The Sun.
London, England, 1853-03-04 00:00:00

Stuart) felt most grateful to him, and which did the
right hon. gentleman infinite credit, that he too felt the
gravity of the considerations which he had that night
urged upon them. And turning to the Treasury benches
he saw there men who had for years maintained the neces-
sity of supporting Turkey. Well, Turkey having agreed
to listen to the recommendations which had been pressed
upon her by our Government, was now about to pay the
price of having so listened to that advice, and was the
English Ministry about to allow foreign governments to be
avenged on her for her noble conduct, while, at the same
time, they satisfied their own lust for power and increase
of territory ? He had seen with dissatisfaction the re-
marks of a portion of the press on the proposed partition
of Turkey. That question was discussed just as if there
was no doubt of its admissibility, even if things were ripe
for it. As to the interest which England had in altering
the present position of Turkey, that interest was entirely
directed to the possession of Egypt, in order thereby to
secure a free passage to our Indian empire. But, in his
opinion, that passage was as free and unchecked already as
could be wished. He trusted that the good understanding
which the house heard with such pleasure the other night
existed between the Governments of France and England
would make the settlement of this question all the easier,
because it was evidently the interest of both countries to
protect Turkey, and to preserve the faith of treaties un-
broken. He must say of the French Government, that
ever since the peace it had adhered most rigorously to the
treaties which had been made, although, generally, those
treaties, were obnoxious to her interests (hear, hear) ; but
he was sorry he could not say as much for the other great
powers, for Russia and Austria had repeatedly and openly
violated the treaty of Vienna. He had no doubt but
that Turkey would readily adopt any advice which our
Government might give it. It was impossible to divine
what the future would unfold ; nevertheless the Govern-
ment of England was bound to take care that if in the
course of time great changes were brought about, that this
country should not have to behold Turkey divided between
two powers that would overthrow both her religious and
civil independence, and would reduce her unfortunate
inhabitants to a condition infinitely worse than that in
which they were at present. The noble lord concluded by
moving for the papers of which he had given notice.

Mr. M. MILIqES seconded the motion, and hoped
that the independence of Turkey would be preserved by
France and England.
Lord J. RUSSELL—I trust that my noble friend who
has brought forward this motion will not feel it necessary
to press for the papers asked for, as the negotiations on the
subject have not yet come to a termination. I will, how-
ever, follow my noble friend in his remarks upon this sub-
ject to which he professes in his notice to call the atten-
tion of the house—namely, the affairs of Turkey as affected
by the contest now proceeding in Montenegro. I agree in
the general principles laid down by my noble friend, that
this country ought to be cautious to maintain the indepen-
dence and integrity of Turkey. Turkey has long formed
an important part of the European system. Its indepen-
dence and integrity have been repeatedly affirmed by
treaties, and sanctioned by a convention of the general
powers of Europe, no longer ago than in 1804. I trust that
that independence may long be maintained, and I own I
could not conceive any greater calamity falling on Europe
at the present time than that the necessity should arise of
considering what should be done in such a case as the dis-
memberment of Turkey. I have seen, therefore, with pain
the speculations that have been recently put forth upon
this subject. In my opinion we could not attempt the
dismemberment of Turkey by force and aggression without
committing a great crime and breach of faith towards
Turkey, and a violation of all the ties which bind nations
together. (Hear.) I trust there is no Englishman who
wishes to be a party to such transactions as those which
accompanied the partition of Poland. (Cheers.) But if
unfortunately Turkey should fall to pieces from her own
weakness, a question of very great importance might arise;
and for my own part I own that it appears to me a ques-
tion of such great gravity that I can hardly expect it to be
solved without exciting a war in Europe. lam afraid,
looking at the position of the different powers, that it
would be hardly possible to provide for such a case without
producing in Europe such a preponderance of one power as
would neturally raise the envy and opposition of all the
other powers, and without producing such a state of anarchy
in Asia as it is fearful to contemplate. For my own part
I think, therefore, that on grounds of right, of interna-
tional law, of faith towards our ally, and also on grounds
of general policy and expediency, the maintenance of the
integrity and independence of Turkeris a great and ruling
point in the foreign policy of England. (Hear.) Sir, with
respect_ to the transactions which have lately occurred, I
will state to the house, without going into the particulars
of these negotiations, the general outline of what has oc-
curred with respect to Montenegro.. I will not enter into
questions relating to the other powers, but with regard to
the relations between Austria and Turkey I think I can ,
give at least some explanations to the house. The little
territory of Montenegro has been, as my noble friend de-
scribed it, inhabited by a very hardy race of mountaineers
belonging, to a Christian Church, but certainly departing
rom the Christian precepts, for it has been their custom to
commit robberies upon and to pillage their neighbours,
and to enrich themselves by the most lawless proceedings.
However, although acknowledged by the treaty of Carlo-
witz and several others—the latest being that of Pistowa—
to be under the sovereignty of Turkey, they have for a
long period maintained a de facto independence. For about,
a century this independence appears to have been acknow-
ledged by Russia. There is this difference between the
relations of Austria and those of Russia towards Monte-

