The Sun.
London, England, 1854-01-05 00:00:00

APPETITE AND DIGESTION IMPROVED.

LEA and PERRINS' WORCESTERSHIRE
SAUCE imparts the most exquisite relish to Steaks, Chops,
and a'.. Roast Meat Gravies, Fish, Game, Soup, Curries, and Salad,
and by its tonic and invigorating properties enables the stomach to
perfectly digest the food.
The daily use of this aromatic and delicious Sauce is the best safe-
guard to health.
Sold by the proprietors, Lea and Perrins, 19, Fenchureh-street,
London, and 68, Broad-street, Worcester; also by Messrs. Barclay
and Sons, Messrs. Crosse and Blackwell, and other oilmen and mer-
chants, London; and generally by the principal dealers in sauce.
N.R.—To guard against imitations, see that the names of "LEA
and PERRINS" are upon the label and patent cap of the bottle.

CHRISTMAS PRESENTS.—At the Social
Re-unions of this Festive Season, the Fair and Youthful are
more than usually desirous of shining in

PERSONAL ATTRACTION
under the gaze of many friends ; and the following unrivalled dis-
coveries for the Toilet are necessarily called into increased requisi-
tion, namely, ROWLANDS' MACASSAR OIL, for creating and
sustaining a luxuriant head of hair ; ROWLANDS' KALYDOR, for
rendering the skin soft, fair, and blooming; ROWLANDS' ODONTO,
or Pearl Dentifrice, for imparting a pearl-like whiteness to the Teeth ;
and ROWLANDS' AQUA D'ORO, a fragrant and spirituous perfume,
an essential accompaniment to places of public amusement and
crowded assemblies. The patronage of royalty and rank and fashion
throughout Europe, and the well-known efficacy of these articles,
render them a peculiarly Elegant and Seasonable Present. Beware
of Spurious Imitations. The only genuine of each bears the name of
"10 WLANDS' " preceding that of the article on the wrapper or
label. . _ _

Sold by A. ROWLAND and SONS, 20, Hatton-garden, London;
and by Chemists and Perfumers.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

THE EASTERN QUESTION.
(From the Times.)
Some doubts having been expressed as to the
conduct the Northern Courts of Sweden and Den-
mark may think fit to adopt in the event of an
extension of the hostilities which have commenced
on the Danube and the Black Sea, those Powers
have recently determined to establish a strict union
of their policy, and a formal declaration of their
intentions has just been addressed by their Mini-
sters, in identical terms, to all the Cabinets of
Europe. Whatever may be the result of the diffe-
rences which have occurred between Russia and
Turkey, and which threaten to extend to the mari-
time Powers, Sweden and Denmark are desirous
of maintaining their friendly relations with all the
States now at amity with them, and, accordingly,
they propose to observe in the contest which may
now be impending over the world a strict neutra-
lity, by abstaining from every direct or indirect
measure calculated to favour or assist either of the
contending parties. For this purpose they propose
to admit, without distinction, to their ports the
merchant vessels and vessels of war belonging to
the belligerents on either side, with the sole excep-
tion of privateers, which are to be prohibited from
entering Swedish and Danish harbours. The only
exception to this free access in the case of Denmark
is the port of Christiansoe, which is used as a State
prison; and in the case of Sweden, foreign vessels of
war are not to enter the principal harbour,' within the
line of certain, forts. They further propose to con-
cede to both parties full liberty of trading and ob-
taining
supplies, with the exception of articles con-
traband of war but they lay it down as a rule of
their neutrality that, except under pressure of
weather, no maritime prizes aro to be taken in,
condemned, or sold in their ports, or in their Courts
of Admiralty. Lastly, they assert for themselves
the right to carry on their own mercantile and
other relations with the States which may be
engaged in this war, subject to existing laws, and,
of course, to such conditions, as the state of war
may impose.
As several months must still clause before the
Baltic ports are open either to the prosecution of
trade or to operations of war, the Northern Courts
might, without practical inconvenience to navi-
gation, have deferred this declaration some time
longer, or till war between the maritime Powers
is actually commenced. But they have taken a
more politic as well as a more decided course,
and this announcement of neutrality was the
proper answer for them to give to the im-
putation of Russian influence. Confused and
exaggerated statements of the position of tiles°
Governments towards Russia were already cur-
rent, and had obtained circulation in the
west of Europe. But later information from
Sweden contradicts the statement that Russia had
made any direct attempt to obtain from the Baltic
States a measure of so hostile a character as the
closing of their ports against French or English
vessels in the event of war, and in the meantime
these Governments were engaged in a negotiation
of which the maritime Powers of Western Europe
have no right to complain. The idea of an armed
neutrality has also been mentioned, probably from
some indistinct reminiscence of the maritime con-
vention concluded by the Baltic States with Russia
in 1780 ; but nothing of the kind is to be found
in the present declaration. The neutrality of
these States means their independence, and it
secures us against the only danger we could ap-
prehend in the Baltic from the ascendancy Russia
might have attempted to exercise in ports not
belonging to her empire. The Emperor Nicholas
will find that, under these present circumstances,
the alliance of the Baltic States altogether fails
him ; and, if he should make any attempt to urge
them to depart from the line of policy they have
adopted, we have no doubt that the spirit of the
people and the interests of the two Crowns would
lead them to resist every attempt at foreign dicta-
tion. It is a mistake to suppose that the Scandina-
vian kingdoms are under Russian influence • and
the promptitude with which they have declared
themselves on this occasion is a distinct refutation
of the charge sometimes brought against them.
Sweden is too near St. Petersburg, and has
already lost too much important territory on the
side of the Russian frontier, to render her a very
confiding neighbour ; and the policy of both the
Courts is, very wisely, to make the Baltic a free
and open sea, both in peace and in war.
While these arrangements have been completed
in the North and communicated to the other Euro-
pean Powers, it must be borne in mind that two
communications of an opposite character are on
their way from different parts of the continent.
According to the latest accounts which have been
received and published by the French Government
and its organs, it was not until the 26th of Decem-
ber that the Turkish Ministry had made up its
mind to adopt the propositions transmitted from
Vienna, and it was not until the 29th ult. that the
formal answer of the Porte to that communication
would be placed in the hands of the four Envoys at
Constantinople. It may consequently reach Vienna
about the Bth inst., and will then be forwarded to
St. Petersburg. Some discussion has taken place
as to the mode in which such a communication
ought to be transmitted to the Russian Court,
and it would seem that an impression exists at
Vienna that the Austrian and Prussian Cabinets
are to tender their good offices in this part of
the negotiation in preference to France and
England. It can hardly be conceived that
such a pretension will seriously be maintained,
for the very essence of the proposition rests
on the combined action of the Four Powers.
If there be one .principle more plain than
another through out this transaction, it is that we
are contending for the joint action of all the great
European Powers in the affairs of the East, and
the instructions adopted in common at Vienna ex-
pressly provide that Turkey and Russia are to be
invited to negotiate for peace, not alone, but with
the concurrence of the Four Powers. On that
ground Turkey has acceded to the project, and on
similar grounds only can it be tendered to Russia.
The point which the Emperor Nicholas will first
have to decide is, whether he does or does not re-
cognise this collective action of the mediating
Powers in the East, which he has hitherto affected
to evade. If he does, we know no reason to pre-
vent him from sending a Plenipotentiary for the
renewal of peace on some neutral ground. If he
o ly
than
bedoes not, the negotiation fails, and his intention
can
bet o dictatefore
bbya forcec e toof
arTurkey,ms. on worse
conditions
But, long before this communication can reach