The Sun.
London, England, 1853-08-13 00:00:00

THE TEVIEW OF THE FLEET.

SPORTING NOTES.

While the impression produced by this remarkable
spectacle is still fresh upon the public mind, it may be
well to direct attention to some' facts connected with it
which seem worthy of being recorded. That such an
event should have taken place with so complete an im-
munity from accidents under circumstances so entirely
favourable, and with such liberal and excellent arrange-
ments for the gratification of all who witnessed it, may
be regarded as scarcely less interesting and important
than the brilliant success of the display itself. In former
times sightseeing was encompassed by many riskis, and its
pleasures were not unfrequently damped by serious and
distressing casualties. But now, with a vast extension of
occasions calculated to excite it, we enjoy a comparative
safety and comfort quite un precedended. A naval revie w is,
of all spectacles, probably that which involves those who
assemble to witness it in the greatest risk. Taking place
on so grand a scale as that of Thursday, the-fact of no
serious accident having occurred is highly gratifying. It is
computed that the event added about 100,000 strangers
to the ordinary population of the vicinity in which it
occurred, and that during its progress upwards of 1,000
steamers, yachts, and craft of all kinds were afloat, in
attendance on the evolution 3 of the fleet. The public
have therefore a debt of gratitude to acknowledge for
the arrangements by which they were enabled to witness
so magnificent a spectacle with so few drawbacks to the
pleasure which it was calculated to inspire. Its thanks are
in the first place, and most prominently, due to the Ad-
miralty, for the liberal spirit in which they have acted,
for the opportunity which they have afforded the coun-
try of appreciating the efficiency of its navy, and for the
accommodation which they provided for all who had a
claim to be present. The representatives of the press
are under special obligations to them—to Admiral Sir
T. Cochrane, to Mr. Triphook, his secretary, and, in-
deed, to all the heads of departments—for the facilities
afforded to them in the discharge of their arduous duties.
The officers and men of the different ships composing
the fleet, or attending it, are next entitled to thanks for
the hospitality and good feeling displayed by them to-
wards guests on the occasion. Preoccupied as they were
by the business of the review, they had still time to
spare for acts of courtesy and kindness. Most of the
men-of-war had parties of civilians on board, all of whom
received the greatest attention. It is expected that a
brevet promotion will gracefully mark the Queen's ap-
probation of what she witnessed.
Next to the authorities of the Admiralty and the offi-
cers and men of the fleet, the exertions of the different
steam-packet companies must be acknowledged. The
facilities which they afforded were undeniably great, and
tended very much, not only to the convenience of the
public, but to the effect of the review. They had it in
their power to cause vast confusion and inconvenience ;
but, with a very few exceptions, they adhered very
laudably to the prescribed order of sailing ; and probably
the most flagrant breach of rule throughout the day was
committed by the members of the Legislature who broke
through the line of the fleetandtook up amidway position
at the moment when the action was about to commence.
The railway company also exerted themselves creditably in
providing for the accommodation of the public, but with a
considerable difference as to the result. From the want
of a proper staff great delay and confusion took place
on the South-Western line. The subordinates did their
utmost, and 13,000 passengers were conveyed to Ports-
mouth from the Waterloo station, but the directors
seem unable to understand that, upon an emer-
gency, they ought to meet the increased demands
of their traffic. The Brighton and South Coast line
has the advantage of a far more effective manage.
ment, and in consequenee by that a roundabout
route passengers were able to reach the metropo-
lis with much less delay. The whole question,
however, of railway accommodation on occasions of this
sort ought to be revised. Having seen a good deal of
the inconvenience which the public suffers when events
of interest concentrate them upon a particular point,
we feel satisfied that there ought to be some understand-
ing among companies to meet the difficulty. The pres-
sure which has this year been cast upon the ordinary
resources of the South-Western Company may next be
the fate of any other line, for in this country we are
every day becoming more gregarious, and already the
resources of the locomotive and the rail are taxed to the
uttermost to meet the usual exigencies of their passen-
ger traffic.
A good deal has been said about the exactions prac-
tised upon strangers on occasions of this sort, but Ports-
mouth is like the rest of the world, and yields implicitly
to the ordinary market law of supply and demand.
