The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 18, 1854.

-them. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. ROEBUCK, having solicited the forbearance and
indulgence of the house on account of his recent illness—
a request which was responded to with cheers—proceeded
to observe, that the right hon. gentleman the First Lord
of the Admiralty, appeared to have fallen into soma mis-
understanding with regard to the purport of the motion
which had been made by the hon. member for Aylesbury.
Thedesire of the hon. member it seemed was not so much
to incriminrte the Government as to obtain from them
some declaration of their intentions. That declaration had
not yet !been made by the Government. It appeared to
him that much was to be said on the part of the Govern-
ment upon thie occasion. They had had a very difficult
and delicate task to perform. Before them was the anti-
cipation of a great war. • They were acting on behalf of the
English people, and they were to justify to that people the
-war, if war should happen. Their difficulty in acting with
anything like decision might, he thought, be borne with
and excused, for it seemed to him that, if they had rushed
hastily into war, the first people to fiud fault with them
would have been the gentlemen who now found fault with
them em having adopted the very opposite course. (Hear,
hest.) They had to satisfy the people of England that they
were in the right, and that they had exhausted all means
of peace before they undertook war. Now, he was as great
an enemy to war as any member of the Peace Society, but
he objected to those who were members of that society in
supposing that every person who differed from them was
either a knave or a fool. (A. laugh.) The danger in this
case was immediate. The Government had to decide whe-
ther they should at once accept the war which was pre-
• anted to them, or whether they should attempt to solve
the difficulty by means of negotiation. He did not mean to
- say that the statement which had been made by some hon.
gentlemen was not the fact, but they had no actual proof
that this would not have Happened if the Government had
taken a more decisive course, or that the Emperor of Russia
would have been stopped in his course if the Government
had said, " Upon pass the Pruth we shall send a fleet to
Cronstatit, and we shall consider your crossing the Pruth
as an act of war, and shall declare war upon it. They had,
however, to decide upon the conduct of the Government,
not upon a minute examination of blue-books ; but they
must look at the situation of the Goverment, at the situa-
tion of the people of England, and at the very difficult
circumstances under which the Government acted. Above
all things, they ought to make the world understand that
upon this subject the people of England were united.
Above all, it was necessary to let the world understand
that all parties in this country were united in their deter-
mination to resist the aggresaion of Russia, and not merely
to content ourselves by taking hold of the coat of the Go-
vernment for the purpose of complaining of what hiei been
done. We ought to tell Europe by our conduct at this
crisis that we really, and in earnest, meant to stop the Em-
peror of Russia in his career of spoliation, and that, in
order effectually to do so, we intended to act as one man.
(Loud cheers.) If Government would speak out upon this
subject it would be well, and then, if what they proposed
was satisfactory, all parties would come forward and assist
• them in their efforts. At any rate, it seemed to him that
our duty at this time was not so much to look back and
cavil about what had been "done, and could not now be
helped, as to look forward and consider what was the
wisest thing to do. We ought to examine carefully the
demands of Russia, and at the same time ask ourselves of
what we were afraid. To this question, however, he could
never get a clear and decisive answer, but merely a general
one, and a faint whisper about our " honour" being at
stake, about which latter expression he always felt a cer-
tees amount of jealousy. What we are afraid of, in fact,
appesred to him to be that if we left Turkey to herself
tle Emperor of Russia would get possession of Constan
teople, and, having such possession, would soon assume
to himself all the right and privilege of making laws
for the Turks and doing with them as he pleased—
(hear, hear)--and, having obtained these advantages, the
next thing he would do would be to extend his operation
to Egypt, and so to go on step by
step in his encroachment.
As far as the mere question of war was concerned, it ap
peered to him that, if such were necessary, we might be
'called upon to undertake the same at some future time un-
der circumstances not half so favourable as the present ;
and it.wonld be the height of folly, in us —merelylater for the
sake of avoiding such a war, which sooner or must
inevitably take place, to allow Russia and Turkey to settle
this matter by themselves, now we had been forced so far
intoit. What would be the consequence of so doing? Why
the consequence would be this—that when Russia was once
in non of Constantinople—as she wont,• virtually be
e would have the use and command of tl revsnel;
she would shut up the Black Sea, and, by pnting our
channel of approach, would effectually extend her posses-
sions in India and the East (Hear.) Now was, in fact, the
time to go to war, because now we had a close alliance and
good understanding with France, such, as from circum-
stances-over which we had no control, might be severed at
some future time, or, at all events, might not be so cordial
seat present. He was quite willing to payhis ready tribute
of admiration to the French Emperor for the good faith
with which he had acted throughout the whole agitation
of this question-; yet still, at the same time, it would not
be politic in this matter to follow his advice, and let Rus-
sia get a footing in Turkey. (Hear.) This was a war which
we ought to remember, we should not put away entirely,
but should merely defer; and, that being so, we ought :d-
-ivot; to be more careful of watching our opportunities and
takieg every advantage of any favourable circumstances
that might present themselves. If Government are desir-
ous to go to war, or rather, if they have exhausted all
means of preserving peace, and thus are compelled to have
recourse to war—(Hear, hear)—we ought to assist them
with all our might, honestly and truly. (Loud cheering,)
Stith Or appearing to be the general impression,
be would ask the house how such assistance was to be
given ? Not by finding fault with Ministers, since do-
ing so would only benefit Russia, and give her further
opportunity, byaigivaigngrg
ehsseirotni.me--su(chhea:
;ohceeeadrinags ww°itrhkirne4-
out her system
fercure- eo her Majesty's present Government he had no
hesitation in saying, at the present time, would be nude-
eersed, and therefore unjust, since Government, in the
steps they had taken, had infringed upon no public laws,
arid hail the usages of England to support by precedents
,hat they had done. (Hear, hear.) He did not mean to
follow the noble lord the member for Marylebone through
certaiuly, very able but somewhat garrulous speech—
(a iamb), but he quite concurred with the propriety of
what he had said as to the policy of some member of her
Government Ppesking out ; and therefore, as he
inoilweee

