The Sun.
London, England, 1853-03-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 12, 1853,

BETHLEM HOSPITAL.

Sir B. HALL wished to ask the hon. gentleman, the
Under-Secretary for the Home Department whether
Government intended to take any steps to prevent a
recurrence of the cruelties referred to in the report of
the commissioners appointed to inquire into the state of
Bethlent Hospital ? The income of the 'hospital was
about 20,0001., and its entire management rested
with the corporation of London. It was ex-
pressly exempted from the inspection of the Lunacy
Commissioners, and he wished to know if it was intended
to. bring in a bill to abolish that exemption, or, whether
any further report upon the subject was to be laid on
the table.
Mr. FITZROY was not aware that any further re-
port was to be laid upon the table, but a bill had been
introduced into the other house f Parliament upon the
subject of the Lunacy Law, which would abolish the
exemption to which the honourable baronet referred to.

HOP DUTIES.
In reply to Mr. SMITH,
Mr. WILSON stated that there was an order in the
hop duty return, so far as it related to the Rochester
district. The return put the assessment doWn at eight
and a half acres, but last year it was 79 acres. There
must, therefore, be a mistake in the former figure.
PASSING TOLLS.
Mr. HUDSON wished to ask the President of the
Board of Trade, whether he is prepared to assure the
house that he will bring in a bill in reference to the pass-
ing tolls during this session, in sufficient time to enable
the house to pass it.
Mr. CARDWELL said one of the harbour commis-
sioners had recommended that Ramsgate habour should
be made self-supporting ; but this report was entirely
different to others which had been made on the subject,
and he was examining the case of this and other har-
bours, in order to satisfy himself as to what steps ought
to be taken in the matter.
ACCELERATION OF THE MAILS TO THE
NORTH.
Mr. HUDSON wished to ask the Secretary of the
Treasury whether the attention of the Postmaster-Geme-
ml has been called to several memorials presented to the
late Postmaster-General by a large deputation from the
North of England, calling upon his lordship to expedite
the mails to the boroughs -of Sunderland, Newcastle-
upon-Tyne, North and South Shields, and all the places
north of York ' • and whether he can inform the house
what course the Postmaster-General is about to adopt
to give those populous districts the advantage of an
improved postal communication ; especially as letters,
if forwarded by the Great Northern Railway, could be
delivered three hours earlier in the important towns be-
fore referred to.

Mr. WILSON said he had great pleasure in inform-
ing the hon. member that his noble friend the Postmas-
ter-General had had under his consideration these va-
rious memorials, and he had come to the conclusion that
the postal communication with these important places
might be very materially accelerated, but it must be ob-
vious that the details for carrying out such an arrange-
ment must occupy some considerable time. His noble
friend, however, hoped to be able to adopt the accele-
rated time by the middle of June next.
CRIME IN IRELAND.
Mr. WHITESIDE wished to ask the Chief Secretary
for Ireland, whether a bill has been prepared, or is in
course of preparation, to carry out the recommendation
of the committee which sat last session to inquire into
the causes of crime and outrage in certain districts in
Ireland, to amend the law relating to the formation of
the jurors' lists in that country.
Sir J. YOUNG said no bill was prepared, nor could
he say that any bill was in the course of preparation,
but the subject would not be lost sight of by the Govern-
ment.

SOUTHAMPTON ELECTION.
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT presented a petition from
a person named Bowyer, who had been committed to
the custody of the Serjeant-at-Arms for refusing to make
an affirmation before the Southampton Election Com-
mittee in the form prescribed by the Act of Parliament,
praying to be released. The honourable member, after
presenting the petition, said the committee were of
opinion that the refusal was not the result of impro-
priety or improper purpose, but were out of the man's
own conscientious scruples, and he begged, therefore,
to move that the man be discharged from custody with-
out payment of fees.

Mr. S. WORTLEY (the Recorder of London) took
the opportunity which this motion afforded him of draw-
ing the attention of the Government to the present un-
satisfactory state of the law with respect to oaths and
affirmations. An exception was made by the statute in
favour of Quakers, Moravians, and Separatists, but none
in favour of the man who entertained conscientious
scruples against taking an oath. This omission often
placed courts of justice in a very difficult situation, and
he would therefore suggest that 'the law should be so
amended as to leave it optional with a court of law to
exempt parties from taking an oath where they were
convinced that the parties were sincere in their objec-
tions. (Hear, hear.)
The motion was then agreed to.
COMMITTALS FOR CRIME.
Mr. W. FOX moved an address for tabular returns of
the number of committals for crime in Ireland during
each of the years from 1841 to 1852, inclusive ; of the
number of committals in England and Wales for each
year of the same period ; and, in each case, of the num-
ber of accused persons unable to read or write, and their
centesimal proportion to the whole.
Agreed to.

BRIDGNORTH ELECTION.
Sir J. V. SHELLEY moved that the petition from
certain electors of Bridgnorth, which he presented the
other night, be printed with the votes.
Mr. WHITMORE objected to the motion. He said
the petition presented by the hon. baronet was signed
by the refuse and mob of Bridgnorth. (Hear.) He
considered himself that there was not a more respecta-
ble borough than Bridgnorth, and he hoped the house
would not be led away by party feeling to do an injus-
tice to the electors.

After a few words from Mr. COBDEN, the motion was
agreed to. .

INDIAN AFFAIRS.

Mr. WILSON having moved the adjournment of the
house at rising until Monday next,
Mr. BRIGHT said he had given notice that he would
put a question as to the course which the Government
would take with respect to the future government of India.
Ho believed the house would agree with him, that at this
particular juncture it was scarcely possible a more import-
ant question than this could come before it, and he felt
himself justified in alluding to it as one of the representa-
tives of that constituency which was undoubtedly more
deeply interested in the proper solution of the question of
the future government of India than any other constitu-
ency of the -United Kingdom. (Heart hear.) Another
ground was this—that in the year 1848 he had obtained,
and presided over, a committee for the purpose of inquiring
into the obstacles that prevent the growth of cotton and
the development of industry and cultivation in India, and
in the year 1850 had brought before the house a proposi-
tion to send a royal commission to India for the purpose of
investigating on the spot what were the obstacles to an ex-
tended cultivation of the raw material of the greatest
manufacture of this country in India. (Hear.) That com-
mission was refused by the Government of the day ; but
he was able to say most distinctly that it was approved of
by many most distinguished men in that house. It was
strongly approved of by Sir Robert Peel, who spoke to him
about it both before the motion was brought on and after-
la _lt was approved of by the tight hon. gentleman
who was now First Lord of the Admiralty ; it was ap-
proved of by Lord George Bentinck ; and it was not, he
thought, disapproved of by the noble lord who at the time
was at the head of the Government ; but it was opposed
by the Indian Government and the President at the time
of the Board of Control. Having made those efforts to
obtain an inquiry, he felt justified in asking the Govern-
ment not to be precipitate in any legislation they now un-
dertook, for although an inquiry had been refused, it since
appeared to be necessary by not less than three Govern.
