The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-01 00:00:00

POLICY OF THE NEW AMERICAN

PRESIDENT.

(From the Times.)
NEW' YORK, Dec. 15, 11 o'Clock.—Although no
one who is not in the immediate confidence of the
President elect can presume to delineate with any
degree of exactness the policy that will guide his
administration in domestic and foreign affairs, yet
I believe that enough is known of the character of
vlr. Pierce to enable me to speak of the general
policy he will be guided by, and in such a manner
as will not be likely to excite expectations that will
not be realised.

In respect of the foreign policy of the approach-
ing Administration, it is believed that Mr. Pierce
will adhere to the maxims which have guided his
democratic predecessors, especially General Jack-
son. His course towards other nations will be one
of inflexible justice, asking for nothing which is not
right, and submitting to nothing that is wrong.
The antecedents of Mr. Pierce lead me to believe
that he will faithfully execute all treaties between
the Republic and other nations, and exact from
them the same loyalty to the public engagements
and international law. He will carefully respect
the rights of all nations, whether they be weak or
powerful. He will countenance no unjust aggres;
sions upon them by our citizens. He will rigidly
observe the laws of neutrality, international as well
as domestic. But, while he will study to do justice
to all nations, he will not hesitate to express the
sympathy of our Government forte ose communi-
ties and people that are struggg to establiish
constitutional freedom. He will recognise the doc-
trine of non-intervention as a principle of interna-
tional law—as the principle which regulates the re-
lations of the several States of our Republic—as the
cornerstone of the doctrine of State rights. But,
while he will recognise this principle as a funda-
mental law of nations, he will attempt to enforce it
only so far as this continent is concerned. The old
Monroe doctrine of non-interference in the affairs
of this continent by European nations, will be duly
asserted and maintained. So far as this point goes,
there can be no doubt about the course that any
administration would be compelled by public
opinion to adopt. But, having strong tendencies
towards absolute freedom of trade, Mr. Pierce will
endeavour to cultivate amity with all nations, and
court their friendship and intercourse. He will
exert his influence for the modification of the com-
mercial and revenue system of other nations, espe-
cially so far as they prevent or obstruct the largest
possible freedom of commercial intercourse.
I do not believe that the Cuba question will come
before the Government of Mr. Pierce (unless some
unforseen circumstance take place) either so soon
or so formidably as the Mexican affair. Cuba is
likely to have its hands full in rendering a strict
and proper account to Great Britain for this serious
violation of that treaty by which she engaged, not
only to discontinue, but to suppress as far as she
could, that infernal traffic. By every arrival from
Cuba we learn that the slave trade is increasing, and
private information I have received, and on which
I rely moss implicitly, convinces me that the public
reports on this subject are by no means exagge,
rated. The Captain-General of Cuba is deeply con-
cerned in this slave traffic, and you will have ob-
served that, under false representations, a fine
clipper-built American ship, with an American
crew, and sailing from one of our own ports, has
recently been purchased in Savannah, destined
for the slave trade. As these clippers are built it
is in vain for the slow English men-of-warto attempt
to overtake them in a seachase, while their steamers
can do it only when these clippers are becalmed.
That there has been the most flagrant violation of
all good faith on the part of the Provincial Go-
vernment of Cuba at least, if not of the Govern
went of Madrid itself, I entertain no doubt.

In regard to the domestic policy of the Adminis-
tration of Mr. Pierce, it is safe to say that he will
adhere to the maxims of his Democratic predeces-
sors, so far as they are applicable to the condition
of the republic, and accord with the progression of
the age. The matter which I have so often alluded
to, and which I regard as a cardinal one in our
domestic arrangements, is the tariff. In the late
election the doctrine of protection has been utterly
overthrown, and things have gone so far that it was
only the other day that a distinguished member of
Congress of the Whig party, an a notorious Pro-
tectionist, arose in his place and proposed a general
reduction on imported articles, by which the free
list would be considerably augmented. This gentle-
man alleged, in his justification for so extraordinary
a course, that even the present tariff, which the
Whigs have called " the free trade tariff," was
giving to the Government nearly one-third more
revenue than it expended. He deprecated, and
justly so, the collection of a revenue larger than the
wants of the Government demanded, believing that
it would offer a premium upon political corruption.
Thus things work. It is only what free trade men
prophecied many years ago. The prophecy is now
fulfilled. We have made some progress in liberal
ideas about tariffs. But our tariff is still a great
deal too high ; especially should all imposts be re-
moved upon raw material, of whatever nature it
may be. Thus, the most bigoted Protectionists we
had are fast coming to the conclusion that far lower
rates of imposts than we now have may still give
the Governmentalarger revenue than it requires.

