The Sun.
London, England, 1853-05-19 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 19, 1853.

TURNING TIIE TABLES.-
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INDIA. REFORM. No. 6.—The Government
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No. 3.—Notes on India, by Dr. Buie, of Bombay.
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This day, Second Edition, with an appendix by Jacob Post, •
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STENTATION ; or, CRITICAL REMARKS
on " QUAKERISM; or, THE STORY OF MY LIFE;"

By Mrs. GREER ;

In which that lady's parvenu attempt: at aristocracy are ridiculed,
and fiction exposed.

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AITRENT'S CASINO, ARGYLL ROOMS.-
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SPIRIT OF TIIE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

STATE OF FRANCE.
(From the Times.)

The proceedings of the French Legislative As-
semblies have acquired a degree of interest within
the last few clays which has astonished the public
and annoyed the Imperial Government. For the
first two months of the annual session the State
Ball given to the Court was the only Parliamentary
occurrence of the season, and Count Montalembert
observed, in a caustic letter on that entertainment,
that it was the first time the tribune of a Legis-
lature had been turned into an orchestra of musi-
' cians. But, even on the short rations of the Im-
perial constitution, some business remained to be
transacted. The budget was to be voted, some
railroads were to be authorised, and some changes
in the law to be adopted. It became necessary to
prolong the session for a fortnight, and at the same
time the Emperor notified his intention of allow-
ing each member an extra donation of 501. for his
additional attendance. This closing fortnight has
done all the mischief. Placed between the neces-
sity of voting a number of discreditable laws with-
out examination, and the danger of thwarting the
intentions of the Government, 'the Assembly hesi-
tates ; and even those persons who have hitherto
accepted every degradation which it was in the
power of Louis Napoleon to confer seem suddenly
to remember that their country was once free, and
that they themselves were the members of an in-
dependent Assembly. The first blow aimed at the
Government was given by M. de Montalembert,
who protested with great energy in committee
against the introduction into the public ac-
counts adopted by the Chamber of sums de-
rived from the spoliation of the Orleans family.
Shortly afterwards a bill came on for the re-
gulation of Civil Pensions, which was carried by
a majority of only 32, no less than 98 mem-
bers of the Legislature having the courage to
vote against it. A vote was demanded for a sum
of 12,0001. to be paid to the
.widow of Marshal
Noy, as an indemnity for the pension to which
she was entitled from 1815 to 1830. This propo-
sition proved exceedingly unpopular, and is gene-
rally regarded as an ill-disguised expedient to pay
some of the debts of a person who has very little
claim to such a favour. Accordingly, it is believed
that the committee to which this vote stands re-
ferred will refuse to make any report at all, and
leave the matter to drop. A more serious question
and a more positive opposition has been raised by
the proposal to restore the articles of the Penal
Code which inflicted capital punishment on all at-
tempts
against the person of the Sovereign or the
existing form of Government. It seems incredible
that the man who causes snch a measure to be
brought forward should be the same who ought
twice, if that law had been in force, to have lost
his life on the scaffold. The repugnance of this
age to sanguinary punishments, the long and
painful. experience which has habituated the
French to revolutionary changes, and the cle-
mency both of the Constitutional and Republican
Governments, had gradually suspended and at
last effaced those articles from the Code. Had it
been otherwise the attempt at Strasbourg, the
attempt at Boulogne, and even the coup d'etat
of the 2d of December might all have been pun-
ished as capital offences. It certainly denotes
more than common indifference to the notions of
retributive justice that Louis Napoleon should be-
tray his readiness to inflict on others the blow he
has so often escaped himself. So strongly was this
felt in the legislative body that one of his own
adherents, M. de Mesonan—an officer who was
tried and convicted for taking part in the Boulogne
expedition—declared that he could not support the
Government bill, seeing that he owed his life to
the mitigation of the punishment. The committee
named. to report on this proposition is for the most
part adverse to it, and it is hoped it may still be
modified or rejected..
It is not, however, by these formidable weapons
of despotic power that Louis Nopoleon seeks chiefly
to maintain his authority. On the contrary, the
absolute power of such a government as his depends
far more on the means by which it insinuates itself
into every detail of local and domestic life ; and
these are carried to such an extent, that if this state
of things subsists for a few years, nothing will be
beyond the control of the State. Some curious in-
stances of this policy have recently occurred. The
clearances made in Paris for the purpose of con-
tinuing the Rue de Rivoli from the Louvre to the
Hotel de Ville, and of erecting the new markets,
have swept away a very large number of houses in
the most densely-peopled quarter of the capital.
Tho consequence is that 30,09 or 40,000 persons,
chiefly of the working classes, have been compelled
to find other lodgings, which are not to be got
without going to a great distance and paying a high
price for bad accommodation. To meet the just
complaints of these persons the Government pro-
poses to build lodging-houses on a large scale, in
which the poor will find everything they want ex-
cept liberty and independence. These establish-
ments, being under the direct control of the State,
will of course place their tenants in immediate and
total dependence on it. They will abolish, as far
as their influence extends the self-reliance which
is the guardian of domestic life, and they will
weaken in the same proportion the springs of ac-
tivity and independence. In a word, this experi-
ment will be the nearest approach yet made to the
schemes of Louis Blanc, and it is characteristic of
the Imperial Government that, after having robbed
France of her liberty by the fear of Socialism,
Socialist institutions are now produced to strengthen
the hold of absolute authority.
The same species of influence is extended over
the towns and provincial . bodies. Everywhere
building has been encouraged on an enormous
scale, and for the most part at the public expense,
because it is thought by the Government that in-
cessant building is a strong sign of general pros-
perity. To execute these buildings and improve-
ments,
n s and
nwithdwhich
municipalities
gt hreeat P
zree fael soaf have been
Franco have
ordered to
debt—some of them to a large amhoau
promotetownumbervnet .
run o
These
hi theeinto
liabilities are not only a burden on their resources,
but an effectual check on their independence,
for they are driven to seek assistance from the'
power
et thees
uta,cqinuiroersdetrhoto
Government, and the Government performs the
leeffindceer.anßd
the Government itself has recourese
a money-
etmo a n
tdhs
e
institutions it has founded under the names
iof the Credit Mobilier and Credit Fonder,
which have a . power of issuing very large

