The Sun.
London, England, 1853-11-14 00:00:00

Now publishing to Subscribers, in 2,400 imperial octavo pages, price

305., with Map corrected from recent Surveys,

POST-OFFICE LONDON DIRECTORY for
1854. The work is printed in entirely new type from the
Coelon and Glasgow Letter Foundry, and has been so greatly ex-
tended. that the " Strdet Directory" contains 131,842 distinct names
or firms; these will be found correctly classified in all the other
prlecipal divisions, Commercial, Trades, Law, and Court, all of which
are increased in proportion to the great extension of the " Street
Directory."
Battersea, Bow, Brixton, Bromley (Middlesex), Camberwell,
Cambridge Heath, Clapham-road, Dalston, Deptford, Hackney, Hol-
loway-road, Kenti-h-town, Kingsland, New-cross, South Lambeth,
Stratford, Wandsworth. road, &c., &c., are essentially parts of " the
great metropolis," and should obviously be so treated in any Directory
of London. In the " Post-office Directory" the inhabitants of these
places appear in all the alphabetical lists, so that the residence and
calling of any one can be instantly traced in whatever part of the
suburbs he may be located.
Had the residents in these localities been segregated from all the
others, and each published ONLY in a separate list, it would obviously
have been impossible to discover the address or calling of any person
residing in the environs of London. _ .

" The Fost Office Direct,ry has long been the wonder of the pub-
world, a monument of private enterprise and ingenious labour
wholly without parallel."—Morning Herald. Nov. 4, 1853.
" The recentness of the compilation in its several departments is
really astonishing. The indices are very numerous, and immensely
facilitate reference to the various sub-divisions of the book. There
is a Street Index, a Trades Index, a Law Index, a Postal Index, a
Parliamentary Index, besides the General Index at the beginning."
—Morning Advertiser, November 4, 1853. . _

"Th. work deserves much praise tor the accuracy which pervades
it. and for the lateness of the information which it affords.—Morn-
ing Chronicle, November 4, 1853.
" Altogether this is by far the completest Directory yet produced,
both as regards classification and typographical execution." Illus-
trated News, November 5, 1853.
" The difference between this and former editions of the Directory
does not consist in mere enlargements; various important additions
have been made. If It be true, as all our readers will be ready to
admit, that there is no country like England, and no place like Lon-
don, it is a most consistent climax to add. and no guide book like
the " Post Office Directory."—John Bull, November 5, 1853.
" It is undoubtedly one of the most remarkable and usefhl works
of the age, and the manner in which the Messrs Kelly execute the
task is deserving of the highest praise." Herapath's Journal,
November b, 1853.

" While this monster volume is a perfect desideratum for the &lice
and the counting-house, it is an extraordinary specimen of the com-
bined arts of printing and bookmaitng."—Mining Journal. Novem-
ber 5, 1853.

" The present volume has been greatly increased in size by the
introduction of a large number of streets in the suburbs."—Weekly
Dispatch, November 5, 1853.
" The edition of this wonderful work has, to speak commercially,
been enlarged some ten or fifteen per cent."—Spectator, November
5, 1853

" Messrs. Kelly and Co. have just produced their London Direc-
tory for 1854, and without increasing its price they have enlarged its
propertions to such an extent that merely to look at it gives no in-
significant idea of the wonders of a city that demands such a work
to register its multifarious fontents." —Atlas, Nov. 5, 1853.
" The whole information has been brought up with great care AND
ACCURACY to the 19th of September."— Sunday Times, November
6, 1853.
" A notice of this gigantic volume, proportioned to 10 size and
value, would occupy our whole paper—we say its size and value, for
they hold a perfectly equal measure."—Standard, Nov. 7, 1853.
" Already the Messrs. Kelly and Co. had actually distanced the
most enterprising of their competitors. They have now rendered it
preposterous tbr any other compile, to dream of emulating their ex-
aordinary enterprise."—Sun, November 7, 1853.
" Its marvellous accuracy and minuteness of detail, fills one with
astonishment."— Morning Post, November 7, 1853.

" This annual miracle appears again."—Globe, Nov. 8, 1853."
Kelly and Co., 19 and 20, Old Boswell Court, and all Booksellers.

THE EASTERN QUESTION.

(Front the Times.)