ments that an inquiry should take place. About two
years ago the noble lord the member for the city of London
announced that the Government intended to appoint a
committee preparatory to the consideration of the future
government of India ; but the noble lord went out of
office just at the moment the committee was about to be
nominated, in the month of February of the last year. On
the accession to power of the Government of Lord Derby
the committee was nominated, and sat during the remain-
der of last session. And during this session, when the Go-
vernment of Lord Aberdeen succeeded that of Lord Derby,
the inquiry was still considered necessary, and the com-
mittee during this session resumed its labours. (Hear,
hear.) He considered it a most unfortunate thing for
India that its Government, so far as it was represented in
that house, was one of the most fluctuating, and uncertain,
and he was afraid of an incapable character. He did not
mean incapable as to the incapacity of individuals, but as
to the particular circumstances of its constitution. (Hear,
hear.) Had the house observed that within ten months,
in the year 1852, the President of the Board of Control
had been changed no less than four times? In the
beginning of February in the last year the President
of the Board of Control was Lord Broughton, and he would
say nothing of his administration of Indian affairs, ex-
cept that he was one of the most contented and somnolent
of statesmen. (Laughter.) After him they had Mr. Fox
Maule (Lord Panmure) as President of the Board of Control,
arid he remained in that important office just three weeks.
On the fall of the Government of the noble lord, the right
hon. member for Stamford was placed in the position of
President of the Board of Control, and he remained in
office until the change of Government before Christmas
when he was succeeded by the right hon. member for Hal., _
fax. Ho believed all those gentlemen were very well
meaning, but nobody ever believed that they knew
at Tilie ord re eda about India than their neighbours. (Hear, h
laugh.) No person, so far as he heard, had ever edairscA),v
that they paid particular attention to questions connected
with India ; and yet, though a man had bee secretary
at.
War for several years, or Chancellor of then Exchequer", Or
anything else, by mere party routine he
as put at the
head of the Government of India, or in an wy
other office to

which it might suit the convenience of those making a
Cabinet to appoint him. (Hear, hear.) Not only kin
the been four presidents of the Boaz-d of Control wit hid
n
the time he had mentioned, but they had actually had six
secretaries, all of whom had seats in that house. (Hear.)
The house would see there was no continuous government
in the Board of Control, and there was naturally a great
casually into
indisposition on the part of persons coming
that office to grapple with a great question
like the govern-
ment of India (Hear, hear.) There was an inquiry going
on by a committee, on which many eminent men were
sitting, and he understood that at the commencement of
their labours the right hon. gentleman the member for
Stamford divided the inquiry into eight heads or branches,
and placed at the beginning the circumstances and method
of the home Government. He (Mr. Bright) was not a
member of that committee, and therefore could only speak
from hearsay. He understood that the first branch of the
inquiry had been pretty much gone through ; but the
house would see that that was precisely the least impor-
tant portion of the inquiry, because there was no well-
informed member of the house who was not acquainted
with the condition of the home Government—the theory
and means of acting the private wrangles between
Leadenhall-street and Cannon-row, and the previous com-
munications, by which an opening quarrel might be
avoided, in order that discredit might not be thrown on
the whole system. (Hear, hear.) All that was the last
thing that was necessary to be inquired into, yet that was
put first on the list ; and he understood it was considered
that for the purpose of legislation further inquiry was not
necessary, and that legislation might be forthwith com-
menced. (Hear, hear.) That which would describe the
true character of the Government was to be found in the
condition of the people that were governed, yet the whole
condition of the natives of India was left entirely un-
touched. (Hear.) There had been nothing in the shape
of adverse evidence produced before the committee, but
there were different witnesses that might be examined, and
to enable them to form an opinion whether the Indian
government or the Board of Control was good or bad, it
was right amijust that impartial witnesses should be heard,
and that they should not confine the investigation to the
evidence of persons who were connected with the Indian
government, and had been for the most part of their
lives in the service of the East India Company. (Hear.)
He begged to call thetttenion of the house to the petitions
that had been presented from various parties in India—
some of them European and Christian inhabitants, and
some of them native inhabitants of the presidencies. (Hear.)
It was said that some of the witnesses impugned that tes-
timony, and said the opinion of the natives was not
be taken ; but if the house acted upon the evidence of
men of that character, they would find, in regard to their
government of India, that they had made a most fatal
mistake, and they would discover it at a time when
they would be without a remedy. (Hear, hear.) In a pe-
tition from the British and Christian inhabitants of Bengal,
after referring to the question of internal government, it
was stated that it would be expedient to make the future arrangements of the government of India for a shorter
term of years, and at first for one year. He would also
read a petition from the native and
other inhabitants of
the Madras presidency ; and he had received a letter from
an intelligent person in Madras, stating that if an inquiry
were set on foot, he would undertake to establish the
statements contained in that petition. (Hear.) In that
petition it was stated that " whilst your petitioners regret
that, owing to the want of sufficient time, and the insuper-
able difficulty of getting access to the financial documents,
they were unable to state the vast number of major and
minor grievances to which they are subject under the
operation of the existing system of government, they en-
treat that those they have imperfectly touched upon may,
meet with the patient consideration of the house, as well
as that an opportunity may be afforded of substantiating
the facts they have stated before an impartial commission
of inquiry and investigation, assembled in India,
composed of persons in and out of public employ, and
Europeans and natives conjointly." (Hear, hear.) He
had another petition, from the native merchants, ship-
owners, bankers, and other inhabitants of Bombay, which
concluded in these words :—" Your petitioners pray that
the act now existing be re-enacted for one year only, so as
to permit time for the important negotiations which seem
so indispensable in the construction of a new constitution
for India, especially as patient care and attention are not
likely to be bestowed upon them if immediately or hastily
gone into during the political excitement now prevailing
in England." He (Mr. Bright) presumed that the peti-
tioners referred to the change of Government last year.
