The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-09 00:00:00

Lieutenant. of Nova Scotia, pTayipg to be heard at the bar
in defence of his rights, which had been invaded.
CANADA.

Lord GLENELG moved the Order of the Day for the
third reading of the Canada Government Bill.
Lord EL LENBOROUGH stated that lie had been pre-
vented by indisposition from offering any observations upon
the Bill in its former stage ; and such being the case, he
trusted that their Lordships would allow him to offer some
observations upon the Bill in its present stage. He felt
that it would be right not to go upon the present occasion
over ground that had been trodden before. He did not think
it would be fair on this occasion to enter into the consideration
of the course adopted by her Majesty's Government ; but at
the same time he felt it right to state that he agreed in all
that fell from the Noble Baron on the subject, and he
also concurred with what fell from the Noble Lord opposite.
He agreed that all the instructions were just, although
severe ; but he asked whether the measures of the Noble
Baron were to be those of the Bill, or of his instructions.
There was this objection to suspending the Legislature and
substituting the Government provided by the Bill—that the
most favourable opportunity would be lost for settling the
affairs of the Colony. The Bill was founded upon the
state of the Province, upon the latest information which was
received when it was brought in, but it ought to be passed
Only on the latest information which had been received.
The last dispatch of Lord Gosford stated that the revolt
was completely suppressed—that wherever armed bodies
of the insurgents appeared they were dispersed, and the
leaders were either killed or taken prisoners ; and that
even the revolutionary newspapers had disappeared.
The dispatch further stated that loyal addresses were re-
ceived from all parts of the colony professing the attach-
ment of the people to the Queen, and condemning in the
strongest terms the reckless ambition of those who had
brought the miseries of civil war upon the country.
It further stated that the people had everywhere
shown the utmost readiness to arm themselves
on the part of the existing Government—that the
Roman Catholic Clergy had universally manifested
every disposition to support the Government—and that the
Bishop had issued a pastoral letter to his Clergy, enjoining
them to use all their influence to preserve order.
Everything showed that no further organized attempt
wa s likely to be made to disturb the peace. He
had read those passages, because he thought that
in a proceeding of so grave a character as this Bill, the
House ought to act on the latest information. In the
actual state of things the preamble of the Bill did not support
its enactments, nor could they be justified in saying that the
House of Assembly could not now meet. The Bill would
destroy the opportunity which now offered of permanently
settling the Government of the Colony. There was now
an opportunity of carrying in the House of Commons any
change which the Government might like to effect. Men
could be brought together, if not in the old Parliament of
Canada, at least under a new election, who would
meet with a sincere desire to maintain the connec-
tion with this country, and to establish the Government
of the colony on a satisfactory basis. In May last year,
the Noble Lord opposite informed Lord Gosfold that the
Government was prepared with measures which would
settle all the questions at issue. Why were all those
measures to be postponed for two years, when they must
be brought forward under less flivourable circumstances ?
There were many objections to the union of the two Pro-
vinces into one Legislation. The people of Upper Canada
would have a,hostile feeling to those of Lower Canada, to
whom they would attribute the suspension of their Consti-
tution, and the Go vernment would find the majority of the
one province in combination with the minority of the other
more difficult to manage. It was impossible that the deci-
sion of a Parliament elected from the two provinces would
lead to a satisfactory settlement. The Bill would be re-
ceived unfavourably by not only the Lower Canadians and
the French, but even by those of the English who
approved of the conduct of the House of Assembly.
He called attention to what Lord Gosford had said as to
the effect produced when the resolutions proposed by
Lord John Russell were received in Lower Canada.
They were not received with approbation even by the'
party in whose favour they were passed. Lord Gos-,
ford distinctly said that even those who reprobated
the withholding of the supplies were grievously dissatisfied
with that part of Lord John Russell's resolutions which
authorised the taking of money from the chest. If
such were the state of feeling amongst the friends of
the British connection when rebellion was menaced, how
would they receive a measure like this Bill, when the
rebellion was suppressed ? When the state of things
menaced rebellion, the Committee of the Legislative
Council reported to Lord Gosford, that they did
not recommend the suppression of the Constitu-
tion, although tiy thought it advisable that some
parts of it should be suspended for limitel a time.