amounts of paper bearing interest. A bill has ac-
cordingly been brought in to facilitate loans of this
description to public bodies, whether on the secu-'
rity of real property or of local taxation, and it is
probable, in the present condition of the country,
it. will pass into law. It is hard to say whether such
a bill is politically or economically objectionable.
Politically, it places every portion of the territory
which has borrowed, or wants to borrow from the
State, in morn strict dependence on its will, and it
encourages in the highest degree that profuSion
which every honest Government ought to check by
precept' and example. Economically, it connects
the Whole fortune and property of the country with
two great establishments of credit, Whidh are
themselves of very recent date and of questionable
stability ; for, if the time should ever arrive at
which thoso institutions cannot hold their ground
---their own captital being extremely small in
proportion to their gigantic operations=they
must fall back on the Government for support,
and •the Government can only give them that
support by making their paper issues a legal and
inconvertible tender. By this subtle but inse-
cure machinery, the Imperial Government seeks
to enclose everything in its grasp, and to . subdue
everything to its will. But the dream of universal
monarchy which haunted Napoleon I. is not more
illusory than the schemes of dominion which are
thus practised by his nephew, for they are repug-
nant to the laws of public economy and .f, human
nature itself, and it may be foreseen that every one
of these-raischievous undertakings will one day rise
up in judgment on its inventors.

THE BUDGET AND THE MONEY MARKET.

( From the Morning Herald.)
We have anxiously watched the proceedings in the
Money., Market as to the dealings -with MrT:,l.llad-
stone's fantastical stock. Our readers will perhaps
do us the justice to recollect that we predicted the
failure of this somewhat crochetty scheme, in which
that eccentric gentleman proposed to lessen the
burden of the ational Debt by enabling the pub-
lic creditor to alter his demaniip from one species
of -security to another as and *hen it suited his
own interest and answered his own purpose. We
pointed out the broad and glaring difference be-
tween this conversion and every similar operation
that preceded it.
Upon all former occasions the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, the agent of the 'public, came to the
public creditor, and said, " I offer you certain
terms ; if you do not agree to them we must cease
our dealings ; here is your money, and we are
quits." Mr. Gladstone's proposal is the first in-
stance in the history of British. finance in which
the public creditor has been. dealt with except by
an offer, the refusal of which was to be followed by
the payment of his debt. To propose to the owner
of stock either to stay as he is, or to substitute his
present security for another, exactly as he pleases,
may be a very liberal thing to that owner, but
seems, after all, an odd way of benefiting the
debtor. To complicate' the transaction by offering
him three options is only one of those efforts of
elaborate trifling by which transparent folly endea-
vours to disguise itself under the cloak of solemn
mystification. Common sense is perfectly sufficient
to tell .anyman that the person whoholds a security
upon the national resources will only change that
security for something else because he thinks that
something else is something better than that which
you ask him to give up. If you offer him an
equivalent, he will, in all probability, make no
change • although in this case the love of novelty
may induce some speculators to, accept a new form
of investment. But it is quite manifest that if you
attempt to benefit the public by offering him that
which is not an equivalent—and this is the only
way in which the public can be gainers in the
transaction, we apprehend—it needs no very
ima ,
simple
a thest publico
aee creditor,
yourept
deep skill in finance to predict that even that
not be beguciluliibtele
seal
obliging
offer.

