The Sun.
London, England, 1854-03-20 00:00:00

PROPOSED PARTITION OP TURKEY.

The following are the communications respecting
Turkey made to her Majesty's Government by the
Emperor of Russia, with the answers returned to
them, from January to April, 1853 :
Nct 1.

Sir G. H. SEYMOUR to Lord Jens RUSSELL.—(Received Jan. 23.)
(Secret and confidential.)
St. Petersburg, January 11, 1853.
My Lord—On the evening of the 9th instant I had the
honour of seeing the Emperor at the palace of the Grand
Duchess Helen, who, it appeared, had kindly requested per-
mission to invite Lady Seymour and myself to meet the Impe-
rial family. The Emperor came up to me, in the most
gracious manner to say that he had heard with great pleasure
of her , Majesty's Government having been definitively
formed, adding that he trusted the Ministry would be
of long duration. His Imperial Majesty desired me
particularly to convey this assurance to the Earl of Aber-
deen, with whom, he said, he had been acquainted for
nearly forty years, and for whom he entertained equal
regard awl esteem. His Majesty desired to be brought to the
kind recollection of his lordship. You know my feelings, the
Emperor said, with regard to Euzland. Whet I have told
you before I say again ; it was intended that the two coun-
tries should be upon terms of close amity ; and I feel sure
that this will continue to be the case. You have now been a
certain time here, and, as you have seen, there have been
very few points upon which we have disagreed ; our interests
in fact are upon almost all questions the same I observed that I
really *as not aware that since I lad been at St. Petersburg
there had been any actual disagreements whatever between
us, except with,regard to Louis Napoleon's No. HI., a point
respecting which each Government had its own opinion '
(maniere de voir ), but a point which, after all, was very
immaterial, The No. 111. the Emperor replied, would in-
volve a long explanation ; I will, therefore, not touch upon
the subject at present ' • I should be glad, however, that you
should hear what I haveto say upon the question, and will
beg of you to call upon me some morning when I am a little
free from engagements. I, of course, requested that his Ma-
jesty would be good enough to lay his orders upon me. In
the meantime, the Emperor went 'on to say :—I repeat that
it is very essential t at the two Governments—that is, the
English Government and • I, and I and the English Govern-
ment--should be upon the best terms, and the necessity was
never greater than at present. I beg you to convey these
words to Lord John Russell. When we agreed (d'accord), I
am quite without anxiety as to the west of Europe, it is im-
material what the others may think or do. As to Turkey,
that is another question : that country is in a critical state,
and may give us all a great deal of trouble. And now 1 will
take my leave of you, which his Majesty proceeded to do by
shaking hands with me very graciously. It instantly occurred
to me that the conversation was incomplete and might be re-
newed, and, as the Emperor still held my hand, I said, Sir,
with your gracious permission, I would desire to take a great
liberty. Certainly, his Majeety replied, what is it—let me
hear. Sir, I observed, your Majesty has been good enough to
charge me with general assurance as to the identity of views
between the two Cabinets, which assuredly have given me
the greatest pleksure, and will be received with equal satis-
faction in England, but I should be particularly glad that
your Majesty should add a few words which may tend to
calm the anxiety with regards to the affairs of Turkey, which
passing events are so calculated to excite on the part of her
Majesty's Government , perhaps you will be pleased to
charge me with some additional assurances of this kind. The
Emperor's words and manner, although still very kind,
showed that his Majesty had no intention of speaking to me
of the demonstration which he is about to make in the
South. He said, however, at first with a little hesitation,
but, as he proceeded, in an open and unhesitating manner--
The affairs of Turkey are in a very disorganised condition ;
the country itself seems to be falling to pieces (neenaceruine)
—the fall will be a greater misfortune, and it is yery impor-
tant that England and Russia should come to a perfectly good
understanding upon these affairs, and that neither should
take any decisive sty of which the other is not apprised. I
observed in a few words that I rejoiced to hear that his Im-
perial Majesty held this language ; that this was certainly
the view I took of the manner in which Turkish ques-
tions are to be treated. " Tenez," the Emperor said, as if
proceeding with his remark, " tenez, nous avons sur les bras
un homme malade—un homme gravement malade; ce sera
je voles le dit franchement, un grand malheur si, me de ces
jours, i 1 devait nous ichapper, surtout avant que toutes les
dispositions ne:essaires fusseut prises. M iis enfin ce n'est
point le moment de vous parlor do vela"* It was clear that
the Emperor did not intend to prolong the canversation—l
therefore said, c Votre Majesty est gracieuse qu'elle me per-
mettra de lui faire encore une observation. Votre Majesty
'lit quo l'homme est malade ; c'est bien vrai, mais vitro
,fajesti daignera. m'excuser si je In! fais observer, que e'est
I l'homme g6.4reux et fort de menager l'homme malade et
'Able "t The Emperor then took leave. of me in a manner
which conveyed the impression of my having at least not
eiven offence, and again expressed his intention of sending for
me on some future day. Your lordship will pardon me if
I remark that, after reflecting attentively upon my conver-
sation with the Emperor, it appears to me that this,
nd any overture of the kind which may be made, tends to
establish a dilemma by which it is very desirable that her
Aajesty's Government should not allow themselves to be fet-
tered. The dilemma seems to be this :—lf her Majesty's Go-
vernment do not come to an understanding with Russia as to
what is to happen in the event of the sudden downfal of Tur-
'tey, they will ha,n the less reason for complaining if results
lispleasing to England should be preparea. If, on the con-
trary, her Majesty's Government should enter into the consi-
deration of such eventualities, they make themselves in some
degree consenting parties to a catastrophe which they havi.-
so much interest in warding off as long as possible The sum
is probably this, that England has to desire a close concert
with Russia, with a view to preventing the downfall of Turkey
—while Russia would bo well pleased that the concert should
apply to the events by which this downfall is to be followed
—Yours, dm.,

(Signed)
No. 2.

G. H. SEYMOUR.

SIR G. H. SEYMOUR TO LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
(Received Feb. 6.—Secret and Condential.)

St. Petersburg, Jan. 22, 1853.
My Lord.—On the 14th inst., in consequence of a summons
which I received from the Chancellor, I waited upon the Em-
peror, and had the honour of holding with his Imperial
Majesty the very interesting conversation of which it will
be my duty to offer your lordship an account, which, if
imperfect, will, at all events, not be incorrect. I found his
Majesty alone ; he received me with great kindness, saying,
that I had appeared desirous to speak to him upon Eastern
affairs ; that on his side there was no indisposition to
do so, but that he must begin at a remote period. You know,
his Majesty said, the dreams and plans which the Empress
Catherine was in the habit of indulging ; these were handed
down to our time ; but while I inherited immense territorial
possessions, I did not inherit those visions—those intentions,
if you like to call them so. On the contrary, my country is
so vast, so happily circumstanced in every way, that it would
be unreasonable in me to desire more t rritory or more power
than I possess ; on the contrary, I am the first to tell you
that our great, perhaps our only danger, is that which would
arise from an extension given to an empire already too large.
Close to us lies Turkey, and in our present condition, no-
thing better for our interests can be desired ; the times had
gone by • when we had anything to fear from the fanatical
spirit or the military enterprise of the Turks, and yet the
country is strong enough, or has hitherto been strong enough
to preserve its indepe,. deuce, and to insure respectful treat-
ment from other countries. Well, in that empire there are
several millions of Christians whose interests I am called upon
to watch over (surveiller) while the right of doing so is se-
cured to me by treaty. I may truly say that I make a moderate
and sparing use of my right, and I will freely confess that it
is one which is attended with obligations very inconvenient;
but I cannot recede from the discharge of a distinct duty.
Our religion, as established in this country, came to us from
the East, and there are feelings as well as obligations which
never must be lost sight of. Now Tqrkey, in the condition
which I have described, has by degrees fallen into such a state
of decripitude, that, as I told you the other night, eager as
we all are for the prolonged existence of the man (and that
I am as desirous as you can be for the continuance of his life
I beg you to believe) he may suddenly die upon our hands
nous rester sur le bras) ; we cannot resuscitate what is dead ;
if the Turkith empire falls, it falls to rise no more ; and I put
it to you, therefore, whether it is not better to be provided
beforehand for a contingency than to incur the chaos, confu-
sion, and the certainty of an European war, all of which
must attend the catastrophe if it should occur unexpectedly,
and before some ulterior system has been sketched ; this is the
point to which I am desirous that you should call the attention
of your Government. Sir, I replied, your Majesty is so frank
with me, that I am sure you will have the goodness to permit
me to s eak with the same openness. I would then observe that
deplorable as is the Condition of Turkey, it is a country which
has long been plunged in difficulties supposed by many to be
insurmountable, With regard to contingent arrangements,
her Majesty's Government, as your Majesty is well aware,
objects, as general rule, to taking engagements upon possi-
ble eventualities, and would, perhaps, be particularly disin-
clined to do so in this instance. If I may allowed to say so,
a great disinclination (repugnance) might be expected in Eng-
land, to disposing by anticipation (d'escompter) of the suc-
cession of an old friend and ally. The rule is a good one, the
Emperor replied, good at all times, especially in times of un-
certainty and change, like the present ; still it is of the great-
est importance that we should understand one another, and not
allow events to take us by surprise ; "maintenant je desire vous
parler en ami et en gentleman ; si nous arrivons e, nous en-
tendre sur cette affaire, l'Angleterre et moi, pour le reste, pen
m'importe ; it m'este indifferent ce que font ou pensent les
autres. Usant done de franchise, je vous dis nettement, que
si l'Angleterre songe a s'etablir un de ces fours d Constanti-
nople, je ne le permettrai pas ; je ne vous prete point ces in-
tentions, mail it vaut mieux dans ces occasions parler claire-
ment ; demon cite, je suis egnlement dispos4 de prendre
l'engagement de ne pas m'y etablir, en proprietaire, it s'en
tend, car en depositaire je ne dis pas ; it pourrait se faire que
les circonstances me misant dans le cas d'occuper Constanti-
nople, si rien ne se trouve prevu, si l'on doit tout laisser aller
au hazard." 3: I thanked his Majesty for the frankness of his
declarations, and for the d sire which he had expressed of
acting cordially and openly with her Majesty's Government,
obs Tying, at the same time, that such an understanding ap-
peared the best security against the sudden danger to which
his Majesty had alluded. I added that, although unprepared
to give a decided opinion upon questions of such magnitude
and delicacy, it appeared to me possible that some suck ar-

*lt will be, Sta we have on our han a sick man— ve.
I tell you frankly,ds a great misfortune if,sick oneman of
these days, he should slip away from us, especially before all
necessary arrangements were made. But, however, it is not
the time to speak to you on that matter.
t Your Majesty is so gracious that you will allow me to
make one further observation. Your Majesty says the man
is sick ; it is very true ; but your Majesty will deign to ex-
cuse me if I remark that it is the part of the generous and
strong man to treat with gentleness the sick and feeble
mau.