Beyond what he had stated the Executive Council had not
proposed that there should be delegated, during the suspen-
sion of the meeting of the Assembly, any power of making,
laws ; they never contemplated the violation of the Constitu-
tion to that effect, they had merely desired the continuance
of expiring laws. Therefore this measure went beyond that
which was proposed by the Executive Council, and
without justification. Likewise he (the Noble Lord)
thought if they could judge of the feeling that would he
excited, from the feeling that was excited last year,
when the Resolutions were sent out, there was every
reason to believe this Act would be extremely ill re-
ceived in Lower Canada, not only by the French
Canadians, but by those attached to England. If the
Noble Baron desired to put off the settlement of this ques-
tion—if he desired to throw from his own shoulders upon the
the shoulders of the Governor of Canada the responsibility
of the measures necessary for the settlement of the differences
with the Canadians—if he desired to extinguish the Assembly
and to establish an Aristocracy—he 'had now got a good
opportunity. If, on the other hand, the Noble Baron had
desired at once to make a settlement of the affairs of Ca-
nada, he certainly could not have selected a better time
than the present. There was no time at which he would
have received greater facilities in Canada, nor any time at
which he would have received greater facilities in England.
—(Hear,. hear, hear.) He (Lord E.) deeply re-
gretted that this latter course had not been taken,
because a more favourable opportunity could not have
presented for a settlement, and an amicable settlement, of
the affairs of Canada than the present. It could not be con-
cealed from any man of sense, or of the slightest discern-
ment, that so long as there existed a tendency to revolt
in Lower Canada, there was the greatest danger of the
greatest calamity that could befal this country, namely, a
collision with the United States. That danger was every
day becoming more and more imminent ; and her Majes-
ty's Government could not fail to make the danger
more imminent still by passing an Act of unneces-
sary severity—an Act which would not only displease the
French Canadians, but even displease the English Cana-
dians, and be the subject of constant observation by all the
inhabitants of the United States, and induce them more and
more to feel a sympathy for the discontented Canadians.
Care should be taken not to awake the sympathies of the
French people, on behalf of the Canadians of French
origin. In conclusion the Noble Lord said, that with these
impressions, feeling that to-night they were called upon to
take a step from which they could not depart, that it was
one that carried with it the peril of a collision with our
own subjects, with the United States, and with France—be-
lieving also that it was alike impolitic and unjust, he should
say "Not Content" to this Bill.

Lord GLENELG said the Noble Lord had ably and
candidly stated his objections to this Bill, but he (Lord
G.) could not agree with the Noble Lord in his anticipa-
tions as to the effect of this measure. It was not his
(Lord G.'s) object to establish an Aristocracy in Canada,
nor to crush the French party in that country.—
( Hear, hear, hear.) Doubtless, great and important
interests were involved in this measure, and momentous
results might follow from its adoption. He (Lord G.)
must observe that the Noble Lord on this occasion
was not supported in the views he had taken by
those with whom he usually acted. It could not
be denied, that this was an interval in which impor-
tant events might take place ; and if he (Lord G.) could
be persuaded, or if their Lordships could be persuaded,
that a system might be adopted by which the Constitution
of Canada might be made to work harmoniously and satis-
factorily to all parties by other means than the measure
now proposed, he (Lord G.) would be happy to accede to
it ; but he did not think that would be the case.
The Noble Lord said, why should there not be a new
Assembly under the present Constitution ? At the present
moment the great objection made to the sort of plan which
the Government had skatched out—namely, an immediate
Government for Canada, and prospectively to others—the
great objection was, that the first thing that ought to be
done was to look to the present present state of Canada,
and restore peace and tranquillity there. With what pro-
bability of obtaining so desirable an object could re-
sort be bad to a new election ? Look at the excited
state of that province. He thoul4lit the Government
would be severely condemned, if, under such circumstances,
they went to a new election. The Noble Lord said that
at present all was tranquil ; he (Lord Glenelg) hoped that
the statements of Lord Gosford were correct ; but even
if they were so, considering the excitement that existed in
the minds of all parties, it would not be safe to hazard a
new election. He admitted that the rei.olt alone was not
a sufficient reasoi f or the Bill ; but he thought no
one looking at what had taken place could doubt the ne-
cessity of the measure. If the electors of Canada were ap-
pealed to, it would prove that worse results would take place.