There was another petition, from the Bombay Association
and other native inhabitants Of the Bombay presidency, in
which "they humbly pray your honourable house to em-
body, in any measure of legislation which comes before
you for the government of India, the principle here set
forth, and that the house will not rest content, but will adjourn the final settlement of the plan for the Indian
government until all available information from trust-
worthy sources be laid before you." It was also proposed
that they should limit the existence of the act for the
future government of India to a period of ten years, so
that the interests of so many millions of British subjects
might be more frequently brought under the consideration of the British Parliament. He could refer to other evi-
dence in favour of inquiry, and showing a desire that
there should be an alteration in the existing govern-
ment of India, It was stated that the law was ad-
ministered in the company's courts under circumstances
that were productive of great delay, great expense, and, a
virtual denial of justice. It was said that the police of
India was in such a state that there was little security for
either life or property ; that the police themselves were
little better than the dacoits or gang robbers that infested
the country ; that the taxes were not levied in a manner
that was the least injurious to the industry of the country;
that they were extremely onerous, and that reform was
necessary ; and, to illustrate the bad condition of the roads,
it was stated that within 35 miles of Calcutta, on the high
road to the north, a bridge was washed away in 1847, and
had not yet been repaired—(hear, hear);--that in conse-
quence of the state of the roads it was impossible to intro-
duce articles brought from abroad into the interior of the
country, or to bring from the interior the produce of India;
and it was complained that the railroads in course of being
made were proceeding with dilatoriness, from want of
energy, complexity of management, and hopelessness of
result, a statement that could not be made of a railway in
any other part of the world. (Hear, hear.) The state of
irrigation was considered infinitely less satisfactory than
under the old government of India ; the canals and reser-
voirs were allowed to go out of repair, and during the last
few years a famine had occurred in a particular district
that might have been prevented if the Government paid
ordinary attention to irrigation; by securing the vast mass
of water that fell in one season of the year to sustain the
productiveness of the soil continuously through the whole
year. (Hear, hear.) He begged to call attention to a let-
ter which appeared in the Bombay Gazette from Surat, in
which the writer described the means that were taken by
officers of the Government to prevent native servants of
the Government, and Europeans too, from bringing any
information before the British public. (Hear, hear.) The
condition of a people was the true index by which to judge
of the character of a government, and he begged, in refer-
ence to that subject, to read a statement from the Bombay
Times of the 14th of April, 1852. It might be that these
were merely statements published in a newspaper ; but if
similar statements regarding any county in England
appeared in a London newspaper, they would either meet
with a denial or measures would be adopted to prevent the
repetition of them. By a statement in the Bombay Times
The population was described as living in the utmost
penury. It was impossible, it was said, for masters to
remain as. they were, and that from year to year they must
continue in a downward path, unless the present system
was arrested and reversed. An inquiry had been made
into the reasons why cotton could not be grown in India,
and the report of the committee, on which there were
three East India directors, was unanimously agreed to. In
that report they made the following statement with regard
to the general condition of the people, and he begged the
house to bear in mind that all the witnesses were servants
of the Government, and being so, he considered they gave
their evidence in a manner that was not in the slightest
degree tinged with any unfavourable bias for the Govern-
ment, but they gave it honestly and honourably, and in a
manner with which he was satiated. The committee,
in their report, appealed to the evidence of almost every
witness, to show that the condition of the cultivating
population was one of extreme poverty—that they wore
obliged to apply to the money lender for the means of
obtaining seed, giving security for the loan on the growing
crops, which, on coming to maturity, were disposed of to
him at a price more regulated by his will than the standard
of the open market, and that the cultivator often paid for
the loan 40 or 50 per cent., or even more than that. How
was it that the money lender obtained that power over the
cultivators ? He could not obtain that usurious rate of in-
terest if it wore not for the poverty and helplessness of the
population cultivating the soil, to whom the money was
thus lent. And whatever might be said as to the money
lenders being the cause of the mischief to the cultivator,
they were only the secondary cause, the population being
reduced to misery by the unaccountable neglect of the Go-
vernment. (Hear.) He would mention another fact on the
authority of the hon. member for Guildford, who had been
examined for two days before the committee. In reply to
a question that was put to the hon, member, as to the
amount the Indian Government had expended during four-
teen years—since the renewal of the Charter Act—from
1834 to 1848—in substantial improvements for the good of
the people, on roads, bridges, canals, tanks, and works of
that nature, he stated the amount so expended was
1,400,0001., or 100,0001. a year ; while the town of Man-
chester had expended, he was going to say, double the sum
on improvements for a population of 400,000 persons. The
hon. member was asked the amount of revenue obtained by
the Indian Government during those fourteen years, and
he (Mr. Bright) did not receilect the precise answer the
hon. gentleman gave, but tlie/Spers of the Indian-Govern-
ment showed that, during that period, they had extracted
316,000,0001. from the population of India. (Hear, hear.)
If any man admitted that fact to be true, it afforded a fair
ground for doubting whether it would be wise in that house
or the Government to propose a permanent continuance of
the present Government of India, without a more rigid in-
quiry than had yet been established. There was also the
question of the revenue of India. In 1842, when Sir Robert
Peel brought forward his budget, he referred to the reve-
nues of India, stating that he was quite aware there might
appear to be no direct and immediate connection between
the finances ofindia and those of this country, but it would
be a superficial view of our relations with India, said the
right hon. baronet, which should omit the consideration of
this subject. , He (Mr. Bright) had not got any account of
the revenues of India since 1849, but he would state to the
house the deficiency which had arisen in the nine years pre-
ceding 1849. In 1840 the deficiency amounted tot ,400,000/.
in 1841, to 1,700,000/. ;in 1842, to 1,700,000/. ; 1843, tz
1,300,000/. •in 1844, to 770,000 ;in 1845, to 740,000/, in
1846, to 1;500,000/. ;in 1847, to 907,000/the. • 1 --
1,900,000/. ; and in 1849, to 2,300,000/, •
;111).11. 848,
to
there eing a defi-
ciency of 15,500,000/. in the ten years fro
m 1840 to 1819
inclusive ; and, with the exception of one year, there had
been a deficiency of every year since. The house was well
aware that for 60 years past it had been constantly as-
serted by the Indian Government that India could supply
cotton for the manufactures of this
house believe that durin 1817, 11881r111.18t17; 35Wyoeaunld a tz:ho
we imported from India aglarger amount of cotton on the
average of those three years than we imported in 1849 or
1852. The avera f
182,000
bgealersom 7to 1819 was 184,000
in 1842,
85/ the
although in 1850 and 1 .
imports were somewha't
less than 169 000 -bales, 3Sfr
andlarger ; in 1852 they had fallen to
rice.) Th°
bales ;
( • Mangles : The p. n
_rico
Iron, member for Guildford referred to the qunestioantl yrom
—but was not th price of cotton from di America subject to precisely the same causes of fitletUatiell?
