and England do not
support Islamism against the orthodox Greek
faith. They go to protect the Ottoman Empire
against the ambitious covetousness of Russia. They
go there with the conviction that the presence of
their armies in Russia will destroy the prejudices,
already much weakened, which still separate the
different classes of the Sublime Porte, and which
cannot be resuscitated unless the appeal sent from
St. Petersburg by provoking hatred of race and
a revolutionary explosion, should paralyse the
generous intentions of the Sultan Abd-ul-Medjid."
In the same rational and statesmanlike spirit is
couched the address delivered by the new Ameri-
can Minister at Constantinople to the Sultan on
his first presentation.
Such expressions of opinion from the most dis-
tinguishedstatesmen of France, England, and Ame-
rica were really required to re-assure new
Liberals, worried and perplexed by rumours of a
new Holy Alliance of England and France with
Prussia and Austria—the choice of acceding to
which was to be left open to the Emperor of Russia
—for the ostensible purpose of watching over and
protecting the interests of the Christian subjects of
the Porte. Were such a project really in the con-
templation of the Great Powers, nothing could be
better devised to prevent any extension of real
Christianity, or to rivet the fetters of despotism on
the nations of Europe.
It may not be unnecessary to remind the real

• religious public that their object is to diffuse
vital Christianity : that Christianity which,
rooted in fair and honest conviction, animates
and regulates the actions of its professors ; not
that dead, formal, and too often hypocritical
profession of it which alone organised bodies
can enforce. Now let them reflect in what
manner the interference of foreigners of an
alien creed, as partisans of the Christians in
Turkey, would be likely to affect its Mahomedan
population ? It would inevitably excite the anger,
jealousy, and opposition of the whole Ulemah, and
all that portion of society which clings most zealously
to them. It would not gain the confidence of the
Christians, for each sect would regard the European
protectors as sectarian propagandists in disguise.
For years the authorities in Turkey have been noise-
lessly but effectively engaged in promoting general
knowledge, and equalising the condition of their
subjects of all creeds. The truth is that the
Christian population of Turkey need no foreign
protectors, if the Great Powers of Europe are true
to the principles they profess. These principles are
neither to interfere themselves, nor to permit other
foreigners to interfere, in the domestic politics of
any state. The practical application of thi rule
consists in the cooperation of all the other states of
Europe to protect any one of them from the causeless
and unjust aggression of any ambitious and covetous
neighbour ; but at the same time to leave every
Government to deal unaided with its own subjects.
A practical illustration of this rule may be given
with reference to Turkey. The independence of
the Ottoman empire from foreign domination is to
be asserted by the allied arms of France and Eng-
land ; but if the Ottoman Government by misrule
provoke its subjects to insurrection in time of peace,
it is the duty of France and England to leave the
contending parties to settle the difference them-
selves. Steady adherence to this policy will be
sufficient to insure justice to the Christian subjects
of the Ports. The lessons of the Greek revolution
and of the insurrection of the Pacha of Egypt have
not been lost on the Ottoman statesmen of our
day. They have learned that their Government
can only be made strong by the affectionate loyalty
of an immense majority of their subjects ; and that
this affectionate loyalty can only be obtained by
doing justice to all classes—by being a just Go-
vernment to all classes.

It is not from ignorance ofthese truths that certain
parties are now advocating a combination of the Great
Powers of Europe to protect the Christians in Tur-
key ; and thus (as they say) preserve the internal
peace of that empire. Every concession made to
them by any Sultan of privileges to their own sect,
they will repay by protecting him against any dis-
affection engendered among his subjects by his
subserviency to foreign powers. The new Holy
Alliance will not confine its interference to Turkey.
Christianity is in the mouths of its promoters a
mere catch-word, to render their policy popular
with the unreflecting. Their next step (and it
will be a strictly logical extension of their prin-
ciples) will be to guarantee to all Sovereigns pro-
tection against popular insurrections on political
grounds, so long as they administer their govern-
ment in accordance with the views of the new
Holy Alliance. The proposed joint protectorate
of Christians in Turkey by the Great European
Powers is the first step to an alliance of these
powers to put down everything liberal under the
nickname of red republicanism. The really reli-
gious public—which has profited so much by the
triumph of civil and religious liberty in Britain—
ought to be on its guard against these impostors.

RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE.

SOUTH-EASTERN.