negro—that while Austria has at all times, and up to the
present day, acknowledged that Montenegro was subject to
Turkey, the Russian Government does not appear to have
acknowledged any such claim on the part of the Sultan of
Turkey, but, on the contrary, has treated Montenegro as an
independent state. For a long tine the bishops of Monte-
negro, who have combined both the civil and the ecclesias-
tical power, have been accustomed to resort to St. Peters-
burgh, to the Russian patriarch, to obtain investiture, in-
stead of going to the Patriarch of Constantinople, or any
other patriarch of the Greek Church equal in authority—
indeed, perhaps, as to the Patriarch of Constantinople,
superior in authority—to the Russian Patriarch. On the
occasion of the last vacancy in the see, by the death of the
late bishop, who is generally described as having been a
very remarkable man, his nephew went to St. Petersburg,
there declared that he did not wish to enter into the eccle-

siastical state, and that his friends and fellow-countrymen
in Montenegro were willing to acknowledge him as chief
without his holding the episcopal dignity, and propose,l
that he should therefore rule the people as an independent
chief, and that another person should become the Bishop of
Montenegro. To this arrangement the Emperor of Russia
appears to have lent a willing ear ; and, according to the
statement of the Russian Government, the Emperor dis-
missed the young man with many words of civility, advising
him at the same time not to attack his neighbours, or commit
any acts of aggression upon them, but to live in peace
with Turkey and all the other countries near him. This

young prince does not appear to have profited by that ad-
vice, for we very soon hear of attacks that were made by
the people of Montenegro upon neighbouring states—of
property being destroyed and houses burned to the ground ;
and evidence was given of the inhabitants having been in-
jured by those who called themselves the subjects of this
chief of Montenegro. The Turkish Governmeht, as I think,
most justifiably determined to meet this aggression, and to
punish those who had been guilty of those attacks upon the
subjects of the Sultan ; but in doing so it adopted the plan
of attempting the complete conquest of Montenegro. It
raised a very large force of 50,000 men ; it placed a very able
chief at the head of it, Omer Pacha, who is supposed to
have promised the Sultan that he would utterly subdue what
the Sultan considered the rebellious part of his dominions.
(Hear, hear). It appears to the British Government, and
likewise to the French Government, that this was an im-
prudent proceeding on the part of the Porte. In the
first place, on a consideration of the state of the financial re-

