The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-01 00:00:00

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that Which was to be found in that eonvertistion of two
members of the Roman Triumvirate, and in which nab-
pere put these words into the mouth of Antony when
speaking of Lepidus to Octavius. Octavius says .1
He is a tried and valiant soldier.
To which Antony replies :
So is my horse, Octavius ; and for that
I do appoint him store of provender—
It is a creature that I teach to fight,
To wind, to stop, to run directly on ;
His corporal motion governed by my spirit.
And in some taste is Lepidus but so ;
He must be taught, and trained, and bid go forth ;
A barren-spirited fellow ; one that feeds
On objects, arts, and imitations,
Which, out of use, and staled•by other men,
Begin his fashion. Do not talk of him
But as a property.
(Laughter.) Since that celebrated conversation of that
triumvirate, and which occurredvhen they were dividing
the world between them, he found no parallel to this
Imperial Anthony, thus unbosom* himself to Sir Octavius
Hamilton. (Great laughter.) The moment the .first Rus-
sian soldier crossed the Pruth, there was no alternative
between absolute concession to Russia Or war;
_atid the
Government ought to have acted.accordingly. He (Lord
Derby) confessed it was not without considerable uneasi-
ness that he found this country embarked in thislormi-
dable war. He gave every credit' to • the' Government
for their confidence in the good understanding that now
happily existed with France. (Loud cheers: a ad-
mitted that when it was thought, and wisely thought
necessary, to increase our naval and military forces, and
to make preparations for the defence of the country, there
might have been a doubt not of the intentions of the man
who had rescued France from a state of anarchy, but
owing to the unsettled and tumultuous state of
France the almost impossibility of its being in the
power of any mind, however able, to re-unite and calm
down all parties, and extinguish in the minds of
Frenchmen that which was their strangest, pea'
Bien, a thirst for military glory and military power, there
might have been a doubt with regard to our relations with
France. He (Lord Derby) looked with anxiety at the war
on which we were now entering. Not that he doubted the
readiness of his countrymen to endure the sacrifice* which
they would be called on to make, or that, withotit any
blind enthusiasm, he did not share in the feeling that the
cause for which we were entering on war was just ; but
because he felt that this must be a lengthened struggle,
even though it should eventually be crowned with success,
and because he believed that our financial arrangements
were not such as to place the country in an advantageous
position.. He could not forget that last year,-nfter war
was known to be imminent, that in spite of repeated
warnings, a scheme of finance had been ventured on, and
which was applauded by the noble earl at the head of the
Government, and held up as an example worthy to be
followed by all future Chancellors tof the Exchequer.
It was not without considerable uneasiness, then, that he
now found the country embarked in this war ; not that he
doubted
the willingness of the people to bear the sacrifices
considerdesired. ourß Revenue
that would be required from them, but because he did not
vfiennaunechiaad financial pan itiovnelunsotaty as tb
Ex-
chequer balances were gone, and the income tax had been
db oe ufbo luend Under
a.
impracticable these t
o pa
ycircumstancesthecurrehnet feared
of
fotulhde
war without changing
our present system of currency. He
was glad to hear that no claim would be made to a protec-
torate over Turkey ; but it was not unreasonable that
when we were on the verge and threshold of war, it should
be known to what we had pledged ourselves, and for the
maintenance of what it was that we were about to shed
some of the best blood, and expend a large amount of
the treasure of the country ; nor was it unreasonable
that we should ask what objects were to be accomplished
before the war could be brought to an honourable conclu-
sion. He joined cordially with the Government in the
terms, language, and spirit of the address, and he felt with
the noble earl that we might look with more hope, and less
in that spirit of blasphemy which characterised the lan-
guage of the Emperor of Russia, in a humble confidence of
having done all in our power to avert the horrors of war,
but having failed in our endeavours in consequence of the
unjustifiable pretensions of Russia, and having entered on
the war with no motives of aggrandisement but with the
intention of securing the weak and the oppressed against
future aggression, we might, he said, look with humble
confidence and hope for the protection of that Great Power
which holds in its hands the destinies of kings and na-
tions, and as the arms of England bad never been employed
in a more honourable cause, so he trusted that the war
would come to such a conclusion as to prove that none of
her triumphs were ever more decided or more glorious.
The Earl of ABERDEEN—Your lordships have now
had an opportunity of judging of the nature of that sup-
port which the noble earl, in a fit of patriotism, thinks
proper on this occasion, and on this occasion only, to afford
to her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) But, my
lords, I presume we must be grateful for what we have
received, though I trust the support we shall obtain from
Parliament generally and the country will be of a more
cordial character. (Hear, hear.) Tho noble earl has de-
voted a large portion of his speech to what may be called
a personal attack on myself and the transactions in which
I have been engaged. Before, however, I proceed to take
notice of that, I will freely admit to the noble earl that
I am one of those who, he said, had hoped against
hope, and that down to the very last moment I did
not altogether abandon the hope that that greatest of
all blessings which a nation can enjoy—peace—might be
preserved to us. (Cheers.) And, my lords, I think if it
were necessary I could give very good reasons for the hope
which I entertained, but the subject has been so much dis-
cussed, and this topic has been so much exhausted, that I
feel I should only weary your lordships were I to explain
to you those motives which induced me to entertain the
belief that war would yet be avoided, especially.seeieg
that there is the less necessity for me to do so, inasmuch
as those expectations have been proved in the result to be
fallacious. (Hear.) The noble earl, in the first place, I
think, stated that he was persuaded that the war in which
' we are now engaging—which he admitted the justice of,
much as it was to be lamented—that that war would not
have taken place, if I had not had the misfortune to be
at the head of the Government ; and, my lords, the noble
earl, in proof of that assertion, referred to a speech made
by the Emperor of Russia to the British Minister at St.
