The Sun.
London, England, 1854-10-03 00:00:00

No. 6.

"Windsor, Sept. 29.
" My Lord Duke,—l have the honour to acknowledge
the receipt of your Grace's letter, of the 27th inst., and
I very much regret that yon now relinquish the military
character with which you invested the reference I made
to you on the lBtb, and that you are unwilling to place
your case for an honourable adjustment between our-
selves before a tribunal of honour, through the inter-
vention of friends, as enjoined by the articles of war.
" Your Grace points out to me 'a remedy by institut-
ing an action at law' (for libel) ; and, if I succeed in
proving my case, you must abide by the penalty.'
"4,s your Grace denies me redress, except through a
court of law, I must keep that course in view for my
future guidance ; and, although you wish that all con-
troversial correspondence should cease, I cannot refrain
from pointing out the disadvantage I am under in this
case (in which, without any provocation on my part, you
gratuitously took the initiative) unless I give as much
publicity to the course I hare adopted in seeking for
redress as you have done in proclaiming those insults for
which that redress has been brought in vain.

" Your Grace has not hesitated to come to the assist-
ance of others in prejudicing the public mind against me
and my regiment, but when called on to state the
grounds (it you could) on which you thought fit to put
I forth to the world the insulting opinions and assertions
of which I hare complained, you have refused to par-
ticularise ; have dealt in generalities, and sheltered your-
s elf under the 83 gis of the opinion of the multitude, as
m anifested by the number of your fellow-subscribers.
"Your Grace notices the remarks I made in my letter
of the 22d, as being 'of a sarcastic nature, and reflecting
on your character, age, and military services, and that
they were fully as insulting and offensive to you as your
letter to the Mayor of Windsor could be to me.'
"I am not aware that in my observations on your
Grace's military career I reflected on your character ;
while you, in your letters, have most pointedly reflected
on mine.

"My remarks were drawn forth by the unjustifiable
insults which you have made public. Until I shall have
made know u the fact that I have not remained passive
under those insults, I shall stand, in the eyes of the ad-
mirers of your Grace's doctrines, under a stigma which
they (setting, as they probably do, a high value on your
Grace's military opinions) may consider that I justly
deserve.
"For these reasons I have no choice left but to give
publicity to your corresuondence.—l have, &c.
" R. GARRETT. Colonel 46th Regiment.
"His Grace the Duke of Cleveland, K.G., &c."

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digo continued to be maintained.

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, .4 •
FREEDOM 010 T. El CITY OF EDINBURGH'
TO SIR WILLIAM MOLES WORTH.

On Saturday, at 11 o'clock, the freedom of the city
of Edinburgh was conferred by the magistrates and
Town Council on the Right Hon. Sir Win. Melesworth,
First Commissioner of her Majesty's Works. The cere-
mony took place in the Council Chamber, in presence
of a large attendance of the citizens. The magistrates
and councillors (who were nearly all present) wore their
robes and insignia of office on the occasion. Sir Wm.
Molesworth, who, on entering the room, was loudly
cheered, was accompanied by Mr. Stirling, of Keir,
M.P.; Major Playfair, St. Andrew's ; and Mr. Page,
of the Board of Works.