sources of Turkey, and of its military forces, it was thought
that it would be an effort that must be accompanied by a
great drain on those resources, and, therefore, was in itself
an act not justified by prudence—(hear, hear)—in the next
place it appears very probable, as my honourable friend who
seconded the motion said, that the destruction and the utter
subjugation, and probably the driving away of a great part
of the 100,4000 inhabitants of Montenegro, would excite great
alarm on the part of the Christian population of the neigh-
bouring districts, and that a religious war might thus be
created. (Hear.) A representation and friendly advice
to the Sultan not to attempt this expedition on so large a
scale, was made and given under the Government of Lord
Derby, and was repeated by me when I held the seals of
the Foreign-office. (Hear.) I believe that the French Go-
vernment, which has generally taken the same view as the
British Government has taken, gave at the same time similar
advice. However, the expedition went on. I will not now
enter into the Military events that followed, but the
next matter of great importance to which the attention of
her Majesty's Government was called was the mission of
Prince Leiningen to the Porte, Whatever may be the

object of thatinission, it was evident from the first commu-
nication that was made by the Austrian Government that
Prince Leiningen was instructed to place the demands of

Austria before. the Porte in a very peremptory manner,
and while on the one hand, it was promised that, if those
demands were complied with, the friendly relations which

have hitherto existed between the two countries would be

resumed on their former footing, on the other hand, it was
stated that the most grave consequences might follow from
the refusal of those demands. (Hear, hear.) Her Ma-
jesty's Government thought it necessary, on the intima-
tion of such demands, to have at once a frank explanation
with the Government of the Emperor of Austria. (Hear,
hear.) We communicated to the Government of the Em-
peror of Austria the view we had always taken of the
policy of maintaining the independence and integrity of
Turkey. We pointed out, without entering into the par-
ticular merits of the demands that were made, the danger
of anything like a menace to Turkey, and of a collision be-
tween the forces of the two empires. (Hear.) I must say ,
that the explanations we received from Austria showed
that, whatever might be the necessity for making those de-
mands at the present time, Austria was animated, accord-
ing to assurances to which we gave full credit, by the same
desire as ourselves of maintaining the independence of Tur-
key, and expressed the strongest wish to be enabled to re-
store those amicable relations so very long maintained be-
tween them, and of adhering to the policy of preserving
the independence of Turkey, which is known to be the
policy of that great empire. (Hear, hear.) The demands
made by Austria were of various kinds, to some of which
I need hardly refer, but with respect to Montenegro her
demand did not depart from the provisions of the treaty to
which I have referred, nor did it depart, as might bare
been expected from a power that has always maintained
the greatest respect for the international law of Europe, ii,
disturbedtntun.
principle from the claims that might be justified by --
law. (Hear, hear.) It was said that though Monte
not but raise
that
ure belonged to Turkey, yet for a long period of tee
ca.-111t(lhat, ag r e
ndependence of the mountaineers had not been Montenegro
—thatdisturbances
the
ninvasionthe of r
of
nat
i er greatof armyAustria—that
nstr i
ber of persons would take refuge across
to make the maintenance of tran wait the frontier, so as
tremely difficult, and make it necessary y on that frontier e
up a great force in orde t • cet!sary for Austria to keep
r o maintain th dominions. (Hear, hear.) she scat the tranquility of her
of a religious war to which I have alluded,
likewise the danger
was conceived would cause more adautled, and which it
else. She therefore wished, that • anger than anything
part from the maintenance of whil Turkey did not de-
punish those who committe her title—while she should
territories—she should. look( acts
of
pillage in the Turkish
to the restoration of the , as the end of the controversy,
and the maintenance of thiladependence of litiol!flll3rw, f
tenegro had hitherto helde independent power whyhtnintwo
portions of territory an 11 (H.ear.)
Wil
roengatte Part of
Austria of a complicated nature,
was made, ,
_„nag
.pon
complicated evidence. T nature, and w_hieorniffrare inter-
minl with the ce.hose pAortras oafntd thirviTro so.
,2inter-
mingledg because they territoryformerlyof belnort,o
Ragusa, while other portions of territorYo
the treaty of Vienna were formerly
of Venice. (Hear, hear.)
always stated. that a to the rcTsubi
to .A.O tria by
vsenof the republic
A„,,,- Government has
P°
Th° thtorise intermingled ter-
the position °flier ; ,
ritories was very inconveniernotuZ
in 1832 and 1833 she endea anu so long ago Ila
to obtain, by purchase
..

