The Sun.
London, England, 1853-11-22 00:00:00

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,—A new Reform Bill being imminent, public anxiety
is aroused upon the subject, and inquiries are constantly
made as to its intended provisions—whether it is to be a
complete measure, or only a partial one—how far it will
remedy existing abuses, and prevent future grievances—
what privileges it will confer, and how much aristocratic
prejudice will concede to popular opinion ?
Ballot, household suffrage, and equalisation of electoral
districts are, in my opinion, necessary to a complete mea-
sure of reform; but these would be opposed by a majority
of our lawmakers, and cannot yet be carried. They are
not to be hoped for ; and, without the ballot, an extension
or lowering of the suffrage below 10/. occupation in
boroughs would only be an extension of the evil.
In counties, the 501. occupation is the very worst limit
that could have been devised. A farmer with a rental of
501. is little better than a labourer ; a man of independent
property renting a house of 451. is above all the influences
which compel the farmer. A house of 101. value in town
is a hovel ; in a village it is a house of respectability—yet
the labouring farmer has the vote which the man of pro-
perty has not. The hovel in town gives the franchise,
while the country-house gives none; dependence and po-
verty of abode possess the privilege which independence
and comfort are denied. This is an evil which ought to
be remedied ; the borough and county occupation franchise
ought to be equalised, and fixed at 101.
If additional franchises be required, the old principle,
that representation should be co-extensive with taxation,
points at a 40s. direct taxation payment. And, if it be
wished to obtain a careful, industrious class of voters, the
man who has 40s. a year interest from money in the funds,
or from money in a savings-bank, surely might with safety
have the franchise given to him.
From the class of recognised teachers, certified as fit to
instruct, and engaged in the duties of education, from the
members of the different learned bodies, of the physicians,
surgeons, inns of court, and the English and Scotch uni-
versities, there might be formed an educational and intelli-
gent franchise, founded upon mental and intellectual
qualifications.
In these alterations and additions quite enough is indi-
cated of sound imp'ovement for adoption, and nothing of
violent change for rejection, and beyond these the new Re-
form Bill need not travel as to the franchise.
Now as to the constituencies to whom these franchises
shall be intrusted. There ought not to be any consti-
tuency under direct personal influence, or at the dictation
of any individual. There ought not to be any cousti-
taency so small as to render it a marketable commodity,
able to be purchased in a Parliamentary sale-room, no
matter by whom put up for sale—whether by a clique
acting for voters notoriously venal, by a managing local
agent, or by any other of the well-known means by which
such sales are effected. Nominations and purchaseable
boroughs ought not to exist--they are foreign to the spirit,
although they have hitherto entered largely into the body,
of our constitution. There ought to be no constituency
with less than 500 electors.

There are at present 59 boroughs, with less than 500
electors, returning together 86 members. Let these form
schedule A of the new. Reform Bill.
Assuming 500 as the lowest number of electors to which
the choice of 1 member should he intrusted, double that
number ought to be required for the choice of 2. There
are at present 49 boroughs with less than 1,000 electors, re-
turning together 84 members. Let 1 member from each
of these 49 boroughs be taken away by schedule B of the
new Reform Bill.
By these two schedules there are 135 members for ap-
propriation, all taken from boroughs.
Now, how to appropriate them.
There are seven boroughs with more than 1,000 elec-
tors each returning only 1 member,--add 1 member to each
of these ; give to all the boroughs with more than 5,000
electors 1 additional member ; to all boroughs with more
than 10,000 electors, 2 additional members. There are
nine boroughs with 5,000 electors, and less than 10,000,—
give 1 additional membe: to each of these. Exclusive of
London which has already 4 members, there are eight
boroughs with more than JO,OOO electors, give 2 addi-
tional members to each of these.

The counties having been placed on the same footing with
the boroughs as to the 101. franchise, they ought to be
dealt with in the same way as to the appropriation of
members.

There is one part of a county returning only 1 member
with more than 1,000 electors,—add 1 member ; there are
30 divisions of countries with more than 5,000 electors,—
give 1 additional number to each, there are 8 divisions
of counties with more than 10,000 electors—give 2 addi-
tional members to each. There would be thus appropriated
to boroughs already in existence 32 additional members.
and to counties according to their present divisions, 47
additional members, making together 79 out of the 135
members, and leaving 46 for distribution among new con-
stituencies. _

How shall these new constituencies be created now
becomes the question. The claims of large and populous
townscannot and ought not to be disregarded, and there can
be no difficulty in selecting the places on which the franchise
should be conferred. In the creation of new constituencies
there can be no reason to enfranchise a town because it
would have just 500 electors, although that number has
been here assumed as the limit of disfranchisement : but it
may be safely affirmed that nothing can be more vicious in
principle than the division of counties, thereby creating
large agricultural boroughs, or the addition of places to
each other to form one borough, thereby creating jobbery,
intrigues, local electioneering agencies, and entailing the
expense and corruption of many contests in one. The only
way to dispose of the choice of these 46 members is either
to add in a larger proportion members to the existing con-
stituencies or to create new ones. The returns before Par-

liament, as to population, assessments, the number of
houses, the proportion of taxes paid, give ample data for
the creation of new constituencies ; and, whatever may be
thought of the propriety of giving the Universities of Eng-
land and Scotland the same privileges as Oxford, Cam-
bridge, and Dublin, or of letting the voices of the other
learned bodies already incorporated be heard in the Senate,
the majority of the new constituencies must be based and
formed upon their relative importance, property, and
population.

There is one alteration in the law, as it now stands, that
must be made—the payment of rates and taxes as a condi-
tion precedent to registration. There is not a more un-
popular regulation than this one ; it is bad in operation
and unjust in principle.
The whole system of revision of voters, as at present
carried on, is vicious, and may be greatly improved ; from
the very first process to the last it is capable of amend-
ment. But this forms no part of the details of a new Re-
form Bill, and may be dealt with hereafter. The whole
subject may be treated at much greater length. The only.
object of this letter is to throw out suggestions for con-
sideration.

I am, Sir, your very obedient servant,
Reform Club, Nov. 21.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,- As we are about to have a new Reform Bill, per-
haps a suggestion at the present time will not be deemed
unseasonable.
lam a guardian and trustee. During the minority of
my ward I receive, and apply as I think best, the rent of