~

felt too weak to speak much longer, he wouldiconclude by
calling on her Majesty's Government to state candidly to
the house what they intended to do, and the course they
were advised to pursue in reference to the present impend-
ing war, in order that all parties in and members of the
house might know how far they could support the Govern-
ment, and, knowing this, could come forward manfully
and honestly to tender all the assistance they could give,
and offer such suggestions as might appear to them both
salutary and useful on the present unhappy emergency.
[The hon. member, who spoke in a very low voice, was
listened to throughout with the greatest attention, and
resumed his seat amid loud cheers.]
Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, after the very generous and, I
must say, the very wise speech of the hon. member for Shef-
field, I can have no hesitation in rising to give the house that
information which he so properly asks in reference to so grave
a question. [Hear, hear.) However, with respect to my
right hon. friend the First Lord of the Admiralty, and the
statement which the hon. member supposes him to have made
relative to our position, I think the hon. member has fallen
into an error, because it was not my right hon. friend, but the
hon. member for Aylesbury who mistook our position. The
events which have taken place seem to have hastened us toward
war, and we ask you to assist us in our preparations for the
same, but at present do not ask you to vote the estimates. There
appears to me, at the period at which we have arrived, to
be three courses which the house may adopt with propriety,
according to its particular disposition or inclination. It may
say, first—Wards impending, but you, her Majesty's present
Ministers have committed so mady errors that we cannot
allow you any longer to have the conduct of affairs upon so
momentous a question. The second course is to say—as 1
understood the hon. member for Sheffield to say--" There
may be errors in the course you have pursued ; we think that
at one point you should have acted with more decision ; or that
at another, you should have made more sure alliances ; but
these are questions of difficulty, upon which it is not easy to
come to a decision ; we will wave considerations of this kind,
and vote further estimates which you ask for." The third
course is to say, without entering into the question of the ne-
gotiations at all, "We will look entirely forward ; we ;will
give our confidence to the Government, but we will watch
their proceedings, and if they enter upon war we will see that
it is carried on with all the vigour and judgment necessary to
bring it to a successful conclusion." Any one of these three
courses the house might take, and any one would be fitting
for the occasion ; but my hon. friend the member for Ayles-
bury has taken a course which I must say, if not satisfactory
to the Government, I think can hardly be satisfactory to the
house, because, after stating certain facts which, he main-
tains, prove the Government to be entirely in error, he says—
" Although I have made out my case, I will, in my magnani-
mity, excuse you ; I will pardon you for all the errors you
have committed, and giving you a lame and limping confidence,
I will allow you to take the votes for the estimates." That
course can hardly be deemed satisfactory. I say, with my
right hon. friend, let us know whether you censure us or
give us your full confidence. One of these courses we ask
the house to pursue. I am not arguing in favour of any
particular course ; but I say that any one of those I have
referred to it would befit the House of Commons to adopt in
this grave and arduous crisis. In speaking, as lam obliged
to do, of the negotiations which have taken place, I wish to
refer as little as possible to particular documents, and will
endeavour to confine myself to a general outline of the course-
of those negotiations My hon friend the member for Ayles-
bury says, and says truly enough, that as long as it was a
mere question bt tween France and Russia respecting the
Holy P aces, it did not con cern our Government to ascertain
who was right or who was wrong ; but as soon as a menace of
force was hoard, and preparations began to be made for calling
fleets and armies into requisition, the matter became one of
interest to the Government of Great Britain. But, if any
censure is merited in reference to this point, it ought to fall
upon the Govermnent of Lord Derby and the foreign adminis-
tration of Lord Malmesbury rather than upon us. I cast no
censure upon the late Government ; but I say it was perfectly
evident that when Lord Malmesbui y was at the Foreign-office
' threats of force were used, and, indeed, that the preparations
of Russia were founded on the pretext that the ambassador of
France had threatened to have recourse to force in order to
compel the Sultan to agree to demands which Russia said
were incompatible with engagements into which the Sultan
had entered with her. I myself was informed by Lord Strat-
ford de Radcliffe, in answer to a question I put to him, that
M. Lavalette had declared that unless his requisitions were
complied with he would immediately send for the French
fleet to enforce them. When such threats were held out, it
became a question whether the English ought to seek for au
explanation from France. lam bound to say that the
French Government met us in the fairest and handsomest
manner. (Hear, hear.) It desisted from pretensions
which it declared to be founded on treaties and in justice,
but which, as they might bring into play opposite pre-
tensions on the part of Russia, and thus endanger the
peace of Europe, it voluntarily abandoned. (Hear,
hear.) Such was the state of the case when Lord Aberdeen
entered office. Lord Malmeshury had written a private
,otter to Lord Cowley, calling his serious attention to these
circumstances. I took the same course. On the very day
on which I accepted the seals of the Foreign-office I wrote to
Lord Cowley, calling his serious attention to the subject. I
felt that one of the first, if not the first thing to be done, was
to induce France to desist from her pretensions, because, if
France and Russia ha I gone to war on the question of the
holy places, not only would the peace of Europe have been
broken, but the independence of Turkey would have been at
an end. Well, as I have already said, the French Govern-
ment behaved with the greatest fairness. They felt that
their ambassador had gone further than was intended—that
he had exceeded his instructions and conducted himself in a
manner which was oppressive and alarming to the Sultan -
and accordingly they withdrew their ambassador, and ab-
stained from insisting on their pretensions, and, in conse-
quence, the question of the holy places was very soon settled
in a way which left no party any ground of complaint. From
that moment we gained this great advantage, that we acted
with France in the cause of Turkey. (Hear, hear.) Do not
let my hon. friend imagine that this is a matter of no hn-
portance. Let me again state what had been and was the
case when we entered office. It was this :—France had
claims upon Turkey in respect of a treaty made in 1740 ; and,
although she felt—as she does to the present hour—that
those claims were founded on that treaty and in justice, we
found it impossible to abet France in enforcing these claims,
and therefore we felt it to be of the utmost importance that
the question of the holy places should be settled immediately,
in order that England and France might act cordially together.
I am bound to declare —and I am ready to repeat it over and
over again -that for the settlement of this question we are
greatly indebted to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who having a
perfect knowledge of the affairs of Turkey—having great in-
fluence with the Turkish Government and great power, the
result of his eminent abilities, of enforcing his opinions, aided
most materially in bringing about the desired result. (Hear,
hear.) I now come to consider the conduct of Russia.
The allegations .hich the Russian Government made to
us—and made over and over again for several months—the
allegations which it made to Sir G. Seymour—the allegations
which it made to Lord Clarendon—the allegations which it
made to the noble lord at the head of the Government, were
to this effect—namely, that the concessions made to France
by the Sultan were at variance with solemn engagements be-
tween Russia and Turkey—were at variance with the plighted
word of the Sultan, and such as Russia could not allow to
take effect. Russia, therefore, said that she required things
to be placed in statu quo, as they existed a few years before,
and to obtain security, that the status quo should not be
again disturbed. During the whole of this time—during
several months which elapsed—Russia never at any time sug-
gested or gave us reason to suppose that it was her object
and intention to gain anything in respect to the general pro-
tection of the Greek subjects of Turkey—oho never said that
she meant to require anything further than security in re-
spect to the question of the Holy Places. (Cheers.) There
were concealment and deception on the part of Russsa towards
the Government of this country ; but, while we gave credit to
the assurances of the Russian Government, we were not blind
to the possibility that it might be deceiving us. (A laugh.)
Under these circumstances I wrote a despatch to Colonel Rose
—which my hon. friend quoted, for what purpose I cannot
understand—charging him to give immediate intelligence to
his Government if Russia should advance towards the fron-
tiers of Turkey, and informing him that when Lord Stratford
de Redcliffe should arrive at Constantinople he would be fur-
nished with more stringent instructions as to the course he
was to take in the event of the Russians menacing an inva-
sion of Turkey. As regards Prince Menschikoff's mission,
while it was pretended to be a mission having for its object
the settlement of the question of the Holy Places, and
while it was stated over and over again, both by Count
Nesselrode at St. Petersburg and Baron Brunow here, to
be a conciliatory mission, it was, in fact, as afterwards ap-
peared, a mission to endeavour, by some means or other, to
give Russia complete supremacy over Turkey, and to make
Turkey, for the future, the vassal of Russia. (Hear.) When
the Emperor of Russia an l his Ministers say that it is not the
policy of Russia to destroy the integrity of Turkey, I believe
that declaration to be sincere to this extent—that the object
of Russia has been not at present to force on the conquest and
partition of Turkey, but rather to delay that conquest and
partition, and to endeavour in the present year to degrade
Turkey still more than she has been before degraded by suc-
cessive wars and treaties on the part of Russia, and it was
hoped that by means of force, or of costly and lavish diplo-
macy, to obtain terms from the Sultan which would render
him completely subject to Russia, so that, if at any time he
should attempt to throw off his chains, his prostrate and help-
less condition would make the conquest of the country an
easy task. (Hear.) Such I believe to have been the policy
of Russia ; but when Prince Menschikoff endeavoured to carry
that policy into effect, we had sent to the scene of his opera-
tions the person best qualified in all Europe to meet such pre-
tensions, and counteract such efforts. We had sent the noble-
man to whom I have already alluded -- Lord Stratford de Red-
cliffe -to Constantinople— hear)—and, let me observe, that
if we had meant to be subservient to Russia, and to compli-
ment away the independence of Turkey, as my hon. friend
seems to suppose—if we had intended to defer to what might
ultimately be the will of Russia, we should not have sent to
Constantinople a nobleman who was distinguished beyond all
other men for his attachment to the cause of the independence
of Turkey; who had always given her the wisest counsels, and
endeavoured to impart to her that internal strength which would
enableß her to rescue herself from the state of dependence on
Well,
to which foregone circumstances had reduced her.
setehntstodoek tßheedecioiuffizerawihoicth,hfaiv•oembtehene
expected.character
aor
otesfhrs
esLohoso:erteogr
Menschikoff
nee Stratford
nves
ulikanto:ffitaoetim andliaenidsgtet, thosew notbe ht
aoduiendtm aotronei dnngda
acceptance
after
that
arna dno
which,
makingt ho efr,
t Iha think,
themai
nyk s ,
em by
he was bound to do towards Turkey—without sayng these
are the stipulations which we shall bo glad to have from you,
but we have no right te quarrel with you if you refuse
them
—if you consider that they trench upon your independence ,
and we have no right to demand the concession of them—in-
stead. of that respect which not only all men of other nations,
but even, I believe, many Russians think it would have been
more right to evince towards Turkey—Prince Menschikoff
determined to break off his relations with the Porte, and to
go back to the Russian territory. But it has been said most
strangely that when this took place—when the Emperor of
Russia threatened to occupy the Principalities, no protest
was ma le against it by the British Government. But, sir,
not only was the,e a protest—not only was there a demand
made for explan Akin in the very able despatch of my noble
frieed Lord Clarendon—but there was that which was of ten
times the value—namely, that within a week, or rather within
ten days at least from the day when Prince Menschikoff left
Constantinople, there was an order to Lord Stratford de
Redcliffe to place at his disposal, for the purpose of coming
to the neighbourhood of the DarclaneLes, the British fleet,
aiaddnitirhaeire w D
onads a ans t
therd order
neighbourhood g
nrßhriotoids
f the Admiralty
p ar
dtaousend
os y
hon. friend the member for Aylesbury has talked in a
part of his speech a,l if there was a pretence made that. this
fleet was sent to kote,t British interests, ,eanfideetno:astospeniottaereet
the Sultan, but the purposes far which
vtry clearly set forth in the despatch of Lord Clarendon of
ti e 31st of May ;-4
1" Nevertheless, title departure of Prince Menschikoff, fol-
IvAved by the mare Russian mission, is a fact in itself of
sUch grave importance, the military preparations of Russia
oi4 the Turkish frontier are upon a scale of such vast magni-
tilde, and the dangin: *hick threatens the Porte may be so
iniminent, that it iapPears indispensable to take measures
for the protection cif tale,sultan, and to aid his Highness in