1 from Turkey, the sovereignty of this portion of territory.
Having failed in the negotiation at that time, and never
having been able to accomplish her object since, she claims
rights which she says were exercised by the Venetian Re-
public ; and while the land is allowed to be the property
of Turkey, she alleges that no approach should be made
for the purposes of trade or intercourse to the shore by
Turkey, and that Venice had always kept ships of war
)b
je7taitlh
mreegantrdionto,
Ithiams sunobt-
juepoctn,
asthwiat
tchoais:a.ax
stating that Austria is well founded in all her allegations ;
d(Hto oeartlheer arsu.
I am only endeavouring to give the house some insight into
the nature of her claims, and the reasons which governed
the mission of Prince Leiningen. (Hear.) Another com-
plaint which was made by Austria was that some Hunga-
rian refugees, who bad remained in Turkey from the time
the war in Hungary ceased, were not only countenanced
by Turkey, but allowed to serve in the army of Omer
Pacha, and held distinguished posts in that army, and,
being close to the frontier of Austria, were necessarily a
cause of much annoyance to Austria. With respect to the
Hungarian refugees who were permitted to leave Turkey,
but had remained there, the Turkish Government had pro-
mised to make some explanation why Turkey had acted in a
manner that was contra to an engagement—not a written
engagement, but a verbal engagement—into which she had
entered with reference to them. Added to these demands,
there are other questions with respect to Austrian subjects
who are alleged to have suffered wrongs, and who have not
received redress from the Turkish Government, and for
whom the Austrian Government now demands reparation
or compensation. (Hear, hear.) Such was the general
ntootlabyeibengfocralleedtheupoPnorteto.
make
ae ra,nhyettairie)ga
nature of the demands which Prince Leiningen
was ordered
tioncaeninthoter saarto the justice or injustice of those demands, in a par-
ticular manner—l cannot say that there
was any one
of them that could be said to affect the independence of
the Sultan, and which were not founded at least upon
some allegation on which the Austrian Government might
fair rely as a Government not unfriendly to that inde-
pen ence. (Hear.) Sir, lam unable to inform the house
as the exact arrangement that has been made. I know
that these questions were placed before the Turkish Govern-
!
ment, and that for some days there was a great deal of con-
sultation on them • and we have been informed by our am-
bassidor at the Court of Vienna that the Austrian Govern.
ment is satisfied that the mission of Prince Leiningen has
been successful, and I trust those differences are at an end.
(Hear.) I trust that, such being the case, the relations
between those countries will again be placed on their for-
mer "ntimate and friendly footing. With respect to other
questions to which my noble friend has incidentally al-
NI
luded, I do not think that any public purpose could be
served by my entering at present into them, as there are
questions still pending which are of vital importance.
Our= course throughout those proceedings' has been, and
our Course throughout any future procings will be, to
give Turkey the advice that is best calculated to maintain
her honour and independence, and at the same time not to
expose her to the rude shock of war, for which she might
not be at present prepared. No man more than Lord Strat-
ford,;who is already I believe proceeding on his voyage there,
will enforce this opinion, that by the good government of the
Christian subjects of the Porte, by the enforcement of re-
gular laws, by the maintenance of a system similar to that
which prevails in civilised European communities, and by
adopting and enforcing just principles, she ought to give ker
Chrirttian subjects no reason to complain that they are not
living under a Sovereign of the same faith as themselves. I
believe, as stated by my hon. friend who seconded this mo-
tion, that this much is perfectly practicable; I believe it is
quite possible for Turkey—discarding some of those notions
that helong to times of conquest, when the Turks first got
posse ion of those very territories—to give to its Christian
subjects quite as good a government as they would be
likelY, to obtain from those sovereigns that are the neigh-
bours of the Porte. (Hear, hear.) If she conducts herself
in that way, and takes the friendly advice of the ambas-
sador that is now proceeding to the Porte, I need hardly
say that Turkey will always find a faithful ally in Great
Brit*. (Hear.) We have no object to serve other than
a most friendly one—we covet none of her provinces—we
wish to share in none of her territories. It is our interest,
as we conceive, in common with all the powers of Europe,
that Turkey should be maintained in its integrity, and
that likewise it should be governed in such a manner as not
to be tvisited by those insurrections, by those perpetually
recurring weaknesses, and by those dissensions which have
offereti the best temptation to the foreign foe to be her
ItggreSsor. (Hear, hear.) I trust that the other powers
of Europe will take a similar view to ourselves. Many
of the dangers which threatened her very lately I trust
are now passed, and I have the greatest confidence that
the dangers which still remain may, by fair negotia-
tion, and by a reasonable consideration of 'all the con;
sequences, be brought to a pacific solution, and that the
maintenance of the present territorial distribution of
Europe may be preserved. (Hear.) We have had fre-
quenticommunications with the French Government dur-
ing those negotiations. I am happy to find that, with
the exception of one question, which I think it
is not necessary to raise at present—a question in which
we dolnot take an immediate interest, and which has refer-
ence tt the holy places—we have acted in perfect concur-
rence with the French Government, and I trust that all
our expectations will be accomplished. (Hear.)
Lord D. STUART was understood to express his satis-
faction at the explanation which had been given by the
noble lord, but reserved to himself the right of again re-
ferring to the subject.

