The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-27 00:00:00

DAILY WBAI HER TABLE.

THURSDAY, JAN. 27, 1853.
State of the wind and weather at each of the following
places at nine o'clock yesterday morning. The stations
re granged in order of latitude.
HASTINGS—E., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
SOUTHAMPTON—N.W., strong breeze—partially cloudy.
FOLKESTONE—E., fresh breeze—overcast.
GREENWlCH—Calm—partially cloudy.
SWINDON—E., light airs—cloudy.
CAMBRIDGE—N.; gentle breeze—cloudy.
The returns from the following places indicate the state
of the weather on Tuesday morning at nine o'clock
31IILLINGAR— E., strong breeze—rain.
SWINDON—S .E., gentle breeze—cloudless.
livaGrcreac—S.E., calm—overcast.
HOLYHEAD—E., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
LANCASTER—S., calm—foggy.
WHITBY—S.E., gentle breeze—overcast.
DARLINGTON—E., gentle breeze—cloudy, hazy, light
frost.
SNAP—S.E., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.

TURSDAY, 10' 30 A. 32
LrvEltrooL—Wind N.E., moderate and foggy.

THE WEATHER.—Sint OFFICE, JAN. 27.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
37 highest since noon yesterday.
29—lowest this morning and during the night.
35—this day, at noon.

BAROMETER, 29'83.
WIND, weather, with slight sleet.

~l►.

One benefit, at least, has been derived from the
discussion on Mr. DISRAELI'S proposition for the
reduction of the Malt Duties. The public atten-
tion has been prominently directed to the causes
to which the badness of quality and extravagance
of price of the poor man's beverage may fairly be
attributed. These unquestionable evils do not arise
solely from the Malt Tax, and the vexatious Excise
regulations consequent thereon. We are told on
high authority, that, if the entire impost were
repealed, it would not reduce the price of ale or
porter more than the fraction of a penny per pot.
This, one of the most eminent of the metropolitan
ale-kings has announced ; and from the calcula-
tions by which he sustains his views, the state-
ment may be accepted as strictly accurate. It
appears, however, from the experience of gentle-
men who have brewed their own beer, that, even
with the existing tax, they can produce a good
wholesome beverage for about one-half the price
at which an adulterated article is supplied by the
retailers—that for one penny per pint a better arti-
cle can be obtained than that for which two pence
is charged at the different public-houses. Without
then in any degree depreciating the advantages
that would arise from the total abolition of the
Malt Tax, of which we are strenuous advocates,
we must look to other matters in which the beer-
drinking community, that is to say, nine-tenths of
the labouring population of the country, are
deeply interested, and for which speedy and ade- ,
quate remedies are imperatively demanded.
We want " Free Trade" in beer ! There is at
this moment a monster monopoly existing that
considerably enhances the price of an article of
almost primary necessity, and which is only less
pernicious than that which fell before the vigor-
ous assaults of the champions of the Anti-Corn-
Law-League,_a monopoly exercised in favour of a
body insignificant in point of numbers, but power-
ful for wealth and influence. It might have
been asserted, with some plausibility, that the
entire body of agriculturists were concerned
in maintaining the bread-tax—that the owners
and occupiers of the soil derived considerable pro-
fit from the dear small loaf ; and the danger of
causing loss and inconvenience to so large a pro-
portion of the community might be—and, while
the matter remained undecided, frequently was—
expatiated on with considerable force. No such
argument, however, can be adduced in the present
instance. The " aristocracy of the mash-tub" scarcely
number units for the thousands of agriculturists ;
nor can they point to any special burdens to which
they are subjected, and which might possibly, in
some degree, be considered as sets-off against, or
equivalents for, the exclusive privileges of which
they were in the enjoyment. All that can be
said in their favour is, that by dexterous and skil-
ful management, and by the judicious application
of the enormous funds at their disposal, they were
enabled to convert to their own peculiar advantage
the working of measures which were originally
framed for the benefit of the community, and which,
intended to be of national utility, were changed
by their devizes from a blessing into a curse.
It is the " licensing system" that has been
productive of so much mischief, which, if it has
not created, has fostered and increased the ale-
kings' monopoly until it has swelled into its
present gigantic dimensions. With a laudable
desire of securing, or at least obtaining, the best
guarantee for the correct management of the dif-
ferent public-houses, various regulations were
enacted by Parliament; and, amongst others, the
power of giving or withholding licences in each
district was bestowed on the local magistracy.
This extraordinary power was but too frequently
capriciously exercised. We do not ascribe im-
proper motives to the privileged body. We be-
lieve, generally speaking, they were actuated by a
sincere and conscientious desire to benefit the
community by restricting the number of public-
houses. But good intentions, if leading to
evil results, cannot be justified nor would