Flooded with visitors, the charges for accommodation of
every kind rose accordingly, but the George, the Port-
land, and other leading hotels, maintained under the
circumstances a moderate scale of charges, and, if all the
world wants to go to a certain point at a particular time,
it must make up its mind to pay smartly for what it gets.
It is confidently asserted that the town never witnessed
such an influx of visitors, and great difficulty was expe-
rienced in supplying for them a suitable commissariat.
Altogether the review -will insure for the Royal Navy
a large measure of those benefits which in this free
country invariably flow from publicity. The attention
which it fixes upon particular ships tends to strengthen
the recent regulations, by which the mischievous system
of paying off crews when they had been brought into a
state of complete efficiency 'is put a stop to. The Duke
of Wellington, the Agamemnon, the Imperieuse, and
other war steamers in the fleet will not now be lost sight
of. A spirit akin to that which actuates our finest
regiments, and which spreads through every branch of
national industry, will be diffused among the ships' com-
panies of our navy, and the great principle for which Sir
Baldwin Walker contended throughout the recent dock-
yard inquiry will gradually be extended over the whole
service.

ENCOUNTERS AT EBOR.
The Great Northern gathering will commence on
Wednesday with attractions surpassingly powerful and
Intere,sting. Its programme contains twenty-five
"events," among
which upwards of thirteen hundred
a111:1 fifty guineas will be distributed for competition.
The abundant promise of sport too is likely to be ful-
filled in every particular ; the contests will be exciting
and important, and speculation brisk and extensive.
At present the Ebor Handicap almost exclusively
occupieathe thoughts and time of the betting brother-
hood ; and the movements in the Turf-market connected
with it are watched with growing curiosity and interest.
Rumours of "good things" are, as usual, rife, and ad-
vertising prophets boldly proclaim their confidence in
"certainties, at long shots," and their willingness
to communicate their valuable information for the small
charge of half-a-crow'n and five per cent. on the winnings !
I, however, cannot " see into the middle of next week,"•
and have no pretensions to prescience, or the gift of
second-sight, and must therefore draw my conclusions..
from those arguments which are suggested by public
tanning and the proceedings of the cognoscenti.
Uncertainty exists as to the numerical strength of the
field for the Ebor Handicap. I have carefully examined
the list of acceptances, and I am induced to belieie
that the starter will not muster more than a dozen
competitors. When' the " muster roll " is called, the
following will, perhaps,- be numbered among the mis-
sing :—Newnainster Robbie Noble, Little Harry,
Gossamer, Muscovite, Father Thames, Lambton, Exact,
,
Parley Girl, Now-or-Never, Galvanism, Talfourd, Eulo-
gist, Babette, Roger Thornton, The Surveyor, Dame
Tattle, Liarforda
Coomburland Stathesmon, Ann e
Eliza, Incognita, Cabin Boy, Nava, St. Andrew.
Before the day I may have " power to add to this
number."
.„.iPanteniime, Cat's-paw, Adine, Lord Lieutenant, and
-16-ng of Trumps have almost engrossed speculation.
Pantomime is backed with considerable spirit, his parti-
sans deeming his easy victory over Adine at Brighton
• Buffieient to justify the most sanguine confidence in his
chance- Adine will now encounter him on 51bs more
advantageous terms than when they met at Brighton,
hut still it is argued, with a good show of reason,
that there Pantomime gave Adine a 51bs beating.
For the encounter under consideration, however,
Adine will carry 10Ibs less that at Brighton, and
this reduction in her impost must be duly consi-
dered, as experience teaches us that every pound
over Bst produces a telling effect. Still lam not pre-
pared to deny the formidableness of Pantomime's chance,
but wherever he figures in the encounter Adine will be
in close attendance. The confidence which is placed in
Catspaw appears, to me, to be scarcely wasranted ; his
*weight is undeniably favourable, but, in my opinion, the
distance will militate materially against his success.