DISQUALIFICATION OF JUDICIAL OFFICERS
TO SIT IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Lord HOTHAM moved for leave to bring in a bill to
disqualify certain judicial officers for sitting in the House
of Commons.

Leave was granted.
; THE TARIFF—IMPORT DUTIES.

Mr lITTME, pursuant to notice, then rose to ma-re--
" That it appears, by returns on the table of the house, that
there are 233 entries in the Custom-house tariff list of foreign
manufactured articles charged in the year 1851 with duties
of import, varying in amount from 1 to 50 per cent. on the
value of such articles, and such articles may be classed under
five schedules or lists—viz., producing in
Schedule Import Duty.
No. 1 each article produc. 129 articles produc-
ing under £lOO of ing the aggre-
-2 500 ... 37
, duty gate sum of
...
3 1,000 17
4 - ... 5,000 30
5 ... 100,000 ... 20

£2,349
9,366
11,351
67,629
343,459

No. 233 and duty .. £434,154
Also that there are entries in the Custom-house tariff of fo-
reign agricultural produce charged with import duties, vary-
ino• in amount, and these articles may be classed under six
headsb or schedules—namely, in
Schedule Import Duty.
No. 1 each article produc- 25 articles produc-
ing under £lOO of ing the aggre-
duty sum of

500 ...

£382
1,729
2,911
30,140
533,733
347,540

1,000 ...