" Now I desire to speak to you as a friend and as a
gentleman. If England and I arrive at an understanding of
this matter, as regards the rest, it matters little to me ; it is
indifferent to me what others do or think. I tell you, then, if
England thinks of establishing herself one of these days at
Constantinople, I will not allow it. I do not attribute this
intention to you, but it is better on these occasions to speak
plainly; for my part, I am equally disposed to take the en-
gagement not to establish myself there, as proprietor that is
to say, for as occupier I do not say; ,it might happen that
circumstances, if no previous provision were made, if every-
thing should be left to chance, might place me in the position
of occupying Constantinople."

rangement might be made between her Majesty's Government
and his Majesty as might guard, if not for, at least against,
certain contingencies. To render my meaning more clear, I
said further : I can only repeat, sir, that, in my opinion, her
Majesty's Government will be indisposed to make certain ar
rangemeuts connected with the downfall of Turkey, but it is
possible that they may be ready to pledge themselves against
certain arrangements which might, in that event be attempted.
His Imperial Majesty then alluded to a eonvoraation he bad held
the last time he was in England, with the. Duke of Welling-
ton, and to the motives which had compelled him to open
himself to his grace ; then, as now, his Majesty was, he said,
eager to provide against events which, in. the absence of any
concert, might compel him to act in a mariner opposed to the
views of her Majesty's Government. Tile conversation passed
to the events of the day, when the Eaaper.mr briefly recapitu-
lated his claims upon the. Holy Places, claims recognised by
the firman of last February, and confirmed by a sanction to
which his Majesty said he attached much more importance—
the word of a sovereign. The execution of promises so made,
and so ratified, the Emperor said ho must insist upon, but
was willing to believe that his object would be attained by
negotiation, the last advices from Conqarttinople being rather
more sati.factory. I expressed my belief that negotiation,
followed, as I supposed •it had been, by the threats of mili-
tary measures, would be found sufficient to secure a compli-
ance with the just demands of Russia. I added, that I de-
sired to state to his Majesty what I had previously read from
a written paper to his Minister, viz., that what I feared for
Turkey was not the intentions of his lfajesty, but the ac ual
result of the_measures which appeared' to be in contemplation.
That I woad repeat, that two consequewees might be antici-
pated from the appearance of an imperial'. army on the fron-
tiers of Turkey the one the counter-demonstration which
might be provoked on the pert of France; the other, and the
more serious, the rising, on the part of the Christian popula-
tion, against the Sultan's authority, alriady- so much weakened
by revolts, and by a severe financial crisis.. The Emperor as-
sured me that no movement of his fox*• -had yet taken place
(n'ont pas bouge), and expressed hiailio pe that no advance
would be required. With regard teAL Plrence expedition to
the Saltan'a dominions, his, Mitiasty ated that ouch, a
step would bring affairs to an immediate crisis ; that a sense
of honour would compel him to sead, his forces into Turkey
without delay of hesitation ; that if tj result of such an ad-
vance should prove to be the overthrow of the Great Turk (le
Grand Turc), he should regret the event, but should feel that
he had acted as he was compelled to, do. To the above re-
port I have only, I think, to add, that Emperor desired to leave
it to my discretion to communicate or not to his Minister the par-
ticulars of our conversation; and that before I left the room,
his Imperial Majesty said, " You will report what has passed
between us to the Queen's Government, awl you will say that
I shall be ready to receive any communication which it may
be their wish to make to me upon the subject. A noble
triumph would be obtained by the civilisation of the nineteenth
century, if the void left by the extinction of Mahommedan
rule in Europe could be filled up without Tol interruption of
the general peace, in consequence of the precautions adopted
by the two principal Governments the most interested in the
destinies of Turkey,--I have, &c.,
(Signed) G. H. SZYMOVR.

No. 3.
Silt G. H. Ssrmornt TO LORD Joux RUSBELL.—(Received Feb. 6.)
(Secret and Confidential.)
(Extract.) St. Petersburg, January 22, 1853.
I have generally found straightforward conduct to be the
best policy, and as it is peculiarly called for towards those
who have acted by us in a similar manner, upon leaving the
palace on the 14th inst. I drove to the Foreign-office, and
gave Count Nesselrode a correct summary of the conversation
I had just had the honour of holding with the Emperor.

DECISION OF HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT.
No. 4.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL TO SIR G. H. SEYMOUR.

(Secret and confidential.) Foreign-office, Feb. 2, 1853.
Sir—l have received and laid before the Queen, your secret
and confidential despatch of the 22d of January. Her Ma-
jesty, upon this as upon former occasions, is happy to ac-
knowledge the moderation, the frankness, and the friendly
disposition of his Imperial Majesty. Her Majesty has directed
me to reply in the same spirit of temperate, candid, and
amicable discussion. The question raised by his Imperial
Majesty is a very serious one. It is, supposing the contin-
gency of the dissolution of the Turkish Empire to be probable,
or even imminent, whether it is not better to be provided
beforehand for a contingency, than to incur the chaos,
confusion, and the certainty of an European war, all of
which must attend the catastrophe if it should
occur unexpe,tedly, and before some ulterior system has been
sketched ; this is the point, said his Imperial Majesty, to which
I am desirous that you should call the attention of your Go-
vernment In considering this grave question, the first re-
flection which occurs to her Majesty's Government is that no
actual crisis has occurred which readers necessary a solution
of this vast European problem. Disputes have arisen respect-
ing the Holy Places, but these are without the sphere of the
internal Government of Turkey, and concern Russia and France
rather than the Sublime Porte. Some disturbance of the re-
lations between Austria and the Porte has been caused by the
Turkish attack on Montenegro ; but this again relates rather
to dangers affecting the frontier of Austria than the authority
and safety of the Sultan ; so that there is no sufficient cause
for intimating to the Sultan that he cannot keep peace at
home, or preserve friend y relations with his neighbours. It
occurs further to her Majesty's Government to remark that
the event which is contemplated is not definitely fixed in point
of time. When William the Third and Louis the Fourteenth
ansposea by treaty of the succession of Charles the Second of
Spain, they were • provi hog for an event which could not be
far off. The infirmities of the Sovereign of Spain, and the cer-
tain end of any human life, made the contingency in prospect
both sure and near. The death of the Spanish King was in
no way hastened by the Treaty of Partition. The same thing
may be said of the provision made in the last century for the
disposal of Tuscany, upon the decease of the last prince of the
house of Medici. But the contingency of the dissolution of
the Ottoman empire is of another kind. It may happen,
twenty, fifty, or a hundred years hence. In these circum-
stances it would hardly be consistent with the friendly feelings
towards the Sultan which animate the Emperor of Russia, no
less than the Queen of Great Britain, to dispose beforehand of
the provinces under his dominion. Besides this considera-
tion, however, it must be observed, that an agreement made
in such a case tends very surely to hasten the contingency
for which it is intended to provide. Austria and France
could not, in fairness, be kept in ignorance of the transac-
tion, nor would such concealment be consistent with the
end of preventing an European war. Indeed, such con-
cealment cannot be intended by his Imperial Majesty. It is
to be inferred that, as soon as Great Britain and Russia should
have agreed on the course to be pursued, and have determined
to enforce it, they should communicate their intentions to the
Great Powers of Europe. An agreement thus made, and thus
communicated, would not be very long a secret ; and while it
would alarm and alienate the Sultan, the knowledge of its
existence would stimulate all his enemies to increased violence
and more obstinate conflict. They would fight with the con-
viction that they must ultimately triumph ; while the Sultan's
general's and troops would feel that no immediate success
could save their cause from final overthrow. Thus would be
produced and strengthened that very anarchy which is now
feared, and the foresight of the friends of the patient would
prove the cause of his death. Her Majesty's Government
need scarcely enlarge on the dangers attendant on the execu-
tion of any similar convention. The example of the succes-
sion war is enough to show how little such agreements are
respected when a pressing temptation urges their violation.
The position of the Emperor of Russia as depositary, but not
proprietor, of Constantinople, would be exposed to numberless
hazards, both from the long-cherished ambition of his own
nation, and the jealousies of Europe. The ultimate proprie-
tor, whoever ho might be, would hardly be satisfied with the
inert, supine attitude of the heirs of Mehemet the Second. A
great influence on the affairs of Europe seems naturally to
belong to the Sovereign of Constantinople, holding the gates
of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. That influence
might be used in favour of Russia ; it might be used to con-
trol and curb her power. His Imperial Majesty has
justly and wisely said :—My country is so vast, so happily
circumstanced in every way, that it would be unreason-
able in me to desire more territory or more power than I
possess. On the contrary, he observed, our great, perhaps our
only danger, is that which would arise from an extension given
to an empire already too large. A vigorous and ambitious State,
replacing the Sublime Porte, might, however, render war on
the part of Russia a necessity for the Emperor or his succes-
sors. Thus European conflict would arise from the very
means taken to prevent it ; for neither England nor France,
nor probably Austria, would he content to see Constantinople
permanently iu the hands of Russia. On the part of Great
Britain, her Majesty's Government at once declare that they
renounce all intention or wish to hold Constantinople. His
Imperial Majesty may be quite secure upon this head They
are likewise ready to give an assure that they will enter into
no agreement to provide for the contingency of the fall of
Turkey without previous communication with the Emperor
of Russia. Upon the whole, then, her Majesty's Government
are persuaded that no course of policy can be adopted more
wise, more disinterested, more beneficial to Europe than that
which his Imperial Majesty has so long followed, and which
will render his name more illustrious than that of the most
famous sovereigns who have sought immortality by unpro-
voked conquest and ephemeral glory. With a view to the
success of this policy, it is desirable that the utmost for-
bearance should be manifested towards Turkey ; that
any demands which the great powers of
Europe may have
to make should be great
ter of friendly negotiation
rather than of peremptory demand ; that military and naval
demonstrations to coerce the Sultan should as much as pos-
sible be avoided ; that differences with respect to matters
affecting Turkey, within the competence of the Sublime Porte,
should be decided, after mutual conceit between the Great
Powers, and not be forced upon the weakness of the Turkish
Government. To these cautious her Majesty's Government
wish to add that, in their view, it is essential that the Sultan
should be advised to treat his Christian subjects in confor-
mity with the principles of equity and religious freedom which
prevail generally among the enlightened nations of Europe.
The more the Turkish Government adopts the rules of impar-
tial law and equal administration, the less will the Emperor
of Russia find it necessary
to apply that exceptional protec-
tion which his Imperial Majesty has found so burthensome
and inconvenient, though, no doubt, prescribed by duty and
sanctioned by treaty. You may read this dispatch to Count
Nesselrode, and, if it is desired, you may yourself place a copy
of it in the hands of the Emperor. In that case you will
accompany its presentation with thsse assurances of friend-
ship and confidence on the part of her Majesty the Queen,
which the conduct of his Imperial Majesty was_so sure to in-
spire.—.I am, &c., (Signed) J. RUSSELL.