Ring of Trumps belongs to a dangerous stable. He
too possesses sufficient racing merit to render 'him
a formidable opponent. Whether he is intended
or not I am unable to determine, but should he "go for
the money," I shall expect him to figure prominently in
the foremast rank of competitors. His running with
Adine is alone calculated to occasion sanguine expecta-
tions of his ability to achieve success. His stable corn-
Pardon, Red Lion, is also favourally weighted, and his
olaance must tbe de,msd utterly ins:gnificant. Should
a demonstration be made in his ur, I shall be in-
duced to number him among my "select few."
Lord Lieutenant iias many confident supporters, and
the lightness of his we ght and the cleverness of his
Party have caused him to he advanced to a conspicuous
position :n ;he betting. That he has "done things in
Privnte " rrfficlent to justify the many investments that
have been made on him is unquestionable.
A ?lost° is handicapped at a racing weight, but,
at
present no disposition has been evinced to "get on
him at advantageous prices.
From the "outside division" I select Ktteflyer and
nick Turpin as being most worthy of notice.
From information I have received, to use the language
of the police, I am induced to look out for "sweet
Peggys market day."
To enter into a further discussion of the comparative
chances would unnecessarily occupy space. The horses
that I shall select against the field are
PANTOMIME, ADINE, and KING OF TRUMPS.
Lord-Lieutenant and Catspaw are next entitled to con-
sideration. For a cockboat I shall take RED LION.
A rumour has just reached me respecting strange
doings in Dawson's stable. Should the report be true,
some curious revelations respecting the agents of " Cap-
tain Armstrong" may be expected in the course of a few
days.

August 13.

NAVAL INTELLIGENCE.

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, AUGUST 13, TB5 3.

of knowing that my successor in office—one of the most . nean, possessing two closed seas—the Sea of Marmora, and your lord lips for the indulgence which you have shown
eminent members of the present Government—cordially the Euxine Sea—and a flourishing capital, and if that me in listening to the remarks which I have felt it my duty
and generously declared in the House of Commons that in power joined with one of the other two it would be per- to make. (items i I feel most strongly the importance of
my policy towards France I had maintained the dignity of fectly impossible for the remaining power to maintain its the subjees, but nothing could hat —ve induced ma—although
my country. It was not, however, on account of any per- position in the Mediterranean. I am myself at a loss to there may
o • s or, cedent for ito make any factious
sonal feeling I viewed with regret the attacks which were , conceive any point of foreign policy of more vital cense- motion ise :dust the Government on the question of their
directed against my policy towards France, but because I . quence to this country than the maintenance of the integ- , foreign policy. The present question is not only a matter
knew that foreign countries do not understand—as we in I pity and independence of Turkey ; and I can hardly ima- of importance as regards the stake at issue, but the honour
England do—that certain journals belong to one party and . gine a sacrifice too great to insure that independence, for of E aglhat it and. is cs
the omptely i
of hernvolvedMajesty in the result; and
nt to
I do
certain others to another, and that whoever may happen it would not only be for the interests of this country, but think t the duty 's Governme
to be Minister is certain of being constantly and vigorously for the interests of peace, and
etas arrant
of the ter- furnish the country with some information on the subject,
abused by the newspapers in the interest of the party op- ritorial distribution of Europe, as arranged by treaty. My to state what line of policy they have adopted, and with
posed to him. (Laughter) I regretted the attacks which lords, it has been said by many persons in this country what results, and to declare with what animus they entered
were directed against our close alliance with France, be- that the Turkish empire is in a state of decay, and that into the affair ; and lam firmly persuaded that they might
cause I feared they would not be estimated abroad at their the most prudent course to adopt with regard to it would safely have done this without in the least degree impeding
real value, but might be construed to indicate that the be, laying aside all treaties and obligations, to come for- ,or hindering the negotiations which were goin
toeg on. They
majority of the people of this country were either averse ward ansf make a partition of Turkey, or establish there I might have answered publicly the manifess of Russia,
thin
in indifferent to the French alliance. I cannot help some independent governent more suited to the state of ; which were no doubt itended to be read by Englishmen
thinking that the language of the press in this direction, European policy. That ima theory, to my mind, at least, lus well as any one else; and the effect of not answering
during eleven months, must have made a strong impression as absurd and ruinous as the one to which I have already those manifestoes has been certainly unfavourable to the
on foreign courts, and, among others, on the court of referred. It is absurd to suppose that a government so es- Government, as far as the public is concerned. lam well
