The Sun.
London, England, 1838-09-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1838.

GREAT METROPOLITAN
DEMONSTRATION OF THE
WORKING CLASSES.
(THIS DAY.)

The High Bailiff having, in compliance with a re luisiticn
called a Public Meeting, to take into consideration the
" People's Charter" and other essential Reforms, to be held in
Palace-yard, this day, about half-past eleven o'clock the coact. es
were all removed from the stand, and the people began to
arrive in considerable numbers. By half-past twelve there
appeared to be from 3,000 to 4,000 people on the ground, and
as the Radical favourites, such as Mr. F. O'Connor, Colonel
Thompson, &c., appeared on the hustings they were received
with applause.
At one o'clock, the High Bailiff, FRANCIS SMEDLEY, Esq.,
took the Chair, amidst loud cheers, and amongst others on the
hustings which were erected, we observed Mr. Leader, M. P.;
and D. Browne, Esq., M. P. for Mayo ; Colonel Thompson ;
F. O'Connor, Esq. ; Dr. Wade ; Rev. Mr. Fox; Mr. Wel-
ford ; Mr. Coulier, from Paris ; Mr. Swain ;:Mr. Trott ; Mr.
Rogers ; Mr. Rentoul, &c.
The CHAIRMAN commenced the proceedings by reading the
Requisition, and said that in order to give weight to what
might be done two things were essentially necessary. From
the good humour which they had already shown he was
sure that the first would be easily obtained, viz., good order
—the other was that they should hear the arguments offered
to them upon either side—either for or against the objects
which they had in view. He had no doubt but that such
would be the case, and with these few observations he called
upon the first speaker to step forward.
MR. LOVETT, Secretary to the Working Man's Association,
then stepped forward and said—His fellow-countrymen were
aware that since the commencement of that new agitation the dif-
ferent portions of the Press, each according to the views of the
party which it espoused, had attributed to them very different
motives. Some would have it that they were agitating for a re-
peal of the Corn-laws—others that their object was an altera-
tion of the Currency—others said it was the Ballot,
while singular enough not one of them would allow
that their object was that which they explicitly avowed.
Now, in order that there should be no mistake in regard to

the object of that meeting, he had been requested by the
Working Man's Association to state, that whatever might
be their opinion upon those various questions, they formed
no part whatever of the present agitation ; they meant
only what they said when they declared that the
People's Charter contained all that they now contended
for, because it would give the people the means of remedying
all their wrongs.—( Cheers.) The National Petition contained
all that was;wanted, and as it had been hallowed by being
adopted by thousands throughout the country, he trusted that
it would be responded to most cheerfully in the metropolis.
In it was embodied all that was wanted, because it would
then be impossible for them to be agitating for one thing, and
at the eleventh hour be cheated into something else.—( Loud
cheers.) They had been listening for six years to the pro-
posal of taking instalments ; but what had those instalments
been which had been obtained ? A rascally Coercion Bill for
Ireland—(Groans)—several despotic measures for England—
revolution and despotism in Canada.—(Continued groans.)
They wanted no more of such instalments. The rights be-
longed to the people themselves, and if so, they belonged to
them to the full extent of restraining evil-doers, and selecting
those who would do well. If they did not belong to the people,
but to some. fraction, probably the spawn 'of a Norman Con-
queror, or the descendants or creatures of our Bishops, and if
they must ask them from them, let them ask for something
substantial.—( Cheers.) It might be asked, why should they
petition at all for that which was their own? In answer to that
he had only say, that it was the remnant of a barbarous custom
left by their ancestors ; but let them get the People's
Charter, and an end will be put to all these things, and
the people would take their stand in their proper place ;
and they adopted it as the most efficient means for correcting
public opinion. But they contended that by that power which
had given them existence and proclaimed them all to be
equal in his sight, and by those precepts that inculcated
the universal birthright of man, that potential power
if it was to be exercised at all, or to be diffused among all,
should be exercised for the benefit of all.—(Hear.)
