The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-18 00:00:00

Cit

LONDON, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1853.

Yesterday we published the Manifesto of the
Sublime Porte, and this morning we have the
satisfaction of laying before our readers a docu-
ment scarcely one jot less remarkable in its char-
acter, and one, moreover, of a nearly equal perti-
nence, importance, and significance. A glance,
however cursory, through our columns, will show
the reader at once that allusion is here made to
the elaborate communication in which Louis Kos-
SUTH has analysed the foreign policy of the Eng-
lish Government. At a superficial regard of this
incident it might, perchance, be erroneously sup-
posed, by some observers, that there is in the pub-
lication of this epistle, from the hand of the
illustrious Magyar, a certain indecorum or indeli-
cacy, considering that he enjoys tranquillity,
security, and independence at this moment under
the aegis of the British Constitution. It might be
conjectured, at the first blush, that there is a
degree of impropriety in the circumstance
of the ex-Governar of the Hungarians pro-
nouncing words of reprehension upon the course
pursued by the Cabinet of the very country
in which the respect accorded to himself and his
compatriots constitutes the most precious and
estimable solace they could possibly enjoy in the
bitterness of their prolonged and undeserved exile
from the beloved haunts of their Fatherland.
Reflection, however, must at once satisfy any im-
partial spectator of the political misfortunes of a
glorious patriot like Louis Kossum, that any
such condemnatory estimate of his proceedings in
this particular would be as dcspic able in error as
it would in effect be preposterous. Liberator of
his country—Kossuru could never by possibility
forego the privilege of his sacred and inalienable
right as a freeman—that of aspiring to witness
the ultimate emancipation of his fellow-citizens,
that of pleading in their behalf at every available
opportunity, that of avowing his belief in the
certainty of their realising sooner or later
the glorious dream of their independence.
To silence a man like KOSSUTH in regard to the
wrongs of his mother country, you must tear his
tongue out by the roots. Not otherwise can he
be ever constrained to silence upon that all-ab-
sorbing theme, which time, and wrongs, and an-
guish have rendered the passion of his existence.
Imprisonment in the Austrian dungeons failed to
crush out of his heart the holy hope of raising
the down-trodden race of the Magyars to the glory
of a powerful and unconquerable nationality. It
is not likely, therefore, that that hope will be
extinguished here in England during the sorrows
of his protracted banishment. It is not probable
that he will willingly let pass any event calculated
to afford him valid reason to remind the world
of his opinions, to recall to the recollection of
the community the lamentable situation of the
heroic people over whom he once exercised
the power of a beneficent, and (for the time being)
a wholly irresponsible Government.
Therefore KOSSUTH has spoken, and spoken,
too, in language that cannot for an instant be
misapprehended. Hitherto we have deemed it
advisable to delay for a while the appearance of
this remarkable letter before the public through
the medium of our circulation. It appeared to
us injudicious to afford that letter now printed in
another part of our impression of this evening
the ill-advised opportunity of a premature publi-
cation. According to our view of the question at
issue it could not be otherwise than blundering to
circulate at an earlier period than the present the
severe strictures pronounced by KOSSUTH upon
the foreign policy of her Britannic MAJESTY'S
Government. Severe those strictures are ; but
are they not also most justifiable in their severity?
Answer it that craven and abortive Note of the
Vienna Conference ! Answer it that despicable
toleration of the passage of the Pruth, and of the
lawless seizure of the Danubian Principalities !
Answer it these timorous procrastinations ! An-
swer it these hysterical assurances from Downing-
street that England
cost with the yearns to preserve peace at all
mighty AUTOCRAT of all the Russias !
Answer it our bungling diplomacy, our hesitating
Cabinet, our
protractedic,o,__u ,
.ts and utterly valueless
negotiations.
the right nail on the
head. He admitf7thuiei,,4lant into the secret of
these reiterated delays and
of
this pitiable pusil-
lanimity. He declares and the
are truth—that the reason whse words of his
the Engl. h G
der
the vernment have not acted more
vigo
vis
under
reason recent pressure of circurastances lir°
reason of their not having more boldly maiiat the
ia
the rights of Turkey, that the reason of theirt -
lilineodi
more valiantly repelling the aggressions of the
AUTOCRAT—is the dread entertained by themselves
lest by acting more energetically they may be
aiding the cause of a general emancipation. cc
have no hesitation to say," observes Kossunr,
that the policy of England has long since been
"
Russian in its results ; though not Russian in
its motives—it has been worse, it has been anti-
liberal in its principles." Yes—Heaven knows
that is the truth—History proves it in deplor-
able characters. It was in consequence of this
miserable policy in the councils of Great Britain,
that the treason of G6RGEY was allowed the op-
portunity of proving triumphant, that Austria
was enabled to coerce into subjection the heroic
people of Hungary through
the armed interfer-
ence of the Russian soldiery, that the Cossacks
entered Moldo-Wallachia with impunity in 1848'
and that in 1849 they were
permitted -without
remonstrance to strangle with rope, and to stab
with the bayonet, and to decapitate with the