F~

i

repelling any attack that may be made upon his territoryS
I have accordingly to inform your Excellency that, by her
Majesty's commands, the fleet now stationed at Malta is
placed at the disposal of your Excellency, and that orders
will be sent to Admiral Dundas to conform to the requisitions
he may receive from you, and to repair to such place as you
may direct in the event of your considering the presence of a
British force absolutely essential to the safety of the Turkish
empire."
Now, sir, could any written despatch have protested in more
eloquent words, or with greater firmness and decision, than
the transmission of such orders to Lord Stratford de Red-
cliffe and to the British Admiralty. I stated at the time to
the House that the fleet was sent to the neighbourhood of
the Dardanelles in order to prove the interest which her Ma-
jesty's Government took in maintaining the integrity of the
Turkish empire. It was therefore clear to Russia as it was
clear to all the world, that in case Russia persisted in her
unjustifiable demands, and iu enforcing them by her armies,
England in couj unction with France meant to oppose
such persistence, and to repel such force. (Hear, hear.)
I must add to this that, when this took place, so far was
the Russian Court from thinking that we were acting in
complete blindness with regard to their designs, that they
complained in a circular transmitted throughout Europe that
we had made a threatening demonstration by the move-
ment of the fleets to the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles,
thereby showing that they clearly understood at least that
movement, and, though they had applied most unjustifiably
and most untruly the argument derived from it, they proved
most undoubtedly that they understood the intentions of the
British Government. (Hear.) The next question that arose
was, whether the entry of Russian troops into the princi-
palities should be considered as a cause of war, and acted
upon as such by Turkey and her allies ? Well, sir, upon that
question we can have no better authority, as I conceive, than
the authority of Lord Stratford de Radcliffe. We thought
here that if Turkey, unprepared, was at once to provoke hos-
tilities with Russia, and to use her undoubted right to declare
that the ente y into the prin ipalities was a casus belli—we
thought, I say, that in that case Turkey would be exposed to
great danger. (Hear, hear.) We must not conceal from our.
selves, all along with respect to this argument, the relative
conditions of the two nations—the power and force of Russia,
on the one hand, as it had been collected, organised, and
disciplined for many years, about half-a-million of men
kept constantly under arms, trained with the greatest skill
and diligence, and the position of Turkey, on the other hand,
as we all know it to be, weak in the state of her fiannces,
in the composition of her armies, and in the disaffection
which she might have to fear from the activity of Russian
emissaries. Under these circumstances, therefore, we could
not conceal from ourselves that if Turkey unprepared were to
rush into that war, it could not but be a very unequal con-
test. Lord Stratford de Radcliffe took the same view. Know-
ing the position of Turkey as she then was, he said that for
two purposes—first of endeavouring to negotiate a peace, and
in the second place for the purpose of preparing her forces—
it was advisable for Turkey not to declare war upon the entry
of the Russian forces into the principalities. Would it have
been wise in us—only allies in the case, who were not ex,
posed to the danger of Turkey—to advise her to expose herself
to those dangers when her best friends thought it unadvisa-
ble ? Such, we conceived, was a sufficient declaration that,
not immediately proclaiming that we would precipitate hostili-
ties, we should warn Russia that war must immediately follow
if she did not recede. It is easy to say; with regard to any
part of these negotiations, that, if you had taken a different
course—if you had told the Emperor of Russia that you would
at once go to war if he occupied the principalities, he would
have hesitated before doing so. Nothing Is more easy than to
say that if you had done so and so, such and such a sovereign
would have done so and so ; but nobody has attempted to give
any proof that such would have been the case, or to show that
the Emperor of Russia, in the position of his great power, would
not have considered this such an affront that he would at
once have entered into war without further delay. Then
came the negotiations after the entry into the principalities ;
and here I must say a word with regard to that Vienna Note
which my hon. friend the member for Aylesbury says every-
body has admitted to be a mistake. lam not going to defend
the phraseology of the Vienna Note—(hear)---as my right hon.
friend near me has said, it was no note of ours; but with re-
spect to the spirit of that Vienna Note, and the intention iu
which it was framed, lam quite ready to defend both. To
take an illustration—if you have a friend of your own, of no
very great means, about to enter on an expensive law-suit
with a man of 50,000/. or 100,0001. a year, I might very well
say to him—l see your rights ; you very possibly may be able
to show that you are right ; but it is possible that while your
opponent has the means of carrying on the contest you may
be ruined ; and, therefore, I should advise you to make some
concession of your absolute and strict rights in order to come
to some agreement. That was the spirit of the advice of the
Vienna Note, and, for my part, I say, looking to the dangers
to which Turkey was exposed, it was good and wise advice
that she should consent to those terms which she was not
absolutely obliged to grant. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, from
the moment that Count Nesselrode had fixed the meaning
of that note—from the moment he showed that if the Vienna
Note had been signed, it would have been considered equi-
valent to that note which was presented at Constantinople by
the Russian Ambassador—from that moment we not only
ceased to press upon Turkey that she should agree to that
note, but we took the m: re vigorous step of supporting by
force the independence of the Sultan. (Hear, hear.) The
fleet was go to the Bosphorus, and on the Bth of October
orders were given that the fleet should protect the coasts of
Turkey in the Black Sea, on the European and Asiatic coasts.
I come now, sir, to the next step in these negotiations, or
rather in these transactions—l come to what occurred on the
30th of November at Sinope. The orders given to the am-
bassador were what I have named, and the ambassadors
thought it advisable that a certain number of ships should go
into the Black Sea ; that they should visit Varna and the
mouths of the Danube, in order that they should take means
of observing what was going forward in the Black Sea. It so
happened, however, at that moment, that the French Go-
vernment had displaced their ambassador at Constantinople,
and had sent another, General Baraguay d'Hilliers. Under
these circumstances, the French admiral declined to take the
order of an ambassador who was leaving Constantinople, and
the ambassador who followed did not think it advisable to
take the course which the English ambassador had desired to
have carried out. This was a misfortune, and we know that
ships were left at Binope, and that they were in consequence