Petersburg, in which his Majesty was pleased to express
an opinion favourable to myself personally, and alluded
to the long acquaintance which he was pleased to recol-
lect he had had with me. (Hear, hear.) Now, my lords,
I cannot of course but feel highly flattered by the good
opinion entertained of me by any sovereign who is in
alliance with our own Queen—and that was the condition in
which the Emperor of Russia stood at that time. And
while I see nothing to be ashamed of in the good opinion
expressed on behalf of so humble an individual as myself by
any sovereign in alliance with her Majesty, I may at the
same time congratulate the noble earl that he too has not
been altogether without the compliments of foreign powers ;
for, if I recollect rightly, the instant almost that he suc-
ceeded to the head of affairs in this country, it so happened
that the Austrian Government wrote to congratulate hint and
his government on their accession to office, and the noble earl,
who was then Secretary of State replied, in a despatch full of
gratitude for the honour. And from whom was this congratu-
lation ? From the only minister whom I ever recollect in
Austria as the most bitter enemy of the English nation—
Prince Schwartzenberg—who, beyond any other person I
believe in the Austrian dominion, was entitled to that die-
tinction. Now, my lords, I have received no congratula-
tions from Austria, though I have been long engaged in
negotiations with that Government, and though I have
been branded in this house, I believe, and in the country, as
a pupil of the detested Metternich—(" Hear, hear," and a
laugh) —still no congratulations reached me from that quar-
ter ; and I am ashamed almost to say that when I received
the congratulations of his Imperial Majesty through Sir
Hamilton Seymour—l am ashamed to say they were received
without any notice on my part, and without any expres-
sion of that profound sense of gratitude which, under similar
circumstances, influenced the noble earl. (Cheers, and laugh-
ter.) The noble earl then repeated its history, and said he
regarded it with satisfaction, because it wished nothing to be
done with regard to Turkey without the consent of the other
Powers. Always supposing that the Emperor's apprehen-
sions were well founded as to the speedy dissolution of the
Turkish empire, and that ho was sincere in the views he ex-
pressed. I think the memorandum was modest and gracious.
(Cheers.) Some parts of it in particular contained views
which it must be admitted were honourable and wise, and
such as, should the necessity arise, it would be well to act on.
For instance, all that (part relating to interference with the
Christian subjects of the Porte, and in fact as regards the
whole, I see nothing in it to object to, and I am perfectly
ready to subscribe to the contents of this paper at this day.
It is a very common notion, I believe (and the noble earl has
given currency to it), that this is a deep-laid scheme of the
Emperor of Russia's, and that the apprehended dissolution of
s to
the Turkish emenpira ge us in thee was a mere pretext of his, put forward as
a mean g
Partitioning of Turkey which,
under that pretext, it was proposed to bring out. I think my
noble friend behind me has said that this apprehension of the
dissolution of the Turkish empire is no novel idea. True it is
of no recent date. It did not•even originate in the year 1844,
nor was it confined to the Emperor of Russia. In the year 1829
the Emperor entertained that apprehension, and I may add that
I entertained it so far back myself. With regard to many
of the noble earl's observations upon this memorandum,
and upon the understanding, as he seems to think it, existing
between some members of the Government and the Emperor
of Russia, I think I have had the benefit of reading them be-
fore. Nay, I should not be very much surprised if at this
moment they were being read in another place. I allude to
what has appeared in a publication which is supposed to enjoy
a position of great authority with the noble earl's friends, and
which at all events is so remarkable for its malignity and mis-
representation, that it is not perhaps very difficult to guess at
the origin of the article to which I am about to refer. (Hear,
hear, and a laugh.) I will just make one or two observations
as to the contents of the last number of the Press—what is
there stated, with respect to this memorandum, which is the
grand cheval de battaille of the noble lord, but which appears
to me to be altogether a mare's nest. (Cheers, laughter, and
" Oh, oh.") The article commences with a falsehood, which
is of course to be expected. (" Hear, hear," and " Oh.") it
says—" In the year 1844 the Emperor of Russia visited our
country. An estrangement having then taken place between
England and France, his Majesty emed the season approP7
ate for the advancement of a long-cherished project, and he
With the
seized the opportunity of personally accomplishing it,
co-operation of an English minister, between whom
of
Court of St. Petersburg there had existed for 30 years
relationsthen
extreme confidence. That minister WaS Lord Aberdeen,"
Now the Wiautd the
Sec-
retaryisunderstand-
of State in the government of Sir R. PeeL
false-
hood I refer to is that there was the slightest
glatantd antd Ftrah nee.
ing or estrangement at that time between En
sd o— o eee
lebrated Tahiti affair, which occurred in 1344. Your lordships
I think I know, however, what is here allud -
will recollect that a difference arose P
iduringthat year about
bothat this country and
Tahiti,
which was
certain transactions that took
-laCo..feolls 111 its character. gitly exaggerated by the press
France, but still was sufficiently serious
Un-
fortunately, however, for the accuracy of this writer the Em-
peror of Russia came here in the first week of June, whereas
our first intelligence of the Tahiti affair was not received un-
till the first week of August. The estrangement, therefore,
with France could not possibly have instigated the Emperor
of Russia to make this communication. (Hear.) That this
memorandum is said to have been drawn up by Count Nessel-
rode and transmitted to Baron Brunow, from St. Petersburg,
accompanied by a private letter from the Emperor to Lord
Aberdeen, in which he begged that if any inaccuracy were
found n'
the document it might be corrected ; but that, if
a roved, the memoraudum should be accepted and pre-
iend
served as " tho key of the relations between Russia and
England." Now, my lords, I can only say I know of no
such letter, and I think my imperial and royal correspond-
ence is not so very extensive, but that I must have re-
collected it if I had received such a letter—(hear, hear,
hear)—but I have not the slightest recollection of any-
thing of the sort. This article, my lords, goes on to say :
—" The Emperor succeeded in his first object. By the advice
of Lord Aberdeen he addressed himself to Sir Robert Peel
and the Duke of Wellington, His grace was always favour.