differ from him, that Mr. COBDEN has contrived
throughout to be most lucidly sequential in his
argument. The case is stated, in fact, by COBDEN
as clearly as ever case was stated by Conn Er—
rand surelz nothing stronger than this could be
said in .M.:"lvay of panegyric ! The whole
pamphlet is so convincing in the simplicity and
lucidity of its logic, that we are sanguine it will
make converts to its opinions far and wide among
our intelligent population. For ourselves—we are
by no means converts to the opinions of Mr.
COBDEN, having for years and years thought pre-
cisely as he does in reference to the course pur-
sued by Europe, but especially by England, upon
the outbreak in 1789 of the French Revolution.
Heart and soul do we go with him in his asser-
tion—" I do not hesitate to affirm that nothing was
ever more clearly proved by evidence in a Court of
Law than the fact, resting upon historical docu-
ments and official acts, that England was
the aggressor in the last French War !" Heart
and soul do we go with him when
he adds "It is not enough to say that
France did nct provoke hostilities—she all but
went down on her knees (if I may apply such a
phrase to a nation), to avert a rupture with this
country ' Yes, it is true—England in that last
war, that atrocious and sanguinary war, that
war which lasted two-and-twenty years, and
which entailed upon this country a debt
of 500,000,0001. sterling was the Aggressor.
It was a war not to confine France within her
ancient boundaries (for when it was commenced
she had not transgressed them), but to crush
OPINION, to strangle LIBERTY, to restore to the
throne at the Tuileries an abhorred dynasty—a
dynasty that has been again and again expelled
from the soil of France, though dragged back
again and again over the ravaged provinces, to
that capital which has only been captured by the
banded armies of Christendom. Yes ! France in
the last war was the Victim, and England
the Aggressor. History proves this—read her
documents, con her official acts, and
answer when you have done so—answe
from your conscience if there be not truth
in the assertion. Painful the admission may be,
but it is an admission inevitable with after genera-
tions. Terrible the truth may be to our amour
propre as a nation, but it is a truth that must
nevertheless be at last universally recognised.
Others have proclaimed it before now, but scarcely
any one so unanswerably as Mr. COBDEN in the
course of this noble pamphlet a pamphlet
both brave and magnanimous. Nothing could
be more • happily timed than the moment
of its publication. It may exercise no feeble in-
fluence in saving this nation from a grievous peril,
and an execrable injustice and a ruinous expen-
diture—but most of all from that national remorse
which is a consequence of every unjust war, a
remorse which hangs like a palsy upon the arm of
Power, though it be the Power of even the
mightiest Government.

~// _y aY..~

LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 27, 1853,

" RICHARD (Coanzw) is himself again !" Even
in his best days, as the Champion of the Free-trade
Agitation, he never once shone to greater advan-
tage than he does at this moment in the " Three
Letters" to which we made passing allusion yes-
terday. We take those Three Letters to be the
most convincing evidence of the shrewdness of his
intellect, while they constitute, at the same time,
the surest token of his patriotism, and the most
brilliant attestation of his philanthropy. We say
this cordially—and we say it not from the fervour
cf a blind enthusiasm, but from the calmness of a
settled conviction. We assert that the day
will come when this pamphlet will reflect
honour upon Mr. COBDEN'S reputation. It may
be received at this moment with sus-
picion, it may at present call down upon the head
of its auther little else than obloquy and vitu-
peration—but the time will arrive when it will
be looked back to, from the calm of another age,
with respect, and with a very considerable amount
also of admiration. We averas much at this moment
boldly, without regard for whatever sneers may
be excited by the ardour of our approbation.
Mr. COBDEN has always found in us impartial
witnesses. We have upon all occasions given him
praise or blame accordingly as our judgment dic-
tated. His conduct in regard to the Free-trade
Question, we have ever spoken of in befitting
terms of eulogium. And equally candid
have been our expressions of distrust in refer