exposed to that dreadful calamity which befell them. But I
do not think that, under the circumstances which took place,
there was any party much to blame in the affair, because I do
not believe it would have been possible to provide against
every occurrence which might take place in that state of
affairs. It would not have been consistent with the safety of
the fleet to have dispersed it in various parts of the Black Sea;
for, if it had been so sent out, some attack might have been
made at Varna. It was a matter for the exercise of the dis-
cretion of the ambassador, and I do not believe that he was
in fault in not insisting upon his orders when they failed to
obtain the concurrence of the French ambassador an" admiral.
The disaster which took place at Sinop° was one at must
have affected every man in this country with the most
painful feelings. (Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, I must say I was
greatly surprised at reading the congratulations addressed
by the Emperor of Russia to his officers and his admirals
upon the receipt of the intelligence of the destruction and
the butchery at that so-c filled victory—(cheers)--a victory of
some six or seven large line-of-battle ships over six or seven
frigates of very inferior quality—(hear, hear)—a victory
pushed to the extent of the most dreadful carnage, and with
no sort of generosity shown. (Cheers.) That the advantage
of a large and superior force like that should be a source of
glory to the Russians, and a reason for the congratulations of
a sovereign to his subjects, does, I own, afflict me with a
feeling of the greatest disgust. (Cheers,) Sir, that event
was as deeply felt in France as it was felt here, and in con-
sequence orders were given to the ambassadors at Constan-
tinople that the English and French fleets should take th%
command of the Black Sea ; that they should not only pro-
tect the coast of Turkey, that they should not only protect
the flag of Turkey, but that they should likewise prevent
reinforcements being sent from one Russian port to another,
and that wherever they found a Russian ship of war they
should send it back to Sebastopol or to the nearest port. It
is impossible to deny that those orders amounted as near
to warlike preparations as possible. (Hear, hear.) There
have been, in the course of the last 20 years in Europe,
transactions somewhat resembling this the
blockade of the Texel and of Antwerp, the French occupa-
tion of Ancona, the battle of Navarino, and various other
transactions carried on without a declaration of war ; but
from the nature of the orders given by the French and Eng-
lish
Governments no one can be surprised that the Emperor
of Russia should withdraw both from London and Paris his
ambassadors. And this leads me to our present situation,
which lees been justly described as !,eing on the brink of a
war. I have stated as shortly as I could, without argument
and without quotations, the general course which the British
Government has pursued. We have now to consider the pro-
spect before us and what remains to be done. With regard
to diplomatic correspondence respecting terms of peace, there
were terms proposed by the ambassadors of the Four Powers
at Constantinople —terms very nearly assented to, at least
assented to in such a manner at Constantinople as to be sent
to Vienna by the represent :dives, and adopted and approved at
Vienna by the Conference of the Four Powers. Sir, it does not
appear to me that those terms were derogatory to the dignity
of Turkey, nor were they such as were at all unbefitting the
Emperor of Russia to accept. Yet, what course did the Em-
peror of Russia take ? Be it remarked that he is reported
to have said at Olmutz that he had been asked to agree to
the Vienna Note; that it afterwards appeared Turkey her-
self did not agree to it ; that he thought it unreasonable
to put him in such a position, and that he hoped when the
next terms of peace were proposed they would be such as
Turkey herself would agree to. The four great Powers had
exerted themselves in order to obtain peace, and I must say
that considering those Powers—England, France, Austria,
and Prussia—represented all the great Powers of Europe, and
that the terms they proposed were proposed with a view to
prevent a bloody and costly war extending all over the world,
the course adopted by the Emperor of Russia showed a total
disregard of the peace of Europe—(hear, hear)—an utter con-
tempt of the opinion of Europe, and a disregard of those
sovereigns with whom he had been allied. (Hear, hear.)
Instead of the acceptance of those propositions other proposi-
tions were sent to Vienna, which shall shortly be laid upon
the table of the house, containing very much a repetition of
the original demands and the addition of other terms, one of
which was, that the refugees in Turkey of different nations
should be expelled from that country. That article was in-
tended, no doubt, to weaken Turkey, as it would have been
a perpetual source of continued remonstrance, and would
have occasioned war at any moment Russia might think fit.
Count Buol, the Austrian Minister, in communicating those
terms to the Conference, declared expressly that ho did not
recommend them for adoption. (Hear, hear.) I was asked,
yesterday, whether a letter, represented to have been sent
by the Emperor of the French to the Emperor of Russia, was
a genuine document. No doubt that letter is a genuine letter,
and it is an attempt made by the Emperor of the French and
the Government of France to induce the Emperor of Russia
to reconsider the course he has adopted, to evacuate the prin-
cipalities, which he has wrongly occupied, and to draw up
articles with a Turkish plenipotentiary which shall afterwards
be submitted to the conference of the Four Powers. For my
own part, I say that, at all events, there is no concession to
Russia in the proposition thus made. I will not attempt to
say I entertain a hope that the Emperor of Russia will accede
to that proposition, or that he will abstain from enforcing,
with all the power of Russia, those unjustifiable demands
which he has hitherto made. (Hear.) What, then, must be
our course ? There can be but ono, and that must be upon
the side of Turkey, defending her against the power of Russia.
If I am asked further, before we enter upon the Committee
of Supply, what are the means we look to, and, in the terms
of the hon, member for Inverness (Mr. Baillie), what neeo-
tiations we propose to make, I should say, in the first
assistanceF.ugl
e andto
Turkey,France, promisingand
declaring to
oc
no
place, that there has been an exchange of notes between
Pow
eyrsollepatownoto., siselfissolltahintteif•oesrt.s and
(Cheers.)no increase s oi fs ter-
ritory ntPeheratpeartinofgibvointhg
i:laitdaiepreenodfootohoe
opfosition in which the two great Powers now
toshtuaetnra(dii.gpeiciTamheaytoifaieled itonhhia:teetii..hss: cause is one, in the first place, of the
re-
sisted firmnesslvith
cou I and.age a
Turkey—a power which has been most cruelly
o-faßuPsoswiae,la• nywdhaich Powerhas Nrvehsiieshtehdawis
rthe.
wiodthskgiureiant
tahboilifiteldthtehue nujnuistteddelmaeginonsds
of
RRussia.sais (tl:loeUdwaenhteoeur S.
disturber
peace a Europe, of which the Emperor of
is to mankind the But, sir, the cause is still more. It
- (cheers) -and..iteis for ma -
kind to throw upon the head of that disturber the consb-
queuces which he has so flagrantly,
and, I believe, so imprii-