EGYPTIAN HALL.

"LONDON and NORTH-WESTERN and
L 4 MIDLAND RAILWAYS.—CROXTON PARK RACES.
TUESDAY and WEDNESDAY, 4th and sth of April, 1854.
Passengers will be booked from LONDON to MELTON and
BACK on the a ove days, by the Train leaving Euston Station at
6 0 a.m. Tickets issued for the 4th will be available for returning
either the same day or on the sth.
FARES FROM.LoNDoN TO MELTON AND BACK.
First Class.. • • .. 245. 6d. I Secolad C1a55...... 2ls. 01.
Omnibuses will leave Melton for Croaton Park on the arrival of the
Train, and writ leave Croxton Park in returning in time for a Train
corn Melton at 6.45 p.m.
Fare from Melton to Croxton Park and Back, 55.
By Order.
Derby, March 27, 1854.

lICCA. AND PISTOJA RAILWAY
on th POM-
PANY.—Not,ce is hereby given, that the est eN.
per Cent. Prefe-ence Shares of this Company, due 31st January
last, will be paid at the Office of the Company, No. 38, Cannon-
street, City, on and after WEDNESDAY, the fifth day of April
next.
The Scrip Certificates must be prod
ous uced
to,
payment.
and left at the Offices o
ay
prf
the Company, at least one devi
I.ly order,
CIL4RLE RUSSELL, Secretary.
38, Cannon-street, City, 29th March, 1854.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

