The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-20 00:00:00

THE GERMAN POWERS.

Lord LYNDHURST then called the attention of the
house and the Government to the memorandum relative
to the Eastern question transmitted by the Courts of
Vienna and Berlin to their envoys at the Germanic
Diet.

THE EASTERN QUESTION.
Lord LYNDHURST, in rising to call the attention of
the house and of her Majesty's Government to the memo-
randum relative to the Eastern question, transmitted by
the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin to their envoys at the
Diet, said, —I presume that the notice of your lordships
has been already directed to the important document to
which I am about to allude, even although it has not yet
been laid upon your lordships' table. It is a memorandum
addressed by the Cabinets of 'Vienna and Berlin to their
envoys at the Diet of Frankfort, with directions that it
should be communicated to that body. It states the course
of policy which has been pursued by the Four Powers,
with the view of obtaining the approval, concurrence, and
sanction of that body. It has not been laid upon your
lordships' table, and, perhaps, in point of form, it could
not be, because it is a document between two foreign
States ; at least, it could not be laid upon your lordships'
table in the usual manner, but it his been published in the
official journals of Vienna, of Berlin, of Frankfort, and of
Paris, and I believe, in most of the public journals
throughout the continent. It is a matter, therefore, of
general notoriety. It has given rise to much discussion
both on the continent and in this country, and it has been
viewed by some persons with much anxiety anduneasiness.
Upon that ground I have thought it my duty to submit it
to your lordships and her Majesty's Government, in order
that we might come to a distinct understanding with re-
spect to it. My lords, it is of so much importance to be
accurate upon a subject of this nature that I must read
those parts of the document to which I refer. The first
passage to which I beg to call yourlordships' attention is
in these words :
"Both Cabinets have agreed with those of Paris and
London in the conviction that the conflict between Russia
and Turkey could not be prolonted without affecting the.
general interests of Europe, and those also of their own
States. They acknowledged in common that the main-
tenance of the integrity of the Ottoman empire and the
independence of the Sultan's Government are necessary con-
ditions of the political balance, and that the war should, un-
der no circumstances, have for result any change in existing
territorial positions."
Now, my lords, I apprehend it is perfectly clear, according
to the correct interpretation of that passage, that, when it
stated that " the war should under no circumstances, have
for result any change in existing territorial position" it
means "territorial position" as between Turkey on the
one side, and Russia on the other. (Hear.) The passage
is not expressed with so much precision as to be free, per-
haps, from all doubt; but, if any doubt does exist, it will
be effectually removed by referring to another document
the protocol of sth of—December—to which the paper to
which I have referred relates. In that passage the Four
Powers express themselves in these terms :
" In fact, the existence of Turkey in the limits assigned to
her by treaty is one of the necessary conditions of the balance
of power in Europe, and the undersigned plenipotentiaries re-
cord, with satisfaction, that the existing war cannot in any
case lead to modifications in the territorial boundaries of the
two empires, which would be calculated to alter the state of
possession in the East established for a length of time, and
which is equally necessary for the tranquillity of all the other
Powers."
It is, therefore, perfectly clear, from the document to which
I au now referring—the protocol to which the other docu-
ment relates—that, according to the agreement between
the Four Powers, no alteration is to take place, whatever
be the result of the war, in the territorial limits between
Turkey on the one side, and Russia ou the other. In
other words, according to the principle laid down by the
Four Powers, whatever may be the result of the war, as far
as relates to territorial position, the status quo ante is to re-
main established. Now, my lords, it may be said, and pro-
perly said, that the protocol and the passage to which I
have referred wereframed previously to France and England
entering into war with Russia. Undoubtedly that is so ;
but after that war had been entered into, the representative
of the Four Powers again met for the purpose of confirm-
ing what they had previously done. In the former proto-
col and documents they had stated what they considered
to be the principle of the alliance or connexion between
the Four Powers ; and after war had been declared by us
and France against Russia they. met again to sanction
what they had previously done, and in distinct terms they
stated that they confirmed the principle upon which the
former protocols had been founded. Under these circum-
stances, therefore, and considering the principle upon
which we are now acting, and upon which France and the
Austrian and Prussian Powers are acting, as well as we,
it is extremely difficult to come to any other conclusion
than that, whatever be the result of the war, we are finally
to put an end to it by restoring Russia to, and leaving
Turkey in precisely the same state as that in which they
were anterior to the commencement of hostilities. The
document to which I first referred adopts the same lan-
guage, and after the passage which I before quoted it goes
on to say—

