The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-25 00:00:00

I have ever made the rule of my conduct.—(Cheers.) I have the
highest opinion of the Irish people, and I have always shown
that I have the fullest and deepest gratitude for the benefits
we have received from them—(Hear, hear)—and the members for
Ireland one and all, I mean those also agree with us, have been of ines-
timable seivice, upon British measures, as also Imperial measures of
Parliament. But there is ne reason whatever, why that opinion and those
feelings I cherish, and that gratitude I have always acknowledgq,
should prevent my being awake and alive,and for awaking them when
they fail us.—(Hear, hear, hear.) And Ido it the mole because
it will strengthen the hands of Mr. O'Connell, and enable him to give is
hint to some of his Colleagues upon this question. The last time I had
the honour of addressing a meeting from this glace, I expressed very
strong feelings Of hope and expectation that as they had been the
means, at the time when the question was first brought forward in
1804,—because they had been the means of carrying the first vote that
was ever carried in Parliament for putting down the execrable African
traffic—l did hope that we should have had the benefit of their votes:
And if any nefarious, iniquitous, and impious attempt shall be made
to rescind the resolution of last Tuesday, I confidently count upon
their votes in our favour, although I regret to say, that Mr. O'Connell
himself was almost the only Member who voted for us on the last occa.
sion.—(Mr. O'Connell—twenty-seven.) I am speaking of the
division of last Tuesday; but this is a material alteration„
because it sheWs that twenty-seven are disposed to vote for us.—(Cheers.)
And therefore it may well be said it was owing to the early division or
the accident that they were not there.—(Cheers.) That is a most mate-
rial circumstance—(Cheers)—because no man living can show a reason
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. .
why every one of those twenty.seven who voted for Sir G. Strickland's
motion, should not have voted with Mr. O'Connell the other night for
ir Eardley Wilmot's motion. That is a most gratifying and agreeable
piece of intelligence; and therefore I do most confidently hope
f
that no ot;,:
l• mistake or inconvenience will take place to prevent us
at least having, ::-.,cose '27 ; and, as round numbers arc easily remembered,
I would say thirty or i',.'rtY•—(Laughter.) I shall not quarrel with it for
being a little more, and ;
am quite certain it can never be less.—
(Cheers.) I shall now release yoZ: from the fatigue of hearing me fur-
ther for the present—(Tremendous eii.:sers)—and of hearing so unpro.
Stable a discussion—unprofitable certainly, because many of the topics
are quite familiar to you ; but I have the satin::ction of knowing that
we meet in favourable circumstances, comparatively speaking, this day,
and that I had to confine myself to—not the general question of slavery,
which. I conceive to be settled—(Hear, hear)—but simply to the peculiar
circumstances of our present position.—(Hear, hear.) I have demon-
strated to you that the House of Commons was not taken by surpris.:. I
have demonstrated to you that it was in vain to say it was a .thin
House—that was no fault of ours—that our enemies tried 10
. . ,

ntalie it better and failed. I have demonstrated to you it is in vain to
say the division was at an early hour. 'lt was not we who ;
could have debated if they had chosen—it was not we who divided, but
our adversaries.— (I-fear, hear, from Mr. O'Connell.) Then it is the
recorded sense of the Commons of England at last in twison with the "
_ .

seta. of the people who now at length they represent ; and I wish,
arid it is %lie last word I will speak to you now—l wish to see the man
v.lio Ores steno.
forward by a stratagem to defeat the resolution, and
dcprive us of our victb:y.—(Enthusiastic cheering for some minutes.)
Sir GEORGE STRICKLANn Oen rose and said—Ay Lord, Ladies, And
Gentlimen, I have been requested to movethe first resolution.
In proposing to igu this resolution, i should say that I should havct
better consulted my own convenience, and perhaps my own credit if I had
merely done so formally, and then remained silent—(here there was
some interruption on the platform, which was terminated in a few,
minutes by the ejection of the intruder). But I think that respect for

so large a meeting requires that I should say a few words in reference to
what has been said by the Noble and Learned Lord in• the Chair, wire
has addressed you with such varied eloquence and talent, which eclipses
any effort which so humble an individual as myself can make. The
• ' • •

Noble and Learned Chairman said that I succeeded him in the West

Riding of Yorkshire. Nov that arose principally from this, that since
ever I was old enough to take part in the aftitirs of public life, my efforts
haVe been directed to put an end to the horrors of glavery, wherever,
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and in whatever shape they may exist.—(Enthusiastic cheers.) It is •
principally this great cause which has placed me in the situation which I
now hold—because I have pursued this great cause„ regardless of all
party feeling—never looking to the right or to the left—and not asking
whether a man was a Whig, or a Tory, or a Radical, if he was a friend of
the wretched negro.—(Applause') This is a proof that in the great dis_
trict which I have the honour of representing, the feeling in favour of
emancipation is intense and deeply seated.—(Hear.) Indeed it is not
necessary to look back over the history of our country for the last fifty
years to prove that the feelings of our countrymen are deeply interested
in this cause, and that, whatever be their political designation, they are
resolved to wipe out, entirely and for ever, the foul blot of
slavery from the national character.—(Hear, hear, and great applause.)