degree of vitality which its internal constitution may retain
the Emperor will readily agree that the best means of up-
holding the duration of the Turkish Government is not to
harrass it by overbearing demands, supported in a manner
humiliating to its independence and its dignity. (Loud cries
of '• Hear, hear.") His Majesty is disposed, as he has ever
been, to act upon this system, with the clear understanding,
however, that the same rule of conduct shall be observed,
without distinction and unanimously, by each of the great
Powers, and that none of them shall take advantage of the
weakness of the Porte to obtain from it concessions which
might turn to the prejudice of the others. (Hear, hear.)
This principle being laid down, the Emperor declares that he
is ready to labour, in concert with England, at the common
work of prolonging the existence of the Turkish empire, set-
ting aside all cause of alarm on the subject of its dissolution.
He readily accepts the evidence offered by the British Cabinet
of entire confidence in the uprightness of his sentiments, and
the hope that, on this basis, his alliance with England cannot
fail to become stronger." (Hear, hear.)
Now, my lords, this was on the 15th of April, and is the
result and conclusion of a correspondence begun apparently
with very different feelings on the part of the Emperor of
Russia from those which he new entertains ; and, unless
we are to proceed upon a general system of disbelief and
suspicion in the honour and rectitude of persons in high
quarters—if at the end of April last, and before the real
nature of Prince Alenschikoff's mission was known, I had
been enabled to lay this memorandum on your lordships'
table, I think your lordships would have felt, as her Ma-
jesty's Government felt at that time, that Turkey was safe
from the dangers in which she was soon after involved.
(Hear.) These dangers are of a very clear and substantial
nature. The Emperor of Russia endeavoured by treaties,
or by engagements which should have the force of treaties,
to obtain that right of interference between the Sultan
and many millions of his subjects which would have ex-
tended not only to a virtual protectorate, but have con-
ferred actual government upon bim. Had the Sultan
entered into the engagements which were required from:
him, no question, however small and however trifling,
connected with the control of the affairs of the Greek
subjects of the Sultan could have arisen which would
not have had to be determined by the Russian am-
bassador at Constantinople. (Hear, hear.) We should
then have seen the enlightenment, the intelligence, and
the progress of the Greek subjects of Turkey, as well as the
free exercise of their religion, brought down to the same
low level as those of the subjects of the Emperor of Russia,
and any demur upon the part of the Sultan to submit to
the government of the Russian ambassador would have
been an infraction of treaty and a legitimate cause of
quarrel. (Hear.) Under these circumstances, my lords,
Russia would have been enabled at any moment, and upon
any pretext, with her powerful fleet in the Black Sea, to
render herself mistress of Constantinople. I need not
waste your lordships' time by any comments upon the
effect of such an event as that occurring. We should have
found in such a case, to our cost and to our disgrace, that
the maintenance of the Ottoman empire, which is a matter
of European necessity, was nothing more than a vague and
unmeaning term. And I must say, my lords, that it was
unworthy of the dignity of the Emperor of Russia perse-
veringly to attribute the failure of his scheme, not to the
nature of the scheme itself, but to the perseverance and
malignity of Lord Stratford de Redciffe. (Cheers.) The
Sultan was perfectly alive to his own interests, and under
any circumstances, would have refused the terms sought to
be imposed on him by the Emperor of Russia. (Cheers.)
True it is Lord Stratford, on being consulted, did not
advise the Porte to commit political suicide, but the
same advice was given at the same time by the French
Ambassador, the Austrian Internuncio, and the Prussian
Minister. (Cheers.) When the outrage of occupying the
principalities was committed, it was committed as a gua-
rantee for the fulfilment of a treaty which had not been
violated. Although this part of the subject has been
more than once alluded to before, your lordships must
bear in mind that the whole question, as regards the Em-
peror of Russia, turns upon the interpretation of the
seventh article of the treaty of Kainardji, by which the
Porte engaged to protect the Christian religion and all its
churches throughout the Ottoman dominions ; but so care-
fully did the Porte guard itself against any right of inter-
ference on the part of Russia that, by a subsequent por-
tion of the article, that interference was limited to the
right of making representations with respect to a church
at that time building at Constantinople, and to an en-
gagement on the part of the Porte to take those represen-
tations into consideration. (Hear, hear.) That is not the
unlimited interpretation of the treaty which has been
throughout insisted upon by Russia, and for which she is
now prepared to enter into war. I leave yours lordships
tojudge what would have been the effect as regards
Russia if this scheme had succeeded, and if the Em-
peror had been entitled to demand all that was con-
ceded to him, with the additional interpretation put
upon this treaty. We have a treaty with the King of
Naples. Suppose we had suddenly chosen to give an in-
terpretation to that treaty that it was an undertaking to
admit British commodities free of duty, for the purpose of
rendering them cheaper to his Majesty's subjects ; and sup-
pose the King of Naples, as he was justly entitled, had re-
sisted this, and we had seized on Sicily as a material 1
pledge—not of any right of claim, but of our interpreta-
tion of the treaty—in that case, I ask whether the indig-
nation of Europe would not have been aroused, and
whether the King of Naples would not have been war-
ranted in calling in the aid of allies ? (Hear, hear.) Just
such an assumption of right as this, and such an unwar-
ranted use of power has taken place on the part of Russia.
But, notwithstanding all that had occurred, the media-
tion of Austria for the settlement of the differences be-
tween Russia and the Porte was called in, and Austria
invited the aid of the other three Powers in this work.
Though the four Powers felt that the Emperor of Russia
had committed a great wrong, they thought it advisable
to find for him a means of retreat without loss of dignity,
and if the Emperor had accpted the modified Vienua
Note he would have lost nothing of dignity, but in reality
would have gained more. (Hear, hear.) He rejected the
terms proposed, and Count Nesselrode then, in a note, ex-
plained what it was that Russia really required. Still,
however, the Emperor of Russia having said, after the
Conference at Olmutz, that if any fresh terms were pro-
posed to him he desired that they should be first settled
with the Porte, the Four Powers again renewed their en-
deavours, and their representatives at Constantinople ob-
tained from the Porte fresh terms, giving the Emperor
much more than he had a right to demand. And it is
worthy of remark that after the Sultan had been com-
pelled, in his own defence, to declare war, and after the
massacre at Sinope which aroused national indignation,
a fresh negotiation was begun. The terms of the negotia-
tion were sent to Vienna, and unanimously approved by
the representatives of the Four Powers, who declared
them to be just and honourable, and such as the Emperor
might accept without any loss of that honour and dignity
which it was thought so desirable to maintain. And, my
lords, how were those negotiations received ? (Hear.)
The Emperor of Russia did not even notice the terms
offered him by the Porte. He disregarded the advice and
recommendation of the Four Powers, and he disregarded
the highest and greatest interests of Europe and the uni-
versal expression of public opinion. (Cheers.) He,
however, subsequently sent proposals of his own, in which
his original demands, far from being abated, were in-
creased, and put in a form to render them more injurious
and more offensive to the Porte. (Hear, hear.) Could we,
under such circumstances, allow the virtual supremacy
over millions of the subjects of the Sultan to be handed
over to the Emperor of Russia ? Could France and
England submit to the degradation of allowing Russia
to take up a position in Turkey which would be the means
of inflicting death upon that country, either by slow poi-
son or by sudden death ? An answer has already been given
by the generous and high-minded people of this country—
(cheers)—who detest aggression in whatever form it may
assume, and who are always ready to protect the weak
against the strong. (Loud cheers.) And, my lords, it was
a sense of national hour, a sense of duty, and a desire to
maintain the respect in which this country is held among
the nations of the earth, that made her Majesty's Govern-
ment, in conjunction with the Government of the Emperor
of the French, feel it their bounden duty to bring this
question to a final decision, and require within a given
period an understanding from the Emperor of Russia,
giving him notice at the same time that his refusal to
comply with the terms proposed would be received as a de-
claration of war. (Cheers.) Late on Saturday evening
last a messenger arrived with the information that the
Emperor did not consider it consistent with his dignity to
give any answer to the communication of the allied
Powers, and on Monday her Majesty's Royal Message was
read in this house. I think your lordships will admit that
we have been actuated by no selfish considerations, that
wo have sought for no territorial aggrandisement and no
extension of influence. We want nothing for our trade,
and we fear nothing for our Indian possessions. (Cheers.)
For none of these would we make the sacrifices we are
now about to make ; but for the preservation of our honour
and our self-respect we are prepared to make any sacrifice,
and it is to maintain them that her Majesty appeals to
the loyal devotion of your lordships. (Loud cheers.) On
Monday evening a noble earl opposite expressed a wish
that the agreements between England and France, and
England, France, and Turkey, should be laid upon the
table. Certain papers have already been delivered, but at
the present moment we are not able to lay our agreement
with France on the table. At present it consists simply
of an exchange of notes, containing arrangements with
respect to military operations, and which have been drawn
up for the purpose of facilitating arrangements elsewhere,
which, I hope, may have been concluded before now.
When the arrangements are concluded the notes between
France and England will take a more decisive and definite I
form, and will then be laid upon your lordships' table.
With respect to the convention entered into, I explained
to my noble friend opposite (the Earl of Malmesbury), last
night, that, in consequence of a misunderstanding at the
French Foreign-office, the Ambassador of the Emperor of
the French at Constantinople had not yet received his full
powers, and, consequently, the treaty had only been pro-
visionally signed. It cannot, therefore, at present be aid
upon the table; but I may at once reply to the inquiries
made by my noble friend (Lord Derby), thoothor evening,
with respect to some fears he expressed with regard to
certain rumours which had reached him, that the treaty
contains no stipulations of any kind with respect to the
Christian subjects. (Cheers.) A question has been asked
by my noble friend opposite as to the terms and I
think
manlier
in which we are about to carry on the war, but
any noble friend will not press that question, when he must
be aware that the answer must depend upon a vast variety
of circumstances. (Hear, hear.) Our object is t? check
and repel the unjust aggression of Russia, imt in what
manner that will be carried out, and to what consequences
it may lead, must depend entirely upon the proverbial
chances of war, upon the success that may attend our
arms, and upon the activity of our allies. When the
British army went to Spain we went to assist the people I
of that country to defend themselves fr o m aggression ; but
peace except upon the territorial arrange-
in 1808, or 1809, or 1810, or 1811, we could not say we
Nmvoeunitds
NI 1 Ivha
ikceh nao•ere ultimately fixed at Vienna. In enter-
inn- on war now, we do so to repel aggression. I believe
there is not a man iu the dominions of the Czar who does
not expect that Constantinople will ultimately belong to
Russia. It will be onr duty, as far as we possibly can, to
prevent the realisation of that expectation, and to take
care that a Russian occupation may never begin there.
Were it to succeed, and were Russia to be in possession of
Constantinople, commanding, as she would do then, the
Black Sea and its shores, being enabled, as she would, to
occupy Circassia. and Georgia, and convert the population
of those frontier countries into one mighty army, having
access to the Mediterranean and a vast naval fleet in
the Baltic, and determined, as she now is, to increase