RUSSIAN RUSE.
No. 5.

SIR G. 11. SEYMOUR TO LORD JOHN Russm--(Received March 6)
(Secret and Confidential.)
(Extract) St. Petersburg, February 21, 1853.
The Emperor came up to me last night, at a party of the
. Grand Duchess Hereditary's, and the most gracious manner
took me apart, saying that he desired to speak to me. After
expressing, in flattering terms, the confidence which he has
in me, and his readiness to speak to me without reserve upon
matters of the greatest moment, as, his Majesty observed, he
had proved in a late conversation, he said : And it is well it
is so ; for what I most desire is, that there should be the
greatest intimacy between the two Governments ; it was so
necessary at present. Well, the Emperor continued, so you
have got your answer, and you are to bring it to me to-morrow?
I am to have that honour, sir, I answered ; but your
Majesty is aware that the nature of the reply is very exactly
what I had led you to expect. So I was sorry to hear ;
but I think your Government does not well under-
stand my object. I am not so eager about what
shall be done when the sick man dies, as I am to determine
with England what shall not be done upon that event taking
place. But, sir, I replied, allow me to observe that we have no

reason to think that the sick man (to use your Majesty's ex-
pression) is dying. We are as much interested as we believe
your Majesty to be in his continuing to live ; while, for my-
self, I will venture to remark that experience shows me that
countries do not die in such a hurry. Turkey will remain
for many a year, unless some unforeseen crisis should occur.
It is precisely, sir, for the avoidance of all circumstances
likely to produce such a crisis that her Majesty's Government
reckons upon your generous assistance.

Then, rejoined the Emperor, I will tell you that if your
Government has been led to believe that Turkey retains any
elements of existonce, your Government must have received
incorrect informatlon. I repeat to you that the sick man is
dying ; and we can • never allow such an event to take us by
surprise. We must come to some understanding ; and this
we should do, lam convinced, if could but hold ten minutes'
conversation with your Ministers--with Lord Aberdeen, for
instance, who knows me so well, who has fall confidence in
me, as I have in him. And, remember, Ido not ask for a
treaty or a protocol; a general understanding is all I require
—that between gentlemen is sufficient; and in this case I am
certain that the confidence would be as great on the side of
the Queen's Ministers as on mine. So no more for the pre-
sent; you will come to me to-morrow, and you will remember
that as often as you think your conversing with me will pro-
mote a good understanding upon any point, you will send
word that you wish to see me. I thanked his Majesty very
cordially, adding, that I could assure him that her Majesty's
Government, I was convinced, considered his word once given,
as good as a bond.

IMPERIAL SPECIAL PLEADING.
No. 6.
Sir G. H. SEYMOUR to Lord JOHN RUSSELL.
(Received March 6.)—f Secret and Confidential.)
(Extract.) St. Petersburgh, Feb. 22, 1853.
I had the honour of waiting yesterday upon the Emperor, and
of holding with his Majesty one of the m ftst interesting con-
versations in which I ever found myself engaged. My only re-
gret is my inability to report in full detail a dialogue which lasted
au hour and twelve minutes. The Emperor began by desiring
me to read to him aloud your lordship's secret and confidential
despatch of the 9th instant, saying that he should stop me
occasionally, either to make an observation, or to call upon
me for the translation of a passage. Upon arriving at the
fourth paragraph, the Emperor desired me to pause, and ob-
served, that he was certainly most desirous that some under-
standing should be entered into with her Majesty's Govern-
ment, for providing against a contingency so probable as that
of the downfall of Turkey ; that he was, perhaps, even more
interested than England in preventing a Turkish catastrophe,
but that it was constantly pending ; that it might be brought
about at any moment, either by an external war, or by a feud
between the old Turkish party and that of the " new super-
cial French reforms," or again by a rising of the Christians,
already known to be very impatient of shaking off the Mus-
sulman yoke (joug). As regards the first cause the Emperor
said that he had a good right to advert to it, inasmuch as, if
he had not stopped the victorious progress of General Diebitch
in 1829, the Sultan's authority would have been at an end.
The Emperor likewise desired me to remember that he, and
he only, had hastened to the assistance of the Sultan, when
his dominions were threateined by the Pacha of Egypt. I
proceeded to read, and was again stopped at the sentance be-
ginning " In these circumstances it would hardly be consis-
tent with the friendly feelings," when the Emperor observed,
that her Majesty's Government did not appear to be aware
that his chief object was to obtain from her Majesty's Govern-
ment some declaration, or even opinion, of what ought not to
be permitted in the event of the sudden downfall of Turkey.
I said—Perhaps your Majesty would be good enough to ex-
plain your own ideas upon this negative policy. This his
Majesty for some time declined doing ; he ended, however,
by saying—Well, there are several things I will never tolerate;
I will begin by ourselves ; I will not tolerate the permanent
occupation of Constantinople by the Russians ; having said
this, I will say that it never shall be held by the English, or
Freach, or any other great nation. Again, I never will per-
mit an attempt at the reconstruction of a Byzantine Empire,
or such an extension of Greece as would render her a power-
ful state ; still less will I permit the breaking up of Turkey
into little republics, asylums for the Kossuths and Mazzinis,
and other revolutionists of Europe : rather than submit to any
of these arragements I would go to war, and as long as I have
a mau and a musket left would carry it on. These, the Empe-
ror said, are at once some ideas ; now give me some in return.
I remarked upon the assurance which would be found re-
specting the English resolution of never attempting to possess
Constantinople, and upon the disinclination of her Majesty's
Government to enter into eventual arrangements; but upon
being still pressed by his Imperial Majesty, I said : Well, sir,
the idea may not suit your Majesty, may not suit her Majesty's
Government ; but what is good between man and man is often
a good system between one state and another. How would
it be if in the event of any catastrophe occurring in Turkey,
Russia and England were to declare that no power should be
allowed to take possession of its provinces—that the property
should remain, as it were, under seals until amicable arrange-
ments could be made as to its adjudication ? I will not say,
the Emperor observed, that such a course would be impossible,
but, at least, it would be very difficult ; there are ne elements
of provincial or communal Government in Turkey ; you would
have Turks attacking Christians, Christians falling upon Turks,
Christians of different sects quarrelling with each other ; in
short, chaos and anarchy. Sir, I then observed, if your
Majesty will allow me to speak plainly, I would say that the
great difference between us is this : that you continue to dwell
upon the fall of Turkey, ant the arrangements requisite be-
fore and after fall ; and that we, on the contrary, look to
Turkey remaining where she is, and to the precautions which
are necessary for preventing her condition from becoming
worse. Ah ! replied the Emperor, that is what the Chancel-
lor is perpetually telling me, but the catastrophe will occur
some day, and will take us all unawares. His Imperial Ma-
jesty spoke of France. God forbid, he said, that I should
accuse any ono wrongfully, but there are circumstances both
at Constantinople and Montenegro which are extremely sus-
picious ; it looks very much as if the French Government
were endeavouring to embroil us all in the East, hoping in this
way the better to arrive at their own objects, one of which,
no doubt, is the possession of Tunis. The Emperor proceeded
to say, that for his own part he cared very little what line the
French might think proper to take in Eastern affairs, and
that little more than a month ago he had apprised the Sultan
that if his assistance were required for resisting the menaces
of the French, it was entirely at the service of the Sultan
In a word, the Emperor went on to observe—As I before
told you, all I want is a good understanding with Eng-
land, and this is not as to what shall, but as to what
shall not be done ; this point arrived at, the English
Government and I, I and the English Government, hav-
ing entire confidence in one another's views, I care
nothing about the rest. I remarked that I felt confident that
her Majesty's Government could be as little disposed as his
Imperial Majesty to tolerate the presence of the French at
Constantinople ; and being desirous, if possible, of ascertain-
ing whether there was any understanding between the Cabi-
nets of St. Petersburg and Vienna, I added—But your Majesty
has forgotten Austria ; now all these Eastern questions affect
her very nearly; she of course would expect to be consulted.
Oh ! replied the Emperor, greatly to my surprise, but you
must understand that when I speak of Russia I speak of Aus-
tria as well; what suits the one suits the other ; our interests
as regards Turkey are perfectly identical. I should have been
glad to have made another inquiry or two upon this subject,
but I did not venture to do so. I ought to have stated that,
in a preceding part of the conversation, his Majesty, although
without any appearance of anger, expressed some surprise at
au expression in your lordship's despatch, " the long cherished
ambition of his (the Emperor's) own nation." Ho would ask
what that phrase meant ? It happened that I was prepared for
the surprise expressed, and ready to answer any reflection
which it might call forth. Sir, I said, Lord J. Russell is not
speaking of your ambition, ho speaks of that entertained by
your people. The Emperor could not at first admit that the
phrase was applicable to the Russian nation any more than to
himself ; when I said your Majesty will permit me to remark
that Lord J. Russell only repeats what was said 30 years ago
by your brother of glorious memory. In writing confiden-
tially to Lord Castlereagh in the year 1822, the Emperor Alex-
ander spoke of being the only Russian who resisted the views
of his subjects upon Tnrkey, and of the loss of popularity
which he had sustained by this antagonism. This quotation,
which, by accident, I could make almost in the words of the
letter, seemed to change the current cf the Emperor's ideas.
You are quite right, he said; I remember the events to which
my late brother alluded. Now it is perfectly true that the
Empress Catherine indulged in all sorts of visions of ambition
but it is not less so that these ideas are not at all shared by
her descendants. You see how I am behaving towards the
Sultan. This gentleman (ce monsieur) breaks his written
word to me, and acts in a manner extremely displeas-
ing to me, and I have contented myself with despatching
an ambassador to Constantinople to demand reparation; cer-
tainly, I could send an army there if I chose—there is nothing
to stop them ; but I have contented myself with such a show
of force as will prove that I have no intention of being trifled
with. And, sir, I said, you were quite right in refraining
from violence, and I hope upon future occasions you will act
with the same moderation ; for your Majesty must be sensible
that any fresh concessions which you have obtained by the
Latins are not referable to towards you, but to the
excessive apprehensions of the French entertained by the un-
fortunate Turks ; besides, sir, I observed, the danger, I will
venture to say, of the present moment is not Turkey, but that
revolutionary spirit which broke out four years ago, and
which, in many countries, still burns uudergrouud ; there is
the danger, and no doubt that a war in Turkey would be the
signal for fresh explosions in Italy, Hungary, and elsewhere.
We see what is passing at Milan. His Imperial Majesty
spoke of Montenegro, observing that be approved of the atti-
tude takeu by the Austrian Cabinet, and that in these days it
could not be permitted that the Turks should ill-treat and
even murder a Christian population. I ventured to remark
that upon this point the wrongs were at least divided between
the Turks and the Montenegrins, and that I had full reason
for believing that the provocation came from the latter. The
Emperor, with more impartiality than I had expected, ad-
mitted that there had been wrongs on both sides; that cer-
tainly the mountaineers were rather addicted to brigandage ;
and that the taking of Djablak had caused him great indigna-
tion. At the same time, his Majesty said, it is impossible not
feel great interest in a population warmly attached to their
religion, who have so long kept their ground against the
Turks ; and the Emperor continued, it may be fair to tell you
that if any attempts at exterminating those people should be,
made by Omar Pasha, and should a general rising of the
Christians take place in • consequence, the Sultan will in all
probability lose his throne; in this case he falls to rise no
more. I wish to support his authority, but if he loses it, it is
gone for ever. The Turkish empire is a thing to be tolerated,
not to be reconstructed ; in such a cause I protest to you I
will not allow a pistol to be fired. The Emperor went on to say
that, in the event of the dissolution of the Ottomen empire,
he thought it might be loss difficult to arrive at a satisfactory
territorial arrangement than was commonly believed. The
Principalities are, be said, in fact, an independent state under
my protection : this might so continue. Servia might receive
the same form of Government. So, again, with Bulgaria.
There seems to be no reason why this province should not
form an independent state. As to Egypt, I quite understand
the importance to England of that territory. I can then only
say that if, in the event of a distribution of the Ottoman suc-
cession upon the fall of the empire, you should take posses-
sion of Egypt, I shall have no objections to offer. I would
say the same thing of Candia ; •that island might suit you, and I
I do not know why it should not become an English posses-
sion. As I did not wish that the Emperor should imagine
that an English public servant was caught by this sort of over-
ture, I simply answered that I had always understood that
the English views upon Egypt did not go beyond the point of
securing a safe and ready communication between British
India and the mother country. The conversation now draw-
ing towards an end, the Emperor expressed his warm attach-
ment to the Queen, our gracious Sovereign, and his respect
for her Majesty's present advisers. The declarations con-
tained iu your lordship's despatch had been, he said, very sa-
tisfactory ; he could only desire that they should be a little
amplified. The terms in which your lordship had spoken of