The friends of free trade in the United States
have observed with a great deal of satisfaction the
course which the British Ministry have been com-
pelled to take. Whether Earl Derby really de-
serves credit for what he has done, or whether it be
mere political trimming, is a matter of no sort of
consequence to us. It is enough for us to know
that a Protectionist Ministry in Great Britain are
obliged to plant themselves upon the immovable
foundation of free trade. So we find that even our
Protectionists are not only coming rapidly to free-
trade doctrines, but the veryfirst time this question
has been raised during the present session of Con-
gress was by a well-known Protectionist, and from
him, even before the declarations of the Earl of
Derby were known in this country, we hear very
much the same language. Englishmen may rely
upon one thing,—that whatever change is made in
our tariff hereafter will bring us nearer to free
trade. Permanence and stability are desired, but
a large surplus revenue, even under the present
extravagant expenditure, and a reduction of the
expenses of the Government, will be likely to ren-
der a reduction of duties indispensible. Free trade
will be the maxim of Pierce's Administration, so
far as the physical wants of the Government will
admit.
Retrenchment and reform in public expenditure
will constitute a prominent feature in the policy of
the new Administration. It will ferret out corrup-
tion and put an end to extravagant expenditure so
far as it has the power. The civil debt of the army
and navy and the postal system may undergo a
rigid revision, and thus we may be precipitated
into an exigency that will compel us to reduce our
Customs' duties.
Mr. Pierce's Administration will be opposed to ex-
travagant appropriations for internal improvements,
because it is well known that private interests and
per,x;nal favouritism must have much to do, in so
vast a country as this, in large appropriations for
such purposes. Every navy-yard clamours for a
million a year—every town and village that has a
fortification expects at least 100,000 dollars, to
keep their citizens employed at the public expense.
The Whig party in this country has taught many
bad lessons to our people in this way. The Demo-
crats have, as a rule, opposed these large appro-
priatlons for local interests, and they have publicly
taught the doctrine that the citizens of a Republic
ought to sustain the Republic, and not lie down
and suck out its vitals. Mr. Pierce will oppose
everything in the shape of a distribution of the
proceeds of the public lands. The idea of the dis-
tbreigbinnutioinng of
Lttbhetieee public revenue.
originated in the
men who wished to have a
pretext for exorbitant Customs' duties, and, when-
ever they got an
tohtportunity, they advocated the
distribution ()f
public revenue among the
different States.
The opinion
is getting to be
tliat General Pierce has
for exre almost universal
rdmary and unpre-
cedent qualifications Presidential office.
He conducts himself with theinvitations
greatest modesty
lic honours. Every speech, and
Since let for pub-
ter, and word,
that have gone from him
a spiritof
his nemination
have been characterised by
modesty.
moderation, and unostentatious truth.
_Thousands
of men have gone to Concord, where Mr. Pierce
lives, and that quiet village has been besieged by
demagogues from every part of the Union. But
it
is well understood that the President elect will en-
tertain no requests for office, and no conversation
in regard to the men who are to make up his Ca-
binet from any man who does not visit him at his
own request. Whom that Cabinet will consist of
no man yet knows. It has not yet been decided
even by General Pierce himself.
In all probability the Cabinet will be composed
of new men—those who have never been in any
preceding Cabinet. One thing is removed beyond
a doubt, because General Pierce has in the most
nnqualified terms expressed it himself. His Ca-
binet will be composed of National Union Demo-
crats. It will be made up at Concord before the
Pnesiclent leaves home. It will not be changed
-after ,finally settled upon at Concord, nor will
be proMulgats4 until the inauguration of the
4th of March.

its
- Mr. John Scott 4he celebrated horse-trainer, of Mal-
, ton: last week kille an ox of extraordinary size, mea-
suring front the _to of the horns to the tail nine feet,
and weighing, wh. st alive, 258 stones, or 1 ton 8 cwt. 2
i,!'. qrse-r The anima! was bred on the neighbouring moors,
anitad 1;pol-fattening for nearly two years.