The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-04 00:00:00

late Minister, should consider whether, after they were
called upon by their Sovereign, they could form an ad-
ministration which might have -the confidence of the
Crown, and the support of the House of Commons and
the country. Well, now, gentlemen, I must fairly say,
that I think, if I had been called upon by my Sovereign
to form an administration, and if I had attempted to
form it, as my former Administration had been, of one
party, I should not have been doing my duty to my
Sovereign. Never will lin any way shrink from the
defence of the men and the measures of the administra-
tion over which I had the honour to preside ; but it is
one thing to break up an administration, and another
thing to form a new administration, which cannot
calculate upon that support in the House of
Commons which will give satisfaction to the coun-
try. and which will appear to foreign countries
as a firm and strong Administration. This opinion of
mine, I must say, I had not concealed. I had expressed
it to many of my friends, to whom it was generally
known. Well, then, was it my duty to declare that I
would not agree to b• part of a combined Administra-
tion unless I were at the head ? I think I should have
been taking an undue importance to myself if I had so
attempted. (Hear.) But there were circumstances
which induced me tot that the Earl of Aberdeen—
a man universally respected, who had stood by Sir R.
Peel, who had enjoyed in an important post the confi-
dence of his Sovereign, and who had been sent for by
his Sovereign on a late occasion—was eminently quali-
fied to preside over a combined Administration. (Cheers.)
I should have been better pleased if I could have taken
the part of not entering into office, but have given my
19111 and constant support to such an Administration.
rrhe Earl of Aberdeen was not unaware of my opinions,
but both he on the one side, and my own political
friends on the other, declared: that they thought
it was necessary to the formation of a Mi-
nistry that I should take office as one of its
members. (Hear. hear.) Having received this de-
claration, I thought it was my bounden duty, being
anxious to see the country in the possession of an Ad-
ministration which should possess the confidence of the
House of Commons—l thought it was my duty to
assent to the proposal of Lord Aberdeen, to lay my name
before her Majesty as one of his Administration. (Hear.)
There was one other course, to be sure, that all those
who had combined in that vote should decline to form
an Administration, and should advise her Majesty to
send again for the Earl of Derby ; but there was no
prospect, I thought, that the Earl of Derby at the head
of the same Cabinet would have been able to enjoy more
confidence in the House of Commons than he had hitherto
enjoyed. Besides, it is to be remembered that he had
already dissolved Parliament, and appealed to the sense
of the people, and that that very House of Commons
which, in the name of the Crown, he had summoned to
advise her Majesty had already declared against him.
(Hear, hear.) For these reasons, therefore, I have
accepted office in the present Administration.
You may be sure that, without giving any pledges, I
have taken means to ascertain that upon those
subjects in which I had taken a deep interest as affecting
the welfare of the country, the noble lord who was to be
at the head of the Ministry was a sharer in my views.
(Loud cheers.) I found that a year ago he had declared
with respect to one question in which I know you take a
great interest—l mean the removal of the Jewish dis-
abilities—(hear)--to those who are more immediately
his political friends that, if that question came again be-
fore Parliament, a measure for the removal of these dis-
abilities should have his support. (Loud cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, with regard to another question which has been
mentioned, namely, the reform of the department of
the Customs, I am well aware that there are many
regulations of the Board of Customs which require re-
vision, and I am sure that the present Chancellor of the
Exchequer will examine that subject with that ability
which he possesses, and with that impartiality which is
his characteristic, and that he will endeavour to place
those regulations on the footing most favourable to the
trade of this country, while he will take care that the re-
venue is not sacrificed. There are many other questions
:which I will not detain you by referring to. (A voice in
the crowd, " The Income Tax.") As a gentleman there
has referred to the income tax, I must make a declara-
tion upon that, nearly similar to that which I have just
made. You are aware that Mr. Pitt, when he thought
that the imposition of an income tax was a necessary
measure, laid down the principles upon which he con-
ceived it should be founded, and you are aware that the
Marquis of Lansdowne afterwards, when Chancellor of
the Exchequer, and that Sir R. Peel, when first Lord of
the Treasury, adopted the same principles. But, gentle-
men, there has of late been much discussion upon a sub-
ject affecting that income tax, namely, the rate at which
different incomes should be assessed. Now, that is a
question which the late Ministry undertook, but which
they undertook evidently without having a full ex-
amination ; for when they were asked respecting
whether in curing one injustice they did not create
many others, the answer of their Chancellor of the
Exchequer was, that he had not had time to examine
the schedules. Now our Chancellor of the Exchequer,
my colleague, means to make time for the examination
of those schedules, and he will devote all his time and
attention, in conjunction with others, to the subject, be-
fore bringing forward the income tax measure, in ordettei: ,
see in what manner that measure can be am'encled,' and in ' ,
what manner those amendments can be defended. I have
always said that I thought that injusticer.lvas inherent
in an income tax, and lam so thoroughly believer in
that opinion that I do not believe it would be possible
for arty man, or any set of men, any more than it was
for Mr. Pitt or Sir R. Peel, entirely to expunge injustice
from that measure; but, everything that can be done by
weighing and examining the different cases will be done,
and I do think it is possible, although not to attain
just measures, to make a greater approximation to
them than the measures which now exist. (Cheers.)
Let me say this, however, finally, that if we find upon
examination that we are not successful in that endea-
vour, we will come down to the House of Commons
and expose all our arguments and our reasons upon the
subject, and ask the House of Commons fairly to judge
whether we have not grappled with the question,
with a view of making it as just as it is possible,
that large portion of our revenue. At the same time,
gentlemen, let us not forget, that faulty as it originally
was, and faulty as it must be, it has been the means
of relieving the country of upwards of 12,000,0001.
of taxation, bearing heavily upon the industry
of the country—(loud cheers)—and in my opinion
if it is borne some time more, a still greater alleviation
will be attained, and that in gradual revision, and not in
sudden revision, is to be found the true financial policy
of this country. (Loud cheers, and a voice in the crowd
—"What about the Ballot.") Well, I was not going to
refer to that subject, but as some gentleman has men-
tioned it, I must beg to call to his recollection that when
I was on these hustings last a gentleman put to me seve-
ral questions, and, among others, whether I was in
favour of the Ballot. I declared to him, as I
now declare to that gentleman before me, that I was
against secrecy in everything— (loud cheers)—that
as I was against secret trials in our courts of law, against
secret debates in our Houses of Parliament, so I was
against secret voting by the great electoral body. (Loud
cheers.) Let me say, however, that since we last met
here, the elections which have taken place in various
places in the country, have produced 'eross instances of
bribery and intimidation—(hear)—and I shall think it
my duty—not adopting the ballot, objecting, as I shall
continue to do, to a secret mode of voting—to turn my
mind to those other means which I think may perhaps be
devised, if not to extirpate, at least to diminish, those
scandalous scenes of bribery and corruption which we
have unfortunately witnessed. (Cheers.) I will not
refer to those various questions to which my proposer,
Mr. Dillon, has adverted. Let me say this, however,
that while these questions of reform of various kinds, of
education, of Parliamentary representation, are all most
important questions, I think a Ministry which has any
•claim to confidence may claim also forbearance as to the
time and manner in which their measures shall be
brought forward. I remember a friend who, speaking of .
the critics in the reviews, said they always blame an au-
tiiorfor notedyaohtiliaafg that which he does not happen to be
lvhleelifv7ilnytd,e writes
theysay attempting. h
sei
ys notth andvleirygfi
hsielsriaboruoos
kmareig:nitfmuinllenoittf, they
wit,A
laugh.) So it is with critics onfoanoAdc; Administration. They it are
!,..,,t trevmapntdi n gi
up etrhhea pc
as
uartlsarogfe
law.refo It is
is
immediately e Court o
said,an-
" Why do not you reform the Church ?" (Loud
cheers.) They are treating, perhaps,
of the
abuses of the Church, and it is, Why don't
you look to the faults and corruptions in the
representation ? What I ask, and what I think lam
Lirly entitled to ask is, that, provided good mea-
sures may be produced, that Parliament and the country
will pay attention to these measures, and if advan-
tage is to be obtained to the country by passing them,
pass them, and if they are not good measures to re-
ject, but not at the time always to say that something
else should be considered, and that that which is not
brought forward is the very thing which is essential.
(lear, hear.) And now I must say, with respect to
the department over which I have the honour at present
to preside, that I am happy to say that the terms upon
which we are living with all foreign nations are those
of peace ;—of course I do not include,
as not in my de-
partment, the war which is now going on in India, but
with respect to foreign, our relations are those of peace
and amity. (Hear, hear.) With respect to another
(-reation, which of course comes under the notice of the
, 'eretary for Foreion Affairs, I think I am enabled to
''ay this, that when' any Enlish subject, not joining in
any Conspiracy or making any attempt against the
i, in
unlawfully
internal peace of any foreign country,
~elf that dosinonnattei•
4;7%11y and wantonly, I will lose no time
foreign government. (Hear,
before the consideration of that
can perceive, that (Hear, hear.) I cannot see my-
cof those governments which is not
are often intrusted with
disposed to
subordinates
rdinates of those governments
vex unoffending travellers•
a British subject ; but this I
for the confidence whiel • But I have again to thank you
power to harass and
too great
belief is that the Admmistrati
! But
have reposed in me. My
will I have 'joined
vantage. b e abl eI
taome'ZrYuiteostul rPeubthliaetoatn7airs for the public ad-
stem of free trade
increased pros-
the system
principles of
policy
of which we have been the advocate'ats
civil, which is is likely to lead to furtshteenirai,
I believe that that system
which we pursue, founded on the
ligious, and political liberty, is the tilt" of
which the policy of every ministry ought system l)ebuatodu,
and I do trust and believe, that not seeking
from any foreign nation which they can with justice
refuse, seeking only fairness and good will—our 833,U£S3teleel
of foreign policy is that which will be coducive to the
independence of this country and the happiness of the
world.
The noble lord then sat down amidst loud and con-
tinued cheering.
The proceedings terminated by a vote of thanks to
the Sheriffs, and three cheers for the Queen. Lady
John Russell and her young son were present during
the proceedings in one of the side galleries.