If, however, he persevered, and eventually tri-
umphed over every impediment, and he started
on the sound principle of going with ready money
in hand to purchase in the best and cheapest
market,—he was subjected to many annoyances.
It would be well worth the while of two or three
firms, that counted their annual profits by tens or
hundreds of thousands, to combine to crush the
interloper, or, if these means failed, to buy up the
good-will of the Free-trader.
Thus it came to pass that a free public-house—
or one in which the occupier was at liberty to
purchase or brew his own beer, as he thought
proper—became the exception, not the rule ; and
thus it was that the brewers could afford to set
public opinion at defiance, and to make no
allowance for the great reduction in the price of
barley consequent upon the abolition of the Corn
Laws and the establishment of that which, al-
though termed Free Trade, is only so far as
the solid products of our cereal crops are con-
cerned, but which cannot apply to the liquids so
long as the Malt Tax and the licensing system
are retained in their present form.

We invite the attention of our readers, of those
who belong to the Established Church especially, to
the letter of Mr. TUCKETT, which appeared in our
impression of Tuesday last. If any denomination of
Dissenters is entitled to be heard on the question
of Church Rates, it is the Society of Friends. Not
even the most virulent High Churchman ventures
to charge them with unworthy motives. Their
principle, whether we agree to it or dissent from
it, is clear and self-consistent ; and it must be no
small degree of bigotry which would refuse to call
it a noble one. The only question, indeed, is,
whether it be not too noble for the world as it is.
It is well known that they decline the payment of
Ecclesiastical Taxes, not from the slightest tinc-
ture of insubordination, for they avow and practise
non-resistance as a part of their religious creed, but
because they acknowledge no secular authority in
rgigion. They conceive of it as a purely spiritual
thing, and infer that all contributions for its sup-
port must be the spontaneous offerings of spiritual
motives ; and hence when money is demanded of
them in the name of a secular Sovereign, and the
demand enforced by the terrors of secular law,
they at once reply, " In secular matters we
acknowledge the sacred authority of the Sovereign
and the law, but when it assumes to address us in
a religious capacity, we are compelled by our views
to regard the authority as usurped, and to decline
even the slightest acknowledgment of its exist-
ence." Many of our High Church friends,
indeed--Mr. GLADSTONE amongst them certainly
—ought to sympathise with all this. It is one
and the same principle as that on which they rest,
when they claim such an elevated position for the
Church in regard to the State. The principle that
religion ought to be free from the control of
worldly powers is common to both ; and we may
fairly put it to the reader to decide which takes
the nobler course--the High Churchman who
sighs for Church independence of State control,
and yet will not part with State dignities and
State pay or the Quaker who chooses to he
independent of State control, but who consistently
refuses all State favours also. It has been iu the
upholding of this—one of the great principles of
the sect—that they have endured, as Mr. Tuciarr
says, almost unheard-of sufferings. We make
these remarks, because it is time for the Society of
Friends to be not only known as one of the most
peaceful and inoffensive of Christian denomina-
tions, but also to have the real merit of many of
their leading principles fairly acknowledged and
explained. Their only fault, at least in this case,
it will be owned by all candid men, is, that they
soar too high for the world as it is, the greater
part of church-goers not being prepared to do in
support of their religion what the Friends cheer-
fully do for theirs.
As to Mr. TUCKETT'S proposition, that while
" a parochial rate upon property is deemed the
best mode of defraying the cost of public worship
and the r epair of churches, all known Dissenters
should be -written off exempt as when a house is
void." We can only say that we would ourselves
most gladly bear the increased expense which
might theroby fall upon us personally, and we are
confident the vast majority of Churchmen have
the same fe cling. Moreover, we believe that the
spirit of liberality has so much increased amongst
Churchmen of late, that the amount required
would not 'he felt as a burden, but raised with
pleasure. The instances quoted byMr. TRELAWNEY,
and by us from him, fully bear out this view ;
indeed, the plan so successfully carried out by the
Churchwar den of Headingley, that of rating each
person occupying a sitting according to his house-
rental, brings out the same result nearly as Mr.
TUCKETT'S proposition. The chief difference as
the two stand would be, that Mr. REID NEWSOME
makes only the actual worshippers pay. Mr.
TUCKETT would make all pay the Church Rate
who could not give evidence of contributing to
the support of some other denomination ; he
would make contribution the practical test of
dissent ; he would make it also the answer to