But if the privilege and exclusive portion of society only
exercised their power so far as to keep men in slavery and
awe, they would then appeal to another authority,
less impor-
tant but more suited to their capacities—that of utility. If
they would show it was more in accordance with their prin-
ciples, that an exclusive few, by virtue of wealth alone,
should have the exelusive privilege of talking nonsense and
doing mischie fin yonder houses (pointing to the Houses:of Parlia-
ment), and be engaged in passing Acts of Parliaments to explain
what the thousands of other Acts mean, than in passing laws
for the purpose of cultivating knowledge to enable them to
perceive the beauties of art, the advantages of science, and the
moral and social duties of life—they would then bow to their
arguments with submission to its utility. Or, if they could
show it was in accordance with those principles, that nine-
tenths of the hnman race should be doomed to a state of
slavery, in order to uphold the other tenth, and if they could
but reconcile those things with religion, morality, or utility,
they wonld at once bow to the Aristocracy, and pronounce
their principles to be tight—( Hear, hear)—and that be
might not be misunderstood, he would explain what be meant
by Demceracy. He meant the power, the knowledge, and
the morality of the people, combined to elect individuals ac-
cording to their wish, to make such laws and institutions as
should best secure to man individually, and to society collec-
tively, the best means of developing his will in the temperate
exercise of all the powers God has given to him, physically,
mentally, and morally. But they would be told the multitude
were ignorant and immoral. Show him any class wise and
moral—aye even those who had had much wasted on their edu-
smtionl—( Hera ) Show him the class who exercised their
wisdom for the good of their race, and whose morality ac-
tuated them to make the necessary sacrifices to put their know-
ledge into practice.—( Hear, hear.) Just' and benevolent in-
dividuals might be found in all classes, but composed no one
class ; and if the principles of morality, justice, and benevo-
lence were found to preponderate in any class, that class
was the working class.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They
perceived the exercise of the kind and benevolent feelings of
their nature, even amongst 'the poorest and' most uneducated.
The half-starved weaver, and the Irish peasant divided their
pittance with hospitality, and lamented that poverty had limited
their benevolence.—(Cheers.) Let their laws and institutions
afford the means for the full development of those faculties
which the Deity had conferred on them. The object of all
good Reformers was not so much to pull down, as to raise up
those that were prostrate.—(Hear, hear.) They sought not
the confiscation of others' rights, but the acknowledgment of
rights proclaimed by God, :and long withheld by man. They
had recently been told their object was to interfere with the
legitimate rights of capital. What fools did such people take
them to be ? Why, capital was as necessary for labour, as air
was for the existence of man. He would appeal to the dele-
gates around him, that the mass of the people sought not vio-
lence or commotion, but peaceable and orderly changes.—
( Cheers,) The most efficient kind of resistance was a subject
for intellectual man to determine. They were of opinion that
throughout the world's history no permanent good had been
effected by the sacrifice of human life. Changes had been
effected, and one set of tyrants ruled upon the thrones of
others, but the people had been the slaves of the former
as they were of the latter.—( Hear, hear.) They sought
to convince the religious world that true democracy in
practice would be the most efficient means of enforcing
the great precept of Christ, to " do unto all men
as you would they should do unto you."—(Cheers.) Re-
formers were already considerable in number, ere long they
would have a majority, and by the help of a little schooling
they would be able peaceably to take their rights, if they were
much longer withheld from them.—(Great cheering.)
But they had been reminded that as the operations of
nature were progressive, so ought Reformers to take progres-
sive steps to effect their objects. He thought that natural
analogy was not complete, because the first operation of na-
ture was to sow the seed of production, and then
commence her steps towards the leaves, the buds,
the blossoms, and the fruit. Now as they found
their political soil spread with nought but briars,
and thorns, all the cultivation which art could give, would
produce nothing but briars and thorns.—( Hear, hear.) They
sought, therefore, to remove them, and to plant instead
the true seed of Reform ; the first bud of which would
be unrestricted knowledge, which would grow up and gra-
dually extend its leaves till it became a goodly tree,
producing fruits of happiness in proportion as they
.were
wise, virtuous, and intelligent.—( Continued cheering.)