We urged these considerations while the whimsical
bill of Mr. Gladstone was passing through Parlia-
ment with a rapidity, and, after all, an absence of
determined opposition, which, to those who have
watched Parliamentary measures, was a feature in
itself sufficient to create strong suspicion that.the
measure was something peculiarly ill-advised. We
anticipated, indeed, from the passing of the bill no
very great extent of mischief, because the operation
was at best but a small one, and wo never had any
very serious apprehension that even small as it was
the experiment would succeed. Wo had not the
perfect confidence or the gullibility of the fund-
holder which the Chancellor of the Exchequer
seemed to entertain ' • and although even on the
Stock Exchange we knew that some old children
might be caught by the novelty of a new toy, we
had a very strong impression that Mr. Gladstone's
financial plaything would occupy that place in the
list of British stock to which might be added the
comment 'qmore for ornament than use." The only
real evil of the enactments was, that it tended in
some degree to discredit elle .whole system of our
finance. It does not become the economy of a great
nation to play little tricks with the petty portion
of an enormous debt.

The " three courses" of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer are, however, now fairly before the
stock-holding public, and for so far the most san-
guine friends of the right honourable gentleman
must confess they have been three failures. The
insignificant amount taken in any of the new
stocks is not more than in this'age of bold specula-
tion any project gravely recommended"by a Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer would be sure to com-
mand. It may be said that if the project fails, no
harm is done. The measure is simply inoperative,
and to the extent to which it is inoperative it can
do no harm. In one sense, we doubt this is true.
Nevertheless, it is also true that the Chancellor of
the Exchequer has so complicated his calculations
of the success of this project with his general finan-
cial arrangements that there are serious incon-
veniences likely to follow its failure which it may
not be amiss thus early to point out.
In the first place let us advert to that which we
believe to be -the lesser inconveniences we antici-
pate. It will be recollected that Mr. Gladstone's
calculations present the prospect of a very
small
surplus on the estimates of the year. He has cal-
culated a surphis of little more than 400,0001.
But of that surplus 100,0001. is composed of the
item of saving in the interest of the National Debt
to be effected by the new financial arrangements.
Since his financial statement he has consented to a
provision that all the saving on the Two-and-a-
Half per Cents. is to form a sinking fund for the
redemption of the debt. Ile will certainly be a
very bold man who will say that it is now possible
for sufficient of the Three-and-A-Half per Cent.
Stock and the Exchequer Bonds to be taken to
realise the estimated saving of 100,0001, upon the
interest.

f Itth
ei s
bestno t only,part
itselfo
toioiiifur4t early
confidence. matter olfetlouoso3saooyl,.
frthatom the e
surplusdip pseoarasmnaclel
ast
4pbo
toooe,fdoortOeos/.7
calculations
aeikenresources
yeaadtrtee;trebcoi
detected
sdiaohimsienevii
miscalcula-
tion iat licol ant
ab-
struse and more questionable calculations ution
which the residue of the surplus depends. We
shall not, we confess, be surprised at the end of the
year to find that residue as imaginary as the
saving on the interest of the debt, and that for the
first time since 1841 our expenditure shall have
exceeded our income on the sth of April, 1854.
There is another result of the failure of this
scheme—a result now, we fear, too manifest to
need much sagacity to predict. Mr. Gladstone, it
will be remembered, has positively pledged the
faith of the nation to pay off. 10,000,000/. in hard
cash of the South Sea and other similar stocks, in
case the holders of that stock will not agree to
accept of some one of the newly-created securities
instead. With this amount of the National Debt
he is dealing on the old compulsory principle of
offering the creditor his money if he will not accept
the new terms. But so confident was he that the
new • stock would be accepted, that he made no
provision, in case it should not, for the raising
the ten millions by a new loan. The holders of
the South Sea Stock are not accepting, and they
are not ,at all likely to accept, the new stocks.
The result, therefore, will be that Mr. Gladstone
must, at the expiration of his notice, be prepared
with the best part of 10,000,000 of sovereigns to
pay them off. Mr. Gladstone tells us, indeed, that
he can use the balances at the Exchequer for that
purpose, that is, that the nation has generally lying
at the Bank of England a cash balance of about
8,000,0001. or 9,000,0001., which he can use if these
stockholders obstinately insist upon their money.
That a very largo proportion of them will so insist
we fear is now too evident. Seriously to propose
withdrawing the whole of the national balance from
the Bank of England for the purpose of paying off
this debt would be, independent of all other con-
siderations, to derange the monetary dealings of
the Bank of England, and, therefore, of the coun-
try, to an extent which, at a time of commercial
difficulty, would be ruinous, and which, even in
th%present supply of gold, would involve conse-
quences too serious to be risked.
is:well It that the country should be warned in