his conduct were, the Emperor said very flattering to him
In dismissing me, his Imperial Majesty said, " Well, induceyour Government to write again upon these subjects—to webe
more fully, and to do so without hesitation ; I have confidence
in. the English Government." "Ce n'est point un engage-
ment, tine convention, que je leur demande ; c'est tin lihre
exchange d'idees, et au besoin tine parole de gentleman ; entre
n.ous cela suffit."* I might venture to suggest that some ex-
pressions might be used in the despatch to be addressed to
me, which might have the effect of putting an end to the fur-
ther consideration, or, at all events, discussion, of points
which it is highly desirable should not be regarded as offering
subject for debate. I may only add, apologetically, that I
may possibly have failed in reporting some parts of his Ma-
jesty's conversation, and that I am conscious of having for-
gotten the precise terms employed by him with respect to the
commercial policy to be observed at Constantinople when no
longer held by the Turks. The purport of the observation
was, that England and Russia had a common interest iu pro-
viding for the readiest access to the Black Sea and the Medi-
terranean. A copy of your lordship's despatch was left in
the Emperor's hands.

SECRET MEMORIAL—IMPORTANT RUSSIAN
CABINET PAPER.
No. 7.

Si: G. H. SEYMOUR to the Earl of CLARENDON.—(Received
March 19.)—(Secrat and Confidential.)

(Extract.) St. Petersburg, March 9, 1853.
When I waited upon Count Nesselrode on the 7th instant
his excellency said that, in pursance of orders which he had
received from the Emperor he had to place in my hands a
very confidential memorandum, which his Imperial Majesty
had. caused to be drawn up, and which was intended as an
an sever to, or a comment upon, the communication which I
ma de to his Imperial Majesty on the 21st ult. I have the
ho nour of inclosin; to your lordship a copy of what, under
the circumstances which have attended its drawing up and
delivery, cannot fail as being considered as one of the most
ren tarkable papers which have been issued, I do not say from
the Russian " Chancellorie," but from the Emperor's secret
Cal )inet. Three points appear to me to be fully established by
the Imperial memorandum :- the existence of some distinct
murerstanding between the two Imperial Courts upon the
subjj.ect of Turkey, and the engagement taken by the Empe-
ror Nicholas neither to pousess nor to establish himself at Con-
star stinople, or to enter into arrangements respecting the
measures to be taken in the event of the fall of the Ottoman
Em pire without previous concert with her Majesty's Govern-
meut. The wording of this engagement, coupled with the
con versation which I had the honour of holding with the Em-
per or, leaves upon my mind the impression that, whilst
wining to undertake not to make himself the permanent
master of Constantinople, his Majesty is intentionally inex-
plicit as to its temporary occupation. Assuming, as a certain
and now acknowledged fact, the existence of an understanding
or compact between the two Emperors as to Turkish affaiire,
it becomes of the deepest importance to know the extent of
the engagements entered into between them. As to the
manner in which it has been concluded, I conjecture that
little doubt is be entertained. Its basis was, no doubt, laid
at some of the meetings between the Sovereigns which took
plc ce in the autumn ; and the scheme has probably been
worked out since under the management of Baron Meyendorff,
the Russian Envoy at the Austrian Court, who has been
passing the winter at St. Petersburg, and is still here.
(Translation.) Feb. 21, 1853.
The Emperor has, with the liveliest interest and real satis-
faction, made himself acquainted with the secret and confi-
dential despatch which Sir Hamilton Seymour communicated
to him. He duly appreciates the frankness which has dictated
it. He has found therein a fresh proof of the friudly senti-
nu nets which her Majesty the Queen entertains for him. In
co nversing familiarly with the British envoy on the causes
which, from one day to another, may bring on the fall of the
Ottoman empire, it had by no means entered into the Empe-
ror's thoughts to propose for this contingency a plan by which
Russia and England should dispose beforehand of the pro-
vinces ruled by the Sultan—a system altogether arranged
still less a formal agreement to be concluded between the two
Cabinets. It was purely and simply the Emperor's notion
that each party should confidentially state to the other, less
what it wishes than what it does not wish; what would be
comb nary to English interests, what would be contrary to Rus-
sia tet interests; in order that, the case occurring, they might
av Did acting in opposition to each other. There is in this
neither plans of partition, nor convention to be binding on
th a other courts. It is merely an interchange of opinions,
and the Emperor sees no necessity of talking about it before
the time. It is precisely for that reason that he took especial
care not to make it the object of an official communication
fro m one Cabinet to another. By confining himself to speaking
of it himself, in the shape of familiar conversation, to the
Queen's representative, he selected the most friendly and con-
fid enlist form of opening himself with frankness to her Bri-
tain nic Majesty, being desirous that the result, whatsoever it
might be, co these communications should remain, as it ought
to bee. a secret betweeeu the two sovereigns. Consequently, the
object ions which Lord J. Russell raises to any concealment as re-
gards :the other powers, iu the event of a formal agreement being
enterec 1 into, of which there is at present no question, fall to the
ground,. and consequently, also, the inconveniences disappeary
which he: poiuts out as calculated to contribute to hasten the oc-
currence of the veryevent which Russia and England are desirous
of averting, if the existence of such an agreement should be-
,come prematurely Known to Europe and to the subjects of the
Sulta.u. As regards the object of this wholly confidential in-
terchange of opinions, the possible downfall of the Ottoman
Empire, doubtless that is but an uncertain and remote con-
tingency. Unquestionably the period of it cannot be fixed,
-end no real crisis has arisen to render the realisation of it im-
minent, But after all it may happen ; happen even unex-
pectedly. Without mentioning the ever-increasing causes of
seeesitetien which are presented by the moral, financial, and
administrative condition of the Porte, it may proceed gradu-
ally from one, at least, of the two questions mentioned by the
English Ministry in its secret despatch. In truth, it perceives
in those questions only mere disputes, which would not differ
in their bearing from difficulties which form the ordinary busi-
ness of diplomacy. But that kind of dispute may, neverthe-
less, bring on war, and with war the consequences which the
Emperor apprehends from it ; if, for instance, in the affair of
the holy places, the amour propre and•the menaces of France,
continuing to press upon the Porte, should compel it to refuse
us all satisfaction, and if, on the other hand, the religious
sentiments of the orthodox Greeks, offended by the conces-
sions made to the Latins, should raise the immense majority
of his subjects against the. Sultan. As regards the affair ,of
Montenegro, that, according to the late accounts, may happily
be looked upon as settled. But at the time that the Emperor
had his interview with Sir Hamilton Seymour:it might be
apprehended that the question would take a most serious turn.
Neither ourselves nor Austria could haveallowed the protracted
devastation or forced submission of Montenegro, a country
which, up to the present time, has continued actually indepen-
dent of the Porte, a country over which our protection has been
extended formore than a century. Tip horrors which are com-
mitted there, those which by Ottoman fanaticism, have a short
time since been extended over Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Herzegovine
gave the other Christian provinces of the Porte only too much
reason to anticipate that the same fate awaited them. They
were calculated to provoke the general rising of the Christians
who live under the sceptre of the Turkish empire, and to
hasten its ruin. It is not then, by any means, an idle and
imaginary question, a contingency too remote, to which the
anxiety of the Emperor has called the attention of the Queen
his ally. In the face of the uncertainty and decay of the
existing state of things in Turkey the English Cabinet ex-
presses the desire that the greatest forbearance should be
shown towards the Porte.. The Emperor is conscious of never
having acted otherwise. The English Cabinet itself admits it.
It addresses to the Emperor, with reference to the numerous
proofs of moderation which he has given up to the present
time, praises which his Majesty will not accept, because in
that he has only listened to his own overbearing conviction.
But, in order that the Emperor may continue to concur in
that system of forbearance, to abstain from any demonstra-
tions—from any peremptory language—it would be necessary
Powers
at this system should be equally observed by all the
at once. France has adopted another. By menace she ob-
tained, in opposition to the letter of the treaties, the admis-
sion of a ship of the line into the Dardanelles. At the cannon's
mouth she twice presented her claims and her demands for
indemnity at Tripoli, and afterwards at Constantinople.
Again, in the contest respecting the Holy Places, by menace
she affected the abrogation of the firman and that of the
solemn promises which the Sultan had given the Emperor.
With regard to all these acts of violence England observed a
complete silence. She neither offered support to the Porte
nor addressed remonstrances to the French Government. The
consequence is very evident. The Porte necessarily concluded
from this that from France alone it has everything to hope, as
well as everything to fear, and that it can evade with impu-
nity the demands of Austria and of Russia. It is thus
that Austria and Russian, in order to obtain justice,
have seen themselves compelled • in. their turn, against
their will, to act by intimidation, since they have to do
with a Government • which only yields to a peremptory atti-
tude ; and it is thus that by its own fault, or rather by that
of those who have weakened it in the first instance, the Porte
is urged on in a course which enfeebles its still more. Let
England then employ herself in making it listen to reason.
Instead of uniting herself with Franco against the just del
mends of Russia, let her avod supporting, eleven appearing
to support, the resistance of the Ottoman Government. Let
her be the first to invite the latter, as she herself considers it
essential, to_treat its Christian subjects with more equity and
humanity. That will. be the surest means of relieving the
Emperor from the obligation of availing himself in Turkey of
thoserights of traditional protection to which he never has
recourse but against his will, and of postponing indefinitely
the crisis which the Emperor and her Majesty the Queen arc
equally anxious to avert. In short, the Emperor cannot but
congratulate himself at having given occasion for this in-
timate interchange of confidential communications between
her Majesty and himself. He has found therein valuable
assurances, of which he takes note with a lively satisfac-
tion. The two sovereigns have frankly explained to each
other what in the extreme case of which they have
been treating their respective interests cannot endure. Eng-
land understands that Russia cannot suffer the establish-
ment at Constantinople of a Christian power sufficiently strong
to control and disquiet her. She declares that for herself she
renounces any intention or desire to possess Constantinople.
The Emperor equally disclaims any wish or design of estab-
lishing himself there. England promises that she will enter
into no arrangement for determining the measures to be
taken in the event of tho fall of the Turkish empire with-
out a previous understanding with the Emperor. The
Emperor, on his side, willingly contracts the same engage-
ment. As he is aware that in such a ease he can equally
reckon upon Austria, who is bound by her promises to
concert with hint, he regards with less apprehension the
catastrophe which he still desires to prevent and
avert as much as it shall depend on him to do so. No
less precious to him are the proofs of friendship and personal
confidence on the part of her Majesty the Queen, which Sir
Hamilton Seymour has been directed on this occasion to im-
part to him. He sees in them the surest guarantee against
the contingency which his foresight had deemed it right to
p nt out to that of the English Government.

