The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-01 00:00:00

TH

such an awful cenjuncture, such an indefinite combina-
tion which they must be prepared to encounter under
such circumstances—l cannot believe that any body of
statesmen so placed would have asked us not only to
reform the whole of our civil service, not only to reform
the ecclesiastical courts, not only to reform the poor
law, but even to reform the House of Commons. (Cheers
and laughter.) Sir, I came down here to-day with
the same fear as many of us had, of some awful disclo-
sures, Of some terrible announcements that were about to
be made to us. I thought we were to make war with the
Emperor of Russia. I find we are only to make war upon
ourselves. (Laughter.) I agree with my honourable friend
the member for Liverpool (Mr. Liddell) in the abstract ob-
servations ke made as to the very inopportune season in
which the Government is about to bring forward their
measure of Parliamentary reform. Certinly if we are
about to go to war, when all the energies of the nation
should be collected and absorbed in a struggle which con-
cerns so. nearly our honour and our interests, it appears to
me in the highest degree unwise and unstatesmanlike
that we should dissipate our energies—that we should di-
vert our feelings to another quarter, and to a question of
an entirely different charrcter. In the general and ab-
stract character of his observations therefore I agree with
my honourable friend the member for Liverpool. I agree
with him that a period of war is not favourable to the ar-
rangement of a great Commercial change. But I cannot
agree with my honourable friend the member for Liver-
pool that his observations apply to the position of the pre-
sent Government. Think that the present Government
have done only that which they ought to have clone in
meeting this question of Parliamentary reform. Let us
look at the relations of the Government to that question.
We have had two Prime Ministers, both of them members
of the present Cabinet, who have formed their Admini-
strations on the principle of the necesity of such a change
—that being their great political dogma. We have them
maintaining the same opinions and taking the same course
under circumstances of various kinds. When two Prime
Ministers have given their opinions on a subject of great
public policy—one which ought to engage public attention
—and when they have announced a measure with respect
to it, I feel that it is utterly impossible that such a ques-
tion can be laid aside. The noble lord, three or four years
ago, after anxious meditation on the subject, came down
to this house, and not only gave his opinion that there
should be a measure of Parliamentary reform, but in the
year after he produced such a measure, he being then the
Prime Minister of the country. Little more than a year
ago a colleague of the noble lord, now Prime Minister,
formed his Administration on the clear understanding
that there should be a large measure of Parliamentary re-
form - and we know that another member of the Cabinet,
a distinguished colleague of the two noble lords, made Par-
liamentary reform the condition of his accepting office. It
is clear, therefore, whether we have regard to the public
character,: or to our belief in the political truth of the
statesmen who have taken this decided and matured course
we cannot believe—not because I believe it is inconvenient
to them to fulfil the most solemn pledges of their public
life, but because I believe it will be felt as inconvenient by
their followers and partisans—that they will now take a
different course, and maintain that the principle which they.
have so repeatedly, formally, and politically recom
mended, is one that is unwise and impolitic to be pursued.
They cannot avow that but at the expense of all their sa-
gacity as public men—with the confession of how little
prescience that they have foreseen what was required for
the honour and the interests of the country—it they now
come forward and say—" True, four years ago I announced
Parliamentary reform on the principle on which my Go-
vernment was to be carried on—true, the year after I
brought forward a highly finished and comprehensive mea-
sure in unison with that declaration—true, that I quitted
office and, on unexpectedly returning to it, I renewed all
the pledges and repeated all the recommendations which I
had given to Parliament and to the country—true, that I
am now acting with those who mitre formally and solemnly
reiterated the same declaration," and, having placed
themselves in this situation I ask what will be thought of
them as statesmen and men of sagacity if they now come
forward and say, ' We spoke idly—we thoughtlessly gave
in to the cry of the day—we meant little, though we said
much—(cheers)—we agitated the public mind by holding
out to them fallacious hopes ; but now we are placed in a
grave and responsible position—some of our own followers
do not agree with us ; and, even at the risk of destroying
our character as public men for ever, we now tell you that
Parliamentary reform is not necessary—that it is not de-
sirable to consider the question, much less to legislate
upon it ; and that there should be a tabula rasa of all
those principles on which two eminent statesmen founded
their declarations and formed their Governments. But it
may be said, and has been said to-night by my hon. friend
the member for Liverpool, " Look at the case of Mr.
