The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-22 00:00:00

THE BALLOT.

TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD J. RUSSELL.

DIY LORD, —As the question of Parliamentary
Reform is one which engages the public mind in
no small degree at the present time, and as you
have intimated that the. Government will shortly
lay before Parliament some measure bearing on
the subject, permit me to direct your best atten-
tion to the urgent necessity of introducing some
provision whereby protection shall be afforded to
all who wish to exercise the franchise in a free
and independent manner. Without such protec-
tion no Reform Bill will now give satisfaction ;
and to extend thb franchise to those who are spe-
cially dependent on others for the support of
themselves and families, is little better than a
delusion and a snare.

I am not presumptuous enough to think that I
can influence a mind so well-informed and en-
lightened as your Lordship's, but I feel impelled
to address you, deeply sympathising with a large
body of my fellow-men who are exposed to the
most corrupting influences, and are labouring
under a state of mental bondage from which the
law affords no protection;—and also as a means
of giving expression to my own feelings on a
subject to which I attach the greatest importance.
It is now universally admitted and acknow-
ledged by yourself and your colleagues, that the
present mode of electing members of Parliament
is most defective ; and the amount of evils which
accompanied almost every contest at the late
general election furnishes sufficient evidence that
the time has come when a change must be made
in our representative system.

Of all the plans proposed, none appear so
likely to mitigate the evil, if not to effect a cure,
as the substitution, by means of the Ballot, of
secret for open voting. You, and many others,
have expressed a dislike to secret voting ; and I
agree that it is most desirable that, as far as
possible, all public, as well as private matters,
should be carried on openly and above board.
But when we cannot do so without producing
consequences most disgraceful to a civilised land,
surely, however much we may prefer the one
course to the other, we should not, and cannot,
continue to support a system which leads to such
results.

Besides, it must be remembered that secret
voting is the mode adopted at our Clubs, and
many of our public institutions ; and if we shel-
ter ourselves from consequences which otherwise
might prove injurious to society, how much more
do the humbler classes require the same protec-
tion, when forced to forfeit all independence by
those who hold out temptations which weak nature
cannot resist, and who resort to threats of pun-
ishment to be inflicted not only here but here-
after.

The Right Honourable Baronet the Member for
Carlisle has recently declared as an objection to
the Ballot, that, as we cannot compel the electors
to conceal their votes, those who wish to coerce
and intimidate them would still have the power of
saying, " If you vote secretly I will presume that
you voted agaiilst my wishes, and I will act ac-
cordingly." I am not sanguine enough to sup-
pose that any law can be framed that would
wholly put down the evil devices of man, and
establish that purity of nature which is the only
safeguard against corrupt practices ; but I believe
there would be little difficulty, where unjust treat-
ment, was resorted to on presumptive evidence, in
providing a remedy for those who, in conformity
to the law, refused to render their consciences
subservient to man's dictation.

Are we to have no protective laws because the
innocent sometimes suffer and the guilty are not
always brought to justice ? Not so. And, al-
though the Ballot may not in every case be found
a successful shield against the poisoned arrows of
bribery and persecution, I firmly maintain that it
will, in the majority of cases, prove a sure pro-
tection to those who desire to exercise the fran-
chise with a free and unfettered conscience.

It is not my intention to enumerate the many
advantages which I conceive would result from the
adoption of the Ballot, nor shall I attempt to refute
the many arguments, mostly founded on hypothp-
sis, which are put forth by the opponents of secret
voting. My advocacy of the measure is built
upon the solid rock of justice, and from that lofty
position I fear not that it can be shaken.
Is it just, or is it unjust, first to confer the fran-
chise as a boon on those whose position renders
them totally unable, under the present system of
open voting, to act independently, and then to
deny that protection which would enable them to
withstand the many temptations and dangers with
which the free exercise of the franchise is now
surrounded ? Is it justice to refuse to the neglected
many that shelter which, when required by the
favoured few, is always afforded ? Is it just that
our country should be polluted with blood, that
the bitterest animosity should be excited through-
out our land, and a thousand sins committed, to
which every contested election can in a greater or
less degree bear witness ? while that security is
refused, which, at least to the well-disposed (and
the innocent, not the wicked, we desire to protect),
must prove a protection such as the humblest sub-
ject may justly expect from the Government of a
free and civilised nation. Is it right when the
great body of the electors, backed by the almost
unanimous voice of the non-electors, call out for a
just and simple measure of defence, to disregard
the Divine command, " Whatsoever ye will that
men should do to you, do ye even so to them."
Public opinion shall answer—aye, has already
answered these inquiries. The Ballot is but a
question of time. Within the last few months it
has made rapid advances, it has obtained. many
converts.

The repeal of the Corn-laws was a popular mea-
sure, and, althoigh not effected in a day, it was at
length carried by the people. The Ballot is a
popular measure, and will be carried by the peo-
ple also. We know the glorious effects of the
one, we shall see the happy results of the other.
Lose not then, I would respect'ully urge on your
Lordship, the Opportunity of introducing a new
Reform Bill, to grant the protection of the Ballot
to the humble yet conscientious voter. And let
those who fear lest aristocratic ascendancy should
suffer from democratic advancement learn, that to
concede, not to resist, the just demands of a loyal
people, is the surest way to command respect for
themselves, to ensure reverence for the Throne,
and to increase attachment for the Constitution
under which we have enjoyed so large a share of
happiness and prosperity.
I beg, my Lord, to apologise for the liberty I
have taken in addressing you. In doing so, lam
solely actuated by a sincere desire to relieve the
oppressed, and promote what I conceive to be a
just and right cause. This object, I trust, will
plead my excuse for trespassing at such length on
your Lordship's attention.—l have the honour to
remain, your Lordship's most obedient servant,

JOHN LA TOUCHE.
Harristown, County Kildare, Jan. 17, 1852.

DARING CASE OF INTIMIDATION.—On Thursday
morning the town of Ashton•under-Lyne was the scene
of considerable excitement, in consequence of about
500 rough-looking fellows having entered it for the
avowed purpose of intimidating some workmen employed
as brickmakers, who are not members of the Trades'
Union of Brickmakers. They had left Manchester by
the 10.30 a.m. train by the Manchester and Sheffield
Railway on Thursday morning, and their approach
having been made known to the authorities of Ashton,
they were met at the Guide Bridge railway station by
the mayor (John Metcalfe, Esq.) and the high constable.
Ills worship, the mayor, addressed them at some length,
explaining their object was one of an illegal character
if intended to excite fear or to intimidate other work-
men, and he advised them not to walk in procession,
but quietly disperse. The advice, however, was disre-
garded, and having formed two-abreast they marched to
the brickerofL of Mr. W. Conley, at Ashton, where 12
men were working who did not belong to the trades'
union. Two of these men were so alarmed by their pre-
sence, though they committed no violence, that they left
their work, and the mob of intimidators then went to
the Ashton theatre, which had been engaged for a meet-
ing, and having held what they termed a demonstration,
they quietly separated. The mayor again addressed
them, and advised them to be peaceable at the theatre.
Three companies of the 4th Regiment of Infantry had
been called out of the barracks and placed in the Town-
hall, but there was no call for their further services.
These brickmakers, however, are a bold and daring body
of men, and bloodshed has more thy once resulted from
the collisions between society men and " knobsticks."
as they often carry fire-arms.