The Right Hon. Viscount Torrington has addressed
the following letter to the shareholders of this com-
pany :

" Warwick-square, London, March 6, 1854.
" Gentlemen,—l should be wanting in my duty, regard-
less likewise of my own interests as a proprietor, and violat-
ing the pledges and promises I made to you in the year
1847 (when I retired from the direction), if I refrained alto-
gether from making some comments on the division which
prevails amongst the directors of the company, made noto-
rious both by appeals through the newspapers, and by the
various letters transmitted from each party for your con-
sideration.

"My object in addressing you is two-fold :
"First—An anxious desire to restore peace, and put an
end to the dissentious unhappily prevailing, and so obvi-
ously injurious to the interests of the company ; and
" Secondly—That the proprietors, before the half-yearly
meeting, should fully understand the points which they are
called upon to decide. To render that decision satisfactory,
the proprietors must fully consider and determine the fol-
lowing questions :
" What aro the causes of dispute ?
" What are the errors of mismanagement of which the
minority of the board complain ?
" Has any alleged inefficiency or neglect of the board of
directors tended to injure and depreciate the property of
the company ?
" Are the minority of the board right in their views, and
are they advancing the interests of the proprietors in ap-
pealing, through the newspapers, against decisions deco-
rously recorded in the board-room ? _

" flow is an end to be put to these disputes, which are
tending to depreciate the value of your property ?
"And what is the contemplated policy of the three new
candidates for the direction ?

" Before, gentlemen, I proceed to offer my views for your
consideration, permit me to explain my own position in
connection with the company, because to many of the pro-
prietors, who have become shareholders since 1847, my ven-
turing to address them may appear unnecessary, and even
presumptuous.
" During the arduous struggles of your company against
powerful opponents, in the years 1845 and 1846, I was a
member of the board, and I laboured with becoming zeal
for your interests.
" In that vital struggle we were successful. To point
out to you the fatal effects of a defeat at that time on your
interests would be superfluous, but I had the satisfaction
of being assured that your success was in some measure
due to my humble exertions on your behalf. On my de-
parture from England, in April, 1847, you conferred on
me a splendid memorial of your appreciation of my exer-
tions, and I stated in my reply that it would ever be my
anxious wish and endeavour, by every means in my power,
to advance your prosperity; an assurance which I ventured
to repeat after my return to this country in 1851, and
which I have endeavoured to redeem, by availing myself
of every suitable occasion to advocate your rights in my
place in Parliament, to tender my advice in person, and to
assist when opportunity has permitted, for example, by
recently aidingin the amalgamation of the company with
the steam-boat department—an arrangement of much ex-
pediency and value.
" In endeavouring, therefore, to bring more clearly
under your notice the questions you are now called upon
to decide, so far from appearing intrusive, I trust I may
be considered as giving another proof of my desire to pro-
mote the welfare of the company.
" To return, then, to the dissensions in the board. Ex-
perience demonstrates that differences amongst any body
of men engaged together in commercial transactions (how-
ever well-intended the parties may be) must be injurious
to the prosperity of the undertaking. Where such dissen-
sions are permitted to develop themselves, personal irrita-
tion becomes active, anger supersedes judgment, and each
party scans with a jaundiced eye, the acts, the words, the
propositions, and even the motives of the others ; and as
success can only be the result of co-operation, dissension
thus becomes the bane of the enterprise.
"The differences which appear to have sprung up in
the last year in the South-Eastern Railway Board are
tending to this result—they are calculated to depreciate
the value of your property.
"At this very moment, with your affairs financially
sound, a steadily improving traffic, and a general manage-
ment which will bear comparison with any company, we
find our shares far below their real value, when compared
with other property of a similar nature.
" These differences can only be settled by the decision of
the proprietors at the next meeting. Then the points at
issue between the contending parties in the board must be
decided, and the maintenance of future peace must be en-
sured by the retirement of the defeated party from the
board. Till this is done, harmony cannot be restored, nor
will the property of the company resume its proper value.
" When merchants and traders disagree, partnerships
are dissolved. The ordinary policy of commerce applies to
your case, and those whose views are not in accordance
with the majority of the proprietors upon matters of vital
importance, cannot remain at the board with advantage to
the general interests.
" The first public act which made manifest to the pro-
prietors the existence of disunion at the board took its origin
in consequence of a circular letter from the secretary, dated
December 1, 1853, stating the policy of the directors for
this year with regard to extensions—a document in which I
entirely concur, justified as it is both by wisdom and expe-
diency. Immediately after the receipt of that circular, a
letter appeared in the newspapers, signed by three of your
directors, Messrs. Coles Child, Warren, and Byng, dissent-
ing
from the circular of the Ist of December. The value of
their reasons I leave to the judgment of the shareholders,
contenting myself with observing here, that such a course
as these three gentlemen have thought fit to adopt, in
thus appealing, three months before your half-yearly meet-
ing, through the medium of the public press, has caused
uneasiness in the public] mind, and has evidently injured
the property.
" The extension to Bromley was not disapproved of by a
committee of proprietors specially appointed to approve or
reject any proposed lines of' extension • and the three di-
rectors, dissenting from that approval the majority of
the board should in deference have waited till the present
half-yearly meeting, and then have stated their dissent,
and intention to oppose it whenever it came before the
proprietors for adoption.
" This was the candid and correct course to adopt ; but
a factious opposition aims at notoriety by issuing counter
statements to the board, making dissension and creating
confusion, which depreciates the stock in the market ; for
I- do not find that there has been any dissent or difference
even at the board, but on this one point.
" Whether such a proceeding shows a factious opposition
you will form your own 4.,pluiou, but to use it appears un-
commonly like it.
" Departing from the practice on all former occa-
sions of annual elections to the board, we have lately
seen circulars from a Mr. Henderson, honorary secretary
to a London committee, recommending to us three new
gentlemen for election as directors at the next meeting,
instead of re-electing as heretofore some of the outgoing
members.
" We are likewise informed of various committees
formed at Liverpool and Manchester, as well as in London
ostensibly for the assertion of a principle which no one
will controvert—that of securing independent directors
to conduit your affairs. I look, however, in vain for any
tangible charge against the present board or its outgoing
members.
" To one circumstance I must call the special attention
of the proprietors, as utterly subversive of all sound man-
agement. On the 16th of February We received a circular,
signed by Mr. Macgregor as chairman, and concurred in
by the board, fully detailing the position of your property
and `the steady improvement in Your financial affairs, But,