axe the betrayed liberty of tho ill-fated
but glorious Hungarians. KOSSUTH, however,
has even now morally and virtually his triumph
over his antagonists—his victory over his assail-
ants, even in the days of his misfortune, and in
the period of his banishment. Already he is
avenged. He is avenged on those craven states-
men who were accomplices in the perpetration of
enormous crime, by consenting to witness the
fulfilment of the evil designs of despotism through
a nameless fear of democracy. Dreading the exten-
sion of popular freedom over the Continent, England
was indirectly the cause, by her pusillanimity, why
the heart of CHARLES ALBERT was broken—why
Lombardy was reconquered by RADETZKY—Why
the Magyars, bound hand and foot, were delivered
over by the traitor GoRGEY to the mercy of HAY-
NAU and the forbearance of PASKEWITZCH. Kos-
SUTH, we repeat, is avenged upon these craven
and incapable statesmen. For the same policy
which before crushed the beautiful visions of Ita-
lian and Hungarian independence has at length
arrived at what was obviously its inevitable deve-
lopment, by tarnishing the fair fame of England,
and jeopardising the tranquillity of the European
Continent.

The contest between the millowners and the
factory hands has fairly commenced at Preston.
It is impossible to calculate with any pretensions
to accuracy the amount of damage that must be
inflicted, the misery that must be endured, during
the internacine conflict. The operatives will, we
fear, have bitter cause to deplore the short-sighted
folly and arrogant assumptions of which they have
been guilty. Too late will they lament the in-
fatuation which induced them to listen to the
insidious suggestions of interested agitators, and
to aim a deadly blow against their best friends—
a blow which rebounds with double force against
themselves, their wives and families. They have
hitherto remained deaf to the sound and whole-

some advice that has been offered by true

friends. They have disregarded the salu-
tary admonitions of their religious pastors of
all denominations, and of the public journals,
which, with scarcely an exception, have pointed
out the inevitable consequences of their reckless
audacity and insubordination. The more prudent
and sagacious among them have been struck with
the validity of the arguments offered for their
consideration, but they have been unable to
struggle against the stream ; the well-disposed
have been swept away with the torrent, and un-
fortunately must participate in the sufferings
thereby occasioned. They would willingly with-
draw if they could, but unfortunately that is
scarcely possible under present circumstances, and
they are gradually but certainly drawn into the
vortex, and involved in one common destruction
with others who are less entitled to sympathy or
condolence.

We have repeatedly pointed out the certain
results of such a struggle as that which has just
been entered on. When the ten per cent, move-
ment was started, we explained that " the
masters might arm themselves with the same
weapon which had been i esorted to by the work-
men, and use it with terrific force against the mal-
contents--that employers might ' strike' in due
course, and teach a bitter lesson to those who, not
contented with unexampled prosperity and the
enjoyment of unwonted comforts, were aiming at
impossibilities, by endeavouring to produce a state
of things that should necessarily terminate, and
that at no very distant period, in the ruin of all
parties concerned, of the workmen more certainly
than of the employers." Already our painful
forebodings have been partially accomplished. Our
gloomy predictions have, up to this time, been sin-
gularly verified. Would that it had been other-
wise. We would willingly submit to the obloquy,
and suffer ourselves to be branded as "false prophets"
if the poor betrayed victims might escape from the
privations which they have endured, are enduring,
and must endure to a heart-rending extent. But
these aspirations are fruitless. They have sowed
the seed, and they must reap the crop, and the
fruits of such conduct invariably come home to
the parties themselves.