Russia. If such an impression did exist—and I know, as tablished, whatever might be its form, whether a federal aware that certain dispatches are necessarily kept secret,
a fact, that it did—it must have boos t strength- government, an empire, or a monarchy, could be really in- but I think that the Government have rendered themselves
ened, if not changed into almost positive conviction, by the dependent, or that it would of be under the control and liable to injurious suppositions, from their having given
circumstances which followed, Lord Derby resigned on direction of Russia and Austria. It is impossible that such the house and the public no information on an affair so
the 2d of December, and was succeeded by the present a government could in any way maintain the equilibrium closely affecting the honour of the country. The French
Government. Your lordships know that the eyes. of all of power which now exists in Europe, but which would Government published their munifesto, relative to which
Europe are especially fixed on the foreign policy of a new bid fair to be subverted unless the Ottoman empire be there never was any difference between the Governments
Government, and the line which it will probably take maintained in all its integrity. My lords, made, one do not of France and England. You appear to have thought
is anxiously discussed at foreign courts. Now I say that agree with the statement which has been that the that France was too bold, and ran too much risk of offend-
foreign courts—which were then labouring under the im- Turkish empire is in a state of caducity. It has no debt, ing the Emperor of Russia. These suspicions arose from
pression created by the language of the Opposition press and its commerce has of late years much increased, your silence, but there was no reason to justify your
during the time we were in office—had their attention and Ido
,not believe, although it may perhaps be less concealment. I am certain that the document sent in
at this particular moment attracted to two remarkable civilised as regards its domestic affairs than other countries reply by her Majesty's Government would have done that
speeches made by the members of the present Government. of Europe, that that circumstance renders it a bit the less Government honour. I should not suspect the Govern-
The noble lord opposite (Clarendon) will not, of course, formidable to its enemies, or that the axiom is true that in meat of not having answered the Russian circular in fitting
suppose I am making any attack on him, for he was not all cases civilisation makes a country more powerful in re- terms, and I think it was a grievous mistake not to pub-
then in office. As little can the noble lord's eminent col- sisting the attack of an invading enemy. The Turkish army lish that answer. Wherever Igo I hear it repeatedly re-
league who succeeded me in office suppose I intend to at- I believe to be in a better condition and more efficient than marked that it is humiliating to England to see her Foreign
tack him ; nor can the noble earl at the of the Govern- it used to be : the commerce of the country has considerably Minister appear as if he could not answer Count
nstead of
Nessel-
ment, who, lam sure, must have deplored the speeches I increased ; the policy of Turkey to foreigners is an im- rodeo circular. If you had taken this line would have
have referred to as much as I did. One of the speeches in proving policy, and I know no
country so liberal to all re- being. embarrassed in this house, I think you
question was made by the First Lord of the Admiralty— ligious denominations. (Hear, hear.) lam unable to see found what you have always found, and will find if these
one of the most able and experienced members of the Cabi- any symptoms of decay in the points to which I have important events are not settled, that Parliament will
net—and the other by the President of the Board of Con-, called your lordships' attention.
An argument has been support you in any difficulty which concerns theh I should
interests
trol. In these speeches the speakers did not hesitate urged in support of the alleged caducity of the Ottoman em- of our common country, and you will see,
wat
openly to condemn the conduct of the French people in pire to which I must beg your lordships' attention. It ► like to show to foreign nations and foreign Governments,
their choice of a ruler, and the only inference to be drawn has been said that the fact of the proportion of the that in this country, not only have we not degenerated
from these speeches—which I need not take the trouble of Greek subjects of the Sultan being larger than that of the i from our predecessors, because we have grown richer in
quoting—was, that the members of the Government by Mussulman population is a syroptom of the cudacity of the peace and have advanced in civilization, but also that even
whom they were delivered were actuated by a hostile feel- Turkish empire. Now, that is an argument which might that spirit which is inseparable from free institutions—the
ing towards the People and the Prince of the country of with equal, if not greater coe'eney, be aPplied to our Indian I spirit of party- -would have been sacrificed whenever the
which they spoke. It cannot be supposed that the speeches possessions. The excess ofbthe Greek subjects over the I common interests of our common country and the honour
made by two such distinguished individuals, taken in con- Mussulmans in the Ottoman empire is nothing compared lof the Crown were at stake. (Hear, hear.)