once to his over-economical (rather let it be
said his mistakenly parsimonious) ideas upon the
subject of our national defences—or, in other
words, upon the extent of our naval and military
expenditure. Here, by the way, it should be ob-
served that the only point in the entire argument
_ _ _

contained in this brochure entitled " 1763 and
1853," in regard to which we feel disposed to join
issue with the pamphleteer, is that relating to the
folly or the wisdom of providing against the pos-
sibility (mark ! not the probability, but the pos-
sibility) of a foreign invasion. Returning, how-
ever, to our previous allusions, we would remind
our readers, in yet further illustration of

our strict and unyielding impartiality in reference
to the course pursued at different periods by Mr.
COBDEN in his political capacity, that, while we have
upon all occasions very earnestly commended his
devotion to the interests of Reform, we have
never scrupled to condemn quite as ear-
nestly his crotchet about the Peace Con-
grera--or, as it is otherwise designated, the
Congress in favour of Arbitration. It is be-
came, among other things, we believe in our con-
science that these " Three Letters," contrasting,
Perhaps we should say more correctly comparing,
the relative situation of France and England in 1793
and 1853, will subserve more than all the Peace
Congresses that were ever convened the sacred
interests of international tranquillity, that we con-
ceive Mr. COBDEN to have vindicated in this re-
markable and masterly pamphlet—his right to
the popu a* respect at once as a patriot, as a
statesman, and as a philanthropist.
As we intimated last evening, in our cursory
allusion to the "Three Letters,,, Mr. COB-
DZN, in one part of his argument, insists
particularly upon the similarity of the tone adopt-
ed amongst ourselves in 1793 and in 1853 in re-
gard to the leaders of the French Govermnent.
Sixty years ago the same clamour resounded
throughout these islands—the same clamour
now heard in the angry invectives of men
whose remarks upon the Paris Cabinet
seem capable only of taking the form of vitupera-
tion. Formerly, that is to say upon the last
of England was excited to
occasion, the public mind
a pitch of fury by the revilings heaped upon the
Constituent Assembly by EDMUND BURKE in his
&Mous
_Reflections upon the French Revolution.
Nowadays we have amongst us a Brummagem
BURKE, who has been endeavouring to perform the
same kind offices to the Emperor NAPOLEON
the Third through the rhetorical scolding of the
well-known Letter, of an Englishman. An anti-
dote to these " Letters" has been supplied by
Mr. CosDEN in his Pamphlet, "1793 and 1853"
—and more effectually, We rejoice to think, than
that supplied to the "Reflections" by the " Vin-
dicice Gal/icce" of Sir JA.SIEs MACKINTOSH. It
must be confessed, even by
the thousands who

we sustain an authority that had been
productive of serious mischief, because those
by whom it was wielded were well meaning,
though imprudent, men. The brewing oligarchy
were soon enabled to ascertain the grounds on
which a certain number of houses only were tole-
rated in each district. The great firms found
that it would be worth their while to acquire an
interest in every licensed house, the goodwill of
which was offered for sale or mortgage ; they
were always ready to step in with almost un-
limited funds purchasing not merely an interest