her naval power, with all those facilities which steam
and modern invention have afforded for the trans-
port of troops—with all these advantages, were Russia
in possession of Constantinople, it would not be too much
to say that more than one Western Power would have
to undergo the fate of Poland. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
The wealth and the intelligence and the civilisation of
Europe would be no more a barrier against encroach-
ments upon the part of Russia than were the intelligence
and civilisation of ancient Rome against the encroach-
ments of the Huns and Vandals. (Cheers.) If I may
explain this question, it is not merely the protection of
Turkey against the aggressions of Russia that is concerned
in the Eastern question, as it is commonly called, but it
is the battle of civilisation against barbansm—(cheers)—
and the maintenance of the independence of Europe. (Con-
tinued cheers. Already, even without territorial aggran-
disement, thi3 policy pursued by Russia has, in a great
measure, plgced the nations of Germany in a state of de-
pendence. ' Several foreign Governments, but more par-
ticularly those of Germany, have been acted upon by
Russia with a strength and influence which have been and
always will be exercised to check education, the free ex•
pression of opinion, and that progress which is essential
to civilisation. (Cheers.): The object of the Emperor of
Russia has been to render other countries dependent upon
him. From the papers which have already been laid upon
the table of the house your lordships must have seen at
once that the submission of Austria to the designs of the
Emperor of Russia upon Turkey was taken for granted,
and that, with respect to Prussia, she was not thought
worthy of mention at all. (Hear.) And even after all that
had passed—even in the course of this very year, after Aus-
tria and Prussia had signed the proctocols condemning the
conduct of the Emperor of Russia, the Emperor of
Russia sent a convention for the German Powers to
sign for his advantage, and did not authorise his agent
to give an answer to the Emperor of Austria himself,
when he asked what the policy of the Emperor of Russia
would be in the event of his signing that convention. Nor
would the Emperor of Russia even say whether he would
cross the Danube or not. (Hear, hear.) But the conven-
tions and propositions of the Emperor of Russia were re-
jected in a manner well calculated to maintain the dignity
and independence of Austria and Prussia. (Loud cheers.)
And here, my lords, let me repeat what I have said be-
fore, that this country has every reason to be satisfied
with the conduct of Austria. (Cheers.) She has behaved
in an honourable and straightforward manner throughout
the negotiations with Russia, and she has done, in her own
way, and at her own time, everything that she could for
the preservation of peace, and to maintain the integrity
of Turkey. (Loud cheers.) I believe she has now placed
her army upon a war footing, and only this evening I re-
ceived a communication stating the position of her diffe-
rent forces, which now amount to 130,000 men, indepen-
dently of her troops upon the frontier. There is a diffe-
rence, however, in the mode of action between Austria and
Prussia. The latter power is desirous of exercising a per-
fect neutrality ; but I must say that, with such a war as
is now about to be waged upon the frontiers of both coun-
tries, it will be impossible for either power to preserve a
neutrality. At all events, nothing could be more injurious
or fatal to the best interests of both these countries than
a protracted war, and nothing could be better for them
than a short and decisive contest. But if the two great
German Powers be divided, the result will inevitably be
in favour of revolutions ; and therefore favourable to the
present interests of Russia. (Hear.) If these powers,
however, proceed in accordance with popular opinion,
which is every day more and more against Russia, it can-
not be for one moment doubted that the ultimate result
will be favourable to German independence. (Cheers.) That
Power which refuses to lend itself to the designs of Russia
will transfer to itself all the popular sympathy of Germany,
and into the hands of that Power will be committed the
future destinies of the German nation. Under these cir-
cumstances, I do sincerely hope that these two great
Powers—taking an accurate estimate both of their own in-
terests and the interests of Europe—may become not only
united in their policy with the Western Powers, but that
they will undertake united action with them. 1 trust they
will take the parts which befit them in this great struggle,
the result of which concerns them even more than Western
Europe. I trust that, at the close of this struggle,
we shall find them by our side, re-establishing peace upon
a solid and secure foundation; but that peace, my
lords, will be neither solid nor secure unless the
territorial extension and the immoderate influence of
Russia be effectually restrained. That peace will not be a
glorious peace, my lords, if we do not secure equal rights
and immunities for the Christian subjects of Turkey, not
securing them by treaties nor by a protectorate, nor by ac-
quiring rights fatal to the very independence which we
intend to uphold, but securing them as the spontaneous
act of the Sultan—and not less binding on him on that ac-
count—by which he will best consult his own interests,
and by which he will entitle himself to the gratitude of
Europe, and afford to France and England the only return
they desire for the exertions which they aro now making
on his behalf. With these objects in view, and if the
Crown meets, as I trust it will, with the unanimous sup-
port of the Parliament and people of this country, we may
humbly hope that the protection of Heaven may be vouch-
safed to the cause which we believe to be a right one,
and we may look forward boldly and fearlessly to the re-
sult of this struggle in which we are about to embark.
(Cheers.) The noble earl concluded by moving that an
humble address be presented to her Majesty, to return her
Majeatir _ the _tbanks of this 4icasekr Tier most gracious_
Message, and for the communication of the several papeTri
which have been laid before it in obedience to her Majes-
ty's command ; to assure her Majesty of the just sense we
entertain of her Majesty's anxious and uniform endea-
vours to preserve to her people the blessings of peace, and
of our perfect confidence in her Majesty's disposition
to terminate the calamities of war, whenever that object
can be accomplished consistently with the honour of her
Majesty's Crown and the interests of her people; that we
have observed with deep concern that her Majesty's en-
deavours have been frustrated by the spirit of aggression
displayed by the Emperor of Russia in his invasion and
continued occupation of the provinces of Wallachia and.
Moldavia, in the rejection of equitable terms of peace pro-
posed under the sanction of four of the principal Powers of
Europe, and in the preparation of immense forces to sup-
port his unjust pretensions; that these pretensions appear
to us subversive of the independence of the Turkish empire ;
that we feel that the trust reposed in its demands on our
part a firm determination to co-operate with her Majesty
in a vigorous resistance to the projects of a Sovereign whose
further ag,grandisement would be dangerous to the inde-
pendence of Europe.
The Earl of DERBY rose, and said he should not offer
I the slightest opposition to the address, because he was sa-
tisfied that the war was a just war; but he feared that the
country had but an inadequate conception of the magni-
tude and probable duration of the contest upon which we
were about to enter. The object of the war was not merely
to obtain the expulsion of Russia from the principalities,
but to restrain her aggression by the united action of inde-
pendent States. But the pretensions of Russia would not
have been put forward at this particular time if Lord
Aberdeen had not been at the head of the Government.
Those pretensions were shadowed forth in Count Nessel-
rode's memorandum of 1844. This was a document of
rather a singular character; it was stated to he a " me-
morandum by Count Nesselrode delivered to her Majesty's
Government and founded on communications from the
Emperor of Russia subsequently to his Imperial Majesty's
visit to England, in June, 1844." He dared say the me-
morandum was framed subsequent to his Majesty's visit to
England, but he did not understand what were those com-
munications from the Emperor. If there were communi-
cations there was a diplomatic correspondence and de-
spatches, and those had not been produced to the house.
But, if ho was not mistaken, at the time this memorandum
was framed it was in consequence of a personal communi-
cation which took place at the period of the Emperor's
visit to this country in 1814—a personal, not an official
communication, with two or three ministers, of whom the
noble earl at the present moment was the only survivor,
and special communications from the noble earl himself,
who at that time filled the office of Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs. Now, this memorandum was of a
remarkable character; it was not an official document, it
was not a document that was brought under the cogni-
sance of the cabinet of which the noble earl and himself
at the same time were members, but it was a personal
communication binding on the noble earl himself, not
binding in the slightest degree on the Government. It
remained not with the ordinary papers in the Foreign-
office ; it remained in the custody of each successive Se-
cretary of State, with no copy of it in the Foreign-office.
He was in a condition to know that great importance was
attached to this memorandum, because he had not had the
honour of holding office eight-and-forty hours when both
to him and to the noble lord who then filled the office o.
Secretary for Foreign Affairs Baron Brunow expressed
his anxious desire that they should see and ma k. e them-
selves acquainted
with this document. Up to this time he
knew nothing of it. But when the noble memorandum
ucceeded
to the Government, then immediately the
~
which the Emperor held to be binding as. against himself,
to use his own expression, was also binding on the noble
earl opposite, not as the British Minister, but as the indi-
vidual to whom he had communicated
.his scheme in 1844;
and then, the position of Europe giving him encourage-
ment, he was led to believe that now was the time to carry
into operation the scheme laid. down in 1844. What was
the understanding that was come to in 1844 ? That in
which the nobe earl prsonally concurre ws that if
anything unforeseen occurred in Turkey, Russiaa and Eng-
land would consult together as to the course to be pur-
sued. Englandjand Russia were to go hand in hand, and
Austria was to follow in the train of Russia. From 1814
to the present time Russia had always presumed that, and
that France would be obliged to go in conformity with the
course England and Russia agreed upon. The object then
of the conference in 1844 was, that if any unforeseen event
threatened the dissolution of the Turkish empire, England
and Austria would follow in the train of Russia, and enter
into a contract by which they would compel France to ac-
cept the terms that they offered. The noble earl succeeded
to office, and at that moment there were questions between
France and Russia about the Holy Places. It was sup-
posed, rightly or wrongly, that at that time between France i
and England there was no cordial understanding, and
Russia probably considered that the Prime Minister of 1853
would follow up the negotiations entered into in 1814—
that Russia, England, and Austria would dictate their
policy to France. That that was the design of the Em-
peror in 1853, he not only had no doubt, but ho
thought these papers contained abundant evidence to prove;
and not only was that his design, but it was pro-
mulgated in the openest and most unblushing manner.
He (the Earl of Derby) contended, further, that, in the
recent negotiations, Russia had never concealed her views
upon Turey, though he acknowledged the honour and
good faith with which the Government had acted through-
out the secret correspondence. Lord J. Russell, however,
in that correspondence recognised the Emperor's right of a
protectorate over the Christian subjects of the Porte, which
we are now going to war to destroy. Russia, therefore,
had some cause to complain; and he further contended
that the Emperor had reason to think that this country
concurred with him as to the ultimate arrangement of the
affairs of Turkey. He (Lord Derby) would say nothing of
the manner in which the Emperor had treatedall the other
powers, and especially that with which the proposed tri-
partite treaty was to be entered into, but for an example
of supreme contempt and indifference to the feelings and in-
pendent action of a nation it had no parallel, except