Pitt." Mr. Pitt was a great statesman, though a young
man—he was pledged to Parliamentary reform at least as
much as those men who, though eminent, yet they will
forgive me for saying, are not so eminent as Mr. Pitt. Mr.
Pitt was pressed with a foreign war before he had fulfilled
his pledges with respect to Parliamentary reform ; and
though I believe he was quite sincere in first making them,
yet, in the consequences which followed, he discarded
them. Bat I venture to remark that that illustrious in-
stance will not apply to the present advisers of the Crown.
It was only last year that the present Administration was
formed on the principle of a large measure of Parliament -
ary reform. It is a very short time since the noble lord
chose to renew and to reiterate all the pledges, and to
repeat all the measures on this most important sub-
ject, which he had previously expressed to the coun-
try, and he was wise in so doing. But look at the
circumstances of the case. You—l do not say the
noble lord—l know that he will not attempt to
excuse himself—l speak to his friends who wish to
find an excuse for him—you are about to embark in a war
which, in your opinion ought to change your views of
pressing a measure of Parliamentary reform. But you
thought of Parliamentary reform last year. Were you not
then in danger of a war— nay, of worse than a war—were
you not in danger of invasion ? Yes, it was then that you
founded your Government on this principle, and you ap-
pealed to the electors on this very ground of Parliamentary
reform ; and yet at that time you thought, not only war
was impending, but that invasion was immediate, instant,
and urgent, was the doom of this country, (Cries of " Oh,
oh.") Why is it not notorious ? Ido not wish to dwell
upon the topic ;'I passed it over lightly, but their was one
Cabinet Minister who, the moment he was appointed, left
the Cabinet Council, and went down to the hustings,
where he told the people that we were not only to be in-
vaded,, but invaded in a peculiar way—by bodies of about
10,000 men, who, w.ithout any previous notice, were pirati-
cally to be thrown upon our shores. Did he not say to
them, bow are you to answer for your wives and daughters
under these circumstances? (Laughter.) This is the posi-
tion of the Government of which I am a member ; we are
about to take steps to protect you, and not only to protect
yen, but to give you a measure f Parliamentary reform.
(Laughter and cheers.) I think, therefore, the house will
agree with me that there- is no possible excuse for the
noble lord, or the right honourable gentleman, or the
Prime Minister who founds his Government on a large
measure of Parliamentary reform, in the circumstances of
the case as they read circumstances—to evade their solemn
pledge. Do I suppose that the noble lord contemplates
evading his pledge ? I know that he will honestly attempt,
to.fulfil it. Ido not speak of the noble lord or of his col-
leagues, but I speak of the devoted and ingenious friends
of the noble lord who are so interested in his position that
they are quite willing that he should retain it at the ex-
pense of his personal honour and his political sagacity. I
dare say that on the 13th of next month we shall have
that large measure of Parliamentary reform which has
been so long promised introduced to our notice. I say
that the present Ministry, in the present circumstances of
the country, have no excuse for not introducing a large
measure of Parliamentary reform. It may be unwise
that Parliamentary reform should be introduced under
any circumstances ; it may be sadness to introduce it
under the present circumstances ; but the present Ministers
must bring in a large measure of Parliamentary reform.
(Cheers.) When that large measure of Parliamentary
reform is proposed to us, I and my friends after di-
gesting it, as we shall digest the blue-books—(laughter)—
will take leave to offer our humble opinions upon it. And
here I must be permitted to say at the outset, that I
entirely protest against the adroit arrangement which
would of necessity connect a measure for the purification
of the Parliamentary constituency with a measure for a
reconstruction 'of our electoral system. (Cheers.) I hold
that there is no necessary connection whatever between them.
