The Sun.
London, England, 1853-11-24 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1853.

The situation may be readily understood. Not-
withstanding the contradictory intelligence received
in this country from the Seat of War, it is im-
possible not to appreciate, from the events which
are known with absolute certainty to have trans-
pired, the relative position occupied at this moment
by the belligerents. That position we described
yesterday as propitious for the SULTAN and
ominous for the AUTOCRAT. We repeat it—
earnestly and after mature deliberation. It is
propitious for the SULTAN, notwithstanding the
indecision, or (shall we call it ?) the timidity
of the Four Powers—notwithstanding the with-
drawal of Austria long ago from the Vienna Con-
ference—notwithstanding the vacillation of Prussia,
the irritating delays of France, the criminal
and
craven attitude assumed by England. It is ominous
for the AUTOCRAT, notwithstanding the favourable
advance of the winter season; notwithstanding the
opportune passage of the Pruth by OSTEN-SACHEM,
with a considerable body of reinforcements for the
troops occupying the twin-provinces of Moldo-
Wallachia ; notwithstanding the timely concentra-
tion of the forces already under GORTZCHAKOFF,
and the retirement of his victorious assailants from
before Oltenitza.

How, it may be asked, can this declaration be
seriously advanced in the presence of the remark-
able facts here enumerated ? How can such deduc-
tions be drawn from such premises—deductions
so encouraging from premises so unsatisfactory ?
We will explain. Our confidence in the moral
and physical strength of the position of Turkeyat
this juncture is attributable, let us observe at
once, not to a hasty or superficial consideration of
two or three isolated incidents, but from a careful
BCTutiny of the whole sequence of occurrences
from the very commencement. Having watched
the progress
of those occurrences from the outset,
having Weighed them one by one in the balance of
impartiality, having minutely observed the
course taken by
actual events, and the
direction followed up by one shadowy attempt
after another at negotiation—we have arrived
gradually, but inevitably at this conviction.
Remember, in fact, that
we have not jumped at
a conclusion. We have attained it gradually and
cautiously, and, let us be Permitted to add, also
conscientiously. And that conclusion
we repeat
to-day as plainly as we did yesterday. Candidly,
we have as little hesitation in announcing this as
our deliberate and unequivocal opinion, as we
have ever had in eulogising the moderation shown
from first to last by the Sublime port;
or in reprobating in the sternest language
in our vocabulary the lawless, insensate, and fla-
gitious policy of the Autocratic Government of
St. Petersburg.
Whatever the temporary situation of affairs in
the Danubian Principalities, whatever the mo-
itentaiy attitude maintained towards Turkey
by the nominal allies of the Cabinet at Constan-

tinople—we boldly aver that we regard the future
as most ominous for the CZAR and most pro-
pitious for the SULTAN. It matters com-
paratively nothing that the Councils at Ber-
lin at this moment are most tantalisingly
balanced. It signifies scarcely anything that
the sympathies of the Viennese Administrators tend
rather in the direction of St. Petersburg than in
that of Constantinople. The inevitable result of
the struggle, whatever the course taken by Aus-
tria or by Prussia may be under the emergency,
the certain and inevitable result of the struggle
must be to the advantage of the SULTAN, and to
the detriment of the AUTOCRAT. Wherefore ?
Why, for this simple reason—Because, Right and
Might are for once united ! It has been customary
among the admirers of the CZAR, and the apolo-
gists of the course adopted by his Government, to
depreciate the power at the command of Turkey,
and to magnify that placed at the disposal of the
AUTOCRAT by a series of monstrous and preposte-
rous exaggerations. According to those persons,
a campaign between the Russian and Turkish
armies must be at once terminated by the igno-
minious discomfiture of the soldiers of the Otto-
man Government. It has been argued, as though
the contention were absolutely as preposterous as
a struggle between a giant of Brobdignag and a
Lilliputian. Well—it may now he asked with some
reason—How have these sneers at the Sublime
Porte been justified ; these jeers at the Turk and
these phrases of adulation to the Muscovite ?
How ? Why, let events answer that inquiry.
Has there not been a manifest superiority hitherto
on the side of the Turkish soldiery, and on the
side of the Turkish Commander-in-Chief ? Has
not GORTZCHAKOFF been signally out-generalled ?
Has not OMER PACHA signalised himself wonder-
fully well, both as a strategist and a tactician ?
Again, say we, let facts be the fitting re-

sponse to the interrogation. Those facts, at
testing that the Turks have crossed the
Danube at the several places successfully,
at Braila, at Widdiu, and at Turtukai !--that the
main body of the SULTAN'S army continues up to
this moment strongly established at Kalafat !
that another portion of his troops continues to
preclude the Muscovites from retiring upon Mol-
davia, without molestation I—that upon two seve-
ral occasions have the soldiers of the CZAR been
worsted at Olteuitza !—that the Turkish division,
which at this particular locality had crowned itself
with glory by successive engagements, had only with-
drawn at last to the right bank of the Danube from
prudential motives, and this after having caused
by their reiterated displays of prowess the greatest
possible detriment to their antagonists ! Never-
theless, it is not so much from these incidents, as
from considerations of somewhat larger importance,
that we consider ourselves justified in asserting
plainly, and in so many words, that Might as well
as Right is at this crisis on the side of Turkey.
Yes—notwithstanding the reputed weakness of
the Ottoman Empire, notwithstanding the co-
lossal dominion and irresponsible autho-
rity of the AUTOCRAT, it is SO ! It is
so because the patriotism and prowess of the
subjects of ABD-UL-MEDJID are supported cordially
and enthusiastically by the sympathies of both
the French and British populations ! By the
earnest and manifest sympathy of the two most
powerful races in the world—the people of France
and the people of England ! The greatest mili-
tary and the greatest maritime nation of Christ-
endom ! Remember—the sympathies of French-
men and of Englishmen upon this point are decided,
unanimous, and unmistakeable. They cannot much
longer be resisted. Sooner or later they must break
down the barriers of political reserve, and rend
asunder the veil of diplomatic etiquette. Sooner
or later they must result in overt acts on the
part of their allied Governments. This—in ful-
filment of the long-known wishes of the Emperor
NAPOLEON, and in defiance of the timidity, the
weakness, and the hesitation of the Earl of ABER-
DEEN'S fruitless and unfortunate Government.