dently evoked. (Cheers.) And it is to mankind the inde-
pendence not only of Turkey but of Germany, and of all Euro-
pean nations. The state of Germany for the last few years has
been one, if not absolutely of dependence upon the Emperor of
Russia, at least one in which independence has not been very
loudly asserted. (Hear.) I could not but think, on reading
the transactions that took place last year at Paris, that there
was too much acquiescence on the part of the German
Powers in the unjustifiable pretensions of Russia. (Cheers.)
This house is aware, and I have had occasion to relate it
with that commendation . which I thought was due, that,
when the Earl of Malmesbury found that the Emperor of the
French meant to be faithful to the engagements of the coun-
try over which he was called to reign, and that his object was
to maintain the peace of Europe, on the part of this country,
the willing recognition of the Queen was declared to the new
form of government. But the Powers of Germany thought it
advisable to wait until'the Emperor of Russia had declared his
mind on the subject, and the mind of the Emperor of Russia
was, that the Emperor of the French might be acknowledged;
but that, not having descended from a line which had for cen-
turies occupied the throne, he (the Emperor of Russia) could
not call the Emperor of the French his brother. (Laughter.)
The Emperor of the French had too much good sense to
attach any very great importance to whether he was called
"my good friend," or "my brother." (Laughter and
cheers.) But it was understood that the Powers of Germany,
one and all, desired their representatives to wait at Paris, and
not to recognise the Emperor of the French • until they were
assured that the unusual form of recognition of the Emperor of
Russia had been received, so that if the Emperor of the French
had chosen to say, as he had a full right, " I will stand upon
established forms, and I will not have those forms departed
from," not one of those powers of Germany, who were all
ready of themselves to recognise him as Emperor of the
French, and were, moreover, ready to call him their brother,
not one one of those Powers would have recognised him. I
say, sir, that that shows the state of Germany not so inde-
pendent as one would wish. (Hear, hear.) I cannot but
think—and there are growing symptoms of it every day—
that this violent attempt on the part of Russia—that. these
acts in violation of all right and justice have at length aroused
both in Austria and in Prussia, a sense that they must con-
sider the welfare of Europe before consulting the will of the
Emperor of Russia. My belief is, therefore, although we
have no engagement with them—and I state it plainly to the
house, that that they are not bound to us to resist in any
manner the acts of aggression on the part of Russia—still,
my belief is that both those nations, constituting the great
empire of Germany—divided as Germany is into separate so-
vereignties—will be too much impressed with the growing
importance and position of that empire—. of its 35,000,000
inhabitants, of its enlightenment, of its civilisation,
and of the importance of maintaining its independence—
not to take care that the aggrandisement of Russia does
not become so formidable as to threaten the independence
of that great Germanic Rower. (Hear, hear.) I be-
lieve, therefore, that in undertaking this contest, even
though we should not have the immediate assistance of
those two great German Powers, yet they would look on with
a view, not to aid Russia—not to engage themselves to Russia
—but, on the contrary, to use all their influence, and, if neces-
sary, their arms, to stop her in her attempted progress of con-
quest and of lawless force. I have said that we have an en-
gagement with France. We have now proposed to make an
engagement with Turkey by which we shall be sure, besides
other things which are necessary on such occasions, that Tur-
key will not agree to any peace with Russia, while we are
giving our aid and assistance, without our consent and
concurrence. That engagement with Turkey has not yet
been formed ; but I have no doubt that, considering
the manner in which the affairs of Turkey have been lately
conducted, that she will willingly accept the aid and assis-
tauce which England and France can give . her upon the
condition I have stated. And, Sir, I beg here to say that, in
entering upon that contest, we shall have the greatest confi-
dence in, and reliance upon, our French ally. (Loud
cheers.) The conduct of the Emperor of the French during
the whole of the transactions, has been so open, so frank,
and so straightforward, that it is impossible not to place the
utmost reliance in him and in his Government. (Great
cheering.) With respect to the exertions it may be neces-
sary for us to make, without at present speaking of the efforts
that we may hereafter be called upon to use, but confining my-
self to what, at the very beginning of this struggle, it will be
incumbent ou us to adopt, I beg to state that we shall think
it necessary, in the estimates for the year, to add no less a
sum than 3,000,0001. of money to the amount that was asked
for last year. It may be said that this is a large increase of
our naval and army establishments. But, I say again, as the
right hon. gentleman has said, and which I also stated in the
beginning of my speech, that these resources are necessary ;
but at the same time, if you think that the direction to be given
to them can be .better confided to other hands, declare that
to be your opinion by some early vote, and place the direc-
tion of the resources of this empire in more skilful and abler
hands. But if you do not take that course, and you confide
them to us, then we shall expect your confidence in allow-
ing us to carry on these transactions according to the best
of our judgment, without which confidence no success can
possibly take place. (Hear, hear.) Recollect that success
in war depends upon secrecy—depends urou combination,
depends upon rapidity, and that it is inconsistent with
success to explain your operations. (Loud cheers.) I am
not asking too much, therefore, when I ask you to adopt one
or the other of those alternatives, and either place the govern-
ment of the war in Other hands, or, if not, then to give to us
that confideuee which is necessary successfully to carry it on.
It is not to be forgotten that war brings with it increased
burdens. Let no man suppose that we can enter upon a
struggle with, the Emperor of Russia in support of a power
comparatively feeble without making considerable efforts, and
without calling upon the people to bear burdens greater than
they have had to sustain during.a time when we were at peace
with all the world. If they are not prepared to bear those
burdens, let them not enter into this war ; but let them, if
they do enter into this war, endeavour to carry it to a suc-
cessful issue. (Cheers.) For my part, if most unexpectedly
the Emperor of Russia should recede from his former de-
mands, and at the sight of all Europe disapproving his con-
duct, and of two of the most considerable nations of Europe
being prepared to act in arms, if necessary, against him,
he should acknowledge the independence and integrity of
the Porte in the only manner in which it could be sa-
tisfactorily done—l shall, and we shall all rejoice to be
spared the efforts and the burdens of a conflict. (Hear,
hear.) But, if that is not to be, and if peace is no ,
longer consistent with our duty to England, with our duty to '
Europe, and with our duty to the world,—if the ambition of
this enormous Power has got to such a pitch that even its
moderation is more ambitions than' thee ambition of other
States,—if Russia will not be contented with anything less than
the subjugation of the whole empire of Turkey and the pos-
' session of Constantinople itself,—if such are her feelings and
such are her objects then we can only endeavour to enter into
this contest with a stout heart. (Cheers.) May God defend
the right I and, for my part, I shall willingly share the burden
and the responsibility. (The noble lord resumed his seat
amid loud cheers from both sides of the house.)
Mr. CROSSLEY expressed his thanks to the Government
for having done all that it was in their power to avert war,
and he trusted that in their future course they would lose no
opportunity of coming to a right understanding. Deprecating
war as a great evil, still he agreed with the noble lord that, if
they went to war at all, they must do it with all their might,
and the people must be prepared to endure heavier taxation
to sustain the war with .vigour.
Mr. BAILLIE moved the adjournment of the debate, amid
cries of " no" from the Ministerial benches.
Lord J. RUSSELL—I hope the house will upon this occa-
sion vote, before separating, the number of men required for
the navy estimates—(cheers)—because any debate may be
had on any other occasion. lam sure that no member 'of the
Government is at all disposed to shrink from the discussion of
this subject, but I do feel _that it is of great importance that
we should go into committee of supply to-night, and I trust
the house will agree to the number of men to be voted for the
navy. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. DISRAELI—We, on this side of the house, are not re-
sponsible for the debate that has taken place this evening.
(Hear, hear.) My opinion was that, considering the import-
ance of the occasion and the interesting documents that have
been laid upon the table of this house, it was impossible the
Government should not suppose that some discussion would
(Hear, hear, from the
due to the house, to the
take;rini
sptlae
rciael uponbenc thlei es soe t fir•anns a
fact, c ointsi.s
country, and to her Majesty's Government, that some discus-
sion should take place. Sir, had this discussion been more
under my control, I should have consulted the conven i-
enee and disposition of the Gov:elment as to the momen t
at which it should take place; and if the honourable
gentleman (Mr. Layard) had not brought forward the
ready
mode
y tto
and meett the
subject, while I should have thought it my duty to state
he
my conviction that a discussion.. should take place; I
should
oce fvf
ettnhhie discussion.
Bat, evening.
noble lord
(J. oe
withtleman whom
circumstances
havehave
no t
thecha hn g
oe d ih
n 0
rto act in public life,
and with whose intentions I had no males of being
acquainted
until he himself announced them, has -brought forward the
Russell) have
as beteonthr
whole question in a speech entirely worthy of the occasion,
and one which justly commanded the attention of the house.
But how was that speech met by the Government ? (Hear,
hear.) Ido not refer to the speech of the noble lord (J.
Russell), which was worthy of himself and of the occasion.
I differ from the nobl lord in many of the'
positions that he
has laid down, and in many of the conclusions that he drew,
and I shall be ready, upon the proper occasion, to show
that I am justified in thus differing from him. But the
tone of the noble lord was one worthy of the occasion,
and he paid due respect to the honoumble gentleman
who introduced the subject to our notice (Hear.) But
how was the question met by the Minister of the Crown
who first rose to open the debate ? (Cheers.). The first ob-
servation of the First Lord of the Admiralty Was to cast con-
tempt and contumely upon those important diplomatic do-
cuments that have been placed upon the table. Now how
was the house graciously addressed by her Majesty on the
opening of the session? It was said by her Majesty, with all
the solemn emphasis of the occasion, that after negotiations
had been carried on for a whole year concerning the most im-
portant events of human nature, the results of those negotia-
tions would be laid upon the table. Her'Majesty deigned to
state that the papers connected with these negotiations
would be communicated to you without delay. What was
the object of communicating these papers without delay?
(Cheers.) And yet the right hon. gentleman ( J. Graham)
gets up and tells you you are not to " pother" over blue.
books. (Cheers from the Opposition.) Why are there such
things as blue-blooks ? What i,9 the intent of those State
secrets and important documents being placed upon the table
if upon the first occasion on which you are asked to offer an
opinion on them a Minister of the Crown rises and tells us
we are not to " potter" over blue-books? (Cheers.) The
question has been brought before us in a manner not unworthy
of its importance. The noble lord has just offered to the house
a speech which in tone and intellect, as 1 have said, was not un-
worthy of the occasion. But that speech was full of fallaci-
ous statements, and took up a fatal position,
and as there must
now be a discussion of the whole subject, I think it had bet-
ter take place continuously. The noble lord says he wishes
to take a vote for the number of men. I should have wished
that this vote had been taken, and, had it rested 'with me, I
should have interposed no obstacles in the way. (Cheers
from the Ministerial benches.) But I think, as matters now
stand, it will be more convenient to the house and to the
Government that the discussion should be concluded before
we enter upon the Committee of Supply. (Hear.) lee far as
the influence of our debates can extend to foreign nations,
they will learn from the tone of the British Parliament that
there is no difference of opinion—(cheers from all sides of the
house),—as to the number of men to be voted, or as to any-
thing that may be requisite to support her Majesty's Go-
vernment in the prosecution of a just war. (Cheers.) But,
after what has occurred, the motion of an hon. gentleman
that the debate should be adjourned, in order that it may be
concluded on the next night of our sitting, does seem to me
only a fair and reasonable one. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL The determination just announced
IT the right hon. gentleman is most important. (Home)
The right hon. gentleman has announced, for himself and for
those who sit on his side of the house, that there will be a
general feeling in favour of supporting the vote for the in-
crea-sed number of men, and the measures that will be neces-
sary for the public service. After that declaration, I have
no objection to accede to the adjournment of the debate.
(Cheers.)
The debate was then adjourned until Monday.
Sir B. HALL (in the absence of Mr. Tufnell) moved for
leave to bring in a bill to 'abolish the property qualification