" The last of the protocols shows that, although France
and Groat Britain have entered into a war against Russia, the
four Cabinets invariably adhere to the principle proclaimed
heret,fore by them in common, and to have united in regard
to the basis on which to deliberate as respects the appro-
priate means for obtaining the object of their endeavours,"
In conclusion, after the passage to which I refer, they
come to this determination—that the principle laid down
in the original protocol is to be acted upon, whatever may
be the end of the war in which we are now engaged.
(Hear, hear.) Now, my lords, that that is the principle
upon which Austria and Prussia are acting is free from all
doubt, because, according to their actual statement, if
Russia were to agree now to withdraw from the Principa-
lities, and at the same time to enter into a guarantee as
to the integrity of the Ottoman empire, there is no doubt
that neither Austria nor Prussia would take part in the
further contest. And if that be true with respect to
those two Powers when they are acting in common and
on one common principle with the two other Powers,
it appears to bo clear almost to demonstration—
and I must come to that conclusion unless I
hear something to convince me to the contrary from the
noble earl opposite—that at this very moment the Powers
are acting upon the principle that if Russia should assent
to admit the integrity of the Ottoman Empire and the in-
dependence of the Sultan, and should consent to guarantee
that integrity, we must be content to terminate the war
upon that principle. (Hear.) Now, my lords, in this paper
Austria herself appears to me to be acting inconsistently
with that principle, and I do not know how to reconcile
the part of the paper to which I am about to allude with
that to which I have already referred—l mean that part of
the paper which relates to the navigation of the Danube.
The navigation of the Danube is stated in that paper, by
Austria, to be of the utmost importance, not to her terri-
tory and her subjects alone, but to the whole of central
Europe; and in that paper the importance of the naviga-
tion of the Danube, and of its freedom from all interrup-
tion, is enlarged upon in the strongest possible terms ; but,
my lords, not in terms by any Dwane stronger than the
importance of the subject warrants—its importance, not to
Austria alone, nor to central Germany alone, but to the
whole of the civilised and commercial world—(hear)—and
I say therefore, ray lords, that we must not conclude any
peace, we must not put an end to this contest, unless we
insure the free and uninterrupted navigation of that im-
portant river. Now, my lords, having stated this as part
of the document to which I have referred, I beg leave
to call your attention to tho actual state of that river, and
to the circumstances under which it is placed ; anti that
will bring me to the conclusion that Austria herself is
inconsistent with the document to which I have referred,
if she means to say that she will retire from the con-
test provided the integrity of the Turkish empire is se-
cured, and it guarantee is given for that security. My
lords, we all know that by the treaty of Adrianople—
they
unfortunate treaty, I must call it, of Adrianople—
Russia secured to herself both banks of the Danube, the
one in absolute right, the other substantially
that
her
command. We know further, also, that y treaty
she obtained the right of establishing, ali quarantine
Lavingetno
of the islands in the Danube. to
possessed, therefore, the absolute contTiollyof yearstliat river,
from its mouth to a considerable distance upwards, she
has conducted herself in such a way as to interrupt in the
most effectual manner the free navigation of that itnpor-
taut river: (Hear, hear.) Remonstrance after remon-
strance has been addressed to her by Austria, by Eng-
land, and by almost every other European Power without
effect, and it is quite certain, judging from the past, that
\
unless we remove Russia from that position, and unless
the limits which she now holds are changed,. it will be
I quite impossible to insure that important objest for the
future—the free and uncontrolled navigation of the.
Danube. (Hear, hear.) I may be told by some persons
—and I believe it is thrown out accidentally in this very
paper—that all-thia-znay be -arranged--by treaty:- 'My
' lords, I have p fait is s trot, 01 this liiihd. made with
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