Our readers have now had time to weigh and
consider in all its original audacity the manifesto
of the Russian Emperor in justification of a Turkish
war. The reserve judiciously imposed in this
country upon public writers by public opinion, to-
gether with the respect conventionally held due to
the Governments of independent States, might
have prevented us from characterising this docu-
ment as it deserved, if the Czar himself had not
dissolved the rules of such decorum by assailing
with the most opprobrious epithets the manifesto
of his antagonist. The declaration of the Turkish
Government is styled by that of Russia a " lying
proclamation," although every reader in Europe is
perfectly aware that the Ottoman State paper was
not only, as regarded the question with Russia,
incontestably true, but was also couched in lan-
guage of notable moderation and forbearance. It
is by the Czar, and not by the Sultan, that truth
has been set at nought ; nor can we conceive how
such a document as we published on Saturday
could be expected to produce any effect upon
European opinion except such as would be most
unfavourable to the Russian cause.
With an unscrupulousness for which terms, we
doubt not, will be found even in Parliamentary
language, the manifesto of the Czar actually drags
other Governments into its own false position, and
appeals to the policy of foreign States as support-
ing the views and resolutions of Russia against
Turkey. " The chief Powers of Europe," says this
document, have sought in vain by their exhorta-
tions to shake the blind obstinacy of the Ottoman
Government," which " has responded to their
pacific efforts by a declaration of war." Anything
more audaciously untrue than this assertion was
never uttered in a State paper. The " exhorta-
tions" of European Powers were never directed to
any such ends, or based upon any such opinions as
are'here described. They wero. addressedeto the
Turks, it is true, in deprecation of war, but with
the free and notorious acknowledgment that
this war had been rendered actually justifiable
by the Czar's own acts. No European Powers
endeavoured to " shake the obstinacy" of the
Porte by counselling a submission to Prince
Menschikoff's demands ; on the contrary, these
Powers did all, in formal conference, prepare a
Note which they intended to nullify those de-
mands altogether. They only dissuaded war, be-
cause war was dangerous to Europe, and because
it was believed that the just claims of Turkey,
or, in other words, the withdrawal of the
Russian demands, could be secured by more desir-
able means. And, though it is true that the Porte
at last issued a declaration of war against the still
pacific views of its supporters, this step was cer-
tainly not taken until the provocations and insults
of Russia had been outrageously protracted. The
" spirit of long-suffering," professed by the Czar,
was in reality exhibited, under the advice of Europe,
by the Sultan ; and at this moment the Ottoman
forces are only engaged in expelling intruders from
territories appertaining to the Ottoman Crown.
The mere scene of the war is enough, in the pre-
sent case, to prove which party has been the ag-
gressor.
A moment's consideration of the actual state of
affairs will place in its proper light these astound-
ing pretensions on the part of Russia to the sym-
pathies of the " Chief Powers of Europe." Not
only, as we have said, did all these Powers in Con-
ference agree, first to supersede Prince Menschi-
koff's note by a note of their own, and next to
accept modifications proceeding directly from the
Ottoman Government, but they have since unmis-
takeably placed themselves either in plain oppo-
sition to Russian purposes, or in a position aloof
from the dispute. Two of these " Chief Powers"
are actually in arms on the side of Turkey,
while the two others, though they have not
joined in this overt demonstration, have neverthe-
less declared, as plainly as circumstances permitted,
that they disapproved the Russian cause. After
all the experiments of personal cajolery brought in
aid of political intrigue, the Czar was compelled to
learn from his own observation that neither Aus-
tria nor Prussia would second him in his designs
against the Porte, and the Sovereign who thus
unblushingly appeals to the sanction of Europe is
absolutely without the sympathy of a single Euro-
pean Government. All may not think alike
respecting the determination to push the case to
the issue of the sword ; but all are of one accord
upon the character of those acts by which the dis-
pute was originally created.
The Czar now claims " reparation" for the
"insults" he has received. That he has received
no insults whatever, but has experienced, on the
contrary, remarkable consideration, not only from
the Porte, but from all the Governments of Eu-
rope, is perfectly notorious. His demands upon
Turkey, whether " just," as he now describes
them, or " unjust," as the mediating Powers
unanimously concurred in considering them, were
such, at any rate, as the Turkish Government had
the option of refusing. Upon this refusal he
marched his troops into territories depending upon
the Ottoman Crown, avowedly for the purpose of
putting force upon the Ottoman Government, and
seizing, as he himself declared, " a material gua-
rantee" for the concession of all he required.
During the long interval of this occupation Turkey
did absolutely nothing but collect her own forces.
Under the advice of her supporters, she suspended
from day to day the hostilities which the Czar was
continuously provoking, and when at last her
declaration of war was issued, it was so framed
that no possible exception could be taken to its
views of the pending quarrel. One of two courses,
indeed, Turkey was compelled to adopt. When
the Czar invaded the Principalities the Sultan
could either attack the Russians or leave them
alone. For six months he adhered to the latter
policy, which constitutes the whole of his " in-
sults ;" be has now chosen the former, which the
Czar perhaps, by such reasoning, may think a
" reparation."
On the broad question concerning the Ottoman
empire and its position we have expressed, as our
readers know, a decided opinion ; but, on the
particular quarrel between the Sultan and the
Czar, or on the merits of Russia in the case thus
created, we have never seen room for more than
one conclusion ; nor has there, indeed, to the best
of our belief, been any argument openly advanced
in any country of Europe on behalf of the policy
of the Czar. Turkey had neither violated nor
evaded any treaties at all. No instances were ever
alleged by the Russian Government of such beha-
viour on the part of the Porte, while, on the other
hand, the Czar himself disclaimed all intention of
extorting any new concessions. We have thus a
warlike manifesto, grounded upon the necessity of
securing " a faithful observance of treaties," with-
out a single allegation in proof of such treaties
having been infringed. We have a Government,
which for six months has been maintaining one
continued act of aggression, taking credit to itself
for its spirit of " long suffering." We have a con-
fident appeal to Europe, after a European decision
against the appellant. We have a grave resolution
of an offender to punish an offence, and we have
the whole of these unscrupulous declarations con-
cluded with a verse from the Psalms ! Surely, the
verdict of the world upon such a proceeding may
be safely anticipated.