That the people might make some mistakes in the first exer-
dpaonliitnictaelrersitghints
rleicet,,rvyainsgwtill,leinirg
et
ror ar
ai ts. ;
they u
were always the first victims of their own fofly t
ctlitseenotfh their
ehiar
the interest of the present exclusive possessors.
ofß uthtettfrwanas.
chide to wink at corruption to-day, that their own deeds might
be winked at to-Morrow—they connived at unjust laws, t
he
they might participate in their exclusive advantagess.
waggon-loads of useless, sanguinary, and corrupt lea's
villany and corrupt practices of the Legislature.—(
their
which
It might be asked, what hopes had they that those in
disgraced the Statute-book were a standing memoricalhoefertsl)
r
hoowpne ranks would utlhdatbethtteerpeuoseplethheafdraanneh
in-
terest in promoting what was their true interests—the,
pneever
fuj prosperity and happiness of all. 2dly, That
bly found on
merits of two candidates, they had been invariably they were called upon by a show of hands to decide on the
all heir
the side of the honest.—( Cheers.) idly, That in
se?
exclusive
and were
directtabeei
Trade and Bane& Societies they had selected the bestt and
most competent to fill the duty of officers. Again, a
spirit of inquiry and information was diffusing itself among
the millions, and but for the restrictions which had been
imposed upon knowledge would have long since diffused itself
throughout the country.—( Hear, hear.) Again, a spirit of
sobriety and temperance was spreading itself among the mil-
lions, which he trusted would shortly be productive of the
mostlaenaenfiacialcff.ets.
philanthropy Awgaasi nd,iiraussinpgiriittsoefifenalmigoliatgen id bene-
volence
wealthy and better-informed portions of society, the more
gradually losing their aristocratic. prejudices, and unistilZ wore
the people in obtaining the great objects they had in view'
On such facts, and upon such foundations, they built their
hopes of succors. With these observations, which would be
followed up by other speakers, who would discharge their
duty much inure efficiently than he could attempt, he begged
to submit to their consideration the first resolution

Mr. LovErr then read the firA resolution, as follows:
flesolved I.—That this Meeting is of opinion that the true cause
of ail the corruptions and anomalies in Legislation,
trading,
&stress and difficulties of the commercial, manufacturing,
a working classes, is, that our representative system
.15 based
µ p. ;on exclusive and unjust privileges; and, therefore, believe "
tip time has arrived for establishing that system on a foundation
as well as the

more in accordance with principles of justice, brotherly love, and
with the increased knowledge of the people.

Mr. tIETHERINGTON then came forward amid much cheer-
ing to second the resolution. He said that in rising to second
the resolution he should be very brief, but at the commence-
ment it was necessary that he should draw the attention
of the meeting to the remarks made in the public
Papers about the proceedings they had now commene( d.
One of those gentlemen had asserted that they never
would succeed in their attempts to make the people
happy and free by legislation ; and be said they were
imitating the worst acts of the class they professed to despise,
by adopting their theory when experience demonstrated its un-
soundness.— (Cheers.) What were they to think of the
editor of a newspaper, who could for a moment think if they
obtained,their just power they would imitate their oppressors
in anything.--( Cheers.) That man, let him be who he
might that said so, had shown his perfect ignorance of the
feeling and sentiments of working men.--( Cheers.) What
was their object? It was to obtain for every working man's
family good education, and to secure by their honest in-
dustry a fair share of the good things of life, by having
just and fair laws.—( Loud cheers.) He would, therefore,
put it to the meeting whether they could not see through their
object—it was to throw dust in the eyes of the working classes.
—(Cheers.) We know, though we cannot make men wise,
happy, and free by legislation, we can make them miserable.
—(Cheers.) If that was the case, he would ask if any honest
independent man was to propose in the House of Commons
a law to secure to the people their rights, comforts, and
education, what would be its reception ? Why, it would
be unceremoniously rejected.—(Cheers.) Such being the
case it was only necessary to state a few facts to them,
that though they were powerless to do good they were power-
ful to do evil—(Cheers)—and thus they would continue to
pass laws which would destroy the happiness and
welfare of the people.—(Loud and continued cheering.)
