The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-04 00:00:00

making a statement, he concluded by asking whether
her Majesty's Government would send out a despatch
for cancelling the appointment of Mr. S onor, a com-
mittee being pendiwr to inquire into the cir umstances.
Lord- J. RUSSELL protested against the course
which the noble lord had taken of moving the adjourn-
ment of the, house, and then went on to say that the
motion for the committee would be made on Thurs-
day, when the Government would be quite ready
to accede to it. All the circumstances touching
the appointment would then come before the com-
mittee, and the house would find that the recom-
mendations of Mr. Stonor were entirely of a legal
and professional nature, and that it was quite an
oversight of the noble duke at the head of the colonial
department in not being aware of the report which had
been made against Mr. .Stonor. He trusted, however,
that the committee would make no recommendation that
the appointment should be continne 1, although it might
be a c Lse of great hardship on Jr. Stonor, but the real
state of the matter was this. The appointment had been
made in Victoria, but when it cane home for confirma-
tion the noble duke would decline to confirm it on the
part of her Majesty.
STATUTE LAW COMMISSION.
Mr. BOWYER asked what course Government pro-
posed to pursue with respect to the Statute Law Conso-
lidation Commission, whether it was to be renewed or
allowed to drop with all its valuable labours incomplete.
Lord J. RUSSELL replied that as the Attorney-
General was not in the house he was unable to answer
the question ; but he understood his learned fnend had
been in communication with the Lord Chancellor on the
subject.

NEW REFORM BILL.
Sir E. BERING gave notice that on Monday next
he would ask the noble lord the member for the city of
London, whether be intended to move the second read-
ing of the Reform Bill on the 27th inst._