No. S.
SIR G. H. SEYMOUR TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON.
(Received March 19.)
(Secret and confidentiaL)
St. Petersburg, March 9, 1853.
My Lord,—As it appears very evident that the secret me-
morial which, by a despatch of this day, I have the honour
of bringing to your Lordship's knowledge, has been drawn up
under a complete misapprehension (real or assumed) of the
part taken by her Majesty's Government in the late Turkish
affairs, I have thought it my duty to address to Count Nesse'.

* " Tt is not an engagement, a convention, which I ask of them : it
is a free interchange of ideas, and, in case of need, the word of a gen-
tlernall ; thAt is enough between L 15."

1 am most anxious to observe that this paper must have
been drawn up under the impression,of English_policy at Con-
stantinople having been very different from what in reality it
has been.
(1.-L. •
: I can affirm, conscientiously and"dist,inetly..4hat -the object
,proposed to themselves, as well by the lhte as by her Majesty's
present Government, has been to act as a ;common friend in
the contests between the allied Governments ; and that, far
from having inclined, as has been stated, to 'France in the
course of the late critical transactions, it, has been the desire
of the Queen's advisers (to the full extent permitted to a Go-
vernment compelled to observe a neutral-attitude) that ample
satisfaction should be given to the demands which. his Inope-
riial Government were justified in making.
This assertion I should_ have no difficulty in substantiating
by written evidence; .aud I will add that, in any just demand
which England may have to make upon a foreign Cabinet, I
only desire that the conduct of a friendly Power towards us
may be that which quietly and un3stentatiously the English
Government has pursued in the complicated question of the
Holy Places with regard to the claims of Russia.
I request your Excellency's good offices for causing this, tho
real state of the case, to be rightly understood ; at all events,
for preventing. a contrary belief from .being adopted until it
shall be clearly ascertained whether or not my statement is
correct,—l have, &c.,

1
. . G.H. SMYMOUR.
lit 9' ' '
SIR G. Jr. SEYMOUR T4.inur - , ..ARL OF--k„, zAItEN'DoN.
fßeceiyed March 19.)
.
(Secret 'and cenfidentiaL)
My Lord,— St. I etersburg, March 10, 1853.
I have just had a very amicable and satisfactory
cpuVersation with the Chancellor, who, under the impression
of my letter of the Bth inst. having originated in a misconcep-
tion with regard to the Emperor's memorandum, had desired
to see me.
We read over the meinoraudom together, and Count Nes-
selrode observed that all that was desired here was, that,
while appealing to the Emperor's magnanimity and feelings of
justice, her Majesty's Government should employ some effort
towards opening the eyes of the French Ministers as to the
false coarse into which they have bee, led by M. de Lavalette.
To this I replied that such had been the conduct pursued
by her Majesty's Government, not on one occasion, but on
various occasions ; and that, as a speCitnen of the language
held by your lordship's predecessor to the French Govern.
ment, I would beg to read to him an extract from one of
Lo-d John RusSell's despatches.
I read acconlingly the five or six lines of Lord John Rus-
sell's despatch to Lord Cowley of January 28, beginning
" But her Majesty's Government cannot avoid perceiving,''
and concluding with " the relations of friendly Powers,"
which passage I had copied out and taken with ine.
Count Neswlrode expressed his warm satisfaction at finding
that her Majesty's Government had given such excellent. ad-
! vice to the French Government; and only regretted that he
had not long ago been put in possession of evidence so con-
clusive 'as to the part taken upon the question of the Holy
Places by her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for
Foreign Aff.iirs.
In conclusion, the Chancellor requested that I would con-
sider the passage in the Imperial memorandum commencing
with the words, " Quo l'Augleterre s'emploie done," as ex-
pressing a hope, and not as implying a reproach—as refer-
able to the course which it was desired should be taken by
her Majesty's Government, and not as alluding to that which
had been pursued.—l have, &c,, G. H. Sxrmona.