!time of the consequences which will follow the now
too certain failure of the new stocks. We shall
have first the disappearance of nearly one-fourth of
the estimated sttrplus of the year, and, secondly,
we have the still more pleasant prospect of the
withdrawal of 7,000,0001.. or 8,000,000/. of money
which the nation has generally been in the habit of
keeping as a cash balance at the Bank:
Cheering results, no doubt, of the first essay at
finance of the Cabinet of unrivalled administrative
ability !

THE EASTERN QUESTION.
( From the Morning Post.)

We published at an early hour yesterday, infor-
mation ealCulated seriously to disturb the alleged
tranquil state of the Eastern question. The same
authority which lately startled Europe by an-
nouncing the near extinction of one of its estab-
lished Powers has been pleased still more recently
to retrace its steps, and to inform the world that
the whole Eastern question, in its present bearings,
Was limited to the moderate desires of Russia, and
Oettled by, the wise concessions of France on the
subject of the Holy Shrines. Both statements.
prove to be equally untrue. It has for some time
been made evident that the Great Powers, by
whom the independence of Turkey is guaranteed,
are by no means prepared to allow its dismember-
ment. It is now equally clear that the formidable
mission of Prince Menschikoff had objects in view
far more important than the etiquette of pilgrimage,
the custody of a key, or the restoration of a cupola.
The real demand of the Great Northern Power,
translated out of the diplomatic tongue into Eng-
lish, is the ratification of a treaty securing to
Russia a paramount influence over all the Chris-
tian subjects,7that is to say, over the great
mass of the population of European Turkey.
The Emperor of Russia asks in terms to be in-
vested with the protectorate of the whole body of
the Greek Church in Turkey. In effect, he requires
to be placed in a position through which his an-
thority would overshadow and eclipse that of the
Porte on all points of internal discipline in which
Christian interests—that into say, the affairs of the
greater -part of the people—should be concerned.
The concession by the Divan of the points which
would 'be fixed by the proposed treaty would
.amount to virtual abdication of its independence
as a sovereign State. It would change, by a simple
arrangement between an encroaching Power and a
submissive neighbour, the entire commercial and
political system of- Europe as framed, agreed on,
and guaranteed by the directing Cabinets for mu-
tual convenience and security. It would be a re-
versal by two Courts, of which one is not a free
agent, of a state of things in the maintenance of
which the honour as well as the interests of Eng-
land, France, and Austria are equally concerned
with those of Russia and of the Porte. This final
demand of Prince Menschikoff is, in short, one
which the Cabinet of .Petersburg should not have
made, and which the Divan cannot concede with-
out the full consent of the Great Powers. The fact
that a demand so formidable now appears as the
point of debate in the East materially alters the
position, not of the Es-stern question only, but of
England as regards that question. So long as the
matter in dispute or discussion was merely that of
the respective claims of the Greek and Latin
Churches to certain privileges of guardianship
over the Holy Places, the representatives of those
Churches, Russia and France were alone concerned
in any steps which might be taken, and in ar-
rangements which might be concluded on this
narrow point of diplomacy. We wore convinced,
however, from the first, that Russia bad not
wasted such.extensive preparations as those which
accompanied the mission to Constantinople, on an
object so easily settled as that at first put forward
as its purpose and aim. It was just possible that
the force displayed and the threats embodied in
armaments, by the great Power of the North,
might have been merely intended as a demonstra-
tion of an absolute supremacy which there was, as
yet, no intention practically to exercise. The
Sultan being thoroughly humiliated in his own
dominions—the Turkish Christians being strongly
warned of the quarter to which they were to look
as their hope,and protector—and this being effected
without giving any fair cause of umbrage to the
Allied Powers, it was not altogether unlikely that,
with the settlement of the discussion between the
Churches, and the exhibition of power for which it
served as a pretence, the object of Prince Men-
schikoll's mission might be achieved, and his duty
at an end. Such is not the fact, and the further
demands of the Russian Minister place the question
in nearly the same threatening aspect which it bore
when we first announced the singular and ominous
course which the Emperor Nicholas had pursued.
The dethils of the case, as it actually stands, will
be found in our Paris correspondence of to-day,
and the circumstances arc such as must render
the nature of the next intelligence to be ex-
pected from Constantinople a matter of very
grave interest and anxiety. It will be re-
marked that it was on the sth instant
that the Prince sent in to the Divan the demand
to which we have already referred, and that lie re-
quired the answer—that is to say, we presume, the
signature of the Porte to the treaty with which he
was entrusted within five days from that date—
namely, by the 10th. Our latest advices from.
Constantinople being of the 7th, we are still unin-
formed as to the reception by the Divan of the insult
and menace levelled at its sovereignty by Russia.
The answer given must clearly be that not of the
Porte alone, but of the representatives of the three
Powers by whom, in common with Russia, the in-
dependence of Turkey is guaranteed. The integ-
rity of the last-named State is a trust solemnly
planed in the hands of the parties to the treaty of
1841, and, except with the consent and by the
common agency of those parties, it cannot be de-
stroyed or tampered with. The independence and
nationality of Turkey are not merely Russian or
Turkish, but are European questions. No one of
the Cabinets which stand pledged by treaty to the
maintenance of the present state of things can
carry out by itself, for its own views and by its
own separate provisions, any act by which that
independence and nationality are compromised.
But it is plain, that to establish within the
Turkish Empire a foreign paramount jurisdiction,
such as that intended by the Menschikoff treaty,
would be not merely to compromise, but absolutely
to annul, the sovereignity of the Turk over his own
subjects. This abnegation of his rights is therefore
one which the Sultan, under the treaties which
bind Turkey and the European Powers together,
has no right to conclude. If made at all, such a
transfer of political power, affecting such great in-
terests, and involving such serious changes, must
be made the subject, not of an insidious treaty, but
of an European settlement. The Cabinet of Eng-
land, however, has openly and strongly protested
against the changes in question. We are assured
that the French Government goes in this, as in
other matters, heartily with us. We know, fur-
ther, that Austria is far from being anxious to lend
herself to the increase of the influence and
dominating position of her great rival in the East.
Under such circumstances there can be little doubt
that a strong and proper resistance will be opposed
to the attempted encroachment of Russia on Turk-
ish independence ; and relying, as we have good
reason to do, on the sagacity of a Monarch who has
shown himself not less wise and ably in retreat
than, energetic and audacious in enterprise, we
must hope that a project so objectionable and
threatening as that entrusted to Prince Menschi-
koff for the establishment of a supreme Russian
protectorate within the Turkish Empire, will not
be carried to such extremes as might involve very
serious consequences to the present friendly and
cordial relations of the European Powers.