those who allege, with Sir H. Nous, that the
occupiers of houses were morally bound to con-
tribute to the support of religion, from the fact of
all house property being liable to the rate.
One grand reason, however, that Church Rates
are so specially odious to the great majority of
Dissenters is, no doubt, the peculiar form they
assume as a tax. They are voted every year by
every little parish parliament. Generally a con-
siderable number of the rate-payers, sometimes a
majority of them, are composed of persons who
not only conscientiously prefer a different mode of
worship to that which they are forced to support,
but who are paying much more than the amount
exacted for their own worship. Let us only place
ourselves in their position. How should we relish
it, if the Quakers, Methodists, Baptists, and In-
dependents, could call us together, and compel us
to vote a rate for the support of their worship ?
Wouid not the compulsion rouse our English feel-
ing ? Should we not feel it a degradatiou to be
obliged to assess our own tribute to those whose
services we never used ? Should not we, too, feel
that the amount, generally small, was not the
question with us, so much as the dishonour done
to our faith ? We are certain, from personal
knowledge, that the great mass of candid
and honourable Churchmen are taking the
view of the subject which we now in-
dicate, and that therefore the immense ma-
jority of the country desires to see Church Rates
put an end to for ever. We should, then, cor-
dially approve of Mr. TUCKETT'S proposal, did we
not hope that the House of Commons would soon
deal with the whole subject in a yet more satis-
factory way. Mr. BETHELL, it will be remem-
bered, wished the proceeds of cathedral sinecures
to be applied to the support of the fabrics of the
churches. Mr. TRYT.A WHEY would sell the LORD
CHANCELLOR'S livings to raise the desired fund.
We must say that nothing would rejoice us more
than to see petitions from our fellow-Churchmen
very numerously signed, declaring their ability and
willingness to keep their own churches in repair,
and praying that Cathedral Revenues, money
raised by the sale of advowsons, and money now
diverted from educational purposes to the purses
of sinecurists, should all be thrown into one grand
fund, in aid of a really national education. It is
grievous to think what a glorious fund might thus
be raised, which now is literally wasted. Applied
to education all sects would benefit alike ; at pre-
sent it only feeds and nurtures two of the greatest
nuisances in the country—Government patronage
and sinecurism.

in a certain house and premises which could not
fairly be objected to, but the privilege of supply-
ing all the thirsty souls of the vicinity with malt
liquor at their own prices.
The sapient Justices, who thought that two or
three houses in which considerable capital was
invested, and which became of a palatial cha-
racter, were quite sufficient for the wants of a
locality, little thought that the effect of their cha-
riness was to act as a virtual prohibition of any
malt liquor, but that which was brewed in the
establishments of BARCLAY and PERKINS, TRU-
MAN, HANBURY and BUXTON, COMBS, DELAFIELD,
and Co., REID and CO, MEUX and Co., or any
others of the brewing oligarchy. If any person at-
tempted to break the monopoly, and to enter into
fair competition with the brewers' houses, many
vexatious, and almost insuperable, obstacles were
interposed
oy
niin his way, and the chances were that
he had
expense and trouble for his pains.

If arguments were needed to urge our new
Ministry to act promptly in a matter which Mr.
TRELAWNEY'S Committee has rendered easy for
them, they would be found in the openings fur-
nished by the present state of the law for the
gratifying of magisterial spite, and the cupidity of
constables. We have just noticed a gross case of
this kind at Tynemouth. The seizures were made
upon the Society of Friends, apparently with a
sort of selection of what would be least convenient
to be deprived of ; but when the bill of costs came
m, it was made out with enormous profits to the
constable and his clerk. Thus,—they paid a man
178. 6d. for keeping the goods in his possession,
but they charged for this man 101. 10s. ! For
bills of sale, and posting them, they paid 17s. 6d.,

TH.Faib-SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 7, 1

but charged 21. 2s. Altogether they paid 161.
13s. 6d. expenses, and charged the persons dis-
trained upon 301. 2s. for the same ! The Magis-
trates themselves might legally have included all
the names in one warrant ; but by issuing distinct
warrants for each, the Bench swelled that item to
81. Bs. The result is, that the average cost of
seventy distraints upon Friends, taken from severe
cases, and laid before the Committee of the House
of Commons, amounted to 11. 9s. 6d. each, while,
in this case, 21. 3s. has been charged in each case.
We submit that the Magistrates and constables of
Tynemouth ought not to have such weapons for
vindictiveness and bigotry intrusted to them ;
ought not to have the power of exasperating the
most peaceful of men against the Church to which
they themselves belong.

