The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-25 00:00:00

language of Russia has always been, "Turkey must fell i-i,
unless her ancient Mahomedan maxims are keptitt force--
Turkey must fall unless her ancient 31ahomedan system is ,
kept up in full vigour—Turkey must fall unleds the seer IA
ration between the Mahomedan and the Chiistkan polu• '=4l
out)
tions is duly preserved and strengthened;". ' 80k beirit,,--14
the language of Russia, who can doullessiliatik the iiitinulteVo
object of that power? Going front. step':-to. step, acti '-
menting territories, increasing her firth:twice, - alien
the Christian subjects of the Porte from tkeir altsigiancies.
her final and ultimate object—which was aminentrett ab'
the middle or perhaps before the middle of the last century,
and which might not be carriedout for some time—mmtbe
the subjugation of the Ottoman empire and the absorption
of a great part of it in her own dominions, while otherpor-
tions, which would remain nominally independent, would
upon her influence and her authority.
things would be Sc, dangerous to Europe
side should not stop till we obtained some
uinourdfst such a consummation being reached.
She, on her side, I have no doubt, will not
itsS( ußeht icaeceuthffa:
weri act:eyth stateodeaugrpo.
al
stop till she is assured by the events and by the calami-
ties of war, by such repulses as she lately met with at
Silistria, and by other and more formidable obstacles, that
the great project of her ambition cannot be executed with
the consent of Europe. It is in this great contest that
Europe is engaged; and I think I should be deceiving
this house if 1 were to tell them that, engaged with such
an enemy, with a Sovereign of immense power, of great in-
fluence, and of great talents, we might hope for a speedy
termination to such a contest. Of this lam sure, that if
we were to shrink from that contest—if we were to patch
up a peace, which would be hollow and insecure—(hear,
hear)—we should lose our allies, we should lose the confi-
dence and respect of Europe—(hear, hear)—and Russia
would be placed, not in the position which she held pre-
vious to the breaking out,of hostilities, not in the position
which she held from 1829 to 1853, but in such a position
that the Emperor of Russia would then justly be called
that which by some of his courtiers and flatterers he has
been already called—the arbiter of the destiniesof Europe.
(Hear, hear.) It is our business to prevent that consum-
mation. (Hear, hear.) To prevent that consummation
this house has willingly and almost unanimously not only
voted immense supplies, but has consented to forego those
blessings of peace which were never more rightly called
blessings than during the last few years. (Hear, hear.)
We are willing to forego many advantages to onr com-
merce, and many political and social improvements which
may be delayed ; but at all events let us secure this ob-
fiucignlhswtooftrthtehybisoaftldnttl
ject, and let us see that, while we can trust with implicit
npundrospoorstahwarethmotootewseefi
confidence in the gallantry of those men who are placed at
the head of our fleets and armies, no weakness in the coun-
heagedosofoinldthiesehrirsalacol uuehlaieuanseilsdntareoWn
distant seas. (Cheers.) Sir, Irlirave one word more to say
with regard to the vote which I shall
put into your hands.
I have been informed since ' I came into the house that it is
the intention of an hon. member to propose in some
form
or other—for I care not what form—some re iction upon
the authority of the Crown with regard to the prorogation
and the meeting ofParliament. Sir, it is better to say at once
that while the right hon. gentleman opposite, the member
for Buckinghamshire, might be entitled to say that he ex-
pected an autumn session, and while it might be the advice
which should be given by the Ministers of the Crown that
Parliament should again meet in the course of the autumn,
still the advisers of the Crown cannot accept any restric-
tion to their freedom in giving such advice as they may
think proper upon that subject. (Hear, hear.) Circum-
stances may make it very advisable to meet Parliament
again soon, looking to the state of Europe or to new al-
liances that we may form ; but, on the other hand, there
may be circumstances in public affairs which would induce
the Cabinet to think such a meeting inexpedient. We

must be at full liberty to give such advice as the circnme
stances of the times, at the time, may seem frogs us to de-
mand. At the commencement of the century the Coalition
Ministry of Lord Granville and Lord Grey were asked by
the Sovereign to bind themselves as to the advice which
they might give him with regard to a particular measure to
which he felt the strongest repugnance. Lords Granville and
Grey said that it would be unbecoming in them, as the ad-
visers of the Crown, to bind and fetter themselves by any
such engagement. (Hear.) The engagement which that
Ministry refused to enter into with the Crown, we must
refuse to enter into with the House of Commons. We
must, as I have said, be at full liberty to give such advice
to the Crown as we may think proper at the time. If we
merit at all the confidence of this house—if we are to be
entrusted with the disposal of the vast resources of this
country—if we are to direct this great war and negotiate
with the powers of Europe, we must be unfettered as to
the time at which we may advise her Majesty to take the
advice of Parliament. There can be no unwillingness ,on
our part to call for that advice, because we have expe-
rienced the support and the strength which during this
session we have derived in the face of Europe from the
unanimous—the nearly unanimous—opinion of the repre-
sentatives of the people. (Hear, hear.) Anything.