five days after, on the 21st February, we are surprised by
the issue of a second circular, emanating from the minority,
and signed as before by Messrs. Coles Child, Warren, and
Byng, reiterating their former rejected arguments, im-
pugning the hao?icy agreed to by the collective authority
of the board, and concluding with a charge against the
chairman indivalually of acting illegally in the issues of
stamped proxies; and although these three gentlemen refer
to the circular of the 16th of February as a circular
bearing Mr. Macgregor's signature,' and as ' Mr.
.Mac-
gregor's letter,' and treat it as emanating from him indi-
vidually, it appears they were present at a full board when
the letter was agreed to and resolved upon by all the other
directors. The charge against Mr. Macgregor is simply in-
correct; but their attempts to encourage animosity
against the chairman and impugn the conduct of a majo-
rity of the board, nearly a month before the half-yearly
meeting, is so utterly inconsistent with the well-regulated
government of any great company, that it should be at
once put an end to by an expression of the marked displea-
sure of the proprietors.
" Next, we have an address from the new candidates,
who are put forward by the committees of Loudon, Liver-
pool, and Manchester, Messrs. John N. It Campbell, Mat-
thew Forster, and Jonathan Mellor. These gentlemen, so
far from being introduced for the purpose of restoring
peace and promoting unanimity, at once candidly acknow-
ledge they are not able to give any opinion on the point in
dispute, viz., the Lewisham and Bromley line. Their
views, if anything, are rather against the line, and conse-
quently, as I shall presently show, fatal to the interests of
the company, whilst their introduction to the board at this
particular crisis, instead of contributing to consolidate the
direction would seem to aggravate the disunion, by creating
a third party in an assemblage which is already split into
two. The other portions of their circular consist of such
generalities and platitudes as are usually to be found in the
address of any ordinary candidate seeking for a seat at
railway direction, instead of presenting any argument or
reason to demonstrate the propriety of their election to
the exclusion of others who already enjoy your entire
confidence.

" One circumstance connected with these candidates is
at least curious, that the two first-named gentlemen were
not shareholders when the last year's list of shareholders
was printed, or at any rate not till the end of the year ;
and this I confess affords some grounds for implicit belief
in their avowal of imperfect acquaintance with the affairs
of the company, and especially with the vital question
which now occupies the attention of the directors, and it
affords some ground for conjecture that they are now
brought forward for a special purpose,—viz., to upset the
present direction.