of members of Parliament. As he understood that no oppo-
sition on the other side of the house would be offered to the
measure, he would not trouble them with a speech at that
late hour.

Leave to bring in the bill was given.
On the motion of Sir J. YOUNG, Mr. Granville Vernon was
Added to the Committee of Privileges, to whom is referred the
complaint of the paragraph in the Times newspaper.
Returns were ordered, on the motion of Mr. Gaothug, of
various fees payable to the Secretary of Bankrupts in the
Court of Bankruptcy in Ireland, annually, from July, 1836, to
December, 1852.
The house adjourned at 20 minutes past 12 o'clock.

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-FEB. 17.
SUPPLY.

Order for committee read ; account of Exchequer Bills
(presented 10th February) referred to the committee :
Motion'made, and question proposed, " That Mr. Speaker
do now leave the chair e —Amendment proposed, to
leave out from the word " that" to the end of the ques-
tion, in order to add the words " whereas the house
passed a resolution on the Bth day of April, 1850, to the
effect, 'That the accommodation provided for assistant-
surgeons on board her Majesty's ships of war is inade-
quate and insufficient for securing the full benefit of
their professional services,' the Admiralty regulations,
since the passing of the aforesaid act, have not been in
the spirit of, nor have they fulfilled the intention of the
said resolution, —it is the opinion of this house, that the
above resolution should be forthwith carried into effect,"
instead thereof :—Question put, "That the words pro-
posed to be left out stand part of the question." The
house divided ; ayes 216, noes 104.

AYES-216.
A'Court, C. George, J. Otway, A.
Anderson, Sir J. Gladstone, W. Packe, C
Atherton, W. Glyn, G. Paget, Lord A.
Bailey, Sir J. Goddard, A. Paget, Lord G.
liWnes, Rt. Hon. M. Geulburn, H. Palmer, Roundel'
Ball, J. Gower, F. Palmerston, Visct.
Baring, Sir F. Graham, Sir J. Patten, J.
Barnes, T. Greene, Thomas Peel, Sit R.
Barrington, Viscount Gregson, S. Peel, F.
Barrow, W. Grenfell, Chas. Philipps, J.
Beamish, F. Grey, Rt lion Sir G. Plullimore, J. G.
Beaumont, W. Grosvenor, Ld. R. Phillirnore, R. J.
Bell, J. Hadfield, G. Pinney, ►V.
Bentinek, G. Hankey, T. Price, Sir R.
Berkeley. Admiral Harcourt, G. Price, W.
• erkeley, Hon. C. Hardinge, Hon. C. Repton, G.
Bethell, Sir R. Hawkins, W. Ricardo, 0.
Biddulph, Col. R. M. Headlem, T. Rice, E.
Biggs, W. Herbert, S. Robartes, T.
Bland, L. 11. Herbert, Sir T. Roche, E.
Bonham-Carter, J. B ervey, Lord A. Roebuck, J.
liouverie, Hon. E. P. Heyworth, L. Rolt, P.
Boyle, Lt.-001. Hogg, Sir J. W. Russell, Lord J.
Brotherton, J. Horsman, E. Russell, F. W.
Brown, W. Hughes, W. Sadleir, John
Bruce, Lord E. Hutt, W. Sawle, C.
Bruce, C. L. C. Ingham, R. Scobell, Capt. G.
Buckeley, Gen. Jackson, W. Seymer, H.
Burghley, Lord. Johnstone, J. Seymour, Lord
Byng, G. Jones, Capt. T. Shelourne, Earl
Cardwell, E. Keogh, W. Shelley, Sir J.
Caulfeild, Lt.-Col. J. Kingscote, Capt. R. Sheridan, R.
Cayley, E. Kinnaird, A. Smith, M.
Cholmondeley Lord Knatchbull, W. Smith, R.
Christopher, Robt. A. Labonchere,itt.Hon.H Smyth, J. G.
Christie, Samuel Laing, S. Spooner, R.
Clay, Sir W. Bt. Langston, J. H. Stafford, A.
Clinton, Lord C. P. P. Langton, W. H. P. G. Stanley, W.
Clinton, Lord R. R. P. Layard, A. H. Starkie Le G.
Cocks, T. S. Lewis, Sir T. F. Stirling, W.
Collier, R. P. Liddell, H. G. Strickland, Sir G.
Compton, H. C. Locke. J. Strut t, E.
Corry, H. T. L. Lockhart, A. E. Stuart, Lord D.
Cowan, C. Lovaine, Lord Tancred. H.
Cowper, W. F. Lowe, R. Thornely, T.
Craufurd, E. H. J. Lowther, Capt. H. Thornhill, W.
Crook, J. Luce, T. Trollope, Sir J.
Crossley, F, Mackie, J. Tudway, R.
Crowder, R. B. Mackinnon, W. A. Tyler, Sir G.
Davie, Sir H. R. F. Macgregor, Jas. Vane, Lord H.
Davies, D. A. S. Mantis, R. Villiers, C.
Denison, J. E. Mangles, R. D. Villiers, F.
Bering, Sir E. C. Manners, Lord G. Watkins, Col.
Divest, E. Majoribanks, D. Wells, W,
Drummond, H. Marshall, W. Whatman, J.
Duckworth, sir J. T. Martin, J. Whitbread, S.
Dundombe, W. Massey, W. Wickham, H. W.
Dundas, F. Masterman, J. Wilkinson, W.
Dunlop, A. Matheson, A. Williams, M.
Du Pre, C. Mall, E. Willoughby, Sir II
Elcho, lord Miles, W. Wodehouse, E.
Ellice, E. Milligan, It. Wood, Sir C.
Elmley, Vis. Mills, T. Wortley. J. A.
Emlyn, Vis. Milner, W. Wyndham, Gen.
Fagan, W. Molesworth, Sir W. Wyndham, H.
Feilden, M. Mon crieff, J. Wynne. W.
Fitzroy, Hon. 11. Monsell, W. Wyvil, M.
Foley, J. Morgan, 0. Young, Sir J.
Forster, C. Morris, D.
Forster, Sir G. Mowbray. J.
Forster, J. Mundy, W.
Fox, W. Mare. Col. W.
Fuller A. O'Connell. D.
Gardner, H. 0 borne, H.

TELLERS

Hayter, W.
Mu'grave, Earl of

Adderley, C.
Arehdall,
Bane, H.
Ball, E.
Bennet, Capt P.
Blackett, J. F. B.
Bla r, Col. J. H.

NOES-101.
Hamilton, Lor 1 C.
Hamilton, G. A.
Harcourt, Col. F.
Hastie, ilex.
H tsttP. Archd.
Herbert, P.
Htlyard It. C.

O'Brien' P.
Pella tt, A. '
Pilkington, J.
P,Bard-Urquhart, W.
Pugh, D.
Robertson, P.
Rushout, Capt. G.
Sandars, G.
Seymour, W.
Sibthorp, Col.
Smijth, -dr W.
Smith, J. B.
Smith. W.
Smollett, A.
Stinky, Lord
Stuart, H.
Stunt, 11.
Sullivan. Michael
Taylor, Lt.-Col. J.
Thompson, G.
Townsherid, Capt. J.
trance, J.
Vansittart, G.
Vyvyan, Sir K.
Vyse, Capt. it.
Waddington, H.
Walmsley, Sir J.
Walter, J.
Whitmore, H.
Williams, W.
Woodd, B.