nection with the language so long used by the Opposition with that of the Pagans over the Christians in our Indian The Eail of CLARENDON—My lords, I certainly was
not prepared, when my noble friend gave me notice of
press, made no impression on the mind of the Emperor territories, and yet it can hardly be said that that vast em-
the question he was going to put, for so long a speech,
of Russia, at that moment, perhaps, hesitating as to pire is in a state of caducity. My lords, before I sit down,
whether he should yield to the temptations of his position. I must beg your lordships to follow me in a short statement
Do you not suppose that his impression, in common with which I wish to make of the affairs of Turkey during the very interesting certainly, but still so long, and consisting
that of other powers, must have been that it was impos- last four or five months. The unfortunate question of the of so many narratives as my noble friend has given. There
Bible any cordial understanding could prevail between Holy Places having been brought forward in- February, are parts of his speech which I hope he will not think me
France and England? Not only is it material to suppose Prince Menschikoff wasAlispatched to Constantinople. He
discourteous if I decline to follow. My noble friend has
that that must have been the case, but I know that it was arrived there, certainly, as I believe, with no distinct in-
laid down various propositions which no one would think
the case. I know that this was the impression made, and tention of adopting any particular course. His language was
the conviction felt in the minds of all ruling persons in haughty and his mien arrogant, while the first act he com- of disputing, and he has also made allusions and statements
every Court in Europe. This, I say, was an addi- mitted after his arrival at Constantinople was to insist upon which, in the present state of affairs, I think it my public
tional temptation te Russia, because, if England and the immediate dismissal of the then Secretary for Foreign I duty not to notice for the same reason that I have hereto-
France did not hold together to resist aggression on Affairs. He then refused to hold any communication with fore refused to answer them ; and I assure my noble friend
Turkey, she must, doubtless, fall. After this there the Minister, and insistedupon communicating directly with
that it is very painful to me to have to give the same
came another reason for doubting the anxiety of our the Sovereign. My lords, at that time he did not, how-
Government to defend the freedom and independence ever, make the proposition which has since become famous ; answers to questions over and over again, and to decline
of the Sovereign of Turkey,—l allude to the occasion that proposition was not put forward for six weeks after his to lay before your lordships have
the information that your
when Prince Leiningen was sent to make demands on arrival ; and I must beg leave to point out to your lordships lordships and the country have the right to expect, to
the part of Austria, when we failed to show that activity what was in reality the purport—what the meaning of that remove the state of anxious suspense that has so long lasted,
in supporting our ancient ally which would have been proposal. It insisted that the Turkish Government should
which interferes with all the business transactions of the
the wisest as it was the most honourable policy. (Hear, grant to its Greek subjects for a perpetuity all those
hear.) I think that when Prince Leiningen s mission took privileges which they had enjoyed bY successive firmans country, and which has led to feelings of impatience and
place our Government evinced great supineness in respect from the Sultan—that is to say, privileges which they had indignation. And I assure my noble friend that it is with
to the language anti demands of Austria. When we enjoyed at the will and pleasure of their Sovereign. It great reluctance, and from nothing but a sense of public
allowed Austria to insist on the Sultan abstaining from was proposed to the Sultan, under fear of Russia, to bind duty, that I still adhere to that principle which has been
further coercing his own subjects—the rebellions Monte- himself to grant privileges to his own subjects. The pro-
negrins—vve ought at least to have secured for the Turkish poeal was analogous to a foreign power insisting upon the the principle of all former Governments of this country, and
army a safe and peaceable retreat from the rough and (lan. Queen of this country securing for ever by an act of her has been sanctioned by Parliament—namely, that of not
gerous country in which they were employed. I know of own those privileges to her Roman Catholic subjects which making communications whilenersotiations are pending, and
0
no previous instance in which an army evacuating, by were conferred upon them in 1829. It was a matter of of not laying before Parliament separate dispatches or per-
treaty, a hostile country, has not been protected from perfect impossibility that such a demand could ba com- bons of dispatches. But with respect to the answer to that