The minute of Council agreeing to offer Sir William
Molesworth the freedom of the city having been read,
The LORD PROVOST, addressing Sir W. Molesworth,
said—l have the pleasure to inform you that the Ma-
gistrates and Town Council have unanimously agreed to
present you with the freedom of the city of Edinburgh
—the only honour we have it iu our power to bestow
on any public man--in testimony of their admiration of
your distinguished abilities as a statesman, and in recog-
nition of your connection with the city and university
of Edinburgh. I believe all my brethren in the
Council and the citizens generally know that you
are connected by descent with some of -the roost
respected inhabitants of Edinburgh. We are all aware
also of your connection with the university of Edinburgh,
and of your reputation as a distinguished scholar.
We have observed with satisfaction your career as a
public man ; we have seen with satisfaction the honest
and uncompromising way in which you have stood out
for what you considered good principles of government.
Considering the many important questions which come
before Parliament, it would perhaps be impossible for
any of us, in a public body like this, to say, with truth,
that he cordially approved of all the opinions of any man
whatever. Our own opinions on some subjects are very
different : and, of nourse, no one manifestly could ap-
prove of every particular in the political course adopted
by any individual, whether belonging to the Liberal or
to the Conservative party. But in this, at least, we
could all unite, namely, in testifying our approbation of
a consistent useful course of public life, against which
there can be no imputation of sinister objects, or against
which nothing but pure and honourable conduct has ever
been known. It has been the fate of malty men when
they join Governments with which they do not alto-
gether agree, as in your case, to lose very considerably '
in public estimation, from their being obliged, in eon-
nexion with that Government, to advocate opinions at
variance with those which they formerlyheld. But the
distinguishing feature of the present Government is, that
it is composed of able men belonging to different sec-
tions of political parties, who are trying the great ex-
periment whether this country can be honestly and well
governed by men who do not agree in all their political
views, but who agree most anxiously in the desire to
promote the best interests of the country. We hail
your appearance in connection with the Government of
the Earl of Aberdeen in that in joining it you have
not in any way cast away the opinions you formerly
held, nor recanted nor changed any of your political
views. In referring to the Government of Lord Aber-
deen, I am sure I speak the sentiments of a large portion
of the inhabitants of this country when I say that we feel
deeply indebted to them for the great exertions they naade,
and fur the anxiety they manifested to avert the dread-
ful horrors of war. So long as there was any hope of a
peaceful solution of the difficulty everything was done
which could be done to avert that dire calamity. But
when war was inevitable, their course then became as
decided as it was possible to believe. I believe that
neither in the history of this nor of any other country
were so great exertions ever made to fit out a powerful
armament within so limited a period of time as have been
made by the Government with which you are connected.
I am sure the country feel deeply grateful to her Ma-
jesty's Government—first, for the anxiety they mani-
fested to preserve them from the calamities of war, and,
second, for the energy displayed in fitting out and bring-
ing into operation such a powerful armament as, accord-
ing to all human probability, may be the means of
shortening the war. Although the time has not yet
come—it may not be long till it does come—when the
effects of that vigorous and decided policy will be exem-
plified, and which may have the effect of bringing about
peace in a shorter period than any of us now anticipate.
(Applause.) I bog to present you, therefore, with the
burgess-ticket of this city, which I do personally, with
the greatest pleasure—a feeling which, I believe, is
shared in by every member around this beard. (Applause.)
His Lordship then handed the burgess-ticket, enclosed
in an elegant crimson velvet case, 'to the right hon.
baronet.

Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH, on rising to acknowledge
the honour, said—My Lord Provost and Gentlemen—
It is difficult for me to find words to express how much
gratified I am by the manner in which you have re-
ceived me, and by the honour that you have done me in
conferring on me the freedom of this great and renowned
city—renowned both in ancient history and modern
science—renowned for its philosophers, historians, poets,
and divines. Gentlemen, I assure you, that it gives me
very great pleasure to become a freeman of Edin-
burgh. For, as the Lord Provost has told you, I am
connected with this city by the ties both of birth and
education. By both I am half a Scotchman. lam
proud of my Scotch blood, and of belonging to the same
family as David Hume, the historian and philosopher.
(Applause.) In the University of Edinburgh I was
educated under Leslie, Jameson, and other eminent pro-
fessors. In my youth I was so fortunate as to enjoy the
acquaintance and to profit by the conversation of Sir
Walter Scott, Jeffrey, Brewster, Sir William Hamilton,
Sir John Sinclair, James Mill, and other distinguished
Scotchman. (Applause.) I am, therefore, attached to
Edinburgh by the feelings of gratitude, affection, and ad-
miration ; arid the strength of those feelings-has not been
diminished by the absence of many years. Since I left
Edinburgh I have visited many of the most celebrated
cities in Europe, but none of them ever appeared to me
to compare in beauty with the metropolis of Scotland,
which has also been much adorned of late years. (Ap-
lause.) I am, therefore, delighted at the honour that
you have done me in enrolling me among your freemen.
Gentlemen—The Lord Provost has referred in terms of
approbation—for which I heartily thank him—to my
public career, and to my political opinions ; and it was in
Edinburgh, gentlemen, that I acquired most of those
opinions. I believe them to be sound, and to be the best
calculated to promote the happiness and good govern-
ment of the inhabitants of this kingdom and of its nu-
merous dependencies, that are scattered over the face of
the globe from the arctic to the antarctic pole ; many of
which dependencies are rapidly becoming vast and wealthy
states, destined to be the homes of millions of active and
intelligent men belonging to our race, and formerly at-
tached to us by the strong ties of blood, of language,
and similarity of institutions. (Loud applause.) I
have constantly endeavoured to uphold those opinions
during a public life of 20 years, and I shall continue to
maintain them in whatever position I may be placed, as
a representative of the people in Parliament, or as a
Minister of the Crown. (Applause.) Gentlemen—The
Lord Provost has also alluded, in a very flattering man-
ner, to my connection with the Government of Lord
Aberdeen. When I joined that Government, though I
had not the honour to be personally acquainted with
Lord Aberdeen, I had great respect and admiration for
his public character. I felt convinced that I could be.
come a member of his Government without any compro-
mise of principle, especially as my noble friend, Lord
John Russell, the distinguished, acknowledged, and
justly recognised leader of the Liberal party, whom I
had generally followed, and hope to continue to follow
in public life, had consented to hold an influential posi-
tion in Lord Aberdeen's Administration. Nor have
my hopes and expectations been disappointed. My re-
spect and admiration of Lord Aberdeen has been con-
firmed axed strengthened by personal acquaintance. I
found him to be a sincere, earnest, straightforward, libe-
ral, and enlightened gentleman—an honour to Scotland
—a statesman of whom every Scotchman ought to be
proud—whose only object is taking office was to pin-
mote the good government; of his country, and whose
chief wish in retaining office is firmly and energetically
to maintain the honour and dignity of Great Britain in
the arduous contest in which we are now engaged—
in the just and necessary war which the respoie•ible
Ministers of the Crown have felt it their duty to advise
her Majesty to declare against the Emperor of Russia
Gentlemen—With regard to that war, few persons are
more averse to war, or firmer friends of peace than I
am. Would to God that the progress of knowledge
and civilisation among the nations of the earth had ren-
dered it impossible for the rulers of mankind to do those
deeds of violence and wanton aggression which at times
make war inevitable, and render it both just and neces•
sary. (Applause.) This- war, gentlemen, is a just and
necessary one. France and England have embarked in
it not for any selfish objects—not for any petty personal
interests—but for high and noble ends ; to protect the
weak—to bumble the pride of the strong—for the last
big benefit of Europe ; to prevent the aggrandisement
of Russia at the expense of the Ottoman Empire—an
aggrandisement that would menace the liberty, the com-
merce' the civilisation, and progress of Western Europe.
(Loud applause.) At first France and England hoped
and endeavoured to attain their ends by peaceful nego.
tiations. Conscious of their strength, they were conci.e
liatory and forbearing as long as honour would permit
them to be so, but in vain ; nothing but brute force
would compel the Czar to desist from his designs on the
Ottoman dominions. Therefore, sooner or later, a con-
flict with Russia was inevitable. If by any means that'
conflict could have been postponed, still, I repeat,
sooner or later, it was inevitable ; and if it had been
postponed, it might occur at a period less favourable—
it could not occur at a period more favourable to the
cause of progress and civilisation than the present one
(hear, bear) —fur France and England are now firmly
united, and daily becoming more firmly united. "Their
sons associate in the tent, the ship, and the field; en-
countering the same perils, and enduring similar hard-
ships by sea and by land, and are learning to respect, ad-
mire, aed love each other. And France and England
firmly united in the cause of progress and civilisa-
tion, that cause must triumph over the barbarism of
the North. (Loud applause.) Moreover, the elements
likewise are propitious to our cause. Tranquil seas, with
tavouraule a bids, have aided the expedition to the
Crimea. Au abundant harvest will more than defray
the prevent expenses of the war. The consequenees
of that harvest are a flourishing trade, a thriving revs
nue, and a contented people, who scarcely feel that
their material interests are affected by the etieratione
of the war ; and who are willing to bear its burdens,
instead of bequeathine, an increased debt to posterity.
(Loud applause.) Gentlemen, in the immediate con-
duct of this war, France and England had three chief
objects to accomplish :—First, to prevent the Russian
armies from dismembering the Turkish empire and
marching on Constantinople • secondly, to prevent We
Russiaa fleet from injuring the trade and commerce of
France and England ; thirdly, to strike such a body
blow at Russia as would be best calculated perma-

V

s • . ,„
neatly to defeat hertambitiOs &awns on the dominions
of the Ottoman Porte. The two 'first of these objects
bad been accomplished ; the third, I hope and trust,
is in the act of being accomplished. To accomplish
them, magnificent fleets, the like of which the world
had never seen, have been sent by France and Eng-
land to the Euxine and to the Baltic ; armies have
been equipped with unparalleled rapidity, and abun-
dantly furnished with all the munitions of war ; they
have been transported with unprecedented speed to their
destination. The result has been that the Russians have
quitted the Danubian Principalities, compelled to do so
partly by the valour of the Turks, sustained by the moral
influence of the allied armies at Varna, ready to bring
succour ; partly by the operations of the combined fleets
in the Euxine intercepting supplies ; partly by the menac-
ing attitude of Austria, the consequence of the skill of the
diplomatists of France and England. (Applause.) The
result also has been that whilst the merchant navies of
the allied Powers traverse the ocean in every direction
without fear or danger, the commercial marine of Russia
dare not appear on the seas, and her men-of-war are
compelled to skulk ingloriously behind her granite forti-
fications. (Loud applause.) Gentlemen, to have at-
tacked those fortifications with ships alone, as some
civilians have advised —to have opposed (to use the
words of Lord Dundopald, the boldest of our sea-kings),
‘` combustible ships to stone batteries firing red-hot
shot," would have been contrary to the opinions of
every military authority—acts not of. judicious daring,
but of shere insanity, of which I ant glad to say the
brave admirals of France and England were incapable.
(Hear.) But the most important of these fortifications
—the bulwark—the talisman of the power of Russia in
the East, is now being assailed, asst ought to be as-
sailed, by the warriors of France, of England, and of
Turkey, under their ablest and wisest generals, and by an
armada more potent than any of which mention is made
in histOry or in fable. If success attend that enterprise
—and it has commenced under the most favourable aus-
pices—and to ensure success every means has been em-
ployed that wealth and science, prudence and fore-
thought could devise, a body-blow will be struck at
Russia that will undermine her influence in the East, may
make her amenable to reason, and thus pave our way to a
peace alike glorious and honourable. But, gentlemen,
whatever may be the immediate result of the attack on
Sebastopol, I am convinced that neitherthepeople of this'
Country nor her Majesty's Ministers, whoever they
may be, will ever consent to a termination of this con-
flict until the objects for which this war commenced
have been attained. (Great applause.) •We onght not,
however, to be disappointed if those objects are not at-
tained as speedily as we desire. We ought not-to mur-
mur if great events do not occur as rapidly as we could
wish. We should bear in mind that in every war the
remarkable events that are cnronicled in history—great
battles and important seiges—have been few in number,
separated by considerable intervals of time that are
occupied by minor and less important events, of which
history makes little or no mention. We must not ex-
pect much difference in this respect between the present
war and past one. We must not expect because the
steam-vessels and the electro-telegraph have almost
annihilated distance—because, in annihilating distance,
they have almost annihilated time, which is the mea-
sure of distance—that the important events of which
we receive intelligence with the rapidity of lightning,
will follow each other with equal speed. We ought not
to be unreflectingly impatient for action, which, if rashly
engaged in, might occasion unnecessary loss of valuable
life. (Applause.) Bear in mind, gentlemen, that to
Frannis and England nothing can or ought to be more
precioua than the lives of their sons, but that to
Russia nothing is less valuable than the blood of
her serfs. (Applause.) Bear in mind, also, that in a
prolonged conflict, the wealth and resources of France
and England must insure our ultimate triumph over the
poverty of Russia, and that Russia's only chance, even
of temporary success, lies in rash and ill-considered action
on our part. (Hear.) Therefore, I say, let us not be
over impatient for results. This war must give birth to
events of immense importance to the civilised world. It
has already produced two results which will make it
memorable in the history of nations. The one is the
frank, cordial, and hearty union of the people, the Go-
vernments, the fleets and armies of France and England
in the same cause—a union which. I hope, for the sake
of both countries and of mankind, will be everlasting.
(Loud applause.) The other is, the mitigation of the
evils of war by the establishment of the maritime rights
of neutrals on the firm and solid basis of reason and justice
—a step in civilisation the importance of which can
scarcely be over-estimated. (Hear.) And if, as I hope and
trust, Sebastopol shall ere long share the fate of Bornarsund
—its fortifications be razed to the ground, its fleet annihi-
lated, and the Euxine setfree from the incubus of the might
of Russia—the first campaign of united France and Eng-
land will neither be aimless, nor eventless, nor inglorious,
nor unworthy of thereputation of two countries renowned
for military and naval exploits. (Long and prolonged ap-
plause.) Gentlemen, though in war much depends on
causes beyond human control, on events which the most
sagacious cannot foresee, nor the most prudent guard
against, yet I feel sanguine of the success of the expedi-
tion to the Crimea, because the preparations for it were
most complete—because the soldiers and sailors of
France and England are unsurpassable in valour—be-
cause their commanders are most c•impetent—and, above
all, because our cause is a just and righteous one.
(Applause.) Pardon me, my Lord Provost and gentle-
men, fur being led away into making these remarks upon
a subject which now anxiously occupies my mind, and
which must occupy the mind of every man wbo feels an
interest in the honour, the dignity, and the well-being of
this empire. (Hear, hear.) And permit me now, my
Lord Provost and gentlemen, in conclusion, again to re-
turn you my sincere and heartfelt thanks for the kind
manner in which you have received me, and fur the great
honour which you have this day conferred on me, and
Of which I shall always retain a vivid and grateful re-
collection. (The right honourable baronet resumed his
seat amidst loud and prolonged applause.)
The meeting then separated.