(From the Morning Chronicle.)
There is no treaty between England and Russia
which would be violated by the advance of our fleet
from the Bosphorus to the Black Sea. The Porte
was bound, by the treaty of 1840, to prohibit the
passage of the Straits by the naval forces of foreign
nations, except in time of war ; but, as the excepted
contingency has now occurred, the fleet of any
power in Europe is at liberty, with the Sultan s
permission, to sail through the Dardanelles.and the
Bosphorus. It is only on the presuniption that
hostile intentions would be indicated by such a
movement, that the Russian Governinent can have
any right to protest againt the appearrce o Eng-
lish or French ships in waters over which
annou no pow
ce-
er
I can claim exclusive sovereignty. Tn
1 ment, therefore, that the advance of any portion
1 of the allied fleets will be considered a declaration
of war, will be treated by the Western Govern-
ments as nugatory. Admiral Du ndas will exercise
his own judgment as to the destination of the ves-
sels entrusted to his charge, and he will be fully
able to repel any interference which may be at-
tempted by the Russian authorities.
It must be admitted that the Emperor has a
perfect right to guard himself against demonstra-
tions avowedly intended to sup
Turkey ; nor can he be blamed support the cause of
taking the ini-
tiative in a contest which he m for
may perceive to be
unavoidable. But if the a
fleets in the Black Sea is appearance of the allied
war, no further commentaryequivalent to an act of
mendacious insinuation of is required on the
that the Great P fthe Imperial manifesto,
Powers
and disapproved " the o Europe have condemned
man Government," blind obstinacy of the Otto-
Russia in the At one time,
me,the advocates of
presence of press affected to believe that the
the fleets at Constantinople would