After long concessions—after repeated appeals to the can-
dour and good sense of the House of. Assembly—they
resisted all their efforts at conciliation—clogged the
wheels of Government, until the affairs of the colony
were thrown into a state of confusion.—(Hear, hear,
hear.) The Noble Lord had said, give protection '

to the English ; but he would say,•give protection Loth to
the French and the English settlers, for he was convinced
the greater portion of the French settlers were of opinion
that nothing but the interposition of the English Parlia-
ment could save the colony from utter ruin. With respect
to the amendments in the Constitution of Lower Canada,
to which the Noble Lord had adverted, he would be glad
that at this moment they could meet the general feeling on
this point. He quite agreed with the Noble Lord
that they were bound to consult, as far as possible, the
feelings and opinions of the people of Lower Canada
on this subject ; but in the present state of excite-
ment into which that colony was thrown, it would
be impossible to legislate at this moment for any
amendments in the Constitution that would be satis-
factory to the Canadians. If the Parliament had
taken advantage of the present circumstances of the Colony
to impose its own laws and regulations, it would have been
a most unworthy and ungenerous proceeding. The
course which they had adopted was a wiser and a
nobler one, and would redound more to their credit
with posterity. These were the sentiments that
animated the Government. They looked to the future
prospects of the colony—they entertained a regard for the
feelings and wishes of the people—and they thought
that it would be unwise at the present time to
institute any amendments in the form of the Constitu-
tion. It was on these grounds he ventured to oppose
the proposition of the Noble Lord, feeling, as he did,
the course which had been adopted by the Government
was that which was warranted by reason, principle, and
common sense.
Lord ASHBURTON concurred in the opinion of the
Noble Lord who had just sat down, that the settlement of
this question ought not to be made at the present time.
Ought not the Noble Earl (Lord Durham) to have the
power of calling together the Assembly of Lower Canada,
in case the misguided people should return to their allegi-
ance, and tranquillity be restored? The people were driven
to revolt, partly by the opinion they entertained of the policy
of the Government. There had been in the measures
adopted towards Canada a want of decision, and firmness,
which had led to unfortunate results. With regard to the
measure now before their Lordships it was unquestionably
a severe one, but what other remedy had been suggested ?
If the plans which had been put forth were succeeded in,the
object of the French Canadians would be connection with
France ; and that would be a commercial injury to the
country. The French Canadians had long been desirous of
keeping up their national independence and peculiarities—an
object in which they must have seen they would be frustrated,
as the emigrants from the British dominions swarmed in upon
them,. and hence the vigorous exertions which in recent years
they had been making in the hope of effecting their darling
object. With respect to the value of the colony itself, he
(Lord Ashburton) entertained the opinion ten years ago—
an opinion which he still held—that the value of' these pro-
vinces, as a colony, was much overrated. In former times
the system of colonization was an important national considera-
tion, because Spain, Portugal, and France were all exerting
themselves to engross the chief portions of the new world,
and endeavouring entirely to exclude other nations from the
advantages of traffic with them. Subsequently, however,
not only had the greater portion of these possessions been
lost to the great powers who engrossed them, but an entire
relaxation had taken place in the system of colonial trade,
which entirely destroyed the exclusive importance of the
colonies to the mother country. There were some excep-
tions, perhaps, to this view, as in the case of Malta,
Gibraltar, Jamaica, and some others of the West India
Islands, which were important as harbours arid military
stations. At the time of the original conquest of Canada,
however, the only object in securing them was the protection
of our other Colonies. Under existing circumstances it might
be a question how far these Provinces, with their long and ex-
posed line of frontier, were worth defending. To defend
them, if hostilities were really commenced, would not be to
involve ourselves in a " little war." We should have to put
out our whole strength, and then we should be still fighting in
a war of defence, which was always a losing war. In his opi-
nion, it would have been much wiser, at a time when the most
peaceable feelings existed between the Canadians and the Pa-
rent State, to have told them that as long as they desired the
connection to remain in force they were at liberty to enjoy it,
but that as soon as they considered their interests prejudiced
by that connection, we were ready to hold out our hands, and
part as friends, with every feeling of goodwill and friendship.