When any coercion Bill was to be proposed, they all knew
how soon it was passed, though it might be of a brutal
and bloody character.—( Hear, bear.) If a Corn-law was
to be passed, which would take sixpence out of every shil-
ling of a poor man, how soon would that be passed ? If
they wanted to stop the people from obtaining political
knowledge, they could make political pamphlets an excisable
commodity; and they could pass poor-laws after they had robbed
and plundered men of the means of labour. If they could
do all this, it must be seen that legislation was powerful for
mischief when it was in the hands of such people.--( Hear,
hear.) He would now refer to the countries where people
possessed their rights. He would refer the gentlemen of the
Press to despotic Russia, where they would find the whole po-
pulation reduced to absolute slavery ; but let them turn to
America, where the people had their rights, and they
would see liberty, prosperity, and happiness go hand in
hand.--( Hear.) The Morning Chronicle, perhaps, might
say that these cases were very dissimilar—that America was
not at all like England—that there there was an immense ex-
tent of territory which was very thinly populated, but that here
was a very small territory over-populated. Let them look to
Russia—there was a• large extent of territory very
thinly populated ; and yet because the people had not
their rights they were slaves and serfs on the land. There
was an answer to the Morning Chronicle. Look again to
Italy, that beautiful climate where all the productions of Na-
ture sprung up in abundance and profusion, and yet the people
were ignorant—degraded—miserable, and in slavery. The
reason was that there the people had no rights—that
they had not the power of choosing the persons who
had the power of making laws—( Hear, hear, hear)--
affecting their rights and liberties.—(Cheers.) Dr. Bowring
had shown in his report to the House of Commons on the
manufactures and commerce of Switzerland, that the people
were well fed—that they had good and convenient houses—
cheap and speedy justice—aad that the prosperity of that
country exceeded all others. Dr. Bowring said that the
consumption of meat iu Genoa for the last eight years
in proportion to the population, was twice as much as in Paris,
and that the consumption of wine was also twice as much.
Now, would net the people of this country like to have twice
as much meat and wine as the people of Paris ?—( Cheers and
laughter.) And they would have it, if, with their industry and
capabilities. they could get the right of making the laws. It was
a shame where there was enough for all that some people
should have power over ten times what they could consume,
while there were thousands who could not get the necessaries
of life.—(Hear, hear.) He thought ho might safely
say that the time had now arrived when the work
ing-classee should make a joint movement for the pur-
pose of obtaining the Suffrage, but some persons argued
differently. Mr. Ward, the Member for Sheffield, had
just discovered that he was in favour of an extension of
the Suffrage, and he (Mr. H.) wished to speak of him with
all respect, because he was a clever man, and would do
great good to the cause, if they could win him over.
--(Cries of " Hear.") He (Mr. H.) did not despair
of that for he was a Movement man. Mr. Ward said he would
give the people the Suffrage in proportion as they would be-
come intelligent. What test did he give? That was an argu-
ment in the hands of those who had the power never to
give it to the people. When would they say the
people were fit? Never. It would be just like trying to
convert a Bishop.—( Laughter.) If they were to attempt that
they would find that he had 30,000 reasons against it in the
shape of his salary. —( Cheers.) But the working classes had
a different test. They said that when a man arrived at the
age of twenty-one, they had a right to presume that he was
intelligent enough to exercise his rights.—(Hear, hear,
and cheers.) The time had now arrived when, if the people
exerted themselves properly, they would not fail in ob-
taining that which every man was entitled to—the right
of being represented in Parliament.—(Cheers.) But while
the present men had the right of passing these iniquitous laws
the people would never have justice. It always had been so,
and ever would. The people, till they were represented,
would find the laws of a bad House of Commons to be the
engines of plunder and oppression to those who lived by, la-
bour.—(Cheers.) He cordially seconded the resolution.
Mr. EBINELIIII ELLIOTT, the Corn-law Rhymer, then came
forward and was loudly cheered. He said—Fellow-country-
men, how shall I, a poor half-brained poet, venture to speak
in :this talented presence? I see around me great men—
Peyronnet Thomson, who has done more for freedom of trade,
that is, for freedom itself, than any other man—Leader, a
tried and true friend of the people—Muntz, another—Lovett
two of your own talented servants, with many
and Douglass,
more, equally talented, whose names I do not know—your
brave O'Connor, too, whose eloquence reminds me of; Ho-
mer's description of that of Ulysses—" for when the deep and
mellow bass breaks forth from his broad breast, the breath
of all is hushed, all listen, all are still." As these men will
address you, it would indeed be presumption in me to trespass
on your attention; but if you will allow me to speak a few words,
they' shall be the plainest that will express honest thoughts.