(
into Con o:
plianccea wia th e."
m 4)
o eri ir
c):o ee P. t
of aggressor. The Imperial C: . net now a 9-1
v ges the true import of .41 act which no
long dmits of misrepresentation; but the menace
of war against the Western Powers contrasts awk-
wardly with the exhortation to continue their
Pacific negotiations.
The circular to which we refer, like all the pre-
vious diplomatic documents which have recently'
emanated from the same quarter, seems inconsis-
tent with the reputation for ability which the Fo-
reign-office of St. Petersburg has heretofore enjoyed.
Long experience in underhand intrigues appears to
have rendered Count Nesselrode, or those who act
in his name, incapable of maintaining the plausible
dignity which ought to characterise solemn inter-
national communications. The notorious misstate-
ment as to the advance of the fleets to Besika Bay,
was as injudicious as the unseasonable paper of ex-
planations which relieved the allied Powers from all
embarrassment with respect to the Vienna Note.
The Czar's declaration of war has excited the ridi-
cule as well as the indignation of Europe, and the
new circular combines an imprudent threat with
an implied confession of weakness. Count Nessel-
rode gratuitously promises that, in the present
struggle, Russia will remain on the defensive, and
will abstain from passing the Danube. It is remark-
able that so uncalled-for an act of moderation should
coincide with events which enable all the 'world
to understand " the reason why." With a Turkish
army in Wallachia, it is a safe display of pacific in-
tentions on the part of Russia to undertake not to
cross the Balkan. A week ago, there would have
been found journals ready to applaud the self-con-
trol of an irresistible conqueror, but the sycophants
of fortune have already abandoned the cause which
they had long supported in defiance of justice, and
in disregard of the interests and honour of Eng-
land. It must not, however, be forgotten, that
any serious reverse suffered by the Ottoman army
would revive their dormant sympathies for the in-
vader. As for the Czar's promise to renounce fur-
ther aggressions on Turkey, the Minister who
should trust to such a pledge, if the road to Con-
stantinople were open, would scarcely deserve the
name of a statesman. Before the Porte had " re-
fused to confess its errors, or to give satisfaction to
just reclamations," incendiary proclamations were
addressed to the Russian army, both from St. Pe-
tersburg and at Bucharest, in which a war of con-
quest was promised, aid a march on Constanti-
nople not indistinctly indicated. Since that time,
Turkey has, it seems, given additional provocation
to Russia ; and-yet no fkartAer aggression is to be
attempted. It was not n&cessary for Count Nes-
selrode to explain that, iin the interval, Omer
Pacha had received the reinforcements which have
enabled him to carry the war into the heart of
Wallachia.

The affected moderation of the assurance that
Russia will be content with the plunder she has
already seized is, of course, intended to serve as an
argument against the interference of the Western
Powers. Yet it is scarcely seemly, in a formal di-
plomatic communication, to implycontempt for the
understandings of those to whom it is. addressed.
Lord Clarendon and M. Drouyn de L.huys have
long since severally declared the views ce' England
and France on the position of the invading, army in
Moldavia and Wallachia. Russia bad no pretext
for seizing Turkish territories in time of peace ; and
there is no reason why she should not pats the
Danube in time of war, should such an operation be
strategically practicable and expedient. The West ern
Powers demand, not that the campaign shall 1143
conducted in a particular manner, but that it shah
be rendered unnecessary, by the immediate retreat
of the invader, and the withdrawal of his unreason-
able claims. Whether an unprovoked war is carried.
on in one part of the Sultan's dominions or in
another, is a question wholly immaterial to
the issue. Until the desired object is attained,
England and France will continue, as Count
Nesselrode desires, their efforts for the restoration
of peace ; and it is not impossible that one step in
the process may consist in the appearance of the
allied fleets off the coast of Bessarabia or of the
Crimea. If the attitude of the Turkish armies has
converted a crusade for the orthodox faith into a
defensive war in the Danubian Principalities, a fur-
ther application of the wholesome stimulus of fel‘u.
may probably complete a satisfactory arrangement,
of the quarrel.
Among the numerous false statements which
make up the text of the Russian manifesto, there
is none more deliberate or more gross than the
assertion that the Porte, in commencing hostilities
on the Danube, has " enrolled in the ranks of
its army the revolutionists of all countries."
There was no reason whatever, so far as Russia
was concerned, why Turkey should refuse the aid
of the many brave and skilful officers who would.
rejoice to serve, under whatever flag, against the
Power which revolutionised Poland, and which
completed the revolution by which Hungary
was overthrown. If Austria had imprudently
yielded to the solicitations of Russia, there is no
doubt that many a gallant refugee would have
gladly engaged in a war which, in such a case,
must soon have spread across the Carpathians. But
in promising and maintaining strict neutrality, the
Court of Vienna had a right to stipulate that the
Hungarian exiles should not appear in arms on the
borders of Transylvania; and there is no ground
for asserting that Omer Pacha has, in any instance,
violated this understanding. The brave volun-
teers who may be guiding the inexperience of the
Turkish levies on the Asiatic frontier are at pre-
sent resisting, and not aiding, a revolutionary
attempt. There is no honest man in England or
France who would not rejoice in a successful at-
tempt on the part of Poland to shake off the Rus-
sian yoke ; and should the war which has com-
menced be of long duration, the Emperor's advisors
will do well to guard against such a danger. .A.t
present, however, it is utterly false to insinuate
that Turkey or her allies have favoured even the
justest attempt at revolution. A foreign Power
which encourages a rebellion against a hostile Sove-
reign undertakes the responsibility of guaranteeing
the insurgents against the consequences of their
enterprise. Belligerents hampered with such lia-
bilities are no longer at liberty to conclude peace
on the arrangement of their original differences ;
and it is in the necessity of guarding against inter-
minable war, that we may seek the justification of
statesmen who deliberately abstain from embarras-
sing an adversary by exciting internal dissensions
among his subjects.
The Potentate who insolently imputes revolu-
tionary intentions to an enemy who merdy arms
to repel a foreign invasion, himself commenced the
dispute by requiring an innovation in the internal
constitution of Turkey. If an attempted cha, nge
in the relations between the Sultan and his sk tb-
jects, effected under a menace of Russian intent 1r-
Once, was not a revolutionary act, political tern is
have lost their meaning. Rochambeau and La
fayette would scarcely have pretended that, in
serving under Washington, they were no
aging revolutionary tendencies to the
rt detrimentencour-
of
the English Government. The only_di erence be-
tween the two cases is, that young Frenchmen in
with republicans, which it
1778 felt a sympathy
would be absurd to attribute to Prince Menschi-
koff, or to his master, in relation to the Christian
population of Turkey.
en have not negooiated
Thus far, Russian stattesro
be seen whether Russian
wisely; and it remains
errors of their superiors.
generals can redee Bade
aly conferred a great service
some of the most devoted
gstuhspiacniodn
mtheaatnthnenny havening
r
mistaken bluster for hasstag
into
s strength, e an
for Machiavellian wisdom.

MONEY PAID INTO COUNTY COURTS.—Last year
ttahbel epsr e
c 0,371/. was received to the credit of suitors of county
courts, and 630,6881. paid out to them, being an increase
on the preceding year.
justee
d a
IMPORTATION OF EGGS.—From
75707,6ia10f
issued, it appears that last year the number of eggs im.
ported was 10,764,170, against 7,1
ingyr.
AT THE SYDENIIA.II LITERARY INSTITUTION':
SOIREE
—A soirée of the members and friends of the above in-
stitution was held on Thursday evening, the 10th inst.,
'oculohcakmi.notatee,ebvaendinbg. The use of the mansion
owner, Mr. Wythes, for theeen kindly
rooms were tastefully fitted
caatbneSnydo
granted by the
occasion. The various
connected with the Crystal Pull)%llay
say the arrangement of the' some of the artists
vaacreioCuosmohpjaenoyts,
reflected
detwede
must
the occupation of the judgment.
them used as a The house -lately in
great credit on their
short scientific
Palace Company, and by
cwohrokusrhsop-Thad b.eedn, in the
space of forty-eight
"pocket edition" of' the Crystal hours, improvised
seth erien twoerae
many of the ethnological, geological, and other objects
which have been executed under the superintendence of
Dr. Latham, Mr. Bartlett, Mr. Gould, and others, for
John Bull's summer house and winter garden on the top
of Sydenham-hill. We may note, amongst the objects
of especial interest, the musk deer ; a very natural
group of swans on glass, amongst reeds, grasses, &c. ;
Mr. Miller's interesting basso-relievos from the Groat
Exhibition ; some beautiful photographic pictures be
Mr. Thompson, of the cabinet work exhibited by her
Majesty at Gore House ; some fine pictures lent by
Mr. Hickman (the Sydenbam Vernon), by Guido Reni,
Guercino, &c., of the value of 2,000/, ; ethnological
figures by Mr. Dunbar (a disciple of Chantrey), of
Bonnean girls, &c. ; chronometers and watches by
Bennett ; various curious notes exhibited by the printer
to the Bank of England, one of them of the value of a
million sterling ; Mr. Gould's books on ornithology ;
and an abundance of other interesting works were scat-
tered over the tables of the various rooms. The wholy
of the mansion and grounds were thrown open, and the
number of visitors was estimated at from 800 to 1,000