n
trtt ihieoome communication,Ti
remitted
tEroeoIydmROYAL
natocßAorehsmeeeh consequence i
Ernuoneneferngee
sclsig
eves OF
ehorodtdflciaithis regarding
hahteehn iaoenttfwt
erroneousr, SCOTLAND.—lteiedehrgaa a
si
nudbes
neppa
jqefteuonceeratafr
erhdtts from
xehdaarsreim enbpsgiseeneetaof
(ni
to Lord Palmerston by one of the gentlemen who origi-
nally moved in the matter, showing that the College of
Heralds is an English court, and has therefore no power
to order the Royal Arms to be displayed either one way
or another in Scotland ; and further, that no court but
the Lyon Court of Scotland has authority to adjudicate
in the question.. His lordship is also reminded that
many of the burgh petitions forwarded to Lord Eglinton
specially prayed for the remission of this matter to our
Lyon Court ; this was also requested in the petition
from the general convention of Royal burghs, now in his
lordship's hands.—Scottish Press.
MARKED SALMON.—On Wednesday se'nnight, there
was caught in a salmon net on the Red Head, near this,
a salmon with a gutta-percha band around it, on which
was marked, "Athole, 170." The fish weighed 1211bs ;
length, 381 inches; girth, 22 inches. On the following
(Thursday) morning, another salmon was caught in the
fishsame l wnnest ,greatly marked " d
efnrin Athole,ed. 116t5.
w"
gThheed lia3l -Imh
se. n;ti onineed
n.
ts
hu
er e
fact
ci
tn
nf tlengthwn 03
f 8 itnhceh efis
s,
ha n
hd a ivni girth
ng
he
eln7
eninch.ugehst in Fromthe
same net within so short a space of time intervening, it is
probable they had left Loch Tay, in the Athole property,
in company. Both fish were in very bad condition, and
uulicaltby.-11fontron Review.