The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-24 00:00:00

MORE IfONEY-TILE QUESTION!

To-night's debate will doubtless be wordy and
discursive, but the one real point for consideration
and settlement is' very simple, indeed. It is this
—Whether from August to February Lord Aber-
deen and the Peelites are to do as they please about
the War, or whether the country shall have the
protection, such as it may be, of a Parliamentary
guard over the Cabinet ? Shall we be ruled for the
next six months by Aberdeen alone or by Aberdeen
and the House of Commons ? Shall costly war or
dangerous negotiations be continued in Ministerial
secresy or with the power of now and then getting
a question answered in Parliament or a return
made, or a despatch printed by the same authority?
Shall we wholly resign ourselves for half a year to
the dangerous and unsuccessful Russian guidance
of Aberdeen, or insist upon having a speedy return
to something like Parliamentary surveillance of the
Coalition ? A want of vigour in the Cabinet when
the Pruth was first threatened has involved us in
war. Are we to content ourselves by leaving the
prosecution of hostilities under the solo control of
the same muddling, undecided, and unsuccessful
Executive ?
We say this is the real point to be settled to-night;
because, once settled, there is no wishin any quarter '
to refuse what money may be really needed for the
proper prosecution of the war. We do not expect to
have Russia put back without paying the sailors
and soldiers who are to perform that duty. What
is objected to is that the money should be taken and
the work not be done. Recent experience does not
encourage very sanguine expectations on the subject
of rapid victories, nor encourage us to look at once
for that solid peace which ought to follow great
successes ; but whatever our hopes, we have at least
one certainty, which is that, once free from Parlia-
mentary supervision, Lord Aberdeen and his Peelite
colleagues will do less than ever to free us from
the position we now occupy. Parliamentary super-
vision must therefore be secured. One way
only is open for this purpose. The House of Com-
mons is a real power only by virtue of its custody
of the purse-strings. Those strings the Cabinet
want now to unloosen. They want " just that
little three millions" out of taxes now in hand.
The industrious people upon whom the burden of
paying for the war is now about to fall in reality
have contributed a large sum, from which Mr.
Gladstone asks power to take a huge amount. The
Commons are to say Aye or Nay. The Cabinet for
the moment cannot do without their vote. Now
or never is the time, then, for the representatives
of the people to make terms with those who seek
this favour at their hands. If this chance is lost,
there will be no other. To vote the three millions
without the needful guarantee from the Ministers
is for Parliament to invite dismissal for six months,
and to give the whole nation---its honour, pros-
perity, and fate—into the clutches of that old friend
of the Autocrat, lecher Aberdeen. Will the Tories,
who dislike Lord Aberdeen because he is too liberal
and not sufficiently English, consent to do this ?—.
will the Reformers who complain of Lord Aberdeen
as not liberal enough—too dyn istic and Russian--
will they agree to do this ? Will those who have
any memory for past hustings' pledges or hope for
future electoral success neglect the requisite pre-
cautions for saving their constituents from six
months' secresy relative to the war, with Lord
Aberdeen pulling the strings ? The public have no
very vast amount of confidence in the present
House of Commons, because so many of its mem-
bers are landlords' nominees, or the holders of
bribery-gained seats ; but there certainly are some
representatives of the people from whom the nation
expects better things than any sanction to a vote of
all the money Ministers may ask, in order that
Aberdeen may at once prorogue Parliament for the
usual period, and then " make things pleasant"
with the Autocrat in true Aberdeen fashion.
The Russian organ of course points out to mem-
bers of Parliament the discomforts of an Autumn
sitting. It is quite natural to hear such a plea
from such a quarter. The Russian organ wants
nothing done that might prevent a snug little hole-
and-corner arrangement by which the twin despot-
isms of St. Petersburg and Vienna might obtain
at the hands of Lord Aberdeen terms good for
themselves, but bad for freedom. The Russian ad-
vocate expects to carry its point by apppaling to
the selfishness of Parliament. " Don't work so
hard • don't trouble yourself so much ; don't keep
bad hours at Westminster because the interests of your country are at stake. Never mind the na-
tion, never mind the national honour or interests.
Stop quietly in the country, at your Highland
shooting boxes, and your English manor houses ;
or go out in your yachts, or make your long tours,
and don't care a farthing about the war, or the
country, or the taxes, or the future. ire (the
Russian journal) and our protégé, Lord Aberdeen,
will manage all that for you whilst you are away
for a holiday. We can settle the business of Eng-
land, of Turkey, and of Europe • we can bargain
with the Czar, and can negotiate with the Em-
peror, and can settle the basis of a peace a vast deal
more to our satisfaction, if you don't trouble your-
selves to meddle with what we do. Go away, there-
fore, like obedient serfs or sucklings, and play with
your guns and your yachts, and make your little
tours, and dine in little parties at Paris, or
Naples, or where else you please, whilst we settle
your fate in your absence." After this fashion runs
the treacherous exhortation of the Russian journal
amongst us. What a compliment such advice pays
to the Commons and Peers of England ! It is
tantamount to telling them they are all brainless
idlers, indifferent alike to their own and their coun-
tay's welfare at a moment when England's honour,
power, wealth, and position amongst nations are at
stake. For 40 years there has never been a time
when this country mare thoroughly needed the best
help, aid, and counsel of her best sons than she will
need them during the coming six months. And this
is the moment chosen by the favourite organ of
Russia and of Lord Aberdeen to counsel the repre-
sentatives of the people to enjoy the dolce far niente
and leave their country to the imminent risk of
betrayal We are no toadies of the aristocracy, no
flunkeys of the Parliament; but this we will say,
that we have too much faith in the honour, the
honesty, the industry, the common sense, and pub-
lic spirit of the Peers and gentlemen of England,
to believe they will allow thoughts of their own
amusement, or considerations of personal indul-
gence or ease, to weigh down considerations of
duty when the interests of England are at stake.
We do believe that they have a sense of patriotism
and of the public weal much higher than Russian
instruments give them credit for. Believing thus,
we confidently anticipate that Parliament this
evening will not vote the three millions until they
have got from Lord John Russell a pledge that the
war shall not be secretly " managed" till February
by the Coalition, but that a much earlier day than
usual shall be named for the re-assembling of Par-
liament.—Daily .News.