molestation during its retreat. In this, however, I believe plied with. The Turkish Government could not have
circular to which my noble friend has again alluded, I ag-
ue stipulation in favour of the Turkish army was made by acceded to it, even if they had not been backed by their
England or France, and th. 3 consequence was, that from old allies, but stood alone in the quarrel. Be that as it sure him that it is in argument the same, and in tone not
1,500 to 2,000 Turkish soldiers were destroyed. This, and may, the proposal was refused. We are not in the posses- less firm and moderate than the note of the French Govern-
other circumstances connected with Prince Leiningen's Sion of official papers relating to this affair, as none have meat, of which he has expressed his satisfaction. And it is,
mission, must have tended to impress Russia with the idea been laid upon the table of your lordships' house, but the
as I have said, nothing but a sense of duty that prevents
that, happen what might, we s were not disposed to draw public are in possession of correspondence on the subject,
the sword in defence of our ancient ally. What happened which there is no reason to believe to be at all incorrect. me giving my self the satisfaction of laying that answer
on anothe' occesion could not fail to strengthen the impres- The Turkish Government replied, with much dignity, that on your lordships' table. But her Majesty's Government
sion thus created at the Court of Russia, as I know it did it was impossible to comply with so unreasonable a pro- aro anxious to do and.. say nothing that can impede the
that prevailing at other Courts of Europe, I refer now to position. The Russian envoy then gave notice that he peaceful solution of this embarrassing question, for
what occurred after Prince Menschikoff's arrival at Con- should quit Constantinople, and retire to Odessa, but
stantinople, and before he made his famous demands in fit- before doiug so he wrote a note to the Turkish Govern- our object—and it must be that of your lordships—is the
your of the Greek population. At that period we had at meat —extraordinary, from its unprovoked insolence— maintenance of peace; hut peace, as I havesaid before, con
Constantinople a Charge d'Affaires of considerable experi- (hear, hear)—and which, if it he authentic, is unsurpassed sistent with the national honour and the national faith, and
once, he had obtained a high character when employed by by any letter to any civilised Government iu the history therefore with the national interests. (Hear.) For, my
Lord Palmerston, and I can speak only in his praise when of the world. I must beg to read to your lordships that
he was employed by me. I refer to Colonel Rose. That letter. I take it from one of the daily journals, which lords, lam sure her Majesty's Government would ill repro-
geu tleman thought that events were pending which made states that— sent the feelings of the country, and they could not rely-
it desirable that the English and French fleets should ap- " Prince Menschikoff, on taking his departure from this upon any support from your lordships or from the public, if
preach nearer to Constantinople—in short, he wished them place, having failed in intimidating or seducing the Porte peace were purchased on any other terms. In one portion
to make ademonstration in the eastern part of the Mediter- into the most dangerous concessions, addressed the follow- of my noble friend's speech, with reference to the alliance
ranean. It seems that Admiral Dundas took a different ing note to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, which has
view of the case, and exercising his discretion, did not been communicated to the Legations of England, France with France, he has reviewed the circumstances that might
comply with Colonel Rose's demand It appears, further, Austria, and Prussia : ' have influenced, and next the reasons that may have in-
that the government approved Admiral Dundas's decision, " Bujukdere, May 9 (21). duced the Emperor of Russia to take the course he did.
and took a different view of the necessity of the case from "At the moment of departure from Constantinople the My noble friend began with a full review of his policy
that entertained by Colonel Rose. Ido not pretend to say undersigned, Ambassador of Russia, has learnt that the
I think it desirable that on that occasion the English and Sublime Port r
its intention to proclaim a during the time he was himself in office, against -which I
te
French fleets should have repaired to Besika Bay, or even guarantee for the exercise of the spiritual rights vested in am not prepared to say anything. lie has alluded to
to Smyrna, but Ido think it of immense importance that the clergy of the Eastern church, which in fact renders the abuse which has been directed against himself
at that crisis everything which bore the slightest ap- doubtful the maintenance of the other privileges which by the press. I think it is a little out, of time and place in
pearauce of want of cordiality between the fleets, or of that church enjoys.