We learn from recent intelligence, that "on
Friday and Saturday, no less than thirty-six mills
were closed," making a total of forty-six mills in
which there is an entire suspension of manufac-
turing operations. Others are under notice to
close, so that there will be a general cessation of
work in the district within a few days. Here,
then, we find some 25,000 unfortunate persons
doomed to idleness and inactivity in consequence
of this disagreement. Twenty-five thousand
individuals, each of whom on an average had
one or more dependents, and who earned, on the
average, at least 10s. per week. We are greatly
within the mark if we assume 12,5001. per week
as the amount of earnings sacrificed, which pro-
vided for FIFTY THOUSAND human beings—men,
women, and children—at an average of ss. per
week for each adult and infant. This is the very
lowest calculation as to the extent of the loss ;
and if we take the highest estimate of the contri-
butions that may be obtained from all sources at
4,0001. per week, we find that there will be a
loss of at least 8,0001. per week, or more than
3s. per week for each individual, who will have
to live on less than two-fifths of his or her former
expenditure.
We invite intelligent operatives, and there are
very many such, worthy of a far better fate than
that to which they are subjected through the folly
and recklessness of the different trade committees
to examine the above calculations, and to state
whether everything is not estimated in the most
favourable point of view for the workmen. We
have done so advisedly, that no time may be
wasted in disputing the premises or arguing on
the sufficiency of the data. Surely 10s. per week
is not more than the average earnings, and it is
not too much to assume that each operative has
one other person of the declining or rising genera-
tion dependent on him or her. The minimum
amount of loss is thus ascertained, and the maxi-
mum of relief is also disco vered from the proposi-
tion of the Committee of the Operative Union,
which is to pay 4,000/. per week, which they allege
they will be able—if contributions come in freely
for some weeks ! Good GOD, is this the shattered
reed on which the misguided mass is resting.
Each working man, or woman, will receive 4s. in
place of 10s. There will be 2s. to provide, we
shall not say comforts (for these must be totally
given up), but necessaries for each. And how
long will it last ? How long will those who earn
their daily bread by the sweat of their brows be
willing to contribute largely, from their hardly-
acquired earnings, to support others in idleness ?
There may be a temporary enthusiasm, which in-
duces them. to promise largely--but how soon
will they weary of the intolerable burden ? How
soon will they feel desirous of dislodging the in-
truders on their limited resources ? The Com-
mittee have gone to the full length of their
tether in naming some—for which we may read
three or four weeks, at the outside, as the
period for which even that pecuniary assistance
can be continued, and when it ceases, what is to
become of the mal-contents ? Miserable as will be
their condition during the payment of the auxi-
liary fund, it will be immeasurably worse on its
cessation. Then, indeed, will they rue bitterly
their infatuation when sustaining privations at
which humanity may shudder. Let them not
suppose that they will be immediately restored to
the positions which they have forfeited. The
masters will make the most of the victory which
has been
1 es so dearly purchased. Their own pecu-
niary -°s" will in iurate their hearts, and they
will discover the necessity
sus-
tained
will not emu
obligations, forcapitalists, of teaching a lesson that
by easily be forgotten. They will he
valid excuseswho will willingly renew
must be totally
maye
brn-performance of which
offered. The operatives
made on the defeated .
establishments will take the any impression is
wealthy
ob-
taining unlooked-for indulgence opportunity of rma, while struggling
then, most ' embarrassed, by going intt or, if greatly
wiping off their liabilities under Gazette and
favour-
able circumstances. Once more,
the
is yet too late, we implore the misguided opera.
fives to take a calm and unprejudiced. view a;
their real position, to discard the heartteu- o'"
• scow,.
drels who pr& y upon their follies, awl to patch