JOINT-STOOK BANKING.

In 1825 there were 37 commissions of bankruptcy
issued against country bankers in England, and in
1826 no less than 22. In 1816 there were 37; in
1810, 26 ;in 1814, 29 ; and, in 1815, 26. In all,
between 1809 and 1826, there were 158 such com-
missions issued. Moreover, many other banks—
not bankrupts—stopped payment, to the great in-
jury of the public. Throughout the period Mr.
M'Culloch—from whose "Commercial Dictionary"
the statement is borrowed--adds, that not a single
Scotch bank gave way. The law passed in 1708
which limited the number of partners in a bank to
six only was confined to England. In 1826 that
law was repealed, and the act known as the Joint-
Stock Banks Act was passed. Inasmuch as this act
laid down conditions for the formation of such banks,
it continued restrictions : inasmuch as it abolished a
positive prohibition to form them, it extended free-
dom, and the result was the establishment of a con-
siderable number of joint-stock banks in different
places in England as well as London. Since 1826
there have been two or three miserable failures
of such banks, and half a dozen or more failures
of private bails ; but there have not been either
so many or such disastrous bankruptcies as occur-
red prior to 1826. Some persons attribute the
improvement to the restrictions which were
left on in 1826, or were then added we attri-
bute it to the portion of freedom then given. But
not to trouble our readers with a doubtful ques-
tion of theory, we have alluded to the former condi-
tion of our banks and the numerous bankruptcies
which occurred amongst them year after year before
1826, to contrast with that their present condition.
The present is the age of succesful, as that was
the age of disastrous, banking.
Within a few days the accounts have been pub-
lished of the half-yearly transactions of seven Joint
Stock Banks, all bodies appealing to the public for
confidence, and thus responsible to the publi •
c gene-
rally as well as to their shareholders, all inviti • •
n,
scrutiny and all successful. Let us
place before our
readers their names and the
amount of their de-
clared dividends. If others, equally successful,
110,TO capped our uotige
3ox aye yet t 9 publish their