If he were of opinion that the Colonies could be permanently
held as appendages of this country lie would act differently ;
but he thought the course he had before referred to would
be more worthy of the character and the dignity of this coun-
try, and would he more likely to conciliate the people of the
Colonies.—( Hear, hear, hear.) This was his opinion
respecting Colonies generally ; but he was ready to admit
that the time for acting upon these opinions was a time of
quiet, and when they were not pressed by circumstances ; and
undoubtedly no time was less opportune than when the colony
was in open rebellion. In the present case the great diffi-
culty arose from the peculiar nature of the colony, and from
the intermixture of our own people both in Upper Canada and
in Lower Canada with the French Canadians. If he found
that in Upper Canada the people were desirous of a separa•
tion, lie would not for a moment seek to retain them by force,
provided they showed that they were capable of self-govern-
ment. But this was not the case : the people in the Upper
Province had given the strongest possible proofs of a different
feeling when their feelings had been recently put to the test—
( Hear, hear.) Having made these observations, he would
take the liberty of suggesting whether there ought not to be
theno
wEearr lo
fof c
aDI
iunrgh ationg)
eitnh
et tri et
the
eAc u
his co s
_-
tion of his
sembly cf Lower Canada, little as he thought
it probable that
good
left with the NoblenissioEnartlh
that could be done to any purpose.

The Earl of MANSFIELD did not rise to oppose this
Bill, but he must say it was merely because the Bill was
founded upon necessity—a necessity which he at once acknow-
ledged, and which was founded on the conduct of the House
It was, however, with the greatest reluctance
of Assembly.
that he consented to take away any of the rights under a
free Constitution enjoyed by any portion of her Majesty's
subjects, or depriving them of the representation of a po-
pular assembly. They were in a very awkward predica-
m were engaged in a contest which many of
en. They
mt wouldhey
not live to see, and none of them could
confidently predict, the issue. Every step should be con-
colonies--a system of conciliation and jus-
tice. sidered as a type of that system which we should adopt
towards
It hosurould be an indication of the conduct which
they were determined to pursue; and the measure of just
were about to pass ought not to be un-
dby a declaration of that system. It might be
severity
they
accompanie
conceived that such a declaration was contained in the pre.
amble. lee thought it wou.d have been a better course, and
message from the
tine more consistent with precedent, if that declaration had
been made in a . . Crown. In considering
wasS e ctree ttahr
this very extensive subject their Lordships must take into e
conduct of the House of
Secretary, and the state of the two
con-
sideration the conduct of the House of Assembly, of the Go-
Arssembly that he looked for a justification of this measure
pveernymineetei
(Hear, hear.) He had been very much struck
Of severity.—
by an observation of the. Noble and Learned Lord (Lord
as to the right which Parliament had given to
Brougham) e of Assembly, and yet, on the first occasion of their
the Hoynso.
that
right, proposing to take it away from them.
eNxTeeyrseihsei ethe
Earrof Mansfield) could not conceive that the
Housev of Assembly was justified in availing itself of an unfor-
tunate•sien of imposing conditions in the Act of 18:31
elms- which
against the Noble Duke near him (the
—an omission
,Wellm,gton) and a Noble Earl now no more, but who
Duke of stlooffCthaenaTal.miilasi
at tlse head of the Colonial department for many
had been • .
vain.
,_,
remonstrated in 1 he Assembly, therefore, in
years ,
; might be said to
refusing supplies,
view he took of the Constitution of the
He would state the I
f this. In the first place the different branches
country and o
of the Legislature had different powers, the antagonist forces
of which kept the Government in a proper state ; but experi-
ence had shown that when the rights of one branch were
pressed so as to invade the rights of any other, the conse-
quenee had been of necessity a violent change. In this view
apparently the House of Assembly of Lower Canada had
acted. Not only did they endeavour to effect a redress of
grievances by refusing the supplies, but they refused to go on
web the regular business of the country ; so that when the
House of Assembly was prorogued it was doubtful whether
there had bees a session or not. This was an important
doubt ; for, if there had been a session, certain Acts of Par-
liament had ceased to exist. This stoppage of the public
business had been characterised even by the loudest advocates
of liberal measures as factious. What could the Governor do?