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HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.)
In consequence of to-day being fixed for the conside-
ration, in both houses of Parliament, of her Majesty's
most gracious message, announcing the suspension of all
negotiations with the Emperor of "All the.Russias,"
large crowds of persons collected in Palace-yard, in
Westminster Hall, and along the different passages lead-
ing to each house, in order to witness the arrival of
the various Peers and members of Parliament, and great
anxiety was evinced by them to see the most prominent
members of the Cabinet. The interior of the House of
Lords presented a more exciting appearance than it has
done on any other occasion we recollect, except at the
opening and close of Parliament, when her Majesty
attends in person. The galleries on each side of the house,
which are usually appropriated to peeresses were en-
tirely filled with ladies upon whose splendid dresses the
reflection of the brightly shining sun, through the
coloured glass windows, had a very peculiar and brilliant
effect. The space in front of the throne and behind the
bar, as well as the strangers gallery were crowded with
spectators. All the Ministers were on the Government
benches and there was a large attendance of Opposition
members.

LONDON aud. NORTH-WESTERN RAIL-
WAY.
NOTICE FOR APRIL.
The 9 a in. Fast Train from London will run to Birmingham, call-
ing at Watford.
The 9.30 a.m. Train from London will be discontinued to Coventry
and Birmingham, stop at Bletchley, and cease stopping at•Kilburn,
Watford, and Leighton.
The 5 p.m. Express Train from London will stop at Watford.
The 5.15 p.m Express Train from London will stop at Bletchley,
and cease stopping at Watford.
The Train to Watford, leaving London at 10.5 p.m., will leave at
9.20 p.m, and cease calling at Camden, Kilburn, Willesden, and
Pinner.
With the exception of the 9.15 a.m. Express Train from Euston'
which will run as usual, the Trains on Good Friday will only run as
on Sundays.
On tile branch lines the Trains will only run as on Sundays.
By order,

pURSUANT to a Decree of the High Court of
Chancery, made in a cause, "Wood against McLachlan,"
the CREDITORS of RICHARD MASON WOOD,nd late
inters of Aldero rsker
-
gate-street, in the city of London, typetounder aD, pr' b
(who died in the month of September, 1845), are, by their solicitors,
on or before the 9th day of April next, to come in and PROVE their
DEBTS, at the chambers of the Vice .Chancellor, Sir Richard Torin
Kindersley, No. 15, Old-square, Lincoln's-inn, Middlesex ;or in de-
fault thereof they will be peremptorily excluded from the benefit of
the said Decree.
Wednesday, the 26th day of April, 1854, at Twelve o'clock noon, at
at the said chambers, is appointed for hearing and adjudicating upon
the claims.
Dated CHARLES this 6th day of March, 1854.
PUGH, Chief Clerk.

Wi ITI A MAP OF THE BALTIC.
THE APRIL NUMBER of BENTLEY'S
MISCELLANY, price 2s. 6d., contains the Baltic Fleet, War
and its Policy, and many other articles by distinguished writers,
and a Map of the Baltic.

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PHYSIOLOGICAL RESEARCHES into the
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on the empirical manner these Diseases are treated; being a Guide
to Health, Long Life, and Happiness.
By MEDICUS.
Sherwood, Piper, and Co., 83, Paternoster-row.