" LEWISHAM AND BROMLEY.
" Many of the proprietors may not fully understand the
importance of the project of the Lewisham and Bromley
line, and look at it as a mere branch to bring traffic to
Bromley. Such is not the case; and the real object and
the success of this scheme are most important to the future
welfare, and even the protection, of the company.
" Every year attacks have been made on the South-East-
em Railway Company, and plans have been projected for
a Mid-Kent line, and meetings held in aid of this scheme
all over the county : a scheme, moreover, which must in
the course of time be carried out.
_ _

" Should any other company succeed in carrying out a
line which would join the South-Eastern Railway Com-
pany on the other side of Tunbridge, every man who looks
at the map will see the injury your property will inevitably
sustain.

" But by carrying out the Lewisham and Bromley line,
you practically commence this work yourselves—you secure
your position—place the wedge in the Mid-Kent for fur-
ther operations when time and circumstances will permit,
and make opposition next to impossible. Well acquainted
with the county of Kent and the position of the South-
Eastern Railway Company, I warn the proprietors that
the rejection of the Lewisham branch would be an act little
short of suicide. Looking at the great capital of this com-
pany already embarked, to stop short now at making six
miles of railway (to secure that already completed), and on
such poor and insufficient grounds as those promulgated by
the minority, is an error that I cannot for a moment be-
lieve the proprietors will be unwise enough to be led into.
"Imputing no wrong motives to the gentlemen who are
so advising the proprietors, I can only say, for my own
part, that, numerous as the enemies the South-Eastern
Railway Company has had for years to contend with, they
never had, or will have, any more inimical to their interests
than those gentlemen who thus injudiciously advise us,
and who will place in the hands of some other parties the
power to make a line elsewhere, which we repudiate—
moreover, should we, unfortunately, once repudiate the
Lewisham and Bromley line, you will not be in a position
again to apply to Parliament or oppose any other company;
aud, it is to be borne in mind that, at this very moment,
two other companies, one of them actually in unison with
the Brighton Company, are promoting bills in Parliament
fora line to Bromley and beyond.
if

THE POLICY OF THE PROPOSED NEW CANDIDATES.
"As to the proposed policy of the new candidates, the
general statements which they have put forward in their
address are not such as can enable the proprietors to judge
of their views and intentions. In the present dispute the
board has divided six against three. Do the proposed
candidates concur in the letters sent forth by the mi-
nority ? Are they against the Lewisham and Bromley
proposed line? They say they are without information.
The inquiry naturally suggests itself, have they taken
steps by communication with the board or otherwise to
acquire information? or upon what views do they ask the
support of the proprietors ? Do they concur with the ma-
jority of the present board, or is there to be a third party
in the board with different views from the other two ? If
so, confusion will be worse confounded ; with a board di-
vided into three sections business cannot be carried on,
and the proprietors will suffer. A distinct explanation of
the views of these three new candidates must be declared
before they can be safely supported.
" With regard to the gentlemen now in your direction,
whose term of service expires, and who offer themselves for
re-election, my observation leads me to consider they have
duly and faithfully fulfilled the trust reposed in them (if
otherwise, it should be frankly stated), and that, unless
you aro prepared to say that the policy they have supported
is wrong, you will not be acting justly either by them or
by yourselves in rejecting them for others, whose opinions
and projects we are so little acquainted with.
" I have not. the honour of being acquainted with the
three now candidates (Messrs. Campbell, )+orster, and
Mellor), but, as a safe rule, prudence and experience would
suggest that, in the selection of candidates for the direc-
tion, attention should be turned to those whose qualifica-
tions have been personally known, and afford a guarantee
that their conduct in office will be worthy of the high trust
reposed in them, and will give confidence not only to the
general body of the proprietors, but to the public at large.
" F see in the list of proprietors the names of men long
identified with your interests—and it is to such men I
would call your attention, as those best calculated to in-
spire confidence from their long connection with the com-
pany. I earnestly recommend that, whatever steps you
adopt, they may be such as will insure and perpetuate
harmony in the board, by securing the concurrence of the
majority ; convinced, as I am, that, if the judicious man-
agement of the experienced directors is not upheld by the
proprietary, the worst possible results must inevitably
ensue to the company.
" I have only one other suggestion to make to you,
gentlemen, which I am most anxious should obtain your
full consideration. This great company, with a revenue of
upwards of 800,000/. per annum, rapidly increasing, and
which will soon exceed a million, requires a direction
either strong by its union, or by a majority, if there be
dissent, preserving the confidence of the proprietors.
" The South-Eastern Railway Company is one of the
largest, I may say, in the world ; its steady progress leads
me confidently to believe it will yet be one of tho most
successful speculations of the age ; but to be so, it must
be governed and guided by large views, practical know-
ledge, and harmonious co-operation. Let not this oppor-
tunity pass ; refuse to sanction a step which will only in-
troduce fresh elements of discord into the board, and be-
lieve me, the best results will follow from the views I have
ventured to suggest to you.
" It only remains for me, in conclusion, to assure you
that one single motive has guided me in the task I have
undertaken, your welfare and future prosperity.
"I have endeavoured to state my views in no spirit of
hostility to any one; but inasmuch as 12 months ago I
heard that attempts were to be made to upset the policy,
and cause disunion in the board, and when I see that these
events have actually come to pass, I ask the proprietors to
pause before they lend themselves to such a course ; the
great difficulties of the South-Eastern Railway Company
have been got over • you have a steady and an increasing
traffic. Leave well alone ; support the majority of your
board cordially, and your confidence will give vigour to
their actions. Set your face against the vituperation and
abuse, and, I am confident, each succeeding year will in-
crease the value of your property. Your dividends will be
greater and your anxieties less. Bear in mind that, by
running down your stock, you destroy general confidence,
whilst personal attacks at the half-yearly meetings dis-
courage those from attending who shrink from participa-
tion in violence and abuse, and lower the character and
position of the company in the eyes of the public.—Believe
me, gentlemen, with sincere wishes for your prosperity,
your obliged and obedient servant;

