The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-23 00:00:00

DEVIZES ELECTION COMMITTEE,

The Clerk of Committees brought up the following reduced list of
Members to serve on the Devizes Election Committee :—John James
Bodkin, Montague Edmund Newcombe Parker, Lord Viscount Eastnor,
Sir Robert Alexand.,:r Ferguson, Richard Walker, H. N. Burroughes,
Joseph Bailey (Sudbury), C. D. D. Jephson, Sir W. C. James, Lord
Teignmouth, Sir John Mordaunt.
SLAVE TR ADE.—MESS AGE FROM THE CROWN.
Lori PALMERSTON appeared at the liar with the following
t newer from her Majesty to the Address of the House rela-
tive to the Slave Trade:—" I • recived your loyal Address, ex-
,4ressing your opinions, your wishe,, and our hopes, as
the measures best calculated to accomplish the effectual ex.
.merlon of the traffic in slaves. I can assure you I fully share your
/egret in observing the extent of human suffering that is still occasioned
by this cruel trade. I have recently concluded with some foreign states
additional stipulations for thepurpose of putting down this traffic. I have
engaged in negotiations with other foreign states for arrangements founded
on the principles recommended in your address, and I am urging PortugM
to fulfil her engagements with Great Britain, by the conclusion of a
treaty adapted to the suppression of the Sla ye Trade now carried on under
the Portuguese flag. You may rely on my earnest endeavours to give
full effect to your wishes on this interesting and important subject."

NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP.
Numerous petitions were presented for the abolition of negro appren
ticeship, by Lord Morpeth, Mr. Baines, Mr. P. Thompson, Mr. E. B.
Roche, Mr. Sergeant Wilde, Mr. O'Connell, Mr. M. Phillips, Mr.
i'ryme, Mr. Hawes, and a great number of other Members.
Petitions v:ere also presented for the abolition of Negro Apprentice-
ship by Mr. Leader, Captain Berkeley (10). Mr. Humphrey, Mr. Villiers
Lord Worsley, Mr. Elliott, Mr. Bernal (4), the Attorney Go:lora!, Mr.
Divett, Mr R. Alston, Mr. Gaily 'Knight (from Nottingham), Mr.
Roche (30), Sir T. F'reemantle (from Buckingham), Mr. Gibson (from
Ipswich).

Similar petitions were prevented by Serj-•ant Talfour+l, from Reading;
by Sir E. Wilmot, from different parts of Warwickshire; by Mr. Vigors,
from parishes in Carlow; and Mr. Pease, from different parts of Durham.
NEGRO ENIANCIPtiTION.

Sir E. WILMOT—Sir, I feel that it will be urged by the Under-
Secretary for the Colonies, and also by many other Gssntleme'n on both
sides of the House, that it is unwise and injudicious in me to bring this
forward a second time after it has been once decided.—(Hear.)
But I feel it to be the uu y, es. ..,11 as wt._
ry eilther
Parliament, if he conscientiously believe that the Hous'ehasdedided
wrongly to bring fo•ward the question a second time, in order to induce
them to revise and rescind their resolution, and if any evil shall arise
from the agitation of the question, that that evil is equally shared by
those who oppose as well as those who promote the inquiry. I have
another reason for bringing this question forward, and that is, that it
was not fairly met by the amendment of the Right Honourable
Gentleman. I think he ought to have met it by a direct negative,
instead of moving the second reading of the Bill, which I always
understood was introduced to run pant paean with another Bill.
Upon these grounds it is, Sir, that I bring forward this motion. In doing
so, I assure the House I shall not attempt to excite their feelings and
their passions by enumerating all those horrors which have been related
as occurring in the West Indies, And I appeal to the indulgence of the
House while I endeavour fairly and impartially to discuss this question.
when I first undertook to bring this subject before the
douse, I felt I had a must difficult task to perform—that I
had two objects to attain—first, to convince the House of
the truth of all the allegations which have been made as to the
enormities of the slaVe traffic, which the House and the public dish:: •
lieved as impossible; and also to convince the House that the imme-
diate abolition of the apprenticeship system was the best mode ofreme-
dying the evil. As to the first of these propositions I am almost entirely
relieved of any difficulty. For nobody who has read the documents—
the authorised documents upon which these atrocities have been
proved—nobody who has heard or read the speeches of Gentle_
! men in favour of, .or against abolition—l allude especially to
the speeches of the ex-Chancellor of Ireland (Sir Edward Sugden)
and the Secretary-at-War (Lord Howick)—speeches which were un-
doubtedly (though levelled against) in favour of the measure—no per-
son can have done all this, without coming to the conclusion that
the allegations as to the enormities of the slave system have been
fully proved.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, in ad,lition to this I hold
in my hands the Act of Parliament recently passed (Lord Glenelg's
the
cAhcatr)g
easn ibl
brought
us
ga yh
tt hat
against t s
tAheet sveisiti iltns edlifana
planters.pf leao" lrt
thy " to ,
than
this, Sir, I have the language of Lord Glenelg himself, declaring that the
apprentices had been cruelly treated ; that women had been brutally
flogged ; that the allowances of food to the apprentices had been
gaily reduced.; that the parents had been unlawfully separated from
and debarred from intercourse with their children ; and that prwdials
and non-proedials had been unjustly confounded.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
I wish this Bill could speak for itself. It would show how it
had been scorned, ridiculed, laughed at, and evaded by the planters.
—(Hear, hear, hear.) If they scorned, ridiculed, and laUghed
at the Bill of 1833, which was a Bill for their advantage, and by which
they received twenty millions of money, why should they not scorn
and laugh at a Bill passed for the benefit of the negro ? Ido not
stand upon this Act—l trample on the Act—l put my stand-
ing on the undoubted right of every man to his liberty given
to him by the Almighty, and which no man has a right to take
from him, except for the commission of crime.—(llear, hear, hear.,)
If both parties were tried at the tribunal of justice there can be no
doubt who would receive compensation. The first objection tn.mde
by the friends of Cie planters relates to the contract. Now
' with respect to the contract itself, it is either a contract or it.
is no contract. If it is no contract at all, amid I declare it is net,
thereis an end of the question, because I say although Parliam.eit may
legislate—may command—it cannot contract. But, Sir, the contract has
. _