that happened or was said before the meeting of
Parliament might have been represented, and not unnatu-
rally represented, as the impulse of a single meeting, or
the opinion of a single individual; but the voice of Par-
liament could not be mistaken. That voice has pronounced
that we are engaged in a just and necessary war, and
I am sure it will equally declare that that war is not to be
concluded but by a just and honourable peace. (Cheers.)
Mr. ALCOCK said that, though the votes for the war
had been granted, the majority of the country considered
that the war had not been efficiently carried on, and he
advocated most vigorous measures in the Crimea, and aid
to the Circassians.
Mr. G. BANKES had heard with surprise that a sub-
sidy to our Turkish allies was meditated, and, while con-
sidering that such a course ought not to be adopted with-
out the immediate sanction of Parliament, he suggested
that the vacillating conduct of Austria might mean that
she was also waiting for a subsidy. He should be very
much disposed to accede to a proposition for an autumnal
sitting, provided such proposal were fittingly made, as
discontent might arise among the people, now so heavily
taxed, unless their representatives were assembled to an-
swer for their conduct. The people, he added, were much
dissatisfied with the new arrangement as to the War
Minister. He admitted that the sentiments of Lend John
Russell as to the peace were those of the country, but he
dwelt upon the discordance between Lord John's views
and those of Lord Aberdeen, and urged that as this differ-
ence left the country no guarantee for an honourable peace,
here was another reason for an autumnal session.
Mr. HUME understood the noble lord (Lord J. Russell)
to speak in the nane of his colleagues, and not to give his
own individual opinion. (Hear, hoar, from Lord J. Russell.)
It would, therefore, be a pity that on soimportant an occa-
sion it should go to the public that a difference existed in
the Cabinet, and that the leader of the House of Commons
said the opposite of what was said by the leader of the
House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) As to the cry,about the
Coalition Government, he (Mr. Hume) wished to know how
a Government could be formed or carried on without a cce,
alitiou? (Hear, hear.) He was surry to hear the slow
progress of the war criticised as it had been by his hon.
friend (Mr. Alcock); but if they turned to the page of his-
tory they would find much more was done at present in
the way of forwarding troops and armaments than had
ever been aceomplished on any previous occasion. (Hear,
hear.) He should acknowledge that when Sir C. Napier
was appointed to command he was rather afraid the ope-
rations of the gallant admiral would be too rapid ; but it
now appeared that he could wait and eonsider until the
time came to act with effect. (Hear, hear.) One word as
to the subsidy. During the revolutionary war we had ad-
vanced 66,000,0001. in subsides, every pound of which was
misapplied. They (lid not assist or facilitate the purposes
for which they were intended, but, on the contrary, re-
tarded and paralysed them. The Turks had so far acted
without our assistance—(hear, hear)—they had done so
with honour and without money, and there was less ne-
cessity for money now than heretofore. (Hear, hear.)
Therefore, he should be sorry to see a subsidy agreed to
unless sanctioned by that house. (Hear, hear.) In his
opinion the hope of a subsidy should not even be held
out to them. (Hear, hear.) He hoped there would be no
difference of opinion, but that the vote would be cordi-
ally agreed to.
Mr. KNIGHT suggested that the Circassians, who were
born with a hatred to Russia, should be drilled under
Turkish officers, and placed under the rule of a Turkish
pacha, in which case they would afford most valuable as-
sistance.