unity of policy between the two Governments, should " ' Whatever may be the motive of this determination him to allude to such matters on this occasion—(hear,
any-
have been carefully avoided. -But what happened`? The the undersigned is under the necessity of informing la; "
hear)—but lam sure he will acquit me of having had
French Government, taking alarm at Colonel Rose's sum- Highness the Minister of Foreign Affairs, that a declara- thing to do with these attack (" Hear, hear, from the
mons, in two or three days sent their fleet into the Greek tion or any other act which, although it may preserve the Earl of Malmesbury.) I can only say I very much regret
water ; while our fleet—in defiance of the urgent request integrity of the purely spiritual rights of the orthodox many Of those attacks made against my noble friend. I
of our Charge de'Atlaires, remained at Malta. This cir- Eastern Church, tends to invalidate the other rights, pri- believed them to be unjust at the time, and I have found
cumstance naturally inspired the Courts of Europe with vileges, and immunities accorded to her religion and them to be unjust since ; and I entirely agree in the state-
the idea that the two Governments had adopted different mutts of my noble friend in the other house, that there
clergy from the most ancient times, and which they enjoy
lines of policy; and nothing, in my opinion, could have was nothing in the relations between my noble friend and
at the present moment, will be considered by the Imperial
tended more than this unfortunate circumstance to encour-the French Government that was inconsistent with the
Cabinet as an act of hostility to Russia and her religion.
age Russia to make the demands which she subsequently " `The undersigned begs, &c., dignitygi and honour of this country. But I cannot admit
preferred. If the two fleets had proceeded toe-ether in the - " ' MENSCIIIKOFF. noble friend is entitled to claim the entire credit
of having established these friendly relations with the
direction pointed out by Colonel Rose, the act would have " `His Highness Redschid Pasha, Minister French Government. He has talked as if between this
made such an impression on Russia, that she would have of Foreign Affairs."
stopped there, and Prince Me slikoff would never have I •lords, how the Sultana'refusal to
cannot conceive, my
state of hositility, if not more, and that the idea had first
--- _ . . . . .. . . .

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vernment, was, that at the time the Eng '`fleet wa
t
sent for by Colonel Rose the French fleet',4ailed from. -
Toulon, while ours did not leave Malta. lothave said'
before that Colonel nose did write to Admiiitle,Drindas- et
under the first impression and excitement prodtma 14,3 V-;
-Prince Menschikoff's arrival- attended by certain circum-
stances to which my noble friend has alluded, although not
correctly. PrinceMenschikoff did not ask for the dismissal
of the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs. He did
nothing more than has been announced by the Russian Go-
vernment. He sent in a note, saying that the late Minister
having been the instrument by whose conduct the viola-
tion of the promises given by the Sultan to the Emperor
lead occurred, he was determined not to intrust any nego-
tiations through that channel. When Prince Menschikoff
went to the Sultan, therefore, he requested that the corres-
pondence should be sent through the Grand Vizier, or any
other Minister. Prince Menschikoff did not call upon Fuad.
Effendi, and he was dismissed ; but his dismissal was not
asked by the Russian Government. Still, Prince Mens-
chikoff's arrival under the circumstances did produce a
great deal of excitement in the minds of the Turkish Go-
vernment, and Colonel Rose did write to Admiral Dundas,
not exactly to come to Constintinople, but stating that he
understood the fleet were about to take their summer
cruise to the East, and recommending that his departure
from Malta should be hastened by eight or nine days. Ad-
miral Dundas did not comply with that request, and when,
a few days after, things became peaceable, Colonel Rose
expressed his satisfaction that the fleet had not come, and
his belief that bad results would have followed had it done
so, and that the negotiations then being carried on with
the Russian ambassador might have taken a hostile course.
On the news of the English fleet being sent for by Colonel
Rose reaching Paris by the telegraph, orders were given for
the French fleet to go to Salamis. This was done without
consultation with our Government. It was done on the
spur of the moment, the French Government believing that
the danger was imminent. However, the order was given,
and when the French Government communicated this
order, we frankly told them that the danger did not appear
to us to be so imminent, and that at that moment we did
not think it necessary that our fleet should leave Malta.