number
(Hear.) In 1818 we obtained from India a /argereleited
of bales of cotton than we had from the whole of
thteliguantity States of America ; and while of late Ye-17e, reasing, the
of cotton coming from India had I",T en largely on the
quantity from the United States had 7
increase. (An Hon. Me
a;iference at all. Now last
In the matter of
this ce
Member : Freignt
freight there was scarcely an9,,is-and yarns from
year the exports of cotton.i g° being Very nearly half
try amounted to 30,000,,-7 Kingdom ; and even in the
whole exports of the United _.,
rad exclusively of the sum
manufactures of that Brest
less than 45,000,000/. was expended in
wages and expenses I
paid for cotton, not,_rimiti kinds incident to the manu-
factures. Now he contended that it would be a scandalous

sacrifice of the interests alike of England and of India, if
this question should be settled on any other principle than
this, that, having conquered India—whether rightly or
wrongly was not now the question—it was the duty of this
country to establish the best possible government for the
millions of people who were-subject to our control in that
part of the world.- (Hear, hear;) He would read a short
extract from a letter he had a-m.:.ntly received from a gen-
tleman of high clkirkter in India: It was dated the 14th
of October, 1852, and the writ.craiial—" In India we were
eahllainiteerxacpet:tawthioenn,otof I.:hoe:nr rahonagrvenenpdi nagninalzteemmetniotn, swien
find
the act of 1833 about to be intriiduCed with scarcely any
alterations—Whigs, Teri* Derbiites, and Russellites being
apparently agreed that India is a great bore, and the sooner
its aff are decided the better." Now what he (Mr.
Brightairs ) wanted the Government to do to-night was, that
if they had made up their minds as to the course they were
about to take with respect telridia, to say so. He hoped
they had not made up their iiitnds, and that that would
be the answer he should recePie- from the noble lord. The
noble lord might say that he had gone into this question
further than he ought to do on
an occasion like that.
(Hear, hear, and no, no.) But he hoped the noble lord
would appreciate the magnitude of this question, and the
objects he (Mr. Bright) had in view in bringing it forward.
He was importunate on this auestion because he was con-
vinced of its magnitude. He had twice brought this sub-
ject before the house, and had been instrumental, with
friends of his in Lancashire, in sending out to India a most
intelligent and able gentleman (the late Mr. Alex. Mackay),
for the purpose of obtaining- information for themselves,
by means of large private subscriptions ; and although it
pleased Providence not to permit that gentleman to return
to England, yet he (Mr. Bright) was bound to say that the
information which he had furnished then] only confirmed
the impression he (Mr. Bright) had felt all along, and
deepened his conviction of the great necessity for
thoroughly investigating this subject before the house came
to any positive and conclusive opinion on this question.
Therefore it was that he asked the noble lord—and in
doing so he disclaimed the slightest idea of embarrassing
the Government--whether the Government had come to
any decided opinion upon this question ; if they had,
whether it was in favour of a temporary or a long re-
newal ; and, if so, would he state the number of years, and
tell the house when the measure which was to be brought
forward would be brought under the consideration of the
house ? (Hear, hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL—I cannot, in spite of the disavowal
of the honourable gentleman, help complaining of his
conduct this evening. (Hear, hear.) He has taken the
opportunity of a formal motion that this house adjourn
until Monday—(hear, hear)—not for the purpose of asking
a certain question of which he has given notice—not for
the purpose of even stating facts and making explanations
which might be introductory to this question, but he has
taken the opportunity of making a speech of an hour's
length in utter condemnation of the Government which
for the last seventy years has ruled over the 'terzitory of
India. (Hear, hear.) It is obvious that such was his in-
tention. Without saying whether that condemnation was
deserved or not, I say that it is obvious that his purpose was
to say that that Government was to be utterly condemned,
and that something new was to be put in its place ; for if
a regular motion expressing that purpose had been made,
the honourable gentleman would no doubt have been met
by those honourable members who take a different view
of this question, and who would have expressed their sen-
timents upon it at as great length as he has done. (Hear,
hear.) I must confess that the statement of the honour.
able gentleman does not all convince me of the wisdom of
the views which he has propounded. Neither, sir, does
the tone in which he undertakes this question induce me
to think that he does approach it in that spirit in which a
question so grave ought to be approached. (Cheers.) He
is ready to say that he expects from my candour such an
interpretation of his motives that I am to believe that nothing but the purest desire for the welfare of India and
the good of his country animates him in his speech. lam
not to utter a word—though no doubt . imputations are easily enough made against a Government as against indi-
viduals ; but, on the other hand, while he demands so
much candour, while he lays the ground for assuming that
I am bound to be frank and candid on this subject, his
own candour is very small in amount. (Hear.) He seems to
take it for granted that we can propose no measure for the
government of India unless we are animated by some dis-
creditable motive. Now I beg to say, without making any
imputation upon him, that the view of the Government is,
to do that which they conceive is the most fitting for the
welfare of the 100,000,000 of people who are subject to the
sway of this country. (Hear, hear.) Now I beg, before
answering in any way the question of the honourable gen-
tleman, to state what has occurred of late. It is well
known to the house that the government of India—which
has lasted, as I have said, very nearly seventy years—ex-
pires in April, 1854. Two years before that period—
namely, in April, 1852—the right honourable gentleman
now the member for Stamford, and then President of the
Board of Control, moved for the appointment of a select
committee upon the subject of India. In making that
motion he took occasion to enter into the progress which
had been made since the last act of 1833, and produced
facts which, as he stated, must be gratifying to the house.
He said that, although there was a deficiency in the re-
venue at the present time owing to the recent wars, the
revenue had increased from 18,000,0001. to 24,000,0001.
He stated that the imports had increased from 6,000,0001.
to 12,000,0001. ; and the exports from 8,000,0001. to
18,000,0001. ; and he went on stating various facts of a.
similarly gratifying character. He declared that the mea-
sures for the administration of justice had placed that
administration in the hands of a great number of natives
by whom justice was dispensed ; that that administration
had generally been found satisfactory, and that there had
been a very small number of appeals from their decisions.
He made various other statements with regard to educa-
tion and with reference to the general state of India ; and
had declared that since 1817, much had been done towards
the improvement of India. He ended with a statement
of the plans in contemplation, some in the nature of
public works, one of which was a great road which was
to cost no less than 1,500,000!. ; and having made those
statements he moved for a select committee. He was
opposed by an honourable gentleman no longer a member
of this house, the late honourable member for Youghal
(Mr. Anstey). But that honourable member was again
met by a gentleman who has not only had great experi-
ence of the Government in this country, but also consider-
able experience of the '4m-eminent of India—l mean the
honourable member for'Montrose ; and he declared that he
was glad to hear that the Government had it in contem-
plation to renew the government of India on something
lik the same foundation on which it had hitherto rested,
and he stated if that government fell to the ground it
would be the ruin of England. He pointed out, with great force, that if it had been truly said by the hon. gen-
tleman who had opposed the motion that there was great
poverty in India, the poverty must always
considered
as comparative—that be if he meant to compare certain dis-
tricts in India with those of England no doubt they were
extremely poor, but if he compared districts in India under
the British Government with those under the native
princes, then the comparison would be totally different.