THE MAIL STEAM-SHIP for AUSTRALIA,
4th April.—The QUEEN of the SOUTH, 1,800 tons, Com-
mander W. H. Noma AN, one of the fleet of the General Screw Steam-
shipping Company, is appointed to Leave SOUTHAMPTON on the
4th of April, with her Majesty's mails, for ADELAIDE, PORT
PHILIP, and SYDNEY. The Queen of the South, which was the
pioneer ship of the Indian mail steam-ship line (via the Cape of Good
Hope), returned from Calcutta to Plymouth on the 26th of February
last, her third voyage, punctually to an hour—a significant fact, and
worthy of note, especially when it is considered that the distance is
'about '..7,000 miles by sea, and that she had to stop at seven ports
outward and eight homeward. This feat hp not been accomplished
by any ships in the world but by those be-longing to the General
Screw Steam-shipping Company. The Queen of the South Is sister
ship to the Argo (also one of this Company's fleet), which reached
Australia from Southampton in 64 days, and rat trued to England
the same time.
The Argo was the first steam-ship that returnA round Cape Horn,
thus literally circumnavigating the globe in 1`2.• days, which has yet
to be equalled. It is deemed but just to the public to state these
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they are likely to do in their service to Australia. It is also essen-
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The mall service tp Australia will be continued by the General
Screw Steam-shipping Company every alternate month until further
notice.
The Queen of the South is ship-rigged (the Argo was barque-
rigged), and it is not unreasonable to anticipate that, with favourable
wind, she will-make the passage to Australia in 60 days, or less,
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In reply to the Earl of RODEN,
The Earl of ABERDEEN said it was the intention of
the Government to advise her Majesty to set apart a
day for national humiliation and prayer to Almighty
God for the success of her arms in the present war.
The Archbishop of CANTERBURY expressed his
satisfaction at the declaration made by the noble earl.
It had been always the practice in this country to appoint
a day of humiliation previous to entering upon a war,
and never was there a time when we could more properly
invoke the blessing of God on her Majesty's arms. (Hear.)
WAR WITH RUSSIA—HER MAJESTY'S
MESSAGE.
The Earl of CLARENDON moved that her Majesty's
most gracious Message be read.
The Royal Message was then read by the reading clerk,
Mr. L. Edmonds, in a tone of voice which seemed to be
purposely inaudible.
The Earl of CLARENDON then rose, and said,—My
lords, in rising to move your lordships to agree to the ad-
dress which I have the honour to propose in answer to the
gracious Message of her Majesty which has just been read,
I trust that it will not be necessary for me to detain the
house at any great length on a subject upon whiehyour
lordships are already so well acquainted, both by the papers
which have been laid before Parliament, and by the debates
in this house. But, my lords, upon an occasion like the
present—upon an occasion of such solemn and grave im-
portance, when the hopes and anticipations of the last few
months have been dispelled—when the peace which we
have so long laboured to maintain has been terminated—
when war, which we have thought for years past to be im-
possible to be renewed, is about to be commenced—and
when your lordships are now called upon to reply to the
appeal which her Majesty has made to your loyal devotion
and zeal in the struggle which she is about to wage in de-
fence of an injured ally—l cannot approach this subject
without feelings of the greatest anxiety. Ido not shrink
from the expression of this opinion, because it is not
inconsistent with that courage which characterises this
country, it is not inconsistent with that determination of
purpose which in past times has borne us safely through
difficulties and dangers, calmly to contemplate the wide
field of calamity that war opens before us, and to re-
flect upon the various and vast interests that will be
endangered, upon the social progress which will be inter-
rupted, upon the burdens which will be impeded, and the
plans of improvement which will be set aside by this war.
But these considerations presenting themselves, and weigh-
ing heavily, as they must do, on every reflecting mind,
have not proved sufficient either to abate the determination
or to damp the ardour, I would rather say the enthusiasm,
with which this country has risen as one man at the sacred
call of duty to defend the national honour from unjust
attack and unprovoked aggression. (Hear.) My lords, I
trust that nothing will fall fi om me this evening to mar
those unanimous feelings with which on every account it is
so important that our proceedings should be characterisedl
,
or that I should impair the great and good effect which
know has been produced throughout the whole of Europe
by the unanimity of the people of this country and by
the imposing attitude which in consequence England has
assumed since war has appeared to be imminent. But,
my lords, in saying this, 1 am far from intending, as my
noble friend thought on a former and less important occa-
sion, to deprecate discussion or avert inquiry in any and
every stage of these proceedings ; still less have I any
intention to complain of the spirit in which these inquiries
and that criticism have been conducted. Some of your
lordships may have thought that we.alisl. not speak out,
sufficiently strongly and in good lime ; others have
thought that we should have acted more vigorously,
and rendered war inevitable in order to avoid war ;
others have thought that we have displayed a foolish
confidence in the assurances we have received ; while others
like my noble friend below me (Earl Grey) have, by power-
ful arguments, endeavoured to establish that we should not
have interfered' at all. But, my lords, as far as lam able
to ascertain the real state of public opinion. I have found
that the verdict of the country has been given in our fa-
vour, and that it is because our persevering efforts to main-
tain peace have been exhausted that the unanimous sup-
port of this powerful nation is now to be given to us.
It has been, on several occasions, mysd.uty to explain and
defend the policy of the Government, and I shall not on
the present occasion occupy your lordships' time or weary
you by going over the same ground and repeating the same
facts and arguments. But, my lords, with reference to
that undue confidence which we have been accused of ex-
hibiting in the Emperor of Russia, I do desire to say a few
words, and they will be with reference to that correspond-
ence which has just been laid on your lordships' table.
My lords, it is unnecessary for me to say that that corres-
pondence would have remained buried in the archives of
the Foreign-office, if we had not been challenged, and con-
sequently compelled by the Emperor of Russia to produce
it. We neither desired nor sought these communiaations,
but having received them as confidential, vre have behaved
with scrupulous honour to the Emperor of Russia, and I can
give your lordships no better proof than this fact—that in
a despatch that I wrote at the end of April, in which •I
recapitulated the various assurances given us by the Em-
peror, I inserted one short extract, not from the despatch
by Sir H. Seymour containing an account of his conver-
sations with the Emperor, but from the memorandum
which the Emperor had caused to be drawn up. Count
Nsselrode, observine this extract, protested against this
ass a breach of confidence, and requested that it might not
be inserted in that despatch when it was laid before Par-
liament. We replied that all communications of this
kind were exceedingly inconvenient to ss constitutional
Government—(cheers)—but that if the Emperor thought
he had just cause to complain, we would promise him that
that passage should be withdrawn fromtbe despatch when
it was laiSbefore Parliament.
8 whether, in the course
(Hear.)
send I can with
confidence appeal to your lordship
of the various discussions which have taken place, there
has been any, the slightest allusion, on the part of the
Government, to the communications made by the Em-
peror. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, as that correspond-
ence has been produced, I can only express my satisfaction
that it has seen the light, because I think may say, with-
out presumption, it proves that we have been honest to
the Sultan, honest to our allies, and honest to the Empe-
ror himself. (Cheers.) The Emperor voluntarily deve-
loped his ideas, or rather expressed his conviction that the
uise idea on
dissolution of the Ottoman empire was inevitable the part and we
must remember that this was no sing
of the Emperor—that he had no monopoly of it—and that
it was shared by thousands of persons in this country, who,
at this time last year, had no idea of the vital energy and
national spirit which the Turks have since exhibited.
(Hear.) It was proved by books, by pamPhlets, hY
Otto-
papers,news-
and by a variety of statistical data, that the
sewith us what would.
man empharcould not last. The Emperor of Russia desired to
discuss this matter with us, and to arran
plsecies being realised.
be suitable, or rather what would na' be suitable, to the
two countries in the event of these pro
There was in this nothing more to excite suspicion or
create alarm in 1853 than there was in 1841 or in 1829,
when these ideas were first broached. But if this country
had participated in these ideas of the Emperor—if we had
shown that we believed the dissolution of Turkey to be at
at Candia,
might
hand—if we had been ready to admit its
or dismemberment
which
ro,
or shown a readiness t E
were pposed to us to
—then,acce Ip think, the Emperor
have looked to the realisation of his prophecy. But it
was because we wished to avert that danger, and to bring
the Emperor to our view of the question, that we did not
shrink from his wish that we should discuss the whole
question with him. (Hear, hear.) We fully discussed
his arguments ; we gave our reasons for thinking that the
dissolution of the Ottoman empire was not at hand ; we
declared that we would not be a party to an sunderd
dealings, and that we would have no secre from our
allies; we dismissed with something like silent contempt
the offer of a territorial bribe--(cheers)—and we pointed
out to the Emperor the course he ought to pursue. Well,
nap lords, the Emperor in return said that Russia was too
great in territorial extent already ; that ho desired no in-
crease of territory ; that the maintenance of the Ottoman
was a European necessity, and that its dowfall would be
a European calamity ; and though he said he should
b e S ultan
in-
sist upon justice being done him
question of the Holy Places, yety he positivelyupon the
asserted
that he had not moved a man or a ship at that time to-
wards Turkey. (Hear,) And, my lords, these assurances
were given to us not only upon the word of the Emperor,
but on the word of a gentleman. (Cheers.) His Imperial
Majesty seems to draw some distinction between the two.
(A. laugh.) And these assurances were addressed, not
alone to the Government, but to the Queen herself.
(Hear, hear.) In a memorandum written by the Empe-
ror's own hand, and from his own pen, we received these
assurances :
" The Emperor has, with lively satisfaction, made himself
acquainted with Lord Clarendon's despatch of the 23d of
March. His Majesty congratulates himself on perceiving
that his views and those of the English Cabinet entirely co-
incide on the subject of the political combinations which it
would be chiefly necessary to avoid in the extreme case of
the contingency occurring in the East which Russia and Eng-
land have equally at heart to prevent, or, at all events, to
delay as long as possible. Sharing generally the opinions ex-
pressed by Lord Clarendon ou the necessity of the prolonged
maintenance of the existing state of things in Turkey, the
Emperor, nevertheless, cannot abstain from adverting to a
special point which leads him to suppose that the information
received by the British Government is not altogether in ac-
cordance with ours. It refers to the humanity and the. tole-
toleration to be shown by Turkey in her manner of treating
her Christian subjects. Putting aside many other examples
to the contrary of au old date, it is, for all that, notorious that
recently the cruelties committed by the Turks in Bosnia forced
hundreds of Christian families to seek refuge in Austria. In
other respects, without wishing on this occasion to enter upon
a discussion as to the symptoms of decay, more or less evi-
dent, presented by the Ottoman Power, or the greater or less