" TORRINGTON."

RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS.

LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND SOUTH COAST RAILWAY.—
Traffic return for the week ending March 4,
1854 £10,295 8 10
Corresponding week last year 7,982 4 3
Total of the half-year to this date, 1854 84,171 6 8
Total of the half-year to this date, 1853 74,303 8 3

LONDON AND SOUTH-EASTERN RAlLWAY.—Traffic re-
turn for the week ending March 4, 1854 £13,058 19 1
Corresponding week last year 10,217 18 2

Increase in 1854 £2,841 0 11

THE GREAT NORTHERN RAlLWAY.—Traffic return for
the week ending Feb. 26, 1854 £18,762 5 3
Corresponding week last year 12,352 8 11
LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE RAILWAY.—Traffic re-
turn for the week ending March 5, 1854 £19,003 11 10
Corresponding week last year 18,133 8 2
CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAlLWAY.—Traffic return for
the week ending March 5, 1854 .................. £3,880 2 6
Corresponding week last year .................. 3,194 4 6

Increase in 1854 .............................. £685 18 0

GLASGOW AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAlLWAY.—Traffie re-
turn for the week ending March 4, 1854 £4,540 311
3orresponding week last year 4,120 17 5

Increase in 1851 ............................. £419 6—r;

FURTHER ARRIVAL Or OUR TROOPS AT MALTA.--
The Niagara, with the 2Sth Regiment, arrived at Malta
on the 4th March. The Ripon, with the Guards,
arrived at Malta on the sth March.
MYSTERIOUS DISAPPEARANuE.---Yesterday morning
the wall 4 throughout the metropolis were placarded
with bills, offering. a reward of F,UI. from the friends
of a gentleman named Walsh a surgeon, of Worcester,
who has been for some days missing, under the most
extraordinary circumstance 3. Mr. -Walsh, it appears,
arrived about the Ist inst. at the Sussex Hotel,
Bouverie-street, and afterwards left that house for
the South-Western Railway, to see a newly con-
structed staircase, since which time, notwithstanding
all the inquiries and trouble of his friends, nothing has
been heard of him, and now it is feared that he has been
waylaid and murdered. When he was last seen he had
about him a valuable gold watch, marked " Wetherill,
Liverpool.;" he is about 45 years of age, dark com-
plexion, and on one of his hands has but four fingers,
though on the glove there is a thumbstall ; he had also
attached to his watch a gold curb-chain, seal, and key,
and his linen is marked "J. H. Walsh." The police
are busily employed in the matter, but up to the hour
this was written not the least elite had been obtained et
the ;kissing gentleman.