The Sun.
London, England, 1853-07-13 00:00:00

CONTAINING THE

DEBATES IN PARLIAMENT THE SAME EVENING,
With all other News arriving up to the hour of Post,
AT SEVEN O'CLOCK.

EXPRESS EDITIONS
will be forwarded after the Post is closed by the
Latest Trains.

tzb4*,
if.- --4,11 1431

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 13, 1853.

It is certainly rather strange that Ministers
should, in the present unsettled state of the poli-
tical atmosphere, receive their earliest intelligence
respecting important transactions from the public
journals ; and, still more so, that they should not
even avail themselves of the opportunities thereby
afforded for obtaining the information that should
have been acquired through other and more legi-
timate channels. But so it is. On Monday
evening Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in his place in the
House of Commons, declared that there was no
official information as to the circular dispatch of
Count NESSELRODE--a document of such vital im-
portance to the best interests of the nation, and
imperatively requiring the most prompt and
vigorous action on the part of the Bri-
tish Government—that "in the last dispatch
which he had seen from the British Minister
at St. Petersburgh, Sir HENRY SEYMOUR said
that he had not then seen the dispatch that is
allowed to have been written by Count NESSEL-
RODE ;" at the same time admitting that " the cir-
cular dispatch" which had been published in the
public journals was " substantially" "an authentic
document." The Noble Lord then proceeded to
give his interpretation of the passage in that ex-
traordinary document--which, according to his
own admission, he believed to be " substantially
accurate" which intimated that the Russian
troops would not retire from the Principalities
until complete satisfaction had been obtained
from the Turkish Government, and until it
" the Turkish Government," had taken order'
to remove the pressure exercised by the
attitude of the two Maritime Powers. This
the Ministerial Leader in the representative
branch of the Legislature could not understand,
from his reading of the document, as containing
any declaration that the matters pending between
Russia and Turkey could not be arranged " until
the English and French fleets should have left the
Turkish waters." Although how such a doubt
could be expressed by any person of ordinary ca-
pacity who had read the contest with common
attention is beyond our comprehension. We are
bound to give the Noble Lord credit for
veracity in de!ivering that opinion. We only
refer to the circumstances to show the care-
lessness and indifference of some Members
of the Cabinet to the questions that are ex-
citing intense interest in other quarters, the
absence of full and unquestionoble information
through the regular channel; and the reckless
haste with which matters of such vital importance
mouthpiece of the Go-
-were spoken of by the
yppment, the exponent of its
eawmsenatnd feletlihngass
tik; Cipmmons House of P-•
- eyeirifiwe transpired that at the time. when the
of answ-ering
Noble -brd was assuming the duty
iiiteirogatories of the Right Hon. Gentleman
the,
_ •
the 1114iber for Buckinghamshire, f
o SPeaking
autborijatively, almost ex cathedra on the subject,
r e bad not even read the admirable and conclu-
-4 AI
tare answer forwarded by the French Government