BRIBERY Fee., BILL.
,
On the order of the day for the committal of this bill,
Lord J. RUSSELL, in moving that the Speaker do
leave the chair, appealed to the hon. and learned mem-
ber for Suffolk to allow his bill to come on next, and
before the Controverted Elections Bill.
Sir. F. KELLY was understood to assent to the
proposal.
Mr. V. SMITH then moved as an amendment that
the bill be referred to a select committee, announcing
that it this amendment was carried he should more that
the other two bills be referred to the same committee.
The three bide ought to be coniniered together, but it
was impossible to do that in committee of the whole
house, and hence arose the necessity for a select com-
mittee, where all the three bills could be discussed
together and ultimately coasolitleted into one effective
measure. Several points embraced in the other hills
were omitted from that of the noble lord. This showed
the impossibility of coneidering -the- Measures apart ;
and there was not time to take them in eueceesion on
the wee evening. Oue important matter was that
neither of the bile had any provisions relating to agents,
not legal agelits, but those mysterious persons who went
' about telling people ta Open their hands and shut their
eyes and see what they c mid get. (Laughter.) Tnese
were the real authors of the mischief, and yet there was
no provision to reach them. The proper course would
be to refer all the bills to a committee up-stairs. It
might he said they would still have to be discussed by
the house, but this would be done much more conve-
niently after an investigation before a se set committee.
They should then know what they could do, and how
the evil could be reached. An enthusiaern at amst
bribery had arisen that session such as was never shown
before ; but out of d iore this feeling very widely pre-
vailed that there was a great deal of hypocrisy in this.
(Hear, hear.) People thought that hon. members found
it an easy virtue to disclaim - against that bribery of
which, owing to the interposition of agents, they could
not possibly be convicted. It behoved them, therefore,
to proceed cautionely, and not rashly to inflict such
penalties as were given by the noble bird's bill. Could
they carry ent the serious penalty of depriving a man of
his qualification for life, and would the public go with
them in such a course? Suppose that, in early life,
Lord John Russell himself, when party feeling was
much hieher than now, had been deprived by the vote
of a parliainehtary committee of his se..t for life ; and he
hail stVisequently diepleyed the abilities for legislation
which he possessed, would the public have acquiesced in
his perpetual exciueion from public life ? (Heer.) There
would be a difficulty in finding prosecutors ; for who
would come forward in such a case where the result
might he to deprive a man of the chance of ever again
being elected? It became both the convenience and the
honour of the house to proceed cautiously in such a mat-
ter, lest they should do more harm than good. A great
deal might be done by themselves. One gentleman had
admitted before a committee that he purposely refused
to look at any vouchers. If candidates would directly
discourage every species of bribery and undue influence,
that would do more than anything else to put an end to
the system. It should be remembered that their object
was not backed by any strong feeling among the consti•
tuencies. In one case the committee found that it was
not poverty by any means which induced the acceptance
of bribes ; men renting houses of 201. or 30/. had taken
them as readily as occupiers of 10/. houses. Any violent
legislation must fail, as in the c Ise of smugglers or
poachers, until the same feeling was excited in the public
mind against the offence as existed in that house. He
could not recognise the distinction taken by the bill be-
tween bribery and undue influence. He thought that a
pound's worth of any kind of goods was as much bribery
as a pound in money; in fact, he was at a loss to know
what was undue and what was due influence. He con-
cluded by moving that the bill should be referred to a
r select committee, in the hope that it would be promptly
Iproceeded with.
Mr. DEEDES seconded the amendment, and ex-
pressed the difficulty which he felt in dealing with the
three measures sep irately, all of which related more or
less to elections. He hoped the noble lord would con-
sent to the proposal. All who set on election commit
tees must have seen that this was a growing evil, and
one which cast opprobrium on the house and on mem-
bers individually. If the committee went into the ques-
tion with a determination to apply a remedy to the
evil, he was certain their end would be attained. It was
most important to deal with the question conclusively.
Lord J. RUSSELL said he was grew ly disappointed
at the amendment of his right lion. friend. He con-
sidered that, if it were successful, it would be equivalent
to postponing till another session any consideration rela-
tive to bribery. (Hear, hear.) In the way he proposed
to consider these bills there wars not really any practical
difficulty. The hon. and learned gentleman opposite,
who had con-idered both the hills, had pointed out that
clause 2 and the two following clauses in his (Lord J.
Russell's) bill, with reference to oaths, and likewise
clime,' 7, with reference to agents, related to the same
subjects as were treated in his bill. Undoubtedly he
was criite right ; and it would b' inconvenient for the
house to discuss one set of firoVieirinS of that kind with-
out having others before them, which the author of the
bid, at leest, censiilered more effectual. But he should
have had eo difficulty in proposing the poetponernent of
all these clauses. When the committee had gone thrimeh
the other clitusee he should have pr posed tint the chair-
man d i report progress ; they could then immediately
go into the bill of the hole agel learned gentleuati, and
consider its various provieions with reference to that and
other su ijecte. Besides these few clauses there were
several 'natters treated in both bills for which different
provisions were made ; and the house would have no
difficulty in dealing with these propositions in o ominit-
tee. The last speaker pointed out several other provi-
sions which were not in either bill, and said that there
were several persons competent to suggest other provi-
sions which ought to be introduced. But let the hon-e
consider what a large field was thus opened. If the bine
went before a select committee it could not he expected
that the members would agree as to their provisions ;
for many members of the house had different opinions
on these subjects. There would therefore be all the
provisions of these hills to consider—all those which
the right hon. gentleman had recommended, and all
the others which might be suggested ; and, this
being
so, they could hardly hope , to get the bills
back from theecommittee before the end of May or the
beginning or middle of June. They would then have
to be discussed in committee of the whole house ; and it
was a subject on which so many members of the house
were informed, so many having served on election com-
mittees who could not poisibly be on the select com-
mittee, that considerable time must be occupied in die-
cumin the bills in conirnittere of the whole house. They
would hardly reach the House of Lords before a very late
period of the session, when there would be great danger
of their being put aside for the Beaten. Therefore the
real question for consideration was,_ whether or not the
.)
gentleman said he .objected to many of
house was disposed to entertain the bills. (Hear, heard
The right hon.
their provisions ; but the house in committee could en-
tertain' those objections. . If it ;need. _that too severe
penalties were affixed to persmis committing the offence
of bribery, that surely was a question of principle to be
considered in committee of the whole house ; and they
might decide, if they saw fit, in favour of more lenient
penalties. There was no practical difficulty in dealing
with the question. On the other baud, if the bills were
sent before a select committee he (Lori J. Russell)
should be utterly
take part in the discussion in creitmittee of the whole
unable to attend on it, he could only
i house when the bills came back; ' li
intokwi(iolivilinl;oolwiegpor).ipsed to 'Consotidate
vieiers committee and consider these pro
. . The Laws relating ton bribery were tolerably well
regard to the alterations to be made in the
tehohs. plea,
wl
st_.he house.,,
house would be a tolerably good .
, quite ready to abide by isdell!dge ; la7,lV:rasthe
he certainly w
iI Mr.WALPOLE said he hail one up stairs.
sending the bills before a committee in
• ccafereginocneinto.
e poised to be ' taken by the noble aired t•he course
timated that he -hould not interfere with pro-
shiest 1 certainly have been ate
advantage might be derived from a full. ilrinelle"sithat great
ngly of on., fltherw se he
the subject by a select committee. But upon investigation
(if
tion, lie did not think it would be advisable toeepvereist'sletrhae
course which might appear toyhauvee"
amendment. In the first place he should be
willing to take any
the object of preventing the measure from passing this
session, or which might seem to be in any way of a
party character. The noble lord hail taken the fairest
possible course that could be suggested ; he proposed to
take Sir F. Kelly's bill second in order, relating as it
did to Cie some subject, the prevention of bribery, and
to postpone the controverted clauses in his own bill.
Another reasen fur objecting to the amendment wan
, that stated by the noble lord, that he himself would be
I unable to serve on the committee ; and any committee
without the noble lord's as- istance would not give satis-
faction. (Hear, hear.) He, therefore, hoped that the
amendment would not be pressed. He thought it right
to take that opportunity of stating that there were cer-
tain clauses in his bill of of last session which be sheuld be
under the necessity of proposing as fsl,etuitneuts op this,...
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