There arc other means by which I can prove that this feeling among
the people is indeed intense and deep, without going back to any
distant period of our history. Let us consider what has taken place
within the last fbw months, and there we find that twice during that
short period the tables of the Houses of Lords and Commons have acs. .
tually bent under thousands of petitions from the people.—(Great
cheering.) There is another souree by which we can prove, beyond
this, the deep feeling there is in favour of emancipation; for I say this,
there are few things which touch John Bull's feelings more deeply than
this, your putting your hands into his pocket.—(Cheers.) We
have paid- the enormous sum of twenty millions in money, and
I know it; I know it from having attended many meetings as
numerous as the present, that there was a universal feeling coinciding
with mine, that England ought not to have acknowledged
that liberty, that freedom was a thing Co be bought and sold—(Great
cheering)—that personal liberty, in a land of freedom, could have a price
put upon it.; but I say, notwithstanding this feeling, without much op-.
position from the people, they should agree to pay the twenty millions of
money, in order only to expedite that which they wished, but which
.they were certain of carrying in the end ; that is, the abolition of negro
slavery.—(Cheers.) Now that the money has been mid, now that that
enormous price has been given, I know that there is a universal feeling
',out the country, that even admitting the false principle, sha t
throne,-
m is. not one o f the rights of men—admitting that, there
personal freeze,. .o
notwithstanding the feeble efforts of argument
is a universal f
Gladstone, in his recent and over-ptaised
made to the contrary by .
e,22ing, that 'England has paid twice
speech--there is a universal t
the sum that could be demanded. ThZre is a deep and intense feeling,
s
that has never been shaken, to abolish not m;.17 Lavery, Lot apprentice..
ship, which is nothing but another name for slaver; ; not only slavery in •
our Colonies, but slavery in any nation.—(Cheers.) We are told we
cannot at once put an end to this remnant of slavery, this two years .of
servitude, under the nauie of apprenticeship—why, became Mr. Glad-
stone in his add. vu tells you there is a contract. Now I will not go
into any learned argument, but I will take tit& next instance of Mr.
Gladstone himself to prove that he cannot show there is any contract, .
because there were no contracting parties. The slaves were no parties
to this contract—(Hear, hear)—and no psrties can thew who were par..
ties.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, driven froth this position, their next
is, " it then was not a contract, there was a compact."—(Laughter.)
Driven from that, they say " there was an agreement,"—(Laughter,)
and driven from that, they say "there was at least an understanuirg,"—
(Laughter)—and when driven from that, they resort to "A something."
--(Renewed laughter,) Now I assert there was nothing of the
kind .--:(Hear, hear.) There was legislation—(Hear, hear)—but it was
legislation under false pretences.—(Hear, hear.) I say that confidently
for I heard' the false representations with my own ears—they were
misrepresjntanons which came from the organs of the West Indian
Planters in the House of Commons—(Hear, hear)—they said "give us
20,000,0001., and we will go before the wishes of the House of Cora-
mons in abolishing slavery : we wish slavery to be abolished"—and
they insulted the slaves by calling them " labourers„" as if there was
Lnything in their situation analagous to that of a labourer in this
country,—(Hear, hear ) But let us admit there was comething like a
contract. Has it not been entirely violated by the West Indiana them..
selves?—(Cheers.) What was the language of Lord Stanley f He
said that slavery should for ever cease frosts and after the passing
or the Act in the year 1833—and that the slavess should be
placed precisely in the condition of labourers in England with this only
difference, that for a certain number of hours every day they were to
give their labour to their firmer masters and he ended with this pro-
mise, that not one shilling of the 20,000,0001. should be paid till full
seucrity had been given for the fulfilment of the contract. I leave you
to decide how this promise has been kept.—(Hear, hear.) It is said the
apprenticeship was necessary as a transition state—that the negro would
not otherwise be fitted for the enjoyment of perfect freedom. Now I
Will quote to you the words of Lord Howick, who made a most able
speech upon this subject on a former occasion.—(Hear, hear.) His
Lordship said—" The amsenticeship is nothing but slavery—and as far
fitting the slave for freedom by a continuance- of slavery, never
was there greater nonsense attempted to be imposed upon a
gullible House of Commons."—(Cheers.) The arguments 'Upon this
subject never con be rebutted. Slavery, under whatever name, is an
abomination. it is admitting that a man, ether by the • law of God or
man, has a right and property in his fellow Mans•—has a right to the
unrequited labour of his fellow-creatures. " That man is prone to indo-