to 31. -
Few Volumes to complete sets of the former edition remaining
for sale, early application is necessary.
T. and W. Boone, 29, New Bond-street. Oliver and Boyd,
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" WHE PRESS," No. 48, This Day (Saturday),
contains, aumng others—The.rosittou.,of the. Cabtnet—..
Resignation of Mr. Baines—Oxford University Reform Bill—Conven-
tual and Monastic Institutions—Breaking-up of the AmericAn Consti-
tution—Metropolitan Interments—Soldiers' Wives—" Destiny" and
Cuba—The Queen of the May - Seance with the Mesmeric Youth at
the Foreign Office. Literature—Wages and Labour, by J. R. M`-
Culloch, Esq.—The Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology, No.l
—Armenia—A Year at Erzeroum, &c., by the Hon. Robert Curzon—
Morley's Life of Girolamo Cardano, of Milan, Physician —Ustrialoff's
Historical Review of the Reign of the Emperor Nikolal, translated
by W. Roberts—Notices of Books, Pamphlets, and Reprints—Par-
liamentary Reports—Correspondence—Theatres—together with all
the News of the Week.
THE PRESS" is published every Saturday, at the Office, No.
110, Strand, price 6d. May be had of all newsmen, and at the
railway stations. Money orders to be made payable to Mr. Alfred
lye.

LAURENT'S CASINO, ARGYLE Roams,
(Lessee, CHAS. C. LAURENT, Onslow-house, Fataam-road)
—The above Rooms are now OPEN FOR THE SEASON.
and will continue open every evening, with LAURENT'S
CELEBRATED BAND. Two Quadrilles on subjects of Meyerbeer's
Opera—L'Etoile du Nord; also, by 11. Laurent, the following Waltzes
- La belle Fraugaise, Leonora, Villikins and his Dinah, and L'Etoile
du Nord Polka. Admission, I. Doors open at half-past 8. Dancing
to commence at 9 o'clock, and terminate at half-past 11.

THE CHOLER A!!!
Prevented by the destruction of all noxious effluvia.
CREWS'S DISINFECTING FLUID.
TUE CHEAPEST AND STRONGEST CHLORIDE OF ZINC.
Quarts, 2s. ; Pints, Is. ; lialf-pints, lid. Said by all Chemists,
Druggists, and Shipping Agents, and at Commercial Wharf, Mile
End, London.

ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION.
PATRON—II.R.H. PRINCE ALBERT.
DURING LENT, a POPULAR LECTURE on ASTRONOMY,
SPLENDIDLY ILLUSTRATED, by Dr. BACIIIIOFFNER, on Wed-
nesday and Friday at three, and at eight o'clock in the evenings.
MAGNIFIED PHOTOGRAPHIC PICTURES, and a NEW SERIES
of DISSOLVING VIEWS.
LECTURE by J. H. PEPPER, Esn., on PAPER MAKING and its
DECORATION with COLOURS.
LECTURE by Dr. BACIIOFFNER on WILKINS'S NEW PATENT
UNIVERSAL ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.
DESCRIPTION of RUST'S PATENT TUBULAR PIANOFORTE,
and of TRESTRAIL'S PATENT METHOD of RAISING
SUNKEN VESSELS.
Open Mornings and Evenings. Admission, is.; Schools and
Children under Ten years of age, Half-price.

HYGIENIC BATHS, A POWERFUL PROMOTER OF HEALTH
AND WELL BEING.
JENSEN'S HERBACEOUS DAPHNE
MARINA SALT FOR BATHS, when dissolved in a Cold,
Tepid, or Warm Bath„ imparts so eminently strengthening and
beneficial properties to the same, that, when once tried, a Bath will
scarcely ever be taken without it. In the buoyancy and freshness it
produces in the system, it is tar superior to any known Sea Bath.
Highly recommended by that distinguished Physician, Dr.
ANDREW URE, M.D., F.R.S., &c.
Sold at ls. per Packet, by C. Meinig, 103, Leadenhall•street, and
by all Chemists and Bathing Establishments.

NEW DIORAMA, Next Doorto the Polytechnic,
Regent-street.—Will be opened on TUESDAT, the 4th of April,
a GRAND MOVING DIORAMA of CANADA and the UNITED
STATES, with DESCENT of NIAGARA and ST. LAWRENCE.
Painted by Mr. Friend. from his sketches on the spot. The descrip-
tive matter by an eminent lecturer. Original choruses of Canadian
boatmen, and new compositions by Samuel Lover. Illustrated book
of the Diorama, 32 closely-printed pages, with numerous original
designs by M abony, including portraits of Lord Elgin and of Robert
Stephen.on, C.E.. with view of the Great Tubular Victoria Bridge
(two miles long) over the St. Lawrence at Montreal, six views of the
principal cities in Canada, and many other embellishments, to be
had at the rooms, price 6d. ; and of all booksellers, price Is.

PIIRSSELL'S BRIDE CAKES, 1 to 10
Guineas; Dessert Cakes, Is. to 10s., viz., Dundee, Madeira,
School, and Savoy Cakes ; Swiss and French Pound Cakes, Is. 6d.
per lb. ; Swiss and Italian Pastry, for evening parties, Is. to 3s. per
doz. ; 16 sorts of Almond Cakes, Ratifias, and Maccaroons, 2s. per
lb. ; Rout Cakes, 3s. per lb. : Mixed Cakes, Is. 6d. per lb. ; Mixed
Biscuits, Is. 2d. per lb.; Biscuits in bags or boxes, 14 for Is.,
viz., Arrowroot, Brown, Digestive, Milk, Abernethy, German
Cuddy or Captain's Biscuits ; Mince Pies, 4s. and 6s. per doz. ;
Jellies and Soups, 4s. per qt.; Creams and Ices, 6s. per qt.; Made
Dishes, Raised Pies, Hams, Tongues, Fowls. Caution.—John R.
Purssell, 162, Regent-street, and 20, Ludgate-hill, only.

GLENFIELD PATENT STARCH (used in
her Majesty's Laundry). and WOTIIERSPOON'S Machine-
made CONFECTIONERY, MARMALADE, JAMS, JELLIES, &c.,
(which gained the Prize Medal of 1851), may be bad of all Grocers ;
Wholesale of Wotherspoon, Mackay, and Co., 66, Queen-street,
Cheapside, London, and Robert Wotherspoon and Co., Glasgow.

SALT and CO.'S, EAST INDIA PALE ALE.
In consequence of the REDUCTION in price of Hops, the 6s.
per barrel advanced on this Ale in October last, is taken off,
BURTON-ON-TRENT, Meson 27th, 1854: