The Sun.
London, England, 1854-03-22 00:00:00

IVdS t

allies, our competitors, or our rivals." The noble lord
said more than that; he said, "Not only do I believe that
Turkey is as active as she was, but I believe she is abso-
lutely progressive. Give her a fair triali; her maintenance
is easy, and is most profitable to the interests of England, to
the cause of freedom, and to the civilisation of the world.
All the highest impulses that should influence men ought
to induce them to support at this moment the indepen-
dence and integrity of Turkey." Loud cheers followed the
speech of the noble lord. Well, sir, what happened a
short time after that? Why, sir, there was the statesman
whose conduct I have had occasion to criticise this evening,
and to whom I little thought, when I first rose, I should
have to refer in connection with another subject ; he went
about the country and paid a visit to the great commercial
city of Manchester, at a time when there was great de-
pression in the country with respect to the affairs of Tur-
key, and when men with resolute minds began to think
that that was occurring which would prove most fatal to
the supremacy of this country, and to the cause of justice, of
truth, and of freedom. What did the right hon. gentle-
man say upon that occasion ? Did he agree with the Secre-
tary of State ? Not at all. He said, "Things look very bad,
but what can you expect ? You must prepare yourselves for
the worst. The independence and integrity of Turkey,
which people talk about, are not facts—they are phantasies
and phantoms. You must not consider the independence and
integrity of Turkey as anything like European questions."
Why, sir, the right hon. gentleman quibbled away the
independence and integrity of Turkey—(hear, hear)—and
he seemed to have in view that plan of partition which has
but recently come to our knowledge. (Cheers.) And this
is the minister of finance who to-night is going to double
the income tax in order to maintain the independence and
integrity of Turkey. (Cheers.) lam challenged to propose a
vote of no confidence in the Government. Why, sir, the
noble Secretary of State in the other house of Parliament
told us the other night what we were going to fight for,
and I was grateful for a moment to a member of her Ma-
jesty's Government. He said, "we are going to fight for
the rights of the Christian subjects of the Porte. That is
our cause. We are resolved, and we shall stipulate, that
there shall be equality of rights and privileges between the
Christian subjects and all other subjects of the Porte." I
believe loud cheers followed that speech also. What hap-
pened the next day? The noble lord the Secretary of State
in this house, who is supposed to have some knowledge of
our foreign policy, said in the most distinct way, and in
tones that he knew would re-echo through all Europe, that
he did not imagine for a moment that any man would en-
tertain the idea of our obtaining privileges for the Christian
subjects of the Sultan—that that would be acting as badly
as the Emperor of Russia himself—and that if we obtained
an equality of privileges between the different subjects of
the Sultan, we should put an end to the Turkish empire.
And yet, when those gentlemen have no confidence in their
mutual opinions, I am to be taunted and told it is my duty
to propose that the House of Commons shall so stultify
itself that we are absolutely to vote that we have no con-
fidence in them. But is that all ? The noble lord the leader
• of this house likewise described the war in which we are
going to embark. He described the war as a holy war—as
a just war—a war for justice, for truth, and for public
freeedom—and in a manner which I admired, in a most so-
lemn and fitting manner, he invoked the name of the Most
High upon that war. What happened the next night in an-
other place ? Why, sir, the leader of that house told us, I
believe, that he thought that war was not yet inevitable,
and that in his opinion war was a curse. Sir, if it be a war
for justice, for truth, and for public liberty—a war to arrest
the progress of a colossal despotism, to maintain the inte-
rests of this country, and to secure and promote the pro-
gress of civilisation, it is not a curse ; but if it be not for
those objects, then I say the noble lord is not justified in
counselling his Sovereign to embark in it. Such is your
position upon the Turkish question—upon a question which
we are told confidentially, alone keeps you together as a
Ministry. (Cheers.) There are similar differences among
these gentlemen upon other subjects ; but when a nation
is at war, its Government should not be disturbed ! I
would like to know how the war is to be carried on with
efficiency and success by men who have not settled what
the object of the war is. The war has been brought about
by two opposite opinions in the Cabinet. (Cheers.) That
has led to all the vacillation, all the perplexity, all the fit-
fulness, all the timidity, and all the occasional violence
that have: occurred. (Cheers.) If the noble lord the leader
of this house—l speak my solemn conviction—had re-
mained minister of this country—if the noble lord the Se-
cretary of State, who is not here, had been minister of this
country—if Lord Derby had continued minister of this
country—nay, if Lord Aberdeen—l wish to state the case
fairly—had been minister of this country, with a sympa-
thising Cabinet, there would have been no war. (Hear.)
It is a coalition war. (Cheers.) Rival opinions, contrary
politics, and discordant systems have produced that vacil-
lation and perplexity, that at last you are going to war
with an opponent who does not want to fight, and you are
unwilling to encounter him. (Cheers.) What a mess for
a great country. (Cheers and laughter.) And this brought
about by the splendid. administrative talents of the gentle-
men opposite. (Cheers.) What, sir, is your interest on
Exchequer-bills, or your loss of some 35,000/. compared to
that ? The financial faux pas of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer may soon be forgotten, and even forgiven.
What is the value of his conversion scheme compared to
tais duplication of the income tax, and to this terrible
prospect of war, brought about by the combination of
geniuses opposite me, and brought abontabsolutely by the
amount of their talents and the discordancy of their
opinions ? (Cheers and laughter.) But then, they say, if
we criticise their policy, we are bound immediately to
come forward and propose a vote of no confidence in
them. I tell them again I will not propose a vote of no
confidence in men who prove to me every hour that they
have no confidence in each other. Sir, I have tried them
upon the greatest of all questions—the question of peace
or war ; but there are others almost equally great, upon
which they may be tested. Why don't you proceed with
your Reform Bill? (Cheers.) That seems at the first
sight the only question which you could put in the same
category with the questions of foreign policy. Peace or
war—the disposition and distribution of political power—
these
are the great and august matters with which it be-
comes statesmen to deal. These are the policies upon the
recommendation of which men gain the confidence of na-
tions. It is the sympathy of nations with statesmen who
have opinions upon those subjects which entitles them to
hold their position. When you have enunciated a policy
to a great community—when you have told them that you
can prosecute a war with vigour in the vindication of great
principles—when you can tell them that you can secure
peace at home by arrangements which will last—then the
nation will rally rounlyou. When a great statesman de-
clares that he sees and has deeply considered the signs of
the times, and has studied with the patient and fanciful
analysis that becomes a profound and disciplined mind the
condition of the community—when he declares that the
existing disposition of power is injurious to the permanent
interests of the country, and that he is of opinion that a
change should take place, and that classes who are not now
enfranchised shall be called into a participation of political
power—the man who says these things has a right to rally
round him great crowds of his fellow-men; but he must
not say such things idly—he must not trifle with the public
conviction and the public feeling upon such subjects.
(Hear.) When I know that this Cabinet is an incoherent
council upon these subjects—when I know that upon such
questions as peace or war, and the disposition and distri-
' bution of political power, there are not two men among
them who have the same opinion, that there are not two
• men among them who have confidence in each other, I re-
ceive the cold taunt and frigid counsel that it becomes me,
as the humble leader of a too indulgent party--(a laugh)—
to propose a voteof no confidence in her Majesty's Ministers
with the indifference which it deserves. (Cheers.) Sir, there
are few tests so great as those I have mentioned—there
are few so important— but there are some subjects that
may be fairly evoked with them. There is one subject
which, tumultuous as is the excitement of a state of war-
fare, and however elevated may be the feelings of men who
are summoned to the exercise of political power, may well
be considered as of the greatest importance. No man will
say that the education of a nation is not a subject which
may rank with the highest class of those that occupy the
attention of a minister. Well, sir, our present statesmen
founded their ministry upon a pledge to bring forward a
scheme of national education. Is there any confidence
among you upon the subject of national education ? (Hear,
hear, hear.) Why, sir, I will take an illustration from
only a small portion of that great theme. What happened
the other night? We had before us merely a plan for
the reform of a university. What occurred then ? We
' had the reform of the university brought forward by the
leader of this house. He turned round to his faithful and
consistent supporters, the Dissenters of England. (A laugh.)
Their eyes were fixed upon him—their months were open.
(Laughter.) They hung upon his accents. Reform fol-
lowed reform—change coursed after change—and at ,the
end he turned round and said, the most important and
the most necessary of all reforms is, that you, the Dissen-
ters of England, should share the advantages of them. I
am faithful to you. My feelings towards you are the same
as they were 20 years ago—but then my colleague the
member for the University will not listen to your claims.
(A laugh.) Well then, sir, I ask, if that is ,the case, can
there be any confidence among the different members of
the Cabinet upon the subject of education ? (Cheers.)
There may be fifty topics upon which we can prove a dife
ference of opinion among her Majesty's Ministers, bat they
are, in comparison with the great questions of peace or
war, the disposition and distribution of political power,
and the education of a nation, so small and petty that I
cannot condescend to touch them. There isonly one other
subject equal to those great themes—nay, I may say it is
even more important than any of them. That is the
Protestant cause. It is a subject which surely greatly
interests the people of this country; it is a theme which
has excited great enthusiasm. What happened a short
time ago?, The noble lord the leader of this house
took an early opportunity, after the formation of the Go-
vernment to express his opinions in the House of Commons
upon the present temper of the Papacy. The noble lord is
not a maa who can be suspected cf being a bigot ; the
noble lord is not a man who can be accused of a narrow
ied! or of wanting any enlightened views; the noble lord
described what he considered the hostile and pernicious
spirit of the
n papacy at the present day, and he said of the
Catholic Church in this country, devoted to a fo-
reign Pnaee that he believed that its progressP
was not fa-
vourable eo'the public liberty of this country. (Hear.)
Well, whet
breathed thehsaPpened ? Why, the noble lord had hardly
given offencelowrds when it was discovered that they had
those who certainly cannot be described as
the most eminent of his
PfonoweeMrsi.nisteraotf hEanpgplaenudecicalthles
next day ? The present
upon the noble lord ttobeeNvaplralin his expressions—(hear)--
and writes a letter to
the noble lord on what he
call get° say
that the opinions of
Protestant cause are not
shared by many of his colleagues. (Oppositioncheers and
laughter.) Ire oft vou taunt rue, night after night, because I
do not propose a votewant of confidence in you as a
Government, oven I show you that upon all these impor-
tant topics,
distribution of political
Peace or war, upon the
u pthpe 18(11'7107
ant iclautniodf
question of the
, and have no confidence
',Pon the Protestant
Power—upon nationa d
cause, you are entirely at variance
whatever in each other. No, sir, I shall not feel •
it my
duty to make this proposition. _I on to remember that
we have a motion
before us which we must decide. (I • TO7EII-
cal cheers.) Everything which I have said has been strictly
•
applicable to that motion. (Cheers and counter cheers.)
Sir, I have shown you that the condition of the finances
such that I do not understand how the Chancellor of the
Exchequer can possibly meet his engagements atthe end
of the financial year, and yet my honourable friend the
member for Evesham (Sir H. W asksillougbby) me to in_
crease his embarrassments. I think the proposition of my
honourable friend, viewed by itself, is a sound prop°.
sition. I think it an unprecedented thing to make a
single levy of a tax at the beginning of the year, but as I
look forward with great anxiety to the state of the right
hon. gentleman's finances, I must express great unwilling-
ness to take any step, however slightly, to aggravate that.
I trust my hon. friend will hesitate before he asks the
opinion of the house upon that subject. (Cheers
and
le...counter cheers.) Does the hon. gentlemen opposite
• wish
line, then, to propose a vote of no confidence in the state
tit the finances of the Chancellor of the Exchequer? (Cheers
Irell1:*A0 Ministerial benches.) Well, then, I will, upon
• fair conditions, such as lam sure every gentleman will
' approve of, accept the challenge ; and I pledge myself to
prom in this house a vote of waut of confidence in bur