Was he to call a new Assembly? In the present temper of the
colony he greatly doubted whether there would be any
change in the House of Assembly, and more particularly
when the colony was labouring under the excitement conse-
quent upon a proclamation of martial law. He wished to
make a few remarks upon the conduct of her Majesty's Mi-
nisters. That conduct had been impugned by several
Noble Lords on that (the Opposition) side of the House, and
he must say that he had never seen a charge so ably stated and
so little refuted. He must also say that the conduct of her
Majesty's Ministers in sending out the resolutions of last year
without founding a Bill upon them was highly censurable.
And here he must ask, whet were the intentions of her Ma-
jesty's Ministers ? for, after all that had been said in the other
House of Parliament, and after the dispatch of the 27th of
May, his conviction was that no Bill was intended to accom-
pany the resolutions. This was a pretty general suspicion at
the time, and he must say that the result had shown that it
was a very good guess. There was a reason to suppose that
this suspicion had extended to Canada. These resolutious,
which were so well calculated to give rise to much dissatis-
faction and to create irritation, were' wholly inoperative, and
could not be ected upon. The Noble Earl who was about to
proceed to Canada was instructed to collect the opinions Of
the people, in order to enable Parliament, after due delibera-
tion, to remedy the defects in the Constitution of Canada.
It appeared to hint that the mission of the Noble Earl was
something like throwing the settlement of these questions into
Chancery ; it was like granting a lease of the disputes. He
thought that the instructions given for the guidance of the
Noble Earl (the Earl of Durhsm) must undergo very consi-
derable alteration. He thought they ought to recite the R.- I
ferent subjects on which that Noble Earl should be directed 1
to take opinion and advice. They ought also, in his opinion,
to recite the resolutions of last Session, and they ought to
refer to the great inconvenience resulting to her Majesty's i
subjects in Canada fur want of regulating and adjusting dif-
ferentquestions respecting the trade and commerce of both
provinces. These, he thought, would form very fit subjects
of inquiry. He did not know whether the Noble Earl was

limited by these instructions, but it appeared to him that
there was one subject of inquiry which deserved the
Noble Earl's attention, and that was, whether it
might not be possible to repeal the Act of 1791, and
thereby consolidate the two provinces; and instead of
having two distinct Legislatures, with authority on
all matters exclusive, effecting a reunion of the provinces
as they were before they were separated by the Act of 1791.
He would make a few observations with regard to the inten-
tions of her Majesty's Ministers in conjunction with this Bill.
It appeared to him that the subject must not be considered by
itself. As to any declaration of the intentions of her Majes-
ty's Ministers, he had not been able to find it from the com-
mon reports, nor to extract it from the speeches addressed to
their Lordships. When the Noble and Learned Lord (Lord
Broueham) stated his views of the proportionate advantages
and disadvantages of holding our colonies, the Noble Baron
( Lord Glenelg), in his answer, did not adopt or refute the
Noble and Learned Lord's opinions. He thought that it be- '
came imperative on her Majesty's Ministers to declare their
intentions with respect to these points, and to state whether
they intended to preserve the colonies or not. Advantages
were derived by the colony from the mother country, and the
mother country derived advantages from the colony. In his
opinion the advantages were reciprocal. The time would
come for the colony to separate from the mother country.
One Noble Lord had alluded to this separation in terms of
eloquence which he could not venture to imitate. That Noble
Lord had said that a time might come when British colonies
might wish to separate from them, and to such colonies they
could say, " We protected you in your infancy, we have given
to you institutions that you value, but still, if you wish for
separation, then follow that course which seems best adapted
for your own interests—pursue that line which you are in-
clined to adopt, and may fortune attend you ; but in separat-
ing- from us you will carry with you the recollection of the
great men of England; you will remember with pride how
they have distinguished themselves in arts, in science, and in
learning ; with you we are by blood perhaps connected, and
by name identified—farewell, and remember the country that
fostered you in your infancy.