Brady, .T. Horsfatl, T.
Brisco, M. Hudson, G.
Buller, Sir J. Hume, J.
Burke, Sir T. Hume. W.
Butt, (4. Jocelyn, Viscount
Butt, I. Jolliffe, Sir W.
Cairns, H. Kelly, Sir F.
Carnac, Sir J. Kennedy T.
Challis T. Kershaw, J.
Cobden. R. King. P.
Cubitt, W. Kinr, J.
Davi.on, R. Knox, Col. B. W.
Duff, J. Lacon, Sir E.
Duke, Sir J. Lam ton, 11. G.
Duncan, G. Lennox, Lord A.
Egerton E. Lock!iart, W.
Evans, Sir D. Lacy Lucas, F.
Erelyn, W. Maddock, Sir T. H.
Filmer, Sir E. Maguire, J. F.
Forbes, W. Mandeville,
Franklin, G. Meagher, T.
French, F. M eux, Sir H.
Geach, C. Milnes, R.
Gilbson,T. Michell, W.
Gilpin, Col. H. Moore, It.
Goderich, Viscount. Mailings, J.
Green, Capt John Murrough, J.
Grogan, Edvrard Napier, J.
Hall, Col. J. Newdegate, C.

pair at Deptford Dockyard, has been brought down to Wool-
wich to be completed for service.
It is satisfactory to be able to state that a sufficient number
of young men have applied to be allowed to enter the Royal
navy as third class engineers.
Mr. Trickett, assistant to the chief engineer at Woolwich
Dockyard, left the factory for Devonport to superintend the
fitting of the machinery and boilers of the Algiers, 91, screw
steam-ship, putting on board at that port. It is expected
that Mr. Trickett will shortly be appointed chief engineer at
the new factory at Keyham.
Several young men, working engineers, have been taken
on at the factory here, to make them acquainted with the na-
ture of the Government works previously to their being sent
to work at Keyham.

THE LONDON GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT.

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, FEB. 16.
This day had audience of her Majesty :—General
d'Oxholm, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten-
tiary from the King of Denmark, to deliver his credentials-
to which he was introduced by the Earl of Clarendon,
K.G., her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
and conducted by
,Major-General the Hon. Sir Edward
Cust, K.C.H., Master of the Ceremonies.
CROWN-OFFICE, FEB. 15.
MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THE PRESENT PARLIA-

M ENT.
County of Devon.—Southern Division.--Lawrence Palk,
of Haldon House, in the said county, Esq., in the room of
Sir Ralph Lopes, Bart., deceased.
BOARD OF TRADE, WHITEHALL, FEB. 14.
The Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of
Privy Council for Trade and Plantations have received,
through the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, a copy
of a despatch from her Majesty's Consul at Acapulco, re-
porting that the Supreme Government havo made the fol-
lowing reduction in the tonna_ e dues upon all vessels ar-
riving in that port laden with coal, and consigned to any
Steam Boat Company, having a depot of coals in the har-
bour, viz.: 4 reale, or 2 shillings per ton, instead of 1 dollar
4 reals, or 6 shillings, as formerly.
WAR-OFFICEIFEB. 17.
Ist Regiment of Dragoons—Lieutenant Henry Sykes, to
be Captain by purchase, vice Sibthorp, who retires; Cornet
Thomas Beane Fitz Gerald, to be Lieutenant, by purchase,
vice Sykes ; William Edmund Curtis, Gent., to be Cornet,
by purchase, vice Fitz Gerald, Feb. 17.
3rd Light Dragoons—Jacob Camac Murphy, Gent„ to
be Cornet, by purchase, vice Vyse, promoted, Feb. 17.
Scots Fusilier Guards—Major' and Colonel Henry Lord
Rokeby to be Lieutenant-Colonel, by purchase, vice
Colonel Henry Colville, who retires upon half-pay ;
Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel and Colonel George
Morton Eden to be Major, by purchase, vice Lord Rokeby;
Lieutenant-Colonel and Brevet-Colonel the Honourable
Charles Beaumont Phipps, C. 8., from half-pay unattached
to be Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Eden; Lieu-
tenant and Captain Henry Percival de Bathe to be Cap-
tain and Lieutenant-Colonel, by purchase, vice Honour-
able C. B. Phipps, C. 8., who retires; Ensign and Lieu-
tenant Roger Mostyn to be Lieutenant and Captain, by
purchase, vice de Bathe ; Ensign and Lieutenant the
Honourable George Grey Dalrymple has been permitted to
retire from the service, by the sale of his commission ;
Battalion-Surgeon Thomas ' Richardson to be Surgeon-
Major, vice William Henry Judd, who retires upon half-
pay; Assistant-Surgeon John Ashton, Bostock, M.D.,
to be Battalion-Surgeon, vice Richardson ; Assistant Staff-
....

Surgeon Arthur Gtiy Elkington to be Assistant-Surgeon,
vice Bostock, Feb. 17.
2nd Foot—Captain George Wolfe, from 87th Foot, to
be Captain, vice Mathias, appointed to the 54th Foot,
Feb. 17.

19th Foot—Ensign Edward Robert Ward Bayley to be
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Beadon, who retires ; John
Henry Kirke, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice
Bayley, Feb. 17.
28th Foot—Lieutenant Henry Robert Crew Godley to
be Captain, by purchase, vice de Winton, who retires ;
Ensign Thomas Lynden Bell to be Lieutenant, by pur-
chase, vice Godle ; Charles David Ingham, Gent., to be
Ensign, by purchase, vice Bell, Feb. 17.
41th Foot—Ensign Bradford Smith Hoskins to be Lieu-
tenant, by purchase, vice Richard Fitz Richard Eyre, who
has declined purchasing, Fob. 17.
54th Foot—Captain Frederick Mathias, from the 2d
Foot to be Captain, vice Fane, appointed to the S7th Foot,
Feb. 17. . _ .

57th Foot—William Jesser Coupe, Gent., to be Ensign,
by purchase, vice Johnson, who retires, Feb. 17.
87th Foot—Captain Francis Fine, from► the 54th Foot,
to he Captain, vice Wolfe, appointed to the 2d Foot,

Feb. 17. -
-
91st Foot—Lieutenant Alexander Watson Mackenzie to
be Captain, by purchase, vice Bayly, who retires ; Ensign
Lloyd Henry Thomas to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice
Mackenzie ; William Prescod Gurney, Gent., to be En-
sign, by purchase, vice Thomas, Feb. 17.
97th Foot—Richard Stovin -Warburton, Gent., to be
Ensign, by purchase, vice Nash, who retires, Feb. 17.
Ist West 'was. Regimeut—Ensign Henry Francis Luke,
to be Lieutenant, by -purchase, vice Stokes, promoted;
John Tryon, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Luke,
Feb. 17.

UNATTACHED.—Lieutenant and Adjutant Thomas Beck-
with Speedy, from the 7th Foot, to be Captain, without
purchase, Feb. 17.

MEMORANDIIIII.—The Christian names of Ensign Brooke,
of the 40th Foot, are " Charles Francis," and not Charles
Frederick, as previously stated.
OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, FEB. 17.

Royal Regiment of Artillery-Captain Edward Fitz-
Herbert Grant to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Walker, re-
tired upon full pay ; Second Captain John James Brand-
lin to be Captain, vice Grant ; First Lieutenant Edward
Taswell to be Second Captain, vice Brandling ; Second
Lieutenant Arthur Lister Kaye to be First Lieutenant,
vice Taswell ; Second Captain Alfred Romaine Wra,gge
to bo Captain, vice Lempriere, retired upon half-pay ;
First Lieutenant John Singleton to be Second Captain,
vice Wragge; Second Lieutenant Jones Julian Smith to
be First Lieutenant, vice Singleton.—Feb. 17.
OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, FEB. 17.