Mr. BLACKETT complained of the ignorance in which
the country was kept in regard to the diplomatic action
which guided the war. He urged that a most mischievous
delay had occurred in the fulfilment of the engagements
of Austria, whose object was, by every means in her power,
to rivet the chains of her own misgoverned provinces.
Mr. COBDEN said that the speech of the nobleelord
to
council of war; for he had done what was generally l
(Russell) had in tome degree converted the discussion
winn.
saidsred to be very bad strategy on the part
aandgetilrera
khe had disclosed the conduct of the campaign, _
• the course which
the noble
said to discourage
bythe.nobl_e lord in
lord and the anything Cabinet seemed to have
I pose for which the war was undertaken.
determinedtaking,Theretoonre, if he
exampletherswetse have thought a very
indiscreetcould
t onlywhich
plead
hetehheotdd o
thing—always supposing that they were not now
Crimea
anoabftleer lord
sedetubeelelyn
gonesent out, tt,haendcriifmae thata
and
He had never been afraid
dwiosrckusishiang the question of(frocec,,urp7ihnegarth; CTrihme
time
"'hear.)
captured Sebastopol, it was clear they could do no harm by
odfisluessingit. aggressive power of Russia, but had always drawn
knewt beathee xp what(,,t( t
tooreand orders
distinction between its aggressive and its defensive
power. No one would now obtrude the old argument
that there was danger of Russia overrunning Europe and
reviving the invasion of the Huns and Goths. This de-
luge of barbarism, which was to overspread the continent,
had been shaken into spray against a mere outwork of a
third-rate province of the Turkish empire. Why had
Russia failed,--why had she made such an important de-
monstration at Silistria ? Simply because to march an
army from her southern capital, Moscow, she had to p
nearly 1,000 miles before she came to the scene of operation,
through a country where there was scarcely a mile of civi-
lised road, and no railways. It was a three months' jour-
ney from her most, southern capital to the scene of the war.
That accounted for these enormous armies on paper being
dissipated and vanishing away before they came into action.
Any one who had been in Russia and had studied
the subject must be well aware that, however
mighty might he her armies, it was utterly impossible, with
a country so thinly populated, that those armies could ever
be concentrated on one point. Look at the battle of Boro-
dino. Napoleon gave more than 12 months' notice of his
invasion of Russia ; he marched 600,000 troops, and had
all the force of Europe to back him. Russia could not
bring more than 100,000 men into action at Borodino, and
most of them were clad as peasants and armed with
scythes. He had said again and again, and frees
cam-
paignveimuch ridiculed for it, that Russia could not at
this first
Europe for a loan •, and she had not finishede
to Amsterdam
across her own borders without coming ele
campaign without being compelled to seer that, no panic
Western
to sue in forma pauperis for a loan.
beet in the face, that
of those who wished to look the sail
at we were not now
they were the friends of Russia.rostore Turkey to what she
content with going to war to
on
0,
seine
portion of the
need be entertained, nor need it be throarn in the teeth
was, but we were to take pzears7.
He presumed that what
Russian territory. (
t would be nothing ; but to occupy
that
come away again, ) And he would tell the noble
(Hoar, hear.
the Crimea.
the thing was done ho had committed
Hair, trisis—not to take Sebastopol and
that night, because he had given notice
lord, that
atbhiante t
unlessm eat
a great indiscretionaro no priidoefn tatgtaeenkerlavlaswokunlodwhn
aivtewdoeutilde
the point
defence. (Hear, hear.) From the quality
he the print of
French
English andtroops now at Varna, and from
nt• the Eng
asofthbeacthuiel—a
emulation of the two nations, there was scarcely any-
the
an beings could do that they would not accom-
ttob tiebeeonn,elneisehif
thing hum
b t u against
fevers the strongest men and the greatest courage
er the hinevaarlid—nay, were
more likely to be attacked by the disease. (Heart
e
hear.) He hoped this was an element of the difficulty of
t efinetl d
the enterprise which had been entertained by the noble
lord. As to the fooling and disposition of the populations
I,:icirseh a
impotent