" Jamque vale et matris serva communis amorem."
He was not one disposed to anticipate the time for a separa-
tion taking place, nor was he at all disposed to provoke it.—
(Hear, hear.) But this he must say, that whenever a sepa-
ration should take place from those loyal colonists, it ought to
take place under circumstances that must induce them to be-
come faithful allies. But what he said with respect to the
British colonists, did not apply to the French Canadians.
This class of men had been loyal to the French King, and
they had become by conquest subjects to this country, and
their obedience was rather to be looked for from their sense of
honour, than from their regard for this country. It was, he
considered, most important to know from her Majesty's Mini-
sters whether they were determined upon maintaining the
control and dominion over those colonies ; or whether they
meant to anticipate the separation taking place at some time,
if not at that very moment. He had no doubt he should be
told that they were determined to resist separation.—( Hear,
hear.) Then he might be allowed to say, that when they
made the declaration of their being determined to maintain
a control over the colony, they ought to evince their sincerity
of their determination. The Noble Duke had stated that
they were at war, and that it was impossible for this country
to carry on a war upon a small scale.—(Hear.) He wished
to know, did her Majesty's Ministers adopt that maxim ?
(Hear.) It was a question which every one asked who was
interested in the preservation of the colony, and to which
every one wished to receive an answer. The answer, no
doubt, that would be given again by her Majesty's Ministers
would be, " Certainly we mean to carry on war, and not war
on a small scale." He certainly thought it was most impor-
tant for them to know whether an additional force was to be
sent to Canada by increasing the army, or by taking forces
from this country. He had heard a report upon this subject
which he considered it to be his duty to mention. It was,
that the Noble Earl (the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland) had
declared that he could spare a considerable force from that
country.—( Hear.) He did not know whether in making
such an offer the Noble Lord had not over estimated the tran-
quillity of that country. He did not know whether the
" Dux inquieti turbidus Adriw,"
he who had the province of settling, as well as of raising,
the waves of civil commotion, was so inclined that the troops
could with safety be spared from Ireland. He did not know
whether that same person might not consider the time of their
removal a convenient time, not for the commutation, but for
the total abolition of tithes, that which he had threatened
their Lordships would be the consequence of their rejection
of the former Bill; a threat, too, which had been reiterated
in that House, or if not, distinctly intimated as the inevitable
consequence for which they should be prepared. He did not
know that there would be either prudence or wisdom mani-
fested in the withdrawal of that force from Ireland, even if
recommended by the Noble Lord the Lord-Lieutenant of Ire-
land. If the Noble Lord recommended the removal of the
troops upon the ground of the tranquillity of the country, he
could reply, that their Lordships might see, by the Gazette,
specimens of that tranquillity which it enjoyed. It was his
opinion that Parliament would not consent to a reduction of
force in that country.---,( Hear.) He did not like to speak that
which might appear to be imbued with party violence ; but he
was then speaking his own opinions, and not those of' others,
and he felt bound to state, as he did with confidence, that to
his own knowledge this was the feeling prevailing with regard
to her Majesty's Ministers, that a great portion—a very large
portion of those of influence and of large landed property, felt
and complained ef the incapacity of her Majesty's Ministers,
from which they wished to be liberated, tie had frequently
felt and stated, that, considering the great influence which the
Noble Duke possessed in this country—an influence which was
never greater than at this moment, and, considering the in-
fluence that a Right Hon. Gentleman possessed in another
place, he had wished that they took a more active part in op-
position to the present Government. He had said and felt
this; but then he was led to remember that those who incurred
no responsibility ought not to be prompt to condemn. When
there was apparent an infirmity of purpose—when men declared
they had a certain object to accomplish, and then showed vacil-
lation in carrying it into effect—when they did that which had
been done with respect to Canada and also to this country—then
he thought the only means of extricating the nation from its pre-
sent difficulty was to determine either on bringing in a measure
of conciliation and proceeding to a settlement of the dispute in
the present Session, or, if war was to be continued, then, if
not dictating to Ministers, they ought to lay a respectful ad-
dress at the foot of the Throne, declaring to her Majesty that
if war should be continued, it ought to be continued on the
extensive scale pointed out be the Noble Dukc.—( Hear.)