MONEY AND COMMERCIAL NEWS.

CITY, Two o'CLoox.

The sales of cotton at Liverpool yesterday were
estimated at 8,000 bales, of which 1,000 American
and 1000 Egyptian were taken on speculation. The
market closed with an upward tendency. The
sales comprised 5,000 American, 500 Bahia at 6d.
to 61d., 1,500 Egyptian at 6d. to Bd., 500 Surat
at 3i-d. to 4gd., and 30 Sea Island at ls. 7d. to
2s. 2d. per lb. Railway Shares were firmer.
The six weeks' average price of wheat is 455. Bd. per
quarter, and the last week's sales were 114,972
quarters.

- The letters by the steamer Asia, from the United
States, are interesting in one or two points which,
hereafter at least, will engage particular attention.
The question of a supply of food to our Australian
Colonies is invested with great importance if we
are to credit one half of what appears in
the local journals, and parties writing over
even express strong apprehensions of famine.
Strictly speaking, there can scarcely in a country
like Australia be a famine, and the nu-
merous flocks and herds afford a resource, if not
an agreeable substitute, for the staff of life. The
reliance, however, appears to be on supplies from
America, and it is a singular circumstance that
in California there is a scarcity, and prices rule
very high. It will be unfortunate if the United
States should be unable to meet the requirements
of the colonies, and will lie strong evidence of the
non-existence of such large stocks_ of grain as
were reported to be held. One can scarcely
believe, however, that, after the excellent
harvest of last year, a surplus is not
available in the United States, and, consequently,
we must not relinquish the hope. The second
matter deserving notice is, that the Asia brings
200,000 dollars in specie, and that there is an
idea we shall now have steady arrivals of the
precious metal. The export of goods we have
made to the United States may not establish a
balance of trade in our favour, but there have been
shipments to California for which we must be ex-
pecting returns, and the gold 'companies formed
here ought to receive dividends either by way of
New York or Panama.

The English Securities have been quiet, but are
firm, and as it is now asserted that instead of a de-
crease there will be a considerable increase in the
Bank of England return to be published to-mor-
row, under the item " bullion." Some of the Austra-
lian goldhavingbeen paid in, buyers have more con-
fidence. Consols bring 99# # for Transfer, and 99
# for Account. The New 3k per Cents. have been
103/ and the 3 per Cents. 100 i to A. Bank Stock
has been well supported at 227 A; East India Stock is
at 270 to 272. Exchequer Bills are marked 57s to
61s, and India Bonds are 67s to 71s. premium.
Foreign Securities have been without any great
change. Mexican continue heavy at 224 to 23.
Grenada Deferred Bonds aro at 11f to #. Equador
Stock is at 51. Buenos Ayres Bonds are at 65k.
Spanish Three per Cents. have been 461 to 47, and
the Deferred 22- #. The Swedish Loan is 1/ dis-
count, and the -Turkish * discount. Dutch 4 per
Cents. have been 97i to
The last week's Railway receipts, ascertained up
to this day, are in round figures as under :

1853. 1852.
Great Western 17,373 14,973
North Western 43,711 38,915
South Western 9,777 8,766
Brighton
Midland 21,805 20,182
South Eastern
Caledonian
Great Northern
Lancashire and Yorkshire 16,527 15,302
York and North Midland
Newcastle and Berwick 14,286 13,868