VIEWS OF THE CABINET.
No. 10.
THE EARL OF CLARENDoN TO SIR G. FL SEYMOUR.
(Sedet and Confidential.)
Foreign-office, March 23, 1853.
Sir,—Your dispatches of the 21st and 22d ultimo have been
laid before the , Queen, and I am commanded to express her
Majesty's entire approval of the discretion and judgment dis-
played by you in the conversations which you had the honour
to hold with the Emperor. I need not assure you that the
oPihions of his Imperial Majesty have received from her Ma-
jesty's Government the anxious and deliberate consideration
that their importance demands ; and although her Majesty's
Government feel compelled to adhere to- the principles and
the policy laid down in Lord John Russell's despatch of the
9th of February, yet they gladly comply witli'the Emperor's
wish that the subject should be further and frankly discussed.
The generous confidence exhibited by the Emperor entitles
his Imperial Majesty to the most cordial declaration of
opinion on the part of her Majesty's Government, who
are fully aware that, in the event of any understanding
with reference to future contingencies being expedient, or
indeed possible, the word of his • Imperial Majesty would
be preferable to any convention that could be framed.
Her Majesty's Government persevere in the belief that
Turkey still possesses the elements of existence, and
they consider that recent events have proved the correct-
ness of the opinion expressed in the despatch of my prede-
cessor, that there was no sufficient cause for intimating to the
Sultau that he cannot keep peace at home, or preserve friendly
relations with his neighbours. Her Majesty's Government
have accordingly learnt with sincere satisfaction that the Em.
peror considers himself even more interested than England in preventing a Turkish catastrophe; because they are convinced
that upon the policy pursued by his Imperial Majesty towards
Turkey will mainly depend the hastening or the indefinite
postponement of an event which every Power in Europe is
concerned in averting. Her Majesty's Government are con-
vinced that nothing is more calculated to precipitate that
event than the constant prediction of its' being near at hand;
that nothing can be more fatal to the vitality of Turkey than
the assumption of its rapid and ineritablealecay ; and that if
the opinion of the Emperor, that the days of the Turkish em-
pire were numbered, became notorious, its downfall must oc-
cur even sooner than his Imperial Majesty now appears to ex-
Peet. But on tho supposition that, from unavoidable causes,
the catastrophe did take place, her Majesty's 'Government en-
tirely share the opinion of the Emperor, that the occupation
of Constantinople by either of the Great Powers would be in-
compatible with the present balance of power and the mainte-
nance of peace in Europe, and must at once be regarded as
impossible ; that there arc no elements- or the reconstruction
Of a Byzantine empire ; that the systematic misgoveriunent of
Preece offers no encouragement to eitend iteterritorial domi-
nion ; and that as there are no materials for provisional or
communal government, anarchy would be the result of leaving
'the provinces of Turkey tothemselves, or permitting them to
form separate republics. The Emperor has announced that,
sooner than permit a settlement of the question by any one of
these methods, he will be.prepared for war at every-hazard;
and however much' her Majesty's Government may be disposed
to agree in the soundness of the views taken by his Imperial
•Majesty, yet they consider that the simple prederrnination of
what shall not be toltrated, does little towards solving the real
difficulties, or settling in what manlier, it would be practi-
cable, or even desirable, to deal with the heterogeneous mate-
rials of which the Turkish Empire is composed. England
desires no territorial aggrandisement, and could be no party
to a previous arrangement from which she was to derive any
such benefit. England could be no party to any understand.
ing, however general, that was to be kept, secret from other
powers ; but her Majesty's Government believe that no arrange
"meats could control events, and that no understanding could
be kept secret. They would, in the opinion of her Majesty's
Government, be the signal for preparation for intrigues of
every description, and for revolts among the Christian sub•
jects of the Porte. Each power and each party would endea.-
your to secure its future interests, and the dissolution of the
Turkish Empire would be preceded by a state of anarchy
which must aggravate every difilculty, if it did not render a
peaceful solution of the question impossible. The only mode
by which such a solution equld be attempted would be that
of an EurOpean Congress, lint that only affords au additional
reason for desiring that the present order of things in Turkey
ithould be maintained, as her Majesty's Government cannot
without alarm reflect on the jealousies that would then be
evoked, the impossibility of reconciling the different ambitious
and the divergent interests that would be called into play,
and the certainty that the treaties of 1815 must then be open
to revision, when France might be prepared to risk the chances
Of an European war to get rid of the obligations which -she
considers injurious to her national honour, and whiehshaving
been imposed by victorious enemies, are a constant source
of irritation to her. The main object of her Majesty's
Government, that to which their efforts have been and
always will be directed, is the preservation of peace ; and
they desire to uphold the Turkish empire, from their conviction
that no great question can be agitated in the East- without
becoming a source of discord in the -West,, and that every
great question in the West will assume it revolutionary cha-
racter, and embrace a revision of; the entire social system,- for
which the continental governments are certainly in no state
of preparation. The Emperor is fully cognisant of the mate-
rials that are in constant fermentation beneath the surface of
society, and their readiness to burst forth even ill times of
peace ; and his Imperial Mejesty will probably, therefore, not
dissent from the opinion that the first counsel-8114 n'Y be the
signal for a state of things more disastrous even than those
caamiticethat war inevitably brings iu its train. But such
a war would be the result of the dissolution and dismember-
.
meat of the Turkish sin ire ; and , hence the anxiety of her
Majesty's Governmentto avert the catastrophe. • Nor can
they admit that the signs of Turkish .docaY, are now either
more evident or more rapid than of late years : • there is' still
- great energy and great wealth in Turkey : a disposition to
improve' the system et government! .i. not "'milting; corrup-
tion, .. though upfortunately great, is still not of a character,
nor asaarted to an extent, that threatens • the existence of the
' staai-i'<iiie treatment of Christians is not harsh, and tho tole-
ration ,
exhibited'by thePorto towards' this Portion of its sub-
jects, might serve as an example"to mom& moments who
look with contempt upon Turkey as a barbarous power. Her
Majesty'e OoVernment believe that Turkey . only requires for-
bearance on the part-of its Allies, and aaleternaination not to
press their claims in a Manuel' humiliating! to the dignity and
independence of the 2SailtMs
.—ththat friendly ' support, -in
short, that, with
f: '3B
theN. . itAiVitlU4S; ' the weak are
entitled ' to expect from
_t strong order ~not -only
to prolong its cral aences;. _.but to remove _ all , &anis ,of 01ai.,,
'' ' as dissolution. It is • this k•• of
respecting , ln' , weir
benevolence and' sound European policy that her MaJestY's
Governinent are desirous hf co.operebin.,_
g..
with the Emperor;
they feel entire. doufidence in the rectitude of his Im-
perial Maicao ;ntenticna, and as they have the satis-
laetion,of thinking that the interests of Russia and England
in the ••gast are completely identical, they entertain an earnest
hope 'that a
strengthen thesimilar poky
s
there will prevail, and tend to
alliance between the two ,countries, which it
is alike the object of her Majeati r M
and her. Govern-
`merit tepromote. You will give a copy of this despatch 'to
having the honour to
the Chancellor or to the Ensp rin the event of your again
rooeiTed )37 aw imperial Majesty.
I am, ere.: • 4e, '
' ' (sigvid) CLARENDON.
'rr7:' er,, • •
No. 1,1.
Stg G. H. SEYMOUR TO TUE EARL OF CLARENDON.
(Received March 26.) .. .
(Secret and eonfidential.)
St. Petersburg, March 12, 1853.
he placed in my
My Lord _r Chaneebawls a eollo py r sent for me this morning, viten
of the memorandum which was
brought to your lordship's knowledge by my despatch of the
9th inst.
Upon this copy the Emperor had written in pencil that he
was sorry to find that Sir Hamilton Seymour had considered a
conduct of her Ma-
jesty's Government; that uo reproach
passage in the paper as reflecting upon the
had been intended, and
that the Chancellor would do well to see me and to state that
if it should be My wish, the paper might be taken back and
altered. .

—Alt; a few moments' reflection it, occurred to me that the
which I bad received were sufficient, 80 that a,
le
be obtained of the Emperor's amicable intentions,
explanations.
cor
could
and that the paper, if taken back,‘ might be altered. in more
than one of its passages ; I therefore stated that, instead, of
changing the memorandum, I would suggest that his Excel_
leucye should write me a few lines explanatory of the purport
of the passage which I had considered objectionable.
To this the Chancellor at once acceded, and it only remained
for me to request that his Excelloney would be kind enough

'to express to the Emperor how sensibly I felt his gracious so-
licitude to efface a disagreeable impression.—•l ha sre,
G. H. SEYMOUR.

No. 12.
SIR G. H. SBYHOUR TO THE EARL OF CLA EENDON.
(Received April 4.)
(Secret and confidential.)
St. Petersburg, March 16, 1853.
My Lord,—With reference to the despatch mark .ed " Secret
and confidential," which I had the honour of ad stressing to
your lordship on the 12th instant, I beg to transt nit in origi-
nal the letter which Count Nesselrode undertook to write to
me expressive of the Emperor's willingness to change the
passage in his memorandum which I had consider red open to
some misinterpretation.—l have, dm ,
(4. H. SinniOrrit.

Enclosure in No. 12.
COUNT NESSELRODE TO SIR G. H. SEY SWIM.
3 (15) M irs, 1853,

A l'explication quo j'ai eu l'honneur de vous off rir verbale-
ment, mon cher Sir Hamilton, je me fais un plais .ir d'ajouter,
qu'ayant porte vos doutes la connaissance de l'Empereur,
Sa Majeste m'a antoriss a modifier le passage qv d les a fait
nitre dans votre esprit, si toutefois vous le jugie: necessaire.
L'Empereur desire avant tout ecarter d'une co; nmunication
touts personnelle et amicale avec le Gouvernemel it de Sa Ma-
j este la Reine ce qui pourrait donner lieu a une interpreta-
tion memo erronee, qui serait contraire aux int ir ntions qui
I'ont dictee, comma a but qua Sa Majesto se prop( )E;e.
Veuillez, &c., Ns a IBLRODE.

(Translation.)
March 2 (15), 1853,

have the pleasure, my dear Sir Hamilton, to add to the
explanation which I had the honour to offer to you verbally,
that having communicated your doubts to the Emperor. His
Majesty has authorised me to modify the passage which had
caused you to entertain them, at least if you should consider
it necessary. The Emperor is, above all things, desirous of
,
removing from a communication altogether personal and
Queen what
friendly with the Government of her Majesty the
might give occasion even to an erroneous interpretation,
which would be contrary to the intentions by which it was
dictated, as also to the object which his Majesty proposes to
himself.—Be pleased dcc., NXII3ELRODII.

No. 13.

THE ELRL OF CLARENDON TO SIR G. H. SNYMOUR.
(Secret and Confidential.)
Foreign Office, April 5, 1853.
Sir—Your despatches of the 9th, 10th, and 12th ult., have
been laid before the Queen. My despatch of the 23d ultimo
will have furnished you with answers upon all the principal
points alluded to in the memorandum which Count Nesselrode
placed in your hands ; but it is my duty to inform you that
that important and remarkakble document was received by
her Majesty's Government with feelings of sincere satisfaction,
as a renewed proof of the Emperor's confidence and friendly
feelings ; and her Majesty's Government desire to convey their
:acknowledgments to his Imperial Majesty for having thus
placed on record the opinions he expressed at the interview
with which you were honoured by his Imperial Majesty. Her
Majesty's Government do not consider that any useful pur-
pose would be served by prolonging a correspondence upon a
question with respect to which a complete understanding has
been established ; and I have only, therefore, further to state,
that her Majesty's Government observe with pleasure that, in
the opinion of the Emperor, the fall of the Turkish Empire is
looked upon as an uncertain and distant contingency, and that
no real crisis has occurred to render its realisation imminent.
Her Majesty's Government have never any wish to disguise
their policy, which they trust is honest and straightforward
towards all other countries ; but on such a question they
would particularly regret that any misapprehension existed
•on the mind of the Emperor, and they accordingly approve
the confidential note which you addressed to Count Nessel-
rode, for the purpose of rectifying some ideas which reflected
upon the course pursued by her Majesty's Government.
On the subject of the Charlemagne coming up to the Bos-
phorus a correspondence took place between the English and
French Governments, and, although the Porte gave its sanc-
tion unconditionally, the eventual solution of the question
was in conformity with the opinion of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, and it was settled that the Charlemagne should convey
3:1 de Lavalette to Constantinople, under which circum—
stances it was stated that the passage of the French ship of
war would not be further remonstrated against by her Ma-
jesty's Government, but that it must not he drawn into a
precedent.

As regards the Holy Places, you are aware of the instruc-
tions given to Colonel Rose for his guidaice at the Porte,
and of the despatch addressed to her Majesty's Ambassador
at Paris, which was communicated to the French Govern-
ment, and I have further to inform you that Viscount Strat-
ford do Radcliffe was instructed to bear in mind that her
Majesty's Government, without professing to give an opinion
upon the subject, were not insensible to the superior claims
of Russia, both as respected the treaty obligations of Turkey,
and the loss of moral influence that the Emperor would sus-
tain throughout his dominions, if, in the position occupied
by his Imperial Majesty, with reference to the Greek church,
he was to yield any privileges it had hitherto enjoyed to the
'Latin church, of which the Emperor of the French claimed
to be the protector.