A new movement is on the tapir, arising out
of the unfortunate dispute between the masters
and operatives in the manufacturing districts.
The agitators are beginning to perceive the inu-
tility of the different " unions" and confederacies
now in operation. They see the impossibility of
much longer maintaining the contest under exist-
ing circumstances, and they dread the conse-
quences of the full revelation and exposure of the
deception that has been practised on their mis-
guided victims. Anything is better than the
restoration of kindly relations between employers
and workmen. The moment the eyes of the great
body of the " turn-outs" are opened to the absur-
dity of their proceedings, the occupation of dele-
gates and committee-men is eo instante gone. The
most favourable termination they can anticipate
is to be restored to their original obscurity, to
" bid a long farewell to all their greatness," and
with it to the entertainments provided (for the
leaders) at the various public-houses and " jerry-
shops" (the phrase is borrowed from Mr. GEORGE
CowELL). Something must be done to excite the
people, and induce them to retain their allegiance
for a little time longer. Hence the notion of the
" Labour Parliament," which is forthwith to be
inaugurated, and which is expected speedily to
cast its recognised rival completely into the shade.
The idea is unquestionably a grand one. A na-
tional organisation of the working classes—an or-
ganisation comprising every man who earns his
daily bread by his daily labour—all acting in one
direction, and determined to deprive " capital "
Of its power, and make it the humble and obedi-
ent slave of their chosen representatives—to bring
the concentrated strength of the entire nation to
bear in any
to crush difference that might arise, and thus
isolated trades or occupations, as the
unions could previously destroy single firms !
Surely such a result is worth even more deter-
mined struggles than have as yet taken place.
Even phamtasm„ of representation will flatter
the pride the
of those who now feel that they are
unfairly deprived of a voice in the selection of
Charterunquestionably constitute an
cc the payment of representatives," will
legislators. And as one of
the points of the
"anthion:eP°wrtlai:
tasfpeairteuretoina
fancy that it will
the "Labour Par
seat in the new
means an unprofitable speculation,
encourage the movement.
and willingly
turn out by no
. . We can-
not then wonder at the u. which the
received, for, as we have re-
peatedlyproposition has been
the great body of the
pointed, out,
working classes suffer a small and mischievous
•
clique to exercise despotic authority over them.
-
Agitators are personally interested in carrying the
suggestion into operation, for the double purpose
of averting their own downfall, and obtaining the
wages of their attendance at the assemblies.
The idea is, however, by no means original. The
plan has frequently been tried, and on every occa-
sion• proved a decided and unequivocal failure.
We need not go very far back to select a suitable
illustration. Few can forget the proceedings
which terminated in the expatriation of CUFFEYand
some of his associates, and the prolonged incarce-
ration of others. Can any different result be
anticipated to the present organisation ? It is
impossible that the delegates or representatives,
or by whatever titles the parties actively engaged
in the affair may please to designate themselves,
could keep within the limits of the law without
transgressing the boundaries on either side, and
exposing themselves to penalties for its violation.
The exampl •es that have been made, on so many
different occasions,
should teach a salutary lesson
to those striving
to constitute an imperium, in,
imperio, and to create •
disturbance and excitement
that must be productive of the most mischievous
results.

From some of the observations that were made,

not by working men, but by others who have al- '
ready suffered from similar proceedings, it ap-
pears that the operatives are now to demand a
share of the profits—to become partners of those
who kindly supply the capital expended in the
construction of the machinery, the payment of
wages, &0.--that the proceeds of the sales, after
deducting the cost of production (including therein
the earnings of the operatives), are to be rigidly
accounted for, and divided among the parties.
The masters will have the barren honour of keep-
ing open the mills, ending the necessary funds,
and defraying all the bad debts. They will no
longer excite the virtuous indignation of Mr.
CowELL by not " going to the ale bench ;" they
will no longer " swill their wine," " have their
servants to wait on them," or see " their wives
luxuriating in silks and satins." No, the La-
bour Parliament will change all that, and those
who choose to submit to its dictates and to place
their operations under the control of the would-be
legislators, may be well contented if they shall be
permitted even to drink their beer much longer.
Is it possible that intelligent operatives can
suffer themselves to be thus hood-winked, to be
kept in thraldom by men who can deliberately put
forward such a project ? Before any embark in
such proceedings we would earnestly commend to
their consideration the various statutes against
unlawful societies and associations. Let them
especially study the provisions of the 39 GEo. 111.
c. 79, and the 57 GEO. 111. c. 19, and take legal
advice as to how far the proposed Parliament
would come within these enactments, or be re-
garded as " a society " or "club," within the
meaning of the last-mentioned statute. They
may be well assured that the existing law is suffi-
cient to put down such absurd attempts. And
were it even otherwise, a comprehensive law would
speedily be passed to provide an adequate remedy
for so serious an evil.