5,000 ::: li
100,000 ... 12
500,000 _. 2

No. 42 and duty...... 916,43.5
That whilst the agricultural produce of wheat, barley, oats,
and other grain, and oxen, sheep, goats, and other animals
are adniitted duty free to compete with similar productions
of the United Kingdom, it is both impolitic and unjust to
the country, and to the agricultural interests especially to
continue duties of import on articles of foreign manufacture
of the same kind and class with those manufactured in the
United Kingdom, as by these protective duties on imports
the fair competition of foreign manufactured articles with
the articles of British manufacture is prevented. That this
house will, at an early period, take into its consideration
the duties that are strictly protective in the existing taxi
on articles of import into this country, both of manufac-
tures and agricultural produce, with the view' of speedily
repealing the same, as affecting unfairly every interest in
the country."
The lion. member said he had all his life been opposed to
commercial as well as political monopolies. The piinci-
i ples of free trade he had advocated even before he became
a member of that house ; and he thought he might say, his
efforts in that direction had not been altogether without
advantage to the public, or in vain. (Hear.) With regard
to the import duties referred to in the last clause of his
resolution, the operation of most of them was to diminish
consumption, at the same time that benefit accrued neither
to the home prodncer nor the public revenue. Of late
years th,e revenue from this source had declined, and the
to the &stoma and Excise, had proved but a sorry expo-
attemp4 to make up the deficiency by adding 5 per cent.
expe-
dient. Having enumerated some of the anomalies and in-
congruities still existing in the tariff, the hon. member
said, all he asked the house to do now was to carry out
free trade, and remove the remaining protective duties.
' sa..tith-e-131;871
Already protection had been taken off the produce of the
land, and immense quantities of agricultural produce were
brought in from all parts of the world. Yet notwithstand-
ing the predictions that the importations of cattle, sheep,
swine, and other articles, would utterly ruin the r,
the prices of all these commodities were higher nwunthat ...4
they were before the free trade system Was adoDte7,.. the
law of the land. What was more, they had the - ;If—act—Ca:
of witnessing the greatest contentment crteoureonimftettn:,ehxnweethiisgpiasseeehrv:manadi:adiy:eosouf:fwasEL3ocit;raissie:enbi.
the people—a sure evidence of an ample snionl
te
he
oafththere
manufactures.
given
a.nd constanti:
otthee employment.
cotton ps
elo yitnehnaet
oy he now recommended.
°f the Customs duties,
the removal, in the case of the former,
niteofmthwae wisdom stdhoemle
lAnstraothtei°r
duty on these of 9,140/. and he lrinfacturea. There was a
the revenue was so triflin
g and that, as the benefit to
great, it would be repeale: the benefit to the poor so
—the linen manufacture There was still another item
while this country exported '''''',B only brought in 4,6701. i
18,500,000 of twist, 1 '-42,000,000 yards of yarn an"
Of silk there was a a value of over 4,000,000/. sterling.
yards. There Was value
from this country 1,255,T.
ad va/orem—whilp IA
duty on wool of 13,0001.-5 Pet cent.
the amountof . England was exporting woollen cloths
be
13,000 000/ sto lin Why should there
any fear on tv, , • r g. Y
therefore hoped the
Chancellor
every semblance of protection to British manufacturers—
they wanted none of it. (Hear.) The next schedule was
The
holeof
He thoughtl'._ 7
articles of agricultural produce. The duty on
this should be admitted as freely assco7l._
cheese, 5,00 u/. Then came
butter was 58,000/. ; that on
mustard
of which
seeds —rape, carraway, carrot, clover,
to ss• the bushel. He did
had a duty varying
from
2s.
6doi have the seed free as well
not see why the land should Jed
tallow, which brought
as the produce. A
s "gender changed circumstances, as
78,0001., this country "as u
e from Russia, whereas now
commodity Cara •
it. The export of
formerly that .
would furnish
a
the Australian colonies
mounted to 1,290,0001 b. ; but it
soap from this country
tallow wax
free. He would show the
eater if
these reductions could be
would be gr
Exchequer how
Chancellor of the
~
from what had taken place, all re-
--1 Coneluoing
of free trade would increase the
afford.... principles
ductions on the
increasing
the prosperity of the country.
revenue by I entleman then entered into elaborate
[The honours, g
s tements to prove that previous reductions of duty had
ta
not injured but increased the revenue.] .This was shown
ase of sugar, coffee, and brandy. It would
fully in the
as regarded tbe articles producing th
be the smile • while the comfortsofthe - e 1,300,000/. in question ,
would be greatly augmented. The manufacturer paid
from 7 to 10 per cent. on wrapping-paper for articles of
tinware and cutlery ; the reduction of that duty would
be an immense boon. The excise duty on soap was
another tax that should be taken off. In 1821 there
93,000,000 pounds of soap manufactured were
duty of 3d. per pound ; that duty wasreducedonansmeri
manufacture had risen in 1851 to -
the The revenue had not Suffered 197 500
' 11°0
pounds.
-
called on the right hon either. He, therefore,
in to remove this tax
in the interest of the manufa,ct
therefore, to affirm his rarer. He asked the house,
propositions. If there was to be