to the first circular of Count NESSELRODE—an
answer that has completely rebutted the
assumptions and arguments of the Russian
Minister. Lord CLARENDON declared that at
the time "he had not had an opportunity
of reading that note." But why he should not
have had such an opportunity, whet the docu-
ment itself had formed the subject of an article
which appeared that morning in the journal gene-
rally supposed to represent the opinions and to
act as the organ of Lord ABERDEEN and those of
his colleagues who are guided by his views as to
the duties of the British nation in such an emer-
gency seems strange. There must be something
rotten in the state of affairs when things so utterly
unaccountable can happen, and which induce us to
regret more especially the absence of those ex-
planations which would have been elicited by the
motions of Lord CLANRICARDE and Mr. LAYARD,
and which were only postponed in consequence of
urgent applications, and the supposed unanimity
in the Cabinet thereby indicated.
Another strange circumstance was elicited dur-
ing the brief conversation originated by Lord
LYNDHURST in the House of Lords last evening.
The Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs admitted
that there were " some differences between the
Russian document, issued for home consumption,
for the use of the Russian people, and the trans-
lation which had been sent abroad." Here, then,
appears to have been a deliberate mutilation of
the document—a cowardly alteration in its terms,
calculated to deceive either the Russian people or
other nations, to induce the former to believe that
language had been used and terms applied which
must necessarily lead to hostilities, unless other
Powers exhibit an unprecedented degree of pusil-
lanimity, evincing their readiness to devour any
quantity of dirt which the AUTOCRAT may please
to administer ; while it makes wilfully false repre-
sentations to those other Powers, which amount,
at least, to a case of gross and fradulent decep-
tion on the part of the EMPEROR, or his advisers,
at the very time when he is putting forward such
energetic complaints on account of his outraged
honour and dignity.
One satisfactory assurance was elicited, one
pledge given on the part of the Cabinet, which
cannot be evaded or got rid of. Lord CLAREN-
DON unequivocally declared for his colleagues, as
well as for himself, that they " did not consider
that the presence of the British and the French
fleets in Besika Bay is at all similar, or can in any
way be compared, to the occupation of the Danu-
bian Principalites," and that " certainly no con-
dition with respect to the departure of the one or
the evacuation of the other will be made."

This is something to know—to that extent at
least British honour will be safe from the insolent
aggression of the AUTOCRAT. Even " the excel-
lent ABERDEEN" himself could not submit to that
outrage. It is also gratifying to know that the re-
ported occupation of Bosnia by Austrian troops,
which would so greatly aggravate the existing
difficulties, is certainly premature, and probably
altogether without foundation. The Austrian
Minister at this Court altogether disbelieves the
rumour, and states his opinion that " it may have
arisen from some of the Austrian troops having
been sent to their own fortress at Peterwardein,
which is about 80 miles from the territory of
Turkey."
There is reason, then, to hope still that the ulti-
mate appeal to arms may be avoided, and that
without any derogation to British honour or
British interests.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer appears deter-
mined to avenge his numerous defeats respecting
the Advertisement Duty. As the advocates for
the total repeal of the obnoxious impost did not
freely and willingly accept the crumb which he
let fall from his financial table, he apparently
resolved to punish their insubordination, and
teach them that they should receive with thanks
and gratitude whatsoever he pleased to bestow.
In this he is only carrying into practical execution
the threats which he already fulminated, or rather
insinuated, as the probable consequence of diso-
bedience. During the last debate, on the Ist of
July, respecting Mr. MILNER GIBSON'S proposi-
tion for the total repeal of the Advertisement
Duty, in accordance with the resolution of the
House of Commons, on the 14th of April last, he
openly declared that the effect of the resolution,
if carried, would be to maintain the duty at
Is. Gd., for "it would just leave matters as they
were." His leader and colleague, Lord JOHN
RUSSELL, repeated the warning even more empha-
tically. The Noble Lord said, "He ought to
have mentioned, and intended to have mentioned,
that with regard to the subject before the
House, the question as placed by the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer was for a reduction
of duty. If the motion of the Honourable
Gentleman (Mr. CRAUFURD) were carried, and
the duties on advertisements were made nil in the
resolution, it would be necessary to bring in a bill
for the purpose of repealing those duties. Such a
bill would be opposed to the views of the Govern-
ment; and, if it were not carried, the result must be
that the tax would remain where it was, instead of
being reduced to 6d. !" These cautions and threats
were, however, disregarded. The independent
representatives of the people refused to be either
cajoled or bullied by the Noble Lord or the Right
Hon. Gentleman. They resisted the dictatorial
attempt, and obtained two successive victories
over the Government. The matter then stood
over until the following Monday, when it was
generally understood the final decision of Ministers
would have been communicated to the House and
country.
On Monday, however, there was, as we have
already stated, an ominous silence observed as to
the Ministerial intentions, and a still more omi-
nous course pursued with respect to the Stamp
Duties Bill, which, having received its second
reading, was to have been considered in com-
mittee that evening. Some statement as to the
course to be ultimately adopted was anxiously
looked for. It was considered certain that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer would have declared
his readiness to carry out the views of the majo-
rities of the 14th April or Ist July, or have
boldly persisted in acting on his original opinion.
Such a course might be deemed perverse and ob-
stinate, but it would be straightforward and
above-board. It would at least be free from de-
ception, or fraudulent concealment tantamount to
deception. It might, as the homely proverb hath
it, been greatly " blamed," but it could not pos-
sibly have been " shamed." It might not have
been a very wise or judicious course to alienate
the feelings of steadfast friends and supporters,
who had given so many and such frequent proofs
of their devotion to the interests of the Joint-
stock Administration, but it could not be consi-
dered as dishonourable or disgraceful !
We regret, however, to be compelled to declare
that the same cannot be asserted of the line actu-
ally pursued. Mr. GLADSTONE has obstinately
refused to clear up the doubts that have been en-
tertained as to his final intentions, or to dispel
the mystery by which the question was encom-
passed. He divided the bill which was actu-
atilolyns, before the House into two distinct por-
through committee all the
uncontested clauses (which, however, passed
through the committee), and dropping the
disputed parts. And lie did•so, if not on false pre-
ten ces, certainlyon frivolous arid inadequate grounds,
such as to excite a very natural suspicion that
he would delay and procrastinate the decisive con-
test until such a period of the session that the
victory, if achieved, would carry with it no sub-
stantial profit to his antagonists, and this sus-
picion is very materially increased by the petulant
answer returned to the inquiry of Sir JOHN
SHELLEY, as to whether "he could inform the
House when the question of the Advertisement