But the French Government said that under the circum-
stances—and it made no difference in our relations—Toulon
being further west than Malta, if danger did occur, and
the, two fleets were wanted, they would be in a line, and
more handy for action and better able to arrive at Con-
stantinople together, and to act in combination, if one
were at Salamis and the other at Malta. We entirely
agreed in this, and the circumstance did not for one mo-
ment throw a single shade of difference over our relations.
Her Majesty's Government were entirely satisfied that the
French fleet should be so much ahead of the Englis fleet,
and the result has proved, that when the fleets were
wanted to proceed to Besika Bay, instructions were
agreed upon on the same day at Paris and in London, and
dispatched by the same telegraph, and within a few hours
of each other the fleets arrived at Besika Bay, which
could not have been the case if one fleet had been at
Toulon and the other at Malta. That circumstance never
produced the slightest difference, or shade of difference,
between the two Governments. My noble friend says
there certainly was a difference between the two Govern-
ments that influenced the Emperor of Russia in the policy
he pursued towards Turkey. I cannot dive into the mind
of any man further than my noble friend, but I will merely
say that the assurances that were given to us were the
same as those given to my noble friend, although they went
further, because the Russian Government gave us general
assurances, and also more particular assurances as to the
objects sought by Russia in the East. No Sovereign could
have given more solemn or more sacred assurances of re-
spect for existing treaties, and for the territorial arrange-
ments of Europe, The Emperor of Russia never hesitated
to say that he considered the maintenance of the Turkish
empire as a great principle of European policy, and that
for that purpose ho would yield to none in his desire to
maintain the independence and integrity of Turkey.
(Hear.) The Russian Government has, on more than one
occasion, agreed with her Majesty's Government that the
dismembeiment of the Turkish Government would be a
great European calamity, that it would lead unquestion-
ably to war, and that it could not be settled without great
disturbance to the existence balance of power in Europe.
Under these circumstances the Russian Government sent
Prince Meuschikoff to Constantinople, not as my noble
friend says, when the question of the Holy Places was
seAled, because it was not settled. It may have been
settled in the French sense, but that makes all the dif-
fel ence ; and it was on that account that the Emperor of
Russia resisted the settlement. He said that those privi-
leges had been transferred to the Latins which heretofore
had been given to the Greeks—that this was a violation
of solemn promises made to himself ; that it was impair-
ing his moral influence, occupying as he does a high and
elevated position in the Greek Church ; and that it not
only impaired his influence over those who professed the
Greek faith in the Turkish dominions, but that it react& d
prejudicially upon himself over his subjects in his own do-
minions. He therefore considered that it was absolutely
necessary that the question should be set right. I must
ay that from first to last, acting with great respecttowards
the French Government he said he would not seek to de-
prive the Latins of the advantages they thus gained, although
at his own expense, but that he would seek from the Turk-
ish Government some equivalent, and he should require
that that equivalent should be secured to them, not as be-
fore, under a firman, which experience had shown him
could be violated, but by some explanatory act of a more
binding character which should prevent future disturb-
ance. Therefore, my lords, this mission was undertaken,
not, as my noble friend says, after the question was
settled, but it was undertaken for the purpose of settling
the question, and it was not at first so very easily settled.
Various conferences took place. The Russian Ambassador
and the French Ambassador had to meet various times
upon it, and it was at last mainly adjusted by the friendly
intervention of my noble friend her Majesty's Ambassador
at Constantinople, who, this country being uninterested in
the question, was enabled to act as amicus curia. By the
advice he gave the question was settled in a manner satis-
factory to all parties, and his services were acknowledged
by both the French, the Austrian, and the Russian Go-
vernments. It was only after this that, on the sth of May,
certain further propositions were made by the Russian
Government—propositions certainly of which we had,
until that time, no idea. We certainly did not know that
proposals which amounted at last to little less than a pro-
tectorate, that any such proposals`vvould be made ; and we
not unnaturally supposed—having officially received the
assurance that Prince Menschikoff had a very wide lati-
tude in his instructions to conclude the matter in any way
he thought proper—l say, we not unnaturally supposed
that this first proposal of his was an attempt to gain as
-b as he lssibly could, with a- 'ntention to take less