The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-19 00:00:00

HOUSE OF CO4MONS-(YESTERDAY).

The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock,
Bir CHARLES WOOD took the oath and his seat on
his re-election for Halifax.
The members selected to serve on the Cheltenham,
Blackburn, and Clitheroe Election Committees appeared
at the table, and were sworn.
The SPEAKER -acquainted the house that he had
received a communication from the agents to the peti-
tioners in Stoke-upon-Trent stating that it was their
intention to proceed with the petition.
PRIVATE BILLS.

Mr. SOTHERON moved that so much of standing
order, No. 160 as requires that there shall be no more
than ten days between the first and second reading of
any private bill be suspended, as to all railway and
canal bills, but that no such bill be read a second time
later than the 14th of March next, except by special
order of the house.
The motion was agreed to.
The Swaffham and Bottisham Drainage Bill, the Teign-
mouth Harbour and Teign Navigation Bill, and the
Whitechapel Improvements Bill, were read a.second
time, and ordered to be committed.
Mr. WILCOCKS presented a petition from a life as-
surance society, complaining of the inequalities of the
income tax in respect to annuitants.
Several petitions were presented from :letter carriers,
praying for an increase of wages.
Mr. SPOONER presented a petition from a place in
Warwickshire, praying that the grant to Maynooth may
be discontinued.

Mr. K. SEYMOUR presented a petition from a
Wesleyan body, praying the house not to sanction the
opening of the Crystal Palace on Sundays.

RELATIONS WITH FRANCE.

On the order of the day for the house going into nom.
mittee of supply,

Mr. DISRAELI said—l wish, before the house goes
into Committee of Supply, to make some inquiries of her
Majesty's Government with respect to our relations with
France. This is the most important subject of modern
politics. We have now, for nearly forty years, had the
blessing of peace between Great Britain and France.
During that interval the social relations of the two coun-
tries have become various and multiplied. Our commercial
transactions during that interval have gradually and pro-
gressively and considerably increased'; and at the. right
opportunity, and under favourable circumstances, no
doubt with enlightened legislation, those commercial tran-
sactions are susceptible of considerable and perhaps indefi-
nite development. (Hear, hear.) There are two countries
which may bo esteemed first-class powers, between whom
all questions of high policy are so identical; and it is
somewhat strange, when we have so many guarantees for
a permanent good understanding between the two coun-
tries, so many securities for that peace which we desire—
when the past, by the long interval of tranquillity that has
occurred, proves that practically these are sources of secu-
rity which are valid and efficient, it is extremely strange
and startling that, under such circumstances, an idea
should seem to have entered almost into every man's brain,
and an expression into every man's mouth, that we are on
the eve of a rupture with that country. I don't think it
unreasonable, therefore, that in going into committee of
supply, when we are about to vote large sums to sustain
the armaments of the country, I should make some inqui-
ries of her Majesty's Government on a subject of such ab-
sorbing interest, and offer a few remarks to the house with

respect to it before they go into committee. All must feel
that on such a topic it is of the utmost importance that no
false opinion should take ' possession of the public mind,
because in a free country opinion is one of the securities of
peace, as it is also sometimes the causes of war—(hear)—and
it is by discussion, which is the life and soul of a society
like ours, that we arrive at the truth on subjects which often,
to the danger and peril of the community, become perplexed
and obscure. I know there are persons in both countries
persons born and bred probably (luring the la.stgreat struggle
—who are of opinion that there is a natural hostility be-
tween the French and the English nations. They are per-
sons who may probably be placed in the same category
with the persons who think or used to think that five per
cent. was the natural rate of interest. At the same time
they are persons influenced in many instances by very sin-
cere and patriotic feelings, and their opinions, though they
may be inveterate prejudices, are not to be despised at a
conjecture like the present. I know that to persons influ-
enced by such a conviction it is in vain to appeal by any of
those economical considerations which are often mentioned
in the present day. I know it is in vain to impress on them
that, in an age favourable to industry, ancient and civilised
communities are diverted from thoughts of war. I know
it is in vain to appeal to the higher impulse of that phi-
lanthropy which many of us believe in such communities,
in societies under such conditions of great antiquity and
advanced civilisation, to be mitigating the heart of nations.
But I think it right to appeal to stern facts, which cannot
be disputed—to the past conduct of men, which, according
to the theories of these individuals, is the best test of
what their future behaviour will be ; and I must say that
I don't see that the history of the past justifies the too pre-
valent opinion that between England and France there is a
natural rivalry and hostility. (Rear, hear.) I know very
well, if you go back to ancient history, or rather to the
ancient history of the two countries, that you may appeal
to Cressy, to Poictiers, and to Agincourt, and believe there
has always been a struggle between the two countries, and
that that struggle has always redounded to the glory of
England ; but, it should be remembered that, these were
not wars so much between France and England as between
the King of France and the King of England as a French
prince,—that the latter was fighting for his provinces of
Picardy or Aquitaine, and that, in fact, it was not a strug-
gle between the two nations. I take it for granted that,
in considering this point, our history need not go back to a
more distant period than to that happy hour when the keys
of Calais were fortunately delivered over for ever to the
care of a French Monarch ; and, when wo take that view,
which is the real point of our modern history, as one that
should guide us on this subject, we shall observe that the
most sagacious Sovereigns and the most eminent statesmen
of England, almost without exception, held that the
French alliance, or a cordial understanding with the
French nation, should be the corner-stone of our diploma-
tic system and the key-note of our foreign policy. No one
can deny that both Queen Elizabeth and the Lord Pro-
tector looked to that alliance as the basis of their foreign
connections. No one can deny that there was one point on
which even the brilliant Bolingbroke and the sagacious
Walpole agreed—and that was the importance of cultivat-
ing an alliance and good understanding with France. At a
later date, the most eminent of the statesmen of this coun-
try, Mr. Pitt, formed his system on this principle, and en-
tered public life to establish a policy which, both for poli-
tical considerations and commercial objects, depended on
an alliance and good understanding with the French nation
It, therefore, is not true that there has been at all times,
or at most times, this want of sympathy in England
with the French people ; but, on the contrary, the reverse
is the truth ; and the alliance and good understanding that
has prevailed between us has, in my opinion, been a source
of great advantage to both countries, and has advanced the
civilisation of Europe. Even what has occurred in our
time proves, I think, the truth that the natural tendency
of the influences that regulate both countries is to peace,
because the fact that, after such extraordinary events as
the European revolutions at the end of the last and begin-
ning of this century, the great struggle that occurred, and
the singular characters that figiged in, it--4hat all should