The Railway Share Market has been rather
firmer, and the settlement shows a Bear account.
The " continuation " is very small comparatively.
East Lancashire have started up considerably.
French Shares are very dull, but not lower.
The Gold Mine Market is firm, but not brisk.
Australian Agricultural have advanced 51. to 101.
Messrs. Tredinnick and Co. give the following
report on English mines :
" Devon Great Consols yielded a profit of 9,7281. in
dividends during the past week, upon the two months'
workings, which, upon 1,0241. original outlay, gives a
per centage of 5,700 per cent., and upon the current
price of shares, 430,0801., 14-15 per cent. per annum,
with every prospect of an increase. Numerous other
instances may be enumerated of like advantages, but our
space at present prevents reference thereto.
"At the sale of copper ore at Truro, on Thursday
last, the standard was 1521. Os., and the produce 71,
which was an advance of 20 on the corresponding sale
last month. It is a fact which probably the public
are unacquainted with, that 21. 158. per ton is de-
ducted from the price of copper ores for return-
ing charges by the smelters : so that if the standard
be 100, and the produce 71, the price would be 41. 14s.
received by the miner ; whilst if the standard was 1521.
Os. at the same produce, the price would be 81. lls. per
ton—so that the practical result to the miner is, with
the same cost of production, he receives 31. 19s. per ton
advance profit on his ore, or equivalent to 75 per- cent.
on what he would obtain less than twelve months ago.
" During the past week more than the usual amount
of business has been done, especially in dividend stock,
the progressive mines, which the rise in price of metals
causes to pay cost, and which promise dividends shortly,
have also been in request ; whilst others of a more spe-
culative character, but having capital subscribed to de-
velope them are also in demand ; and on the whole we
consider the market to possess a tone and character con-
sistent with its increased importance, and the enlight-
ened appreciation of the public of this description of
national investment."

The Annual SupVement to the Tithe Commuta-
tion Tables has been completed by Mr. Charles M.
Willich, and shows at sight the corn rent, in
bushels, of wheat, &c. The following we epitomise
from the fuller statement, as being the average
prices for seven years :

To Christmas 1835..

To Christmas 1836.
To Christmas 1837.
To Christmas 1838.
To Christmas 1839.
To Christmas 1840..
To Christmas 1841.

To Christmas 1842.

Value of Tithe
Rent Charge
of £lOO.
...£lOO 0 0

98 13 91
97 7 11
95 7 9
98 15 91
102 12 51
105 8 21

105 12 2f

To Christmas 1843.

104 3 5l

To Christmas 1844.

103 17 111

To Christmas 1845.

102 17 Bi

To Christmas 1846 99 18 10i
To Christmas 1847 lO2 1 0

To Christmas 1848
To Christmas 1849

.. lOO 3 7i
98 16 10

To Christmas 1860..

96 11

To Christmas 1851 93 16 11i
To Christmas 1852

17)1697 19 4f

General average for the last 17 years £99 17 71

BRITISH FUNDS THIS DAY.
(From the Official List.)
Business none.
Bank Stoek
3 per Cent. Reduced Annuities. .........
3 per Cent. Consels Annuities
New 34 per Cent. Annuities... 1034 a
Long Annuities, Expire sth Jan., 1860 6 7-16
Ditto 30 Years, Expire 10th Oct., 1859 6 3-16
Ditto 30 Years, Expire sth Jan., 1860 6 3-16 4
India Stock
India Bonds, £lOOO . 67
;Ditto, under £lOOO 7l
Consols for Account 10th February 991 i
Exchequer Bills lad. March. June.
£lOOO 6l 57
£5OO 6l 57
.
Small 6l 57
PRICE OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY.
Brazilian Bonds, 5 per Cent. -
Ditto 44 per Cent
Buenos Ayres Bonds, 6 per Cent 65
Grenada Bonds, Deferred,
Equador Bonds Sa
Mexican 3 per Cent
Portuguese 5 per Cent. 39 40
Sardinian Bonds, 5 per Cent... r
94 4 4
"vanish Bonds, 3 per Cent .. ............
Ditto for the Account 47 6 74
*Ditto New Deferred, 3 per Cent 22
Ditto for the Account 22A
Spanish Committee Cert. of Coup. not fun, 505 i 5 p e
Swedish Loan li 2 d
Turkish Loan, 6 per Cent., 1852 $ d
Dutch Exchange 2i per Cent 654
Ditto 4 por Cent. Certificates......... •