With respect to the advice which the Emperor recom-
mends should be given to the Porte by her Majesty's Go-
vernment, you will inform the Chancellor that Viscount
Stratford de Redcliffe was directed to return to his post,
and a special character was given to his mission by an auto-
graph letter from her Majesty, under the impression that the
Porte would be better disposed to listen to moderate counsels
when offered by one of Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe's high
position and great knowledge and experience of Turkish affairs,
and he was particularly desired to advise the Porte to treat its
Christian subjects with the utmost leniency.
Upon this latter point her Majesty's Government are inclined
to believe that the Turkish Government are at length awak-
ened to a sense of their own true interests. At the beginning
of this year we know that orders were sent to Kiarail Pasha
to proceed instantly to Bosnia in order to redress Christian
grievances, and to empower the Christian communities to build
churches. About the same time, also, the Porte sent the
strongest instructions to Omer Pasha to act with unvaried
moderation and humanity towards his enemies (the Montene-
grins); and the English Vice-Consul at Scutari confirmed all
the previous statements that the inhabitants of Montenegro
committed an unprovoked attack on the troops and subjects
of the Porte ; while the accounts that have reached her
Majesty's Government respecting the atrocities said to have
been committed by the Turks in Bosnia, Herzegovine, and
Montenegro, are extracted from Austrian newspapers, and
must necessarily, therefore, be received with caution.
I have only in conclusion to add that, as her Majesty and
the Emperor have now mutually renewed the assurances of
their intention to uphold the independence and integrity of
the Turkish empire, it is the earnest desire of her Majesty's
Government that the representatives of the two powers may
henceforward co-operate together in carrying out this inten-
tion by giving similar advice in the same friendly spirit to
the Porte.

You are instructed to read this despatch to the Chancellor,
and to furnish him with a copy, should he desire it.—l am,
&c., CLARENDON.

IMPERIAL CAJOLERY.
No. 14.
SIR G. H. SEYMOUR TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON.
(Received May 2). (Secret and Confidential.)
(Extract). St. Petersburg, April 20, 1853.
The Emperor on rising from the table when I had the
honour of dining at the palace on the 18th inst., desired me
to follow him into the next room. His Majesty then said
that he had wished to state to me the real and sincere satis-
faction which he received from your lordship's despatch
marked secret and confidential, of the 23d ult. It had been,
his Majesty said, most agreeable to him to find that the over-
tures which he had addressed to her Majesty's Government
had been responded to in the same friendly spirit in which
they were made ; that, to use a former expression, there was
nothing in which he placed so much reliance as " la parole
d'un gentilhomme ;" that he felt that the relations of the
two courts stood upon a better basis now that a clear under-
standing had been obtained as to points which, if left in
doubt, might have been productive of misintilligence, and, as
his Majesty was pleased to add, he felt obliged to me for
having contributed towards bringing about this friendly
entente. And his Majesty said, I beg you to understand that
I have pledged myself to will be equally binding upon my
successor ; there now exist memorandums of my intentions,
and whatever I have promised, my sou, if the changes al-
luded to should occur in the time, will be as ready to per-
form as his father would have been. The Emperor proceeded
to state that he would very frankly offer an observation or
two —it might be a criticism—on your lordship's despatch.
The despatch spoke of the fall of the Turkish Empire as an
uncertain and distant event, he would remark that
the one term excluded the other ; uncertain it was
certainly, but for that reason not necessarily remote : he
desired it might be, but he was not sure shat it might so prove.
His Majesty desired further to observe that he could not doubt
that her Majesty's Government had taken too favourable a
view of the state of the Christian population in Turkey ; the
Sultan night have intended to better their condition, might
have given orders in that sense, but he was quite certain that
his commands had not been attended to. Upon my remark.
ing that her Majesty's Government were understood to receive
very accurate reports of what passes in Turkey, the Emperor
replied with considerable animation that he called this fact in
question, that he believed on the contrary that some of the
English Consular agents were incorrect in their reports ; he
would only refer to Bulgaria ; the greatest discontent pre-
vailed there, and his Majesty would affirm that were it not
for his continued efforts to repress the manifestations of feel-
ings of the sort, the Bulgarians would some time since have
been in insurrection. His Majesty continued to contrast the
threatening attitude which had been assumed by Count Lein-
ingen with the peaceable character of Prince Menschikoff's
mission, not, however, that he desired to blame the Emperor
Of Austria, a noble prince, whom ho loved sincerely, and all
of whose acts he approved; the difference existed in circum-
stances, and when Montenegro was threatened with utter de-
vaetation the Emperor of Austria was obliged to act with
energYl his Majesty would, he said, have acted in the same
manner.. I am desirous of remarking here, that part of the
Emperor's observations were, it was obvious, addressed to me
wh"all7, and were intended as a reply as well to an allusion
7to mch I had made as to religious intolerance in Tuscany, as
Comments to the Chancellor upon the conduct of the
measures Austrian Cabinet with regard
to the e confiscatory
•
in Lombardy. His Majesty, after observ-
ing that aco, d.
of the 29th 1114. r ing to the accounts just received (those
unno)
wards an
&dine. little or no progress has been made to-
hadtreent of difficulties at Constantinople, said
that as yet he
not moved a ship or a battalion ; that he
had not done „ f
Sultan and from econrom motives of consideration for the
that ha had no intenotiulonical motives ; but that he would repeat
to of being trifled with, and that if
the Turks did not yield
approach of dan reas°n)
way to an they would have to give
Emperor, that
it was only b I ventured to remark to the
nIY by the despatches just arrived that
he had received intelligence of the landing
e at Pero. of the
French Ambassador, who was understood
ts about to be „flaw,to be a party to the
arrangemen
; the indirect answer,
to me by his
however, returned MajestY and
which he used, lead
1 me to apprehend that
slid the expressions
this consideration
tention of which •
did not receive the at in fairness it appears to
me deserving.

CUNNING OF NICHOLAS
(Translation.) •
The Emperor has, with lively satisfaction, made himself
acquainted with Lord Clarendon 's despatch of the 2
March. His Majesty congratulates himself on perceiviDt!o_f
t
.
his views and those of the English Cabinet entirely
on the subject of the political combinations which it would
chiefly necessary to avoid in the extreme case of the cowl
gency occurring in the East, which Russia and England have
equally at heart to prevent, or, at all events, to delay as long:
as possible. Sharing generally the opinions expressed by Lord
Clarendon on the necessity of the prolonged maintenance of
the existing state of things in Turkey, the Emperor neverthe-
less cannot abstain from adverting to a special point which
leads him to suppose that the information received by the
British Government is not altogether in accordance with ours.
It refers to the humanity and the toleration to be shown by
Turkey in her manner of treating her Christian subjects.
Putting aside many other examples to the contrail of an old
date, it is, for all, notorious that recently the cruelties com-
mitted by the Turks in Bosnia forced hundreds of Christian
families to seek refuge in Austria. In other respects, without
Wishing on this occasion to outer upon a discussion 35 to the

symptoms of decay, more or less evident, presented by the
Ottoman Power, or the greater or less degree of vitality which
its international constitution may retain, the Emperor will
readily agree that the best means of upholding the du-
ration of the Turkish Government is not to harrass
it by overbearing demands, supported in a manner hu-
milating to its independence and its dignity. His Ma-
jesty is disposed, as he has ever been, to act upon this sys-
tem, with the clear understanding, however, that the same
rule of conduct shall be observed, without distinction, and
unanimously, by each of the great Powers, and that none of
them shall take advantage of the weakness of the Porte to
obtain from it concessions which might turn to the prejudice
of the others. This principle being laid down, the Emperor
declares that he is ready to labour, in concert with England,
at the common work of prolonging the existence of the Turk-
ish empire, setting aside all cause of alarm on the subject of
its dissolution. He readily accepts the evidence offered by
the British Cabinet of entire confidence in the uprightness of
his sentiments, and the hope that, on this basis, his alliance
with England cannot fail to become stronger.
St. Petersburg, April 3 (15), 1853.

No. 15.

SIR G. H. SEYMOUR TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON.
(Received May 2.)
(Secret and confidential.)

St. Petersburg;April 21, 1853.
My Lord,—l have had the honour of receiving your lord-
ship's despatch marked " Secret and confidential," of the sth
inst., which, in obedience to your lordship's,orders, I commu-
nicated. to Count Nesselrode on the 15th inst.
His Excellency, before the arrival of this messenger, had
desired to see me for the purpose of communicating to me a
paper which had been drawn up by the Emperor's desire, and
which was to be considered as an answer to your lordship's
despatch of the 23d ult.
This document, which I beg to transmit in original, was
accordingly placed in my hands by the Chancellor, who ob-
served that he had previously thought it would close the cor-
respondence, but that it was possible that the fresh despatch
which I had brought to his knowledge might, upon being laid
before the Emperor, call for some fresh observations on the
part of his Majesty.
The only passage in the enclosed paper to which Count
Nesselrode was desirous of drawing my attention was that in
which an observation is made respecting the treatment of the
Christian population as described by English or by Russian
agents.

I remarked, in reply, that the point was the less material,
her Majesty's Government being (as his Excellency had been
made aware) as desirous as the Imperial Cabinet could be
that no effort should be wanting on the part of the Porte to
remove any and every cause of complaint which could be
made in justice by the Sultan's Christian subjects.
Your Lordship will perhaps allow me to observe that, sup-
posing the present crisis in Turkish affairs to pass over, an in-
timation is made in the enclosed paper which, if taken up and
embodied in a joint resolution by all the great Powers, might
possibly be the means of long avertinc, a catastrophe which,
happen when it may, will probably have disastrous conse-
quences even to those to whom it may be considered the most
profitable.
Since the preceding part of this despatch was written, the
Chancellor has intimated to me that the Emperor, being of
opinion that the paper which I now enclose, followed up by
the conversation which I had the honour of holding with his
Majesty on the 18th, may be considered as replying to any
points touched upon in your lordship's despatch, does not
propose to offer any fresh observation upon the subjects which
have been under discussion. His Excellency does not conceal
from me his satisfaction at this resolution, these subjects be-
ing, as he remarked, of so delicate a nature that there are
always objections to their being brought under discussion.
I have, &c.,

G. H. SEYMOUR.

MEMORANDUM BY COUNT NESSELRODE, DELIVERED TO
HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT, AND FOUNDED ON COM-
MUNICATIONS FROM THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA SUBSE-
QUENTLY TO HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY'S VISIT TO ENG-
LAND IN JUNE, 1844.

(Translation.)
Russia and England are mutually penetrated with the con-
viction that it is for their common interest that the Ottoman
Porte should maintain itself in the state of independence and
of territorial possession which at present constitutes that em-
pire, as that political combination is the one which is most
compatible with the general interest of the maintenance of
peace. Being agreed on this principle, Russia and England
have an equal interest in uniting their efforts in order to keep
up the existence of the Ottoman empire, and to avert all the
dangers which can place in jeopardy its safety. With this ob-
ject the essential point is to suffer the Porte to live in repose,
without needlessly disturbing it by diplomatic bickerings, and
without interfering without absolute necessity in its internal
affairs.
In order to carry out skilfully this system of forbearance,
with a view to the well-understood interest of the Porte, two
things must not be lost sight of They are these :—ln the
.first place, the Porte has a constant tendency to extricate it-
self from the engagements imposed upon it by the treaties
which it has concluded with other Powers. It hopes to do so
with impunity, because it reckons on the mutual jealousy of
the Cabinets. It thinks that if it fails in its engagements to-
wards one of them, the rest will espouse its quarrel, and will
screen it from all responsibility. It is essential not to con-
firm the Porte in this delusion. Every time that it fails in its
obligations towards one of the Great Powers, it is the interest
of all the rest to make it sensible of its error, and seriously
to exhort it to act rightly towards the Cabinet which demands
just reparation. As soon as the Porte shall perceive that it is
not supported by the other Cabinets, it will give way, and the
differences which have arisen will be arranged in a conciliatory
manner, without any conflict resulting from them.
There is a second cause of complication which is inherent in
the situation of the Porte; it is the difficulty which exists in
reconciling the respect due to the Sovereign authority of the
Sultan, founded on the Mussulman law, with the forbearance
required by the interests of the Christian population of that
empire. This difficulty is real. In the present state of feeling
in Europe the Cabinets cannot see with indifference the
Christian populations in Turkey exposed to flagrant acts of op-
pression and religions intolerance. It is necessary constantly to
make the Ottoman Ministers sensible of this truth, and to
persuade them that they can only reckon on the friendship
and on the support of the Great Powers on the condition that
they treat the Christian subjects of the Porte with toleration
and with mildness. While insisting on this truth it will be
the duty of the foreign representatives, on the other hand, to
exert all their influence to maintain the Christian subjects of
the Porte in submission to the sovereign authority. It will
be the duty of the foreign representatives, guided by these
principles, to act among themselves in a perfect spirit of
agreement. If they address remonstrances to the Porte, those
remonstrances must bear a real character of unanimity, though
divested of one of exclusive dictation. By persevering in this
system with calmness and moderation, the representatives of
the great Cabinets of Europe will have the best chance of suc-
ceeding in the steps which they may take, without giving
occasion for complications which might affect the tranquility
of the Ottoman Empire. If all the Great Powers frankly
adopt this line of conduct, they will have a well-founded
expectation of preserving the existence of Turkey. However,
they must not conceal from themselves how many elements of
dissolution that empire contains within itself. Unforeseen
circumstances may hasten its fall, without its being in the
power of the friendly Cabinets to prevent it. As it is not
given to human foresight to settle beforehand a plan of action
for such or such unlooked-for case, it would be premature to
discuss eventualities which may never be realised.
In the uncertainty which hovers over the future, a single
fundamental idea seems to admit of a really practical applica-
tion ; it is that the danger which may result from a catastrophe
in Turkey will be much diminished, if, in the event of its
occurring, Russia and England have come to an understand-
ing as to the course to be taken by them in common. That
understanding will be the more beneficial, inasmuch as it will
have the full assent of Austria. Between her and Russia
there exists already an entire conformity of principles in re-
gard to the affairs of Turkey, in a common interest of con-
servatism and of peace. In order to render their union more
efficacious, there would remain nothing to be desired but that
England should be seen to associate herself thereto with the
same view. The reason which recommends the establish
ment of this agreement is very simple. On land Russia exer-
cises in regard to Turkey a preponderant action. On sea
England occupies the same position. Isolated, the action of
these two Powers might do much mischief. United, it can
produce a real benefit ; thence, the advantage of coming to a
previous understanding before having recourse to action.
This notion was, in principle, agreed upon during the Em-
peror's last residence in London. The result was the even-
tual engagement, that if anything unforeseen occurred in
Turkey, Russia and England should previously concert
together as to the course which they should pursue in
common.
The object for which Russia and England will have to come
to an understanding may be expressed in the following man-
ner :—l. To seek to maintain the existence of the Ottoman
Empire in its present state, so long as that political combina-
tion shall be possible. 2. If we fnrsee that it must crumble
to pieces, to enter into previous concert as to everything re-
lating to the establishment of a new order of things, intended
to replace that which now exists, and in conjunction with
each other to see that the change which may have occurred in
the internal situation of that empire shall not injuriously
affect either the security of their own states and the rights
which the treaties assure to them respectively, or
the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe. For
the purpose thus stated, the policy of Russia and of Austria,
as we have already said, is closely united by the principle of
perfect identity. If England, as the principal maritime
power, acts in concert with them, it is to be supposed that
France will feel herself obliged to act in conformity with the
course agreed upon between St. Petersburg, London, and
Vienna. Conflict between 'the Great Powers being thus ob-
viated, it is to be hoped that the peace of Europe will be
maintained even in the midst of such serious circumstances.
It is to secure this object of common interest, if the case
occurs, that, as the Emperor agreed with her Britannic Ma-
jesty's Ministers during his residence in England, the previous
understanding which Russia and England shall establish be-
tween themselves must be directed.

SUDDEN DEATH OF COLONEL GORDON.—A. very me.
lancholy event occurred on Thursday morning. Colonel
Gordon, brother of Sir James A. Gordon, K.C.8.,
vernor of Greenwich Hospital, who had for some time
been on a visit to his brother, left Greenwich on Wed-
nesday to proceed by the Birmingham Railway, and
was found dead in the railway carriage. The body was
brought back to Greenwich on Thursday night, and after
an inquest has been held the colonel will be laid in the
hospital mausoleum near the late gallant General Sir
Frederick Adam, whose death took place under circum-
stances so precisely similar.—United Service Gazelle.

DEATH or COLONEL JOLIFFE.—This gentleman, after
a lingering and painful illness, which baffled all
the efforts of the most distinguished practical pro-
fessors, expired on Wednesday last, at his splendid seat,
Ammerdown Park, in Somersetshire. Mr. Joliffe was
descended from a race of high antiquity. The family
name originally Joli, has been frequently corrupted by
Capricious additions or terminations, and about three
centuries since was usually written Jolyfe or Jollyf. In
discharging the demands of domestic obligations, he has
left few to surpass him ; and in his character of an ex
tensive landholder, he was so justly appreciated, that
his bee will be considered irreparable by a numerous
and intelligent tenantry. At particular periods since
the passing of the Reform Act he received applications
from influential parties in different constituencies to
avow himself a candidate in the Conservative interest,
but his retired and unassuming habits induced him to
decline the flattering invitations. His only appoint-
ments of a public nature were those of lieutenant-colo-
nel in the let Somerset Regiment, and of a magistrate
and deputy-lieutenant in the same county. His landed
estates were for the greater part entailed. These devolve
on his only surviving brother, but his personal pro-
perty which cannot have been inconsiderable, was at his
own disposal.

LONDON, MONDAY, MARCH 20, 1854.

England has reason—on a closer scrutiny and
on a calmer consideration of past occurrences,
England has reason to be satisfied with several of
the most distinguished among her present Ad-
ministrators. She has reason to be satisfied with
her Foreign Secretary. She has reason, to
some extent, at least, to be satisfied with the
Noble Lord the representative of her metropolis
and the Leader of the House of Commons. Ex-
tending the popular regard from the more respon-
sible Ministers of the CROWN to the more deli-
cately-situated agents of the national diplomacy,
the country has, moreover, reason to feel emi-
nently satisfied with the course pursued under cir-
cumstances of vital interest and of singu-
larly critical importance by her Britannic
MAJESTY'S Ambassador at the Court of
St. Petersburg. Sir HAMILTON SEYMOUR is proved
on reliable evidence, indeed we might say upon
evidence altogether incontrovertible, to have acted
with most commendable discretion, in a situation
of exceeding difficulty. The Earl of CLARENDON
is shown to have justified in several instances at
the Foreign-office the confidence reposed in his
capacity and in his patriotism by all those who
had dispassionately estimated the merits of his
Irish administration. Above all, and beyond all,
the documentary evidence which has at length
satisfactorily revealed these truths in regard to
the Ambassador and the Secretary of State has
demonstrated, clearly and conclusively demon-
strated, in reference to the Noble Lord the
Leader of the House of Commons—an amount
of decision, of sagacity, and of diplomatic tact,
such as are in every way worthy of his high and
historic reputation.

Let the truth be spoken. Fiat justitia, as the
adage tells us, no matter what the consequences.
Hitherto the public have been kept very much in
the dark as to the course pursued in the corres-
pondence (relating to Turkey) between the English
and the Russian Governments. The secrecy main-
tained by Ministers in this respect, although strictly
in accordance with the customary diplomatic eti-
quette, we cannot but still regard as—to say the
least of it—injudicious. Injudicious —nationally :
because tending necessarily to lead into error the
judgments of the population. Injudicious—per-
sonally : because in this very way militating
against their own Ministerial character. If ever
we had questioned the wisdom of our rulers in thus
casting a veil of mystery over their proceedings,
the inoident which has now commanded the atten-
tion of Europe would have been sufficient in itself
to satisfy our mind of the extraordinary folly of
allowing acts that might creditably meet the light
of day at the instant of their performance to be
altogether overlooked ; or, worse than that, to be
only vaguely guessed at ; or, worst of all, to be
mistaken and misinterpreted, employed as
a weapon of assault, instead of as a means of
defense, as the source of sarcastic depreciation,
instead of as the materials of a triumphant and
decisive vindication.

It has been so with regard to the present Cabi-
net, or, at any rate, with reference to two of the
most conspicuously placed members of the Coali-