been partly repealed. This Bill repealed that part of the contract which
made children under a certain age, for a certain time apprentice;.
Now, I should like to hear why, if Parliament c.di repeal part of a con-
tract, it cannot repeal the other part? And why, if it can give liberty to
infants, it cannot also give liberty to adults ?—(Hear, hear.) , The
contract was either void in itself, or voidable by the Act
of Parliament.—(Hear.) Parliament, by the Act of 1833, enactel
that from henceforth slavery should cease. It then created a new
species of slavery under the masque of liberty. The contract, if it
be one, was, that Parliament should gisee 20,000,000/. for a
certain , term of apprenticeship, and, on the other side,
they were to observe certain engagements—they were to
perform certain covenants mentioned in the Bill for the benefit of the
apprentices. I ask, has Parliament performed its part of the contract ?
Undoubtedly it has—it has given its 20,000,040/. I ask, have the other
parties performed their part of the contract ? I maintain, most
decidedly they have not. I know it has been urged by an
Hon. Gentleman, and he has given innumerable instances that there
were certain estates on which the apprenticeship clause had acted
well and beneficially—l believe, on the other hand, that there were
many instances in which it had not acted beneficially ; and there-
fore I put the two testimonies against each other; and in doing
so I take my stand upon this Act of Parliament. Sir, when 1
read to the House what has been said by a Noble Lord in the other
House of Parliament—a Member of her Majesty's Government, and
Perhaps the best authority upon our side of this question—the House
will perceive which of the two testimonies is•of the more value, and worthy
of the greater attention. I believe that the Noble Lord was
insisting upon the argument that there was a contract,
and that the contract ought to be fulfilled.—[The lion. Baronet
here read an extract from a spee:th of Lord Glen. lg's, in which thi
Noble Lord said that the special and other magis, rates were thwarte.
in every possible way in the execution of their duty—that the
apprentices were sent to the workhorses for the ,Host
trivial ollences—that they might be removed from the prote-
tion of the law—that they were abridged of the hours neces.
sary to labour on their allotments, and prevented from seeinp
their children in a dying state,, and finally nothing was to L••
hoped for from the bail Governments.] Sir, after such testimony Gt.
the head of the Colonial-othce, is there a Gentleman in this Hens(
who will stand up and argue that the placers have pertained their shay.
of the contract ?—if any contract ever existed—which again I Alen!!

exhausted, and the public mind go completely saturated %ith it. I
now call upon the House to put an end to a system that is
attended with disgrace and cruelties unheard of, and by that means re-
store to its original splendour the brightest jewel on the British Crcwn
—Liberty.—(Loud cheering.) I call upon the Horse to break
the bonds of the slave for ever; but if they must be bound
then I call upon the House, by adopting my resolution, to bind
the slave, not with fetters of iron, but with fetters infinitely
more lasting—l mean the fetters of gratitude.— (T.eud el.ears).
With these feelings I call upon the House to agree to the motima which
I have now the honour of submitting to the Hous and I trust you will
see the necessity an.: advantageofrescinding the ros,lution h cs been
already attended with such disastrous results. I move "That it is the
opinion of this House that Negro apprentice hip in Cu c British Colonies
shall immediately cease and