The Noble Lord concluded by declaring that it was only by
pursuing a course of firmness now that they could insure the
respect of other nations and the gratitude of their own.
The Marquis of LANSDO WNE closed entirely with
the opinion stated by the Noble Earl in the commencement of
his speech ; it was on the ground of necessity that this Bill
had been recommended to their Lordships. He entirely con-
curred in the sentence pronounced respecting it, that it was
destructive to Constitutional rights in Canada; which Con-
stitutional rights, had they been exercised in a way which was
at all consistent, he would not say with the safety and
honour of this country, but with the safety and prosperity of
of Canada itself, it would be impossiute for their Lordships
to listen to. He was ready to agree with the Noble Earl that
whatever difference of opinion there might be entertained as to
the course to be pursued, the manner in which it was enunciated
was a matter of trifling importance, whether it was enun-
ciated in the preamble of the Bill, which, in compliance with the
suggestion of others, had been withdrawn, or whether it was
contained in instructions laid on the table, or in a message
from the Crown, or by the last and most important mode of
all, by a declaration of every man of every party in the
House, including, he was glad to find, the declaration of the
opinion of the Noble Earl, that nothing but necessity was the
foundation on which the measure rested.-4 Hear, hear.) Ne-
cessity caused the Bill ; and it was fair to state that, when it
was the object of the measure to destroy constitutional Go-
vernment in Canada, it was also the object of the measure to
provide for the re-establishment at the earliest possible period
consistent with the admitted necessity of eliciting the opinions
of the Canadians. The mail question put by the Noble
Earl to her Majesty's Government was one to which he said
he was most anxious to elicit an answer: it was this—whe-
ther it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to pre-
serve these colonies or not? Without hesitation he re-
plied to the Noble Earl that it was the intention of her
Majesty's Government to preserve them.—( Hear, hear.) No
one on that side of the House saw the period, no one possibly
could designate the period, at which a withdrawal of the colonies
from the mother country could with advantage take place.—
( Hear.) They did not do that which would be inconsistent
with their duty ; and in this they partook of the opinion of
the Noble Baron and of the Noble Earl who had spoken in
a former stage of these proceedings, that it would be most
unwise t 3 act upon the supposition that there was no pos-
sible state of things in which a separation might not take
place, and that under new circumstances it might be desir-
able for the mother country, and for the colony itself, that the
separation should ensue, and might ensue, as it had ensued
with the United States of America, most beneficially for
these states and the mother country from which they sepa-
rated. The Noble Baron, in quoting from a work from which
he was not surprised to find any advice taken, mixing as that
work did the soundest practical wisdom, drawn from expe-
rience, with the most just observation, the Noble Baron, bor-
rowing an expression from the despatches of the Noble Duke
which had been lately published, said that as in the Peninsula
so ought they to do in Canada, that " it was most desirable to
go out of it like a gentleman through the hall door." He did
not think that the occasion existed in which the hall door was
open for them through which they might honourably retreat.
—( Hear, hear.) He said that the condition of Canada
excluded them from making an honourable retreat.—( Hear,
hear.) He was not prepared to make it, and he would
not advise its being made.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) As.
long as he had the honour of holding a seat in her Ma-
jesty's Councils, no effort should be lost upon his part to
advise her Majesty to make every exertion in her power to
prevent separation.—( Cheers.) He could not support sepa-
ration even upon the theory that the population were favourable
to it. On the contrary, they had evidence affoaded from
every part of Canada, not only that in the English but also
that amongst the French party no such agreemetn: to a sepa-
ration existed. The Canadian party thought that there was
no desire on the past of the Queen's Government to establish
unconstitutional Goverament amongst them. The conse-
quence was to detach from the agitators all those of moral
worth in Canada; and the conduct of the agitators since the
contest commenced was such, he was sure, as to make their
influence but slight and feeble hereafter. By the last accounts
that had been received they knew that there were addresses
upon addresses pouting in from the French party who had
taken no part in the late proceedings of the violent agitators,
and expressing their confidence in and their loyalty to the
Queen's Government, and their dislike and abhorrence of the_
acts of the agitators by whom others and not they had beerk. •