THREE O'CLOCK.
Consols
Ditto February Account

CONVERESIONS.—The Church of St. John, in Liver-
pool, was on the evening of Tuesday the scene of a most
gratifying and impressive public ceremony—six adult
converts having on that occasion renounced the heresies
of Rome, and declared their adhesion to the Church of
England. The sacred edifice was crowded by a most
attentive audience, including a large number of the hum-
bler class, to which some of the converts apparently
belonged. Tho evening service having been read by the
Rev. Mr. Matthias, one of the curates, the converts were
ranged around the altar, and the customary questions
addressedto them by the Rev. W. F. Taylor, incumbent.
Each of the adults having replied to these queries with-
out any reservation, they were accordingly received into
the communion of the English Church. Eight children
—some belonging to the present converts, and others to'
Romanists previously converted—were then, at the ex-
press desire of their parents, likewise received into the
Church.— Chester Courant.

BANKERS' CLERKS.—Messrs. Glyn have given their
clerks an increase of pay, which example has been fol-
lowed by Messrs. Grote, London Joint Stock Bank, and
London and County Larking Company, no doubt in cull-
seciuence of so many resignations in the banking circles.
The directors of the Blackwall Railway have also raised
the salaries of their clerks.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.-(THIS DAY.)

COURT OF CHANCERY.

(Before the Lord Chancellor and the Lords Justices,

EDLISTON V. COLLINS.

This was an appeal from a decision of Vice-Chancellor
Turner granting a decree of foreclosure in favour of the
paintiff on a mortgage of 6001., advanced at various
periods, on a copyhold estate in Cambridge, held by
Mrs. Smith, the defendant, during the lifetime of her
former husband, Thomas Collins. It appeared that the
defendant and her former husband had taken the estate
in their own hands, and wishing to cultivate it, had
found it necessary to raise various sums of money,
amounting in all, the plaintiff alleged, to 6001. Forlthis
purpose a surrender of the copyhold was effected, before
the deputy steward of the manor, to Mr. Adcock, a soli-
citor of Cambridge, the real plaintiff in the case, for such
uses as Mr. Collins, the husband, should direct—a form
of proceeding adopted to save the expense of admitting
the husband—and this power was used at various times
to raise money as occasion required. After the death of
Collins, his wife married again, and on application being
made for repayment of the advance, she refused, alledg-
ing that not more than 1001. had been raised on the
security of the estate. A bill, asking for a decree of
foreclosure, was then filed, which, being granted by Vice
Chancellor Turner, an appeal was then carried to the full
court. The defence set up was, first, that the deputy-
steward of the manor, before whom the surrender had
been executed, was a minor at the time, and, therefore,
that all acts done by him, were null and void ; and,
secondly, that Mrs. Smith had been imposed on at the
time of the surrender ; that she was not aware of its im-
port, and merely intended by it to give power to receive
100/.

The Lord Chancellor, in giving judgment, said, with
regard to the first point of the defence, the minority of
the steward, that although Lord Coke had laid
it down as a principle that infants could not be
stewards yet that must be read with the qualifica-
tion which he afterwards stated, that whatever things
were performed by a steward, who might be held to be
incompetent by reason of minority, lunacy, outlawry,
excommunication, or any other reason, could not after-
wards be set aside, and that if in appearance they seemed
good, that was sufficient. It wall one of those things of
which it might be said, geri, non debet, factura valet.
He (the Lord Chancellor) thought that to set aside the
act of a steward on the ground of such incompetency,
would be introducing difficulties, the amount of which it
would be impossible to calculate ; and he had no hesita-
tion in coming to the conclusion that this legal objection
could not be sustained. With respect to the second
point, he was of opinion that the weight of evidence
went to show, that not only was Mrs. Collins aware of
the nature and extent of the surrender, and of the differ-
ent sums of money borrowed on it, but that she was
inetrumental in borrowing them. The decree below
must, therefore, be sustained.

Lord Justice Turner concurred, intimating an opinion
that the only manner in which the defendant could pro-
perly impeach the surrender, was by filing a cross-bill.
Lord Justice Knight Bruce intimated that he had not
come to a decision on the questions raised in this case,
but finding the majority of the Court had made up their
minds, he had not thought it right to delay the decision.
The judgment of the Court below was therefore
affirmed.