(Hear, hear.) He would see that the state and condition
of the people under the British rule were far better than
those of the people subject to the rule of the native princes.
That was a perfectly just and true observation ; and I own
I am surprised that the hon. gentleman (Mr. Bright)
should say, upon the authority of a petition from an Eng-
lish county—
Mr. BRIGHT (interrupting)—I referred to a paragraph
which had appeared in a respectable English journal.
Lord J. RUSSELL—I understood the hon. gentleman
was comparing the people of the two countries. It
amounted therefore to a statement founded on a news-
paper paragraph. Well, these are matters that are com-
parative, and the state of the ryots in India must be con-
sidered in regard to what had been their former condition.
In the course of that debate I stated that I trusted that
the Government of this country did not forget their own
responsibility on this subject—that, whatever might be
the character of the committee, you should not refer to a
select committee a question of this importance for their
decision—(hear, hear)—that you could only refer it to
them for the purpose of information, and that upon the
Parliament of this country must rest the responsibility of
bringing forward and passing at the fitting time such a
measure as they think bat. (Cheers.) I am still of the
same opinion. I still think it is incumbent on the Go-
vernment of this country to bring forward, at the fitting
time, the measure which they think best fitted for the
government of India. The committee proceeded to in-
quire ; and there was, at the same time, a committee of
the House of Lords appointed. Both committees divided
the, subject of inquiry into eight heads. The first was
with respect to the authorities and agency by which
the government was carried on both in England and
in India ; and the House of Lords stated, in report.
ing to their lordships' house, that the general ten-
dency of the evidence taken before them was in
systeinof adinComimiliostensri' ng
favour of continuing the present
SO that With
the affairs of India through the Board of Control and the
directors of the East India Company. `There-
port was in nearly similar terms.
that first point, which must be the main obj regaVal
that may be introduced into Parliament, theeettwoof caLuit-
tees gave their testimony as to the favourable tenour of their
evidence ; and be it remarked that there were many per-
sons examined before those committees who
thatereer-
subject.
flenctsloyeacoyimnpeg,telndto
nthotgithivenkana
inopanisaadi:poi.
ing an opinion upon this sub-e t quaoffed from giv-
h.aie bad
considerabi_ ,J c because he happens to
namely, Lord ccLotrdherEellenrboEteraouraz*Pe.) borough'
person of.jah'igandh auhaethe:rhietyld, caonndstpirtnuptinzonf
dithffeeraoeflategra gave an opinion adverse to the
Irt Government as it at present exists,
am correct in saying
LsoearsdioHn
generally went rathere of government. I think I
with°present
mencement of the the opinion of the committees
nor of India, than •
with Lord Ellenborough. In the eom-
ugh-
appointed, and the ardtheilei committee was re-
President of
the Board of Cont right hon. gentleman the
rol stayed that he had hopes
that they
graver-
would be able toremaining subjects of
inquiry, and that gi't on within thenebie
that Parliament
should legislate on the gwovasernment of India in the coursee
of the present session. Since that tip2ite_t_heheommany of
have proceeded with their inquiry , but "'jug
those subjects are of the greatest
,l with dthere is
ifficulties
imp
ortaxce
only one way in which they
candeal
of India had
incident to the subject.
Ifthegovernment
what it has been for the last 20
been totally different from
account given by the right
gen
years, totally different from the
eund it
was a
government like
some of those we read of—that
hon. tleman—if we 11 1 i
m.
it had been a government
of the most cruel rapacity,
that the people were suffering
ere on and corruption—then it
yoke of °P."--sh.l- house whether or not we
under the
with this
would be a question
the nature of that government; and
should totally alter t •of the utmost importance, but
this respect is
the evidence in
not the least possibility that that evidence
I believe there is
(Hear.) But there is no reason
such character.
will be of any
why the committee should not proceed to consider all the
points of inquiry, and with respect to the most important
then,—the uil.T;enee,
the judicial system, and the naval
°f
mid military means of the gOvernment of India—produceto this housa allthe
forming an
opinion upon this subject. It is well known
. .
committee sits twice a week, and three hours on
that the . .
c occasion ; and if it was necessary to have further evi-
dencel immediately, without asking them to imitate the late
Lord George Bentinck—who on one occasion of this kind
gave an example which will never be forgotten, I think if
y sat twelve hours in the course of a week—if they sat
four days for three hours, or three days for four hours—
that would not be asking too much of their attention on
this important subject. It may be thought, however, by
some that it is desirable that the convenience of the com-
mittee should be consulted ; but I think that it would be
far better that the committee should suffer
some inconve-
nience than that the welfare of India should be at all en-
dangered by a regard to their convenience. But, sir, after
all, the question arises—is it, or is it not, for the benefit of
India that, according to the hon. gentleman's proposition,
the renewal or the formation of 6 government or India.

should be delayed for two or three years, and that during Governor-General, and the other was a civil functionary.
all that time the people of India should be kept in total The fact, then, remained that the committee had not' had
uncertainty as to the nature of the government to be before them one single independent witness. They had
oneadverse from Now,he
preposed. (Hear, hear.) The-hon.