Your enemies tell you, that meetings like this mean nothing.
But I tell them, that when the people cheerfully pay out of
their
poverty for meetings like this, they mean a great deal—
for they mean that the people are in earnest ; and when nations
are in earnest, they get their righte.—(Cheers.) You are
told, too, by your friends, that you must not now agitate for
the franchise. Why not? Because, for want of it, you have
been robbed of almost everything else. A strange argument I
But that you may agitate for, and obtain it, I wish to convince
you of two things—that you can obtain it, if you will— and
that,
if you do not speedily obtain it, taxation will drive your
trade to other countries, and you will find yourselves in the
streets without wages, without food, without the possibility of
either, unless you devour first your oppressors, and then per-
haps each other.—( Hear, hear.) What has happened in other
countries, from similar causes, may happen here. Holland was
once a great manufacturing country. What became of the
ma-
nufactures of Holland? Taxation drove them to England.
There is in Holland a town called Delf, where the name of
an Englishman is hateful to this day ; but where the people,
instead of hating us, ought to have prevented the taxation
which enabled us to take from them their pottery trade. When
the Walkers of Rotherham, some eighty years ago, established
their little iron foundry, they found that they could make for
255. each, side ovens, such as the Hollanders could not afford
for less than 455. each.—( Hear, hear.) Need you wonder,
then, that Holland lost her iron trade, and that the Walkers,
of Rotherham, made a fortune ? France, though never a great
manufacturing country, possessed before the Revolution con-
siderable manufactures ; and it is remarkable that she possessed
Trades' Unions also, which postponed the fall of wages, but
could not prevent the destruction of her trade. Down it
went, as your's is going, beneath the weight of taxation ; and
when two bad harvests came in succession (as may happen
here), the French people having no manufactured goods to
give in exchange for foreign corn, the Revolution followed of
course.—( Hear, hear.) And what happened then? The
principle of Trades' Unions—that is, the principle of union
itself—applied by Denton to all France in the shape of 44,000
Committees, one in every parish—and of the first of which the
present Louis Philippe, King of France was door-keeper—
( Ilear, hear)—prevented the partition of the French territory
among the invading despots, created fourteen armies in one
year, made them all victorious—and transformed a nation,
consisting of perhaps 50,000 Lords and Lordlings, and about
twenty-four million slaves and beggars, into a nation of free-
holders.—(Cries of " hear, hear.") Now, if the principle
of union, so applied, at such a time, could work such won-
ders, don't you think, that if it had been applied in time in
the obtaining of education and the elective franchise for the
French people, it might have prevented the revolution itself?
Surely it might. Why, then, don't you so apply it? If you
had possessed the franchise 23 years ago, would you now be
Paying 33, per stone for bread, and Bd. per lb. for beef?
No, rather than have endured the misrule of the last 23 years,
you would have demanded, and through the franchise have ob-
tained, a separate legislature for manufactures and trade.
( Loud cheers.) If your fathers, 50 years ago, had possessed
the franchise, would one thousand seven hundred and
forty millions have been spent in wars on French liberty ?
No, you would have had all that money now, and it
would have made you all freeholders. Yes, and you
would have three thousand millions more, which have since
been destroyed by the food monopoly—the interest of which
enormous sums—more than five times that of your national debt
—would have giver' every one of you two months leisure a
year, to see your beautiful country, and other countries, to fill
your veins with sunbeams, your hearts with noble feelings,
your minds with noble thougfas ; it would have made you,Oh in
y soul as well as bod images of God l—( Great cheering) ,
but you are told, our fathers were worse off than you are.
They ought to hive been worse off, or what Ins become of the
earnings of tip: steam engine? But facts tell a cliff:rent tale ;
they show that your oppresois have improved in the science of
misrule. During the f{ Est eta y•ears of the seventeenth century,
the poor rates inceeased only from one to two millions, and during.
the very next fifteen years—years of glorious tear-.eta ay In-
creased from two to eight millions. Now, if your fathers and
you had possessed the franchise, don't you think your utie
p 'alled machinery and industry would have produced very
dif-
ferent results? The declared value of i
}'our ex?orts r 1801