We all know that long before the great measure of 1832,
in all cases of delinquent boroughs, where boroughs were
proved guilty of organised and absolute corruption, you
disfrancised them, and gave the seats thus vacated to
other constituencies. That happened frequently before the
bill of 1832, but you gave those seats to other electoral
bodies formed on the known principles of the constitution.
You took the seats from the places so punished, and you
gave them to other bodies ; but whether you gave them to
counties, or enlarged the area of the boroughs themselves,
you still conferred the right of sending members to Parlia-
ment upon constituencies framed in the recognised spirit
and in the ancient forms of the constitution. (Hear,
hear.) F shall be as ready as any man in this house to
support the most comprehensive and the most stringent
measures to put an end to bribery and corruption.
(Cheers.) Ido not say, indeed, that any man can intro-
duce a measure that will of itself put an end to bribery
and corruption. I know that, for that end, you must
look to influences higher than mere Acts of Parliament.
You have put an end to the vice in classes higher than the
constituent body, not by Acts of Parliament merely, but
by giving them a higher tone of feeling, by educating the
minds of those classes, by evoking in them a sense of pub-
lic duty, and by a system which cherished and cultivated
a feeling of self-respect. The same influence which pre-
vents judges and statesmen, and members of this house,
from being bribed, and flagrantly bribed, will in time, if
it be cherished, beneficially act upon constituent bodies
too. But r also agree that by legislative measures we
ololseec.ti
may do something to check bribery and corruption, and I
willsa support any law, however stringent, which is at the
inmheetirme wise and. practical for that purpose. It may be
olnfroimfenumy honourable friends that only last
session I introduced
rightveryt honourablep a
cis
must
hehaee
here
measure, r
membere e
pi in a
repeat
fconjunctionrw ttwhat
td hh rhs
fie?,
0.
ft mthe
this
stated, that there is no clas's in the country less interested
in briberyßribe and corruption
ryandeerruptinnantahain.nfltnhee landed dwed rophipeharireetors.
sub-
stitutes for local influence ; and those who' have great
local influence are exactly the class who ought to look
jealousy on every measure which
influences for that local wwoituhld tshuebstgritleitaeteisltlegitimate
in-
fluence which they may proudly exercise. I do not say
that there is not an instance where local influence has not
been abused, as everything has been abused; but there is
no class who have less abused the exercise of their local
influence than the landed proprietors on both sides of the
house. (Cheers.) Local influence has its source in the
spirit of neighbourhood, in the principles of good feeling
and kindness; and those influences are sufficient to place
them in their eminent position without having recourse to
those influences which were originally directed against
themselves, and from which, from the days of Sir Robert
Walpole to the present, they have been the greatest suf-
ferers. (Cheers.) I say, then, in the first place, that I
will not connect a measure efficiently to check bribery and
corruption with a measure for the reconstruction of the
electoral bcdy. There is no necessary connection bet Ween
the two subjects ; they are put together to confuse our
ideas, and to prevent us from seeing those measures which
ought to accompany them. We have been told that re-
cent experience has shown how necessary it is to take effi-
cient precautions against the evils of bribery and corrupt
practices at elections. But why are we to limit our exer-
tions to bribery and corruption only? Why is intimida-
tion to be'passed over? (Cheers and counter-cheers.)
want that question to be 'answered. Great complaints
have reached me as to intimidation at elections. '1 have
had many cases brought before me of intimidation—l will
not inquire now in which kingdom th,ey took place. (Hear.)
But if we are in' the spirit of purity, to put down bribery
and corruption, r protest beforehand against this limita-
tion of our labours, and I would suggest the introduction
of the word "intimidation." Ido not mean formally to
move it—(laughter)—but I make the suggestion to the
noble mover, and I trust he may avail himself 'of it. I
shall for aamoment suppbse that we have a large measure
of Parliamentary Worm Wore ua# and that it is not con 4