Royal Regiment of Artillery.—To be Colonel-Comman-
dant—Colonel. John Edward Jones.
To be_Colonels—Lient.-Colouels Poole Valiance), Eng-
land, vice Jones ; Irwine Whitty, Henry Lewis Sweeting.
To be Lieut.-Colonels—Captains John Wray Mitchell,
vice England ; George John Beresford, vice Whitty ;
Robert Fitzgeraltl Crawford, vice Sweeting; John St.
George, William Robert Nedham, Edward Charles Warde,
1 Henry Coope Stace.
To be Captains-- Second Captains William Haultain,
vice Mitchell ; Frederick John Travers, vice Beresford ;
' Mathew Charles Dixon, vice Crawford; Henry Rogers,
1 vice St. George ; John Turner, vice Nedham ; Augustus
Charles Lennox Fitzroy, vice Warde ; Edward Henry
Fisher, vice Stace ; Robert Frederick Mountain, Samuel
Cleaveland, Samuel Rood Stovin Inglefield, Edward Mou-
rier Boxer, Charles Scudamore Longden, Wm. Alexander
Middleton, Roquler John Cannon, James Robert Gibbon.
To be Second Captains—First Lieutenants Wm. Edmund
Moyses Reilly, vice Haultain ; Wm. Boyd Saunders, vice
Travers ; Charles Hodgkinson Smith, vice Dixon ; Henry
Terrick Fitz Hugh, vice Rogers ; Whaley Nicoll Hardy,
vice Turner; John Lawrance Boulton, vice ,Fitzroy ;
George Henry John Alexander Fraser, vice Fisher ;
,Thomas Lambert, vice Mountain ; France James Soady,
vice Cleaveland ; Edward Eldon Robert Dyneley, vice
Inglefield ; Frederick Hervey Bathurst Phillips, vice
Boxer ; Joseph Godby, vice Longden ; Dominick Sarsfield
'Greene, vice Middleton ; Philip Francis Miller, vice Can-
non ; William Wigram Barry, vice Gibbon ; George Hat-
ton Colomb, Thomas Henry Harding, Philip Davies Mar-
,. ' esson, Mervyn Stewart, James Frederick D'Arley Street,
Archibald Motteux Calvert, O'Brien Bellingham Woolsey,
Alfred Wilks Drayson, Cadwalladar.William Elgee. '
To be First Lieutenants—Second Lieutenants Eardley
Maitland, vice Reilly ; Maurice Edward Covey Stocker,
vice Saunders ; William Arnold Burrowes, vice Smith ;
John Lardner C!arke, vice Fitzhugh; Algernon Purling
iJoy, vice Hardy ; Henry Thornhill, vice Boulton ; Arthur
I Thornton Gratwicke Pearce, vice Fraser ; Thomas Primula
Carey, vice Lambert ; William Francis Walker, vice
iSoady ; Geoffrey Joseph Shakerley, vice Dyneley ; Henry
..fames Alderson, vice Phillips ; Alexander Hadden Hutchin -
eon, vice Godby ; Francis Temple, vice Greene ; Frederick
,George Ravenhill, vice Miller; Thomas Henry Pitt, vice
Bang ; Frederic Lee Hopkinson Lyon, vice Colomb ;
'Charles Lennox Tredcroft, vice Harding ; George William
Holmes, vice Margesson ; John Edward Ruck-Keene, vice
tewart; Henry Archdall Doyne, vice Street; J. Theophilus
Daubuz, vice Calvert ; Robert Hodson, vice Woolsey ;
i'amest Courtenay Vaughan, vice Drayson ; Frederick Sid-
ey Maude, vice Elgee ; Francis Towry Adeane Law ;
jor Francis Downes ; Albert Charles Hugo Light ;
.7rancis Henry William Nisbett ; Falkland George Edge
!worth Warren ' • Henry Clement Swinnerton Dyer • ' Thos.
Lloyd Still ; Joseph Hanwell; Joshua Frederick Betty ;
Francis Wm. Eveleigh Savage ; John Kelly Holdsworth ;
William Frederick Moore; Maurice Henry Fitztnaurice ;
Wilbraham Digby Miltnan ; Arthur Richard Robinson ;
Henry Richmond Martin, Feb. 17.
OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, FEB. 16.

Corps of Royal Engineers—Second 'Captain Frederick
Edward Chapman to be Captain, vice Frome, placed on
the Seconded List ' • First Lieutenant James Frankfort
Manners Browne to be Second Captain, vice Chapman ;
Second Lieutenant Wilbraham Oates. Lennox to be First
Lieutenant, vice Browne, Jan. 7.
OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, FEB. 17.

Corps of Royal Engineers—To be Colonel Commandant
—Lieutenant General Sir Henry Goldfinch, K.C.B.
To be Colonels—Lientenant-Colonel Philip Barry, Bre-
vet-Colonel Sir William Reid, Lieutenant-Colonel Wiliam
Redman Ord.
To be Lieutenant-Colonels.—Bevet-Major Henry Ser-
vante, vice Barry ; Henry Owen Crawley, vice Ord ; John
Twiss, John Walpole, Thomas 'Aiskew Ltrcom, Brevet
Lieutenant-Colonel ' Edward Vicars ; Brevet-Majo'rs, St.
Aubyn Molesworth, Edward Frome ; Captain Charles
Edmund Wilkinson.
To be Captains.—Second Captains Thomas 'reansvliecvk,;
vice Servante ; Gother Frederick Mann, vice w
Spencer Westmacott, vice Twiss ; Charles Avrceonirßicraorkse;
vice Walpole ; William Collier Menzies,
Robert Michael Laffan, vice Molesworth ; Arthur
Henry
Freeling, vice Wilkinson
Harry St. George Ord; David
•
William Tylee Hampden;Clement Blamire Moody, John
Linton Arabia Simmons, George
Second Captains Philip John
Richard Tyldon ; Archibald Leach ' Brevet-
Major Stapleton Barry, Henry Arthur White, Paul Bernard
Whittingham. .
ITo be Second Captains—First Lieutenants Fitzroy Mo-
erset, vice Fenwick • Horace Wil-
lyneux Henry
vSire Mann ; Valentine Thomas Mairis,
liam Montagu,
vice Westmacott ; Frederick William King, vice
Broke ; Francis Fowke, vice Menzies ; Charles Richard
Binney. vi
Laffan; Frederick Henry Rich, vice Freelm. g;
Francis Racwedon Chesney, vice Ord; Thos. Andrew Lums- 1
den Murray, vice Tylee ; Herbert Newton Penrice, vice
Moody; Wm. Lawtie Morrison, vice Leach ; Anthony C.
Cooke, vice Tylden; Thomas Inglis, vice Barry; Ben Hay
Martindale, vice White ; Charles Scrope Hutchinson,
vice Whittingham; HeiFyWray, Chas. Pasley, J. Stokes,
Andrew Clarke ; Francis Du Cane; Robert Dandas Kerr •
John Yerbnry Moggridge ; Francis Roe.
To be First Lieutenants—Second Lieutenants Arthur
Leaky, vice Somerset ; Edward Loftus Bland, vice Mon-
tagu ; Charles Edward Stuart Baynes, vice Mairis; Charles
Le Gallais, vice King ; Anthony William Dnrford, vice
Fowke ; Donald Augustus Frazer, vice Binney ; Harry
George Teesdale, vice Rich ; Thomas Molyneux Graves,
vice Chesney ; William Christian Anderson, vice Murray ;
Edmund Frederick Du Cane, vice Penrice ; William Cross
man, vice Morrison ; Willoughby D. Marsh, vice Cooke ;
William James Stuart, vice Inglis ; John Clayton Co-
well, vice Martindale ; Robert .Hawthorn, vice Hutchinson;
Gerald Graham, vice Wray ; Charles Elwin Harvey, vice
Pasley ; Robert William Duff, vice Stokes; George Phi-
lips, vice Clarke ; Charles Nassau Martin, 'vice Du Cane ;
Francis Edward Pratt, vice Kerr ; Alfred George Goodall,
vioe Illoggridge ; John Mervin Cutliffe Drake, vice Koe ;
Edward, Renouard James, William Bailey, Frederick Ed-
ward Blackett Beaumont, Charles George Gordon, Oliver
Haldane Stokes, John Henry Stockman Carter William
James Bevan Edwards, John i
Frederick GM retchville
T
Dyku Donne y, John Edwin Cornea, Thome Graves