Duties would be brought forward ?" in which he

pooh-poohed the subject as one of the most trivial

consequence, saying, in the most depreciating
tone, that "it was impossible in the present state of

public business, and with business of primary

importance pending, to make that business se-

condary to the Advertisement Duties(!) There-
fore, he was not able to say on what day the
matter would be resumed, though there would be
no 0 delay, so far as the Government was concerned,
beYoul what was inevitable, Ample Xotice,

however, would be given of the day when the
subject would be taken 1"
We fear, after this, that there is but little
reason to anticipate that the Right Honourable
Gentleman will yield to the oft-expressed wishes
of the House, or that he will fairly enter upon
the final struggle, while there is any possibility of
the advocates of total repeal obtaining the legiti-
mate fruits of success. He has apparently deter-
mined to carry out his object per fas, aut nefas,
to defeat by any means, however reprehensible,
and under any circumstances, the insubordinate
attempt of those who have wills of their own, and
refuse to submit to the dictation of the crotchetty
Minister of Finance. This he may be enabled to
do, considering the advanced period of the session,
and the extraordinary facilities afforded to Minis-
ters for obstructing and impeding any measure to
which they are in any degree opposed. But be-
fore he enter upon a course so unwise, and we will
add, so discreditable, he will do well to count the
cost, to estimate not merely the possible, but the
very probable, consequences of the transaction ;
that he will lose the friendship and confidence of a
numerous and influential party would be a cer-
tain result. Any person possessed of a particle of
spirit of self-respect would necessarily resent
the insolent attempt at domination, and thence-
forward would toto ccelo oppose the would-
be despot who endeavoured to ride rough

shod over the independent representatives of in-
dependent constituencies, and they must be very
" verdant" indeed if they could place any trust
in the good faith of the Minister who could be
guilty of such conduct, conduct which would
justify even a factious opposition.

It may be said that the Newspaper Stamp
Duties Bill has been placed among the orders for
a second reading each Government day. This,
however, is but adding insult to injury, as it is
placed in such a position that it cannot by a
possibility come on for discussion. Last Thursday
it was high in the list. Last night it was seven-
teenth. It is now stated that it will be brought
on on Thursday. It may be so, but not unless
Mr. MILNER GIBSON and his coadjutors exert
themselves zealously and energetically in the
interim, and indicate in plain and unequivocal
terms the line which they will feel themselves
bound to adopt if there should be a further con-
tinuance of the unfair and objectionable course
hitherto pursued on this important and interesting
subject.

In France, the Government itself is undertaking
the erection of dwellings for the poor, and will,
we have no doubt, perform the task they have
undertaken in the very best style with regard to
sanitary arrangements. They will hardly, how-
ever, be able to surpass on the Continent by Go-
vernment skill what has already been effected in
this country by private enterprise and benevolence.
It is true, nothing beyond model efforts have yet
been attempted, but these have so completely suc-
ceeded that they must be and will be promptly
followed up. The Continental theory is that Go-
vernment should leave nothing to the people which
it can take upon itself ; and possibly the habits
of Continentals render this desirable. In England,
on the contrary, Government does nothing for the
people which the people can do without its
aid ; and our habits of voluntary co-operation
and of enterprise justify our principle. We
must look, therefore, to our right-minded
capitalists to give full play to the clearly success-
ful operations of the Society for Improving the
Dwellings of the Industrious Classes. The money
invested in their operations is certain to pay a
fair interest. The highly respectable Noblemen
and Gentlemen connected with it are deeply inte-
rested in makingit a paying concern to the invester,
as well as a beneficial one to the operative, since
on no other principle can they hope to extend
their system very widely ; and the proved sani-
tary results are such as to demand of the benevo-
lent some pecuniary hazard, or even sacrifice,
were it necessary, which we are confident is not
the case. We certainly would not discourage
church-building liberality, but it is worth
while for those who have their 5,0001. or
10,0001. to spare for public objects, to ask whether
the first necessity is not that the people should
be " alive and well." He who preferred "mercy
to sacrifice," and healing on the Sabbath to
Pharasaical observance of it, has certainly directed
our first attention to the bodily necessities of our
fellow-creatures.
Can we, then, have facts which make a louder
call for social co-operation than the two following.
First, That in the Society's Buildings typhus fever
has never occurred. Secondly, That the rate of
mortality in them has been but seven and a frac-
tion in a thousand, while for the rest of the
metropolis it has been 22 in a thousand ;—and of
infant mortality, 10 in a thousand ; while in
London generally, it has averaged 52 in a thou-
sand. In the Metropolitan Building, Old Pan-
cras-road, with a population of 680, the deaths
had been nine, but on the entire number
of 1, 343 living in the Society's Dwell-
ings not more than 10. Of the inhabitants,
490 were children, the deaths amongst them being
5; the comparative low proportion which we have
just indicated. The low rate of mortality is a
most striking feature; but in some respects the
entire absence of that dreadful disease, typhus
fever, is still more so. This, as Dr. SOUTHWOOD
SMITH (from whose speech at the annual meeting
we quote these facts) observes, " is not the disease
of the young, the weak, or the destitute ; it is
pre-eminently the disease of the adult, the well•
nourished, and the strong ; it is the disease o

parents, not of children, and is thus one of the
great causes of orphanage, and consequent pau-
perism. It has its source in no want of food or
clothing, in no condition natural to this climate,
in no habits peculiar to the people, one single
word comprehending its main condition—filth."
We have been told ourselves by a medical gen-
tleman, living in one of the healthiest country
districts of England, that he never yet had a
single case of typhus which he could not trace
distinctly to some accumulated, but often un-
noticed, filth. Simply by efficient drainage, an
adequate supply of water, and banishing the fatal
cesspool, the Society has literally placed a barrier
around its dwellings which fever cannot pass !
The same results, according to the same authority,
have followed the experiment of the Lodging-
House Act. In Wigan, 25 lodging-houses have
not had a single case of fever among 29,655
lodgers. At Wolverhampton, in 200 lodging-
houses, which received during the year 511,000
lodgers, there has also not occurred one single case
of fever ! Similar returns have been received from
other towns, and from London also. Before the
houses came under the act, 20 cases of fever have
been received from single houses into the Fever Hos-

pital in the course of a few weeks. Can any
further facts be needed to embolden our rulers to
legislate to the uttermost against dirt ?

Let us remind our readers again, however,
hat the Society, to whose invaluable efforts we

have called attention, is the exact voluntary com-
plement to these legislative means. If Govern-
ment resolutely banishes dirt, society must as