lence" is an old maxim that you hear often repeated—that no one can be
stimulated to labour but by some strong excitement. In slavery that
excitement can only be the lash—in freedom it can only be
wages.—( Loud cheers) When I voted with Mr. Fowell
Buxton thot the apprenticeship should exist for only two years in place
of six it was because I thought it would be a total failure. You must
either use the whip or give them freedom or wages—the idea of appren-
ticeship, I thought, was a fallacy, and founded upon entirely wrong
principles.—(Cheers.) We accuse the .planters with having evaded,
with having failed to complete the bargain they entered into; they have
relayed the money and have given nothing in return for it. We accuse
them of not having p ts•ed eaactments for the purpose of carrying out
the purl) ises of the Emancipation Act. We accuse them of having
flogged womea iu violation of their engagements.—(Hear, hear, hear.) '
We acceuse them of having totally withdrawn the indulgences
the saves enjoyed in slavery. Also in violation of the Emancipation
Act, of having even in British Guiana reduced the allowance of food
from 20 pints to 10 pints. We accuse them of gross breach .of faith,
and how they can come forward and attempt to make out a case before
the public I eatinat imagine. I caution you not to show any leaning
to p arty in this question—our cause is above alt party.—(Cheers.) For
myself I have' no object to forward, bat to keep that conscience which
the Node lord affirms to be mare difficult to keep than to pay for the
ct riage in which we drive.—( Hear.) I shall endeavour, however
difficult the task may be in this, wicked world, to keep my conscience,
and to foywaid this great ob;ect.—(Cheers.) The earliest feeling of my
youth was an abhorrence of slavery, and I trust I shall die witk those
sentiments.—(Loud and continued cheering.) Let me exhort you
to lay aside all party feeling—we are yet only ; ccmnplishing what
is cur easiest task, by endeavouring to do away with slavery in the
British dominions. Over these dominions we have the entire power
arid ou.stery, but after accomplishing our object then, I at least, for cue,
s on't i it nd to go to steed.—(Hear.) I think there is a wide and vast
field—n ty, 1 sin son yto say, the four quarters of the world are open in
which we may still exert ourselves. In Europe there is not much, I
hope, of the system. In Africa, America, and Asia, where do we not
find slavery in all its horrors ?—(Cheers.) Where do you not find the
accArsed slave trade ? Have we not heard that under the name of ap.
prenticeship, they are now dragging the wretched and feeble inhabitants
of the Eastern climes to the opposite portion of the glebe. There the
transition is ten times more painful and enduring than that from Africa
to America, and it would seem that while on the one hand we are abo.
lishing the systeai of slavery in one quarter, on the other hand
iwe are determined that humanity shall not be victorious in raising
I,ttp a system so detestable and revolting.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
11',We are told that all this must be done by treaty, big let us treat with
energy thin.—(Cheers.) There is slavery in America among the de.
scendauts of the British, and in a more horrid form than almost any
other place.—(Cheers.) We have this vast field befene us, and I shall now
conclude by exhorting you to unanimity and perseverance ; and by that
means, I feel fully assured, alth.iugh you may not accomplish all you
wish, that it will not be long before you accomplish a vast deal.—(Loud
cheers.)
'llse Rev. I. H. Jon NSTOSSE, Vicar of Tilshead, Wiltshire, iss seconding
the resolution, observed that he would better consult his feelings if he
refrained from rnaling.any re:nark ; but as be bad never in his life at-
tended a public meeting for such a puiptle, without at least expressing
his firm accordance with the object in view ; so lie trusted he might he
permitted to snake a few obs..rvations, and he wished it the more espe.
cially, inasmuch as the friends of the negro were vilified and traduced at
home and abroad ; and he was not ashamed to stand forth and say that he
boasted it an honour to be vilified by the friends of West India slavery.
Ile gloried in being the friend of the negro.—(Cheers )' He saw before
him a large assembly, composed of every religious and political shade of
oalition ; and liesaid to every individual who went with him in promot.
' its the blessings of freedom, " The same is my brother, my sister, and
toy mother.'' (Cries of " Hear.") He was no political partizan—
the
hot
vocation he exercised gave him no time, nor was he dig.
posed tio begin any sense of the word a politician—(Hdar, hear,
and general cheering) He took up this cause not in a political sense; for
if there was one cause under heaven more devoid of political feeling tb. n
another, it was this. He took it up as a minister of the Gospel of that Jesus
e—
('lieu, who went about doing good, Ministering to the necessities of the
—cif :hc ltied'itreceuie
s'vd;
andpi catlinig h herty the captiv (Hear, hear)
who,t
though he had now ascended up Into the