. gentleman reads peti- not had witness India. thought
teens, some of them asking for an inquiry in this country, the doors of the committee room ought to be opened to all,
and some of them for inq • .in India, and one of them and that the same course ought to be pursued in respect to
e witnesses from India as was adopted in reference to
aska for a sort of committee of inquiry in India, not for th
wit-
purpose of renewing anything like the present govern- nesses at home. At home, whenever any public inquiry
eaent---beca-ase that is put totally, out of the ques- was made by a committee of the House of Commons, the
tion—but for the purpose of forming a totally new expenses of the witnesses were paid ; and, in the present
government, which at the end of two or three years will case, so far from shrinking from inquiry, they should have
become temporary. (Hear, hear.) , I believe nothing will before them the representatives of the malcontents in
be so dangerous to the peace and -welfare of India as that India, bring them over from India at the public expense,
• quiry on this sub- and examine them upstairs. He must add an observation
two or three years should be spent
ject. I believe there is no peOplehiiiolnre attached to their with regard to this precipitate legislation. It was proposed
ethe government of
institutions than the people of t country; but if you to bring in a bill to settle
were to form some kind of a constituent assembly to dis- the committee had not got through one quarter of the evi-
cuss whether monarchy is agood thing, or whether the deuce which they proposed to themselves to take. Was
House of Lords is a good thing, and say that for two or there ever such a thing done before ? Had the house ever
three years you should make that a subject of inquiry— (a before instituted a solemn inquiry before a select committee,
laugh)—l am not quite sure that the confidence of the and proposed to legislate upon it before it was one quarter
pe°ple in their institutions would not be to some extent finished? The noble lord (Lord Jocelyn) said the committee
jhaken. With respect to the government of India, the was not appointed to arrange or determine the government
opinion of the Government is that they ought to introduce of India; it was set up, according to his view, only to obtain
in the course of the present session that measure which information to enable the house to legislate. This was allhe
they think best calculated to provide for the permanent (Mr. Cobden) wanted. Wait until you had the evidence
welfare and happiness of the people of India. They hope before you began to legislate. If there was danger of agi-
to frame such a measure, and to introduce it to this house tation and discontent because a provisional act was passed
at a period which will give time for its discussion. I for a temporary government, what danger might not be
should be departing from my duty if I were to say what is apprehended from the fact that the committee of inquiry
tile nature of the measure, or the terms on which it is pro- had been treated so little as a reality that the house would
weed. to be enacted. I hold that it would be unwise and not wait to see what evidence they had collected? (Hear.)
dangerous if I were to state the details of a measure with- It might be an inferior and secondary question, but he
out at the same time giving all the reasons for it, and to would ask the noble lord, as a member of the committee,
ask this house, without a reasonable in;.erval, to come to what he intended to do with them if he did not intend to
a decision upon it. And I think this course has this avail himself of their inquiries? (Hear, hear.) He said
advantage—those who oppose the measure will be obliged they might go on with their investigations. But, surely,
to produce some definite plan as an alternative. (Hear, in the present state of public busin'ess, they might be
hear, hear.) So long as we go on leaving in doubt better employed than in making inquiry after the noble
and darkness what is to be the future government of lord and his colleagues had made up their minds as to
India—one committee framing one measure, and another what they were determined to do. There was one part
committee framing another, and some self-constituted of the evidence of Lord Ellenborough upon this subject
association proposing a third scheme • all this tends, in the which was of great importance. His lordship distinctly
meantime, to destroy and impair that which has hitherto said, " when you have set up a government for India, that
existed, without setting up any of those new schemes in government must govern for India. You cannot enter
its place. (Hear, hear.) But if another plan is proposed, into details." If, therefore, the noble lord was going to
that plan can be proposed in contradiction to the plan of take the matter out of the hands of the committee, he (Mr.
the Government ; and this house, and the other house of Cobden) entreated him to discharge the members from
Parliament, will have a fair opportunity of discussing and their duties at once, and leave them to attend to other
deciding what is the measure best fitted for the govern- matters upon which they might possibly be of some use.
ment of India. To that test we are willing to come, and (Hear, hear.)
by that test we shall be glad to abide. There is no person, Sir R. INGLIS did not rise for the purpose of prolong-
I should say, more capable of framing a scheme on this ing the discussion, but he agreed with his noble friend
subject than Lord Ellenborough, whose experience at the that nothing could be more unfair than incidentally and
Board of Control, whose great talents evinced as Go- without notice to involve the house in a discussion upon
vernor-General of India, whose remarkable abilities, the affairs of India
and whose thoughts have been turned in an especial man- Mr. BRIGHT—I gave notice to the noble lord. (Hear.)
nor to this subject—all enable him Ito frame a great and Sir It. INGLIS—The notice was not upon the piper for
comprehensive scheme for the government of India. But the day, and he was not aware, on coming down to the
let him, or let any gentleman opposed to the Government house, that a single word was about to be said upon Indian
oil this question, produce that scheme, and we shall discuss affairs. Nine-tenths, or rather ninety-nine hundredths of
those measures upon their merits. My own opinion is, the members attended in expectation of hearing a discussion
that nothing would be more dangerous than to give the on the Jews' question. If the honourable member for
Crown the whole control of the thousands upon thou- Manchester had intended to make a diversion upon his (Sir
sands of the population in that part of the British domi- R. Inglis's) side, hehad unquestionablysucceeded—(alaugh)
nions. Then we should endeavour to avoid that danger, and —for he had pro tanto prevented the Jews from receiving
to frame a government upon principles more in conformity that justice which he thought they ought to have. It so hap-
with, and more favourable tb, constitutional freedom. pened, too, that all the speeches had issued from the same
(Hear, hear.) With respect to the government that has narrow angle ; but why should young India contend on
existed—and existed for a period, as I have said, for 70 such a matter with middle-aged England ? (Hear, hear.)
pars—nothing, I should say, would be more likely to fail With the noble lord he (Sir It. Inglis) contended that the
in theory than the government of a board of directors con- question was ripe for discussion whenever her Majesty's
trolled by a board entirely dependent on them, and they, Government were pleased to introduce their measure. The
again, having their orders transmitted to a governor-gene- question to be submitted was the mechanism and the or-
ral at a great distance from the mother country. But, in ganisation of the Government of India athome and abroad;
framing that government, the experience of 70 years is and on this question was the house to consult Manchester
not to be despised. (Hear, hear.) The experience of manufacturers only, to the exclusion of one governor-general,
those 70 years, from 1784 to 1854—when this act will expire of another governor-general, of an acting governor-general,
—must furnish material elements in every way worthy of of the governors of Bengal and Madras, two commanders-
the consideration of the house in reconstructing or renew- in-chief, and hosts of men pre-eminent for their experience
ing the system of administering the affairs of India. I of Indian affairs? Were the opinions of such men to be
will only now say that we shall be prepared to legislate on treated as of no value ? Would you take men from any
this important subject in the present session, and when we manufacturing town in England, and say they were higher
think that all the, information that has been obtained in authorities on the subject of India than the men whose
reference to the question has been sufficiently long in the opinions had been taken ! With all respect, he would
hands of the Government and the house to enable us to le- venture to say that the hon. gentleman the representative
gislate on the subject, we shall bring forward the measure for Manchester was not more competent to give an opinion
which 'we mean
_to propose • and, in the mean time, we upon the future administration of the Government of In-
shall deprecate as a great evil the postponement for two or dig than the eminent men to whom he had referred. The
three years, for purposes of agitation, a question of this opinion of these eminent men, too, had been confirmed by.
kind. (Cheers.) committees of the House of Lords and the House of Com-
Mr. BLACKETT could not help expressing his deep mons, in words which, if not quite so full, were, at least, coin-
regret at the nature of the answer which had been given dent with their general result. He (Sir It. Inglis) was,
by the noble lord to the hon. gentleman the member for therefore, prepared to go with the noble lord in his inten-
Manchester, and he trusted before this subject was pressed tion to introduce a measure upon the responsibility of Go-
to a conclusion, the noble lord would see reason to come to vernment ; but he was bound to say there were some points
a different opinion. on which he might agree with the hon. member for Man-
Mr. J. PHILLIMORE expressed great regret at the cheater. It was not fitting, however, to give any further
statement just made by the noble lord, for whose character opinion on such a subject upon a merely incidental ques-
and public services he entertained the most unfeigned re- tion.
spect. It appeared to him impossible that the house could Mr. DISRAELI said that in the course of the discussion
hetoeed, upon so short a notice, to the decision of a question two different opinions had been expressed. According to
importance of which could not be overrated, and
which concerned the interests one view the committee upon Indian territories ought to
of 160,000,000 of our fellow-
subjects. conclude their inquiries before the house proceeded to legis-
Mr. H. D. SEYMOUR also regretted to have heard the lation—whilst the other opinion was that, totally iirespec-
speech of the noble lord upon the subject. The noble lord tive of the information obtained by the committee, or of
had denied the poverty and the misery of the people of the conclusions to which they might arrive, the house
India by refusing to receive any evidence by which the
existence of those evils could be proved. Such a course should at once legislate upon that most important topic—
as this he could not but regret, respecting as he did the the administration of our Indian possessions. Her Majesty's
high character of the noble lord. If it were thought that Government seemed to be of opinion that the house ought,
all which was said on the other side of the question was without waiting for the conclusion of the labours of the -
untrue and that was alleged in the petitions from India committee, to legislate for the administration of the Indian
was false, let the parties be asked to come openly forward
to substantiate their statements. (Hear, hear.) Allow", government. Now, he thought it was to be regretted, if.
them either to be substantiated or disproved. (Hear, her Majesty's Government had adopted that opinion, that
hear.) But if the bill were framed before the inquiry was they should not have taken the earliest opportunity of
closed into the most important subjects—the revenue and letting the house become acquainted with the plan they
the judicial system—it would have been framed without
sufficient evidence, and the responsibility of the measure meant to propose. (Hear, hear.) If, for example, during
would rest upon those who voted for it. the remaining part of the session before Easter, an exposi-
Viscount JOCELYN, as a member of the Indian corn- tion of the intended policy of the Government with regard
mittee, must entirely deny the statement that any diffi- to India was laid before the house, the house would have
culty whatever was thrown in the way of anybody being the benefit of a considerable interval for its consideration ;
heard before that committee who could afford information they would be able to approach the discussion with very
upon the state of India. On the contrary, he only spoke great advantage, and without that waste of time which
the sentiments of every member of the committee, when otherwise, as it appeared to him from the present aspect
he said it was their earnest wish to obtain the utmost in- of public business, must take place before they could enter
formation they could possibly have upon this great and upon the debate. He would not express any opinion
important question. (Hear, hear.) He must, however, upon the present occasion, this being an incidental dis-
be permitted to say, that had a suggestion which he made cussion, as the honourable baronet (Sir R. Inglis) had
in the year 1850 been acceded to, the house would not stated, trough he had not hesitated, while deprecating
have been in its present difficulty. In that year he pro- discussion, to give a most decided opinion. (Hear, hear.)
posed to her Majesty's then Government the appointment Nor would he enter upon the discussion whether the
of a select committee of inquiry upon this subject ; Government were right or wrong in making up their
but he failed to obtain it. He lamented his want of minds to propose legislation without waiting for the corn-
success, for had it been otherwise the subject would mittee to conclude its labours. But, he maintained, if they
now have been ripe for legislation, inasmuch as every were prepared to legislate without waiting for the termi-
gentleman would have been satisfied with the in- nation of the investigation, that they should have seized
formation so obtained. (Hear, hear.) With reference to the earliest opportunity of acquainting the house with their
the immediate subject before the house, it appeared to plan. But, on the contrary, instead of making an exposi-
him that if the legislation proposed by her Majesty's tion of their policy, the 'house were informed they were to
Government was intended merely to affect the home be adjourned for a period of very unusual.duration ; and
government of India, the amount of information now be- more than a month mist elapse, under any circumstances,
fore the house was sufficient for that special object • and he before the Government could favour them with their pro-
could not see how the further inquiry about to b'e made ject. After Easter, it must be remembered, the house was
into the revenue, judicial, and other departments of the ad- to have the financial statement brought under its conside-
ministration in India could affect that portion of their le- ration, and the noble lord heal himself stated that this was
gislation. (Hear.) As it appeared to him, the noble lord a subject which would be very fertile of discussion, and
had most properly and rightly stated that it was the duty of would occupy a very considerable period. It appeared to
the Government to legislate upon the subject; it was im- him, therefore, that the house would be taking a very san-
possible for a committee of the House of Commons to de- guine view if they supposed they could eater upon the dis-
dare and determine what should be the future government cussion of the question of the future government of India
of India. The province of such a committee was, it seemed until the middle of May or the commencement of June.
to him, to obtain information ; which information, when This was a very unsatisfactory prospect. (Hear.) Now,
obtained, would assist the Government which might be when they had to consider a question of this vast impor-
appointed to carry on the internal administration of the tanco, at intervals of so much length, where so much was
Indian empire, show them where the evils complained of at staire, and when they might have the opportunity of
lay, and point out the remedies that ought to be applied. considering the question with all the information before
Such he thought was the great object of the present in- them, it was highly impolitic to enter into such an impor-
quiry. Then the question arose, was there sufficient tant—he might say such a solemn—deliberation at the fag
evidence to justify the Government in legislating ? (Hear, end of the session. (Hear, hear.) It appeared to him that
hear.) He candidly acknowledged he thought there was the course chalked out for the Government by themselves
sufficient evidence ; but at the same time he should like would eventually lead to that result ; and that, nearly at
to see them lay on the table their proposition for remedying the end of the session, the house would be called upon to
the existing evils of India. Certainly, very great and consider the future administration and the permanent go-
serious changes were necessary in the government of vernment of India. (Hear, hear.) The house should
India ; but he could not admit, as some honourable gentle- recollect that when the present act was passed it was
men had stated, that it had been for the period of seventy passed under circumstances very unfavourable to fair
years a curse to the people, though he thought that it and full discussion. The subject was brought be
might and ought to have done much that it had not done. fore the house at a time when the country was excited
(Hear, hear.) There was no excuse for allowing the re, and agitated by a domestic question of the greatest
venues of the country to be swallowed up by internal wars. importance. The attention of Parliament was cer-
Its internal capabilities ought certainly to have been im- tainly not then directed to the question of Indian govern-
proved to the benefit of the people ; and one of the great ment with the full authority and dispassionate attention
sins of the East India Company had been that they had that was intended ; and it was now proposed, although the
not encouraged the introduction of English capital and time was favourable for discussion, to enter upon it at the
English enterprise, for it was only through such agencies end of the session. The house should pause before it sane-
that great internal improvements could be effected. Be- tioned such a course. (Hear.) But if the Government
lieving, then, as he did that great alterations were required would take advantage of the present lapse to make an ex-
in the home government of India in order to impart vigour position of their policy, the question would then assume a
to its administration, he trusted that her Majesty's different aspect, for it would then not be impossible to enter
Ministers were not prepared to support any quack mea- upon its discussion. (Hear, hear.)
sures, such as he had seen in some of the public prints. Mr. HUME warned the Government against the inex-
They must improve the system from the root. Were they pediency and injustice of proceeding to legislate upon the
then prepared with a measure likely to eradicate the evils affairs of India without waiting for the facts and evidence
of India ? There were in the present Government men of that might be brought forward by the millions who were
greater capacity than had been assembled upon the Minis- to be governed. The natives of India had presented a peti-
terial benches for many years ; and surely it was a question praying that they might be allowed to state their
tion worthy of their gravest consideration, how the govern- grievances, and their opinion of how the last charter had
ment of India should be administered. It was a question operated ; and he submitted their request could not in
in which 150,000,000 of souls were deeply interested, but fairness be refused. Looking to the importance of the in-
one on which those 150,000,000 of souls had themselves no terests involved in this question, and bearing in mind how
voice. It was their duty, therefore, to look carefully into much of the present session would in all probability be
e question ; but if they were not prepared at this consumed in discussions regarding our system of taxation,
moment, let them postpone the question. (Hear, hear.) he was confident there would not be time to consider the
It was true there might be danger in delay, but there was affairs of India, and he did hope the Government would
iar greater danger from legislating in error and in haste, yet be induced to postpone their measures for another
and from handing over the government of India for another year, orlat least until theJpeople of India had been heard.
twenty Years, without either a hope or expectation of that (Hear, hear.)
improvement which the country had a right to demand. Sir J. F. FITZGERALD rose amidst cries of " ques-
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. OTWAY tion," to express the hope that the select committee would
also felt regret at the statement of the be permitted to examine the people of India, as by that
noble lord. There
and the evils from could not be a 'doubt that the wants means alone would they be able to arrive at e. truth. The
should be which the people of India were suffering only evidence theyhad yet heard. had been given by the
late. ascertained before the house proceeded to legis- very parties against whom the natives complained.
Mr. COBDEN said that, being a member of the coin- Sir H. MADDOCK, as a servant of the Government of
India, protested against the accusations which had been
mittee on Indian territories, haie
efeelrtedit necessary to explain thrown out against that body during the course of this
the grounds upon which he
noble lord
conversation.
fromd
saidthe noble lord The motion was agreed to.
opposite (Lord Jocelyn). The
THE JEWISH DISABILITIES BILL.
objection to the house proceeding to
legislate upon the A petition in favour of this bill was presented by Sir G.
machinery of the Government, after the
and in so doi slate
which had PECHELL, from Brighton.
already been made ; ng he treated the ques- Petitions against the bill were presented by Sir H. Hare
tion in a way which required just a word or two of plain FORD, by Colonel FORESTER, and Sir. T. ACLAND.
interpretation. Now, when they talked of the machinery, Lord J. RUSSELL moved the second reading of the bill.
of the government of ' India they talked of that to which Sir F. THESIGER, in moving to defer the second read-
they were afterwards to leave the administration of affairs and
for six months, observed that the subject was exhausted,
and that, as Lord J. Russell had adduced no new argu-
in that country. If they said, "We are now only going rnents in support of the measure, his opponents could
to set up a government, which is not a matter of so much onlycoinue,wtelocmhb:ghim with the same weapons. There
consequence as affecting the government in past times," it was a difficulty, he remarked, in discussing this
appeared to him they were dealing with words, and not from there being no common ground
t(l)3.fe antagonists could meet each other, the He would illustrate his
supporter
i n g
with things. (Hear, hear.)
apart from religious considerations, and its oppo-
the measure resting it on social and civil
meaning. If they were going to ascertain the value of a grounds
that the relyous question was of vital import-
watch, they would not at once content themselves with
counting the number of parts, or with seeing that the thatithe 7t and ilinsatrnilleNnate'y decide the issue. He agreed
whole watch was entire, but they would inquire how it being not v. single Jew' then directed against Jews, there
would go, how it kept time, and what would be its motions. turned, they were treated asm England. When they re-
imposed upon them aliens—the aliens' duty being
In the same manner if they contented themselves with in-
elusion from Parlia—
eand this operated as a sufficient en-
quiring what was 'the machinery of the government of
tare was that none e intention of the Legisla-
India, and, because they found officials to tell them it was seat there. The subject of the oath arc' be admitted to a
a good government, they immediately renewed the charter obsolete, but it acted as a barrier against the
become
istians admission of
which set up the machine for twenty years, it 'appeared persons not
ions Chr . Lord J. Russell, in ermine that
to him that they had not instituted the kind of _ differences were not to be the ground of exclusion
il rights, had not distinguished b t
inquiry
_ which would be satisfactory either to reason/ political rights ; and the argument that be
e ween civil and
to common sense, or to ordinary justice. (Hear, hear)
political rights; and the argument that, because they were
tO COinTii sense, or to ordinary justice. (Hear, hear,) I allowed to act as magistrates, they mi ht form
they were
Before they r ture was utterly without foundat*
g form a part of
fain how p oceeded with legislation they must ascer- the Legisla
ur to the J ion. There
order emachine had worked in India ; and in was something Pee lar Jews w
were separate
other certainpersona ta that they must hear evidence from some and distinct from the people with whom they lived, which
ever, not a singlen officials. Up to the present time, how- unfitted them from being members of a national Legisla-
mittee who we.; zson had been called before the' But the strong and overruling objection to their ad-
Company or by the ieaployed either by the Honourable mission rested, in his opinion, upon religious grounds, and,
owe witnesses who had a•T'lt'ard. Certainly there had been lif th• bilbecame law it would bethe first legislative declare-
ls
tne of those was the _ given rather adverse evidence • 7 • dl made by which the enemiesof
Earl of En but tion avowedly and designe . Legislature,l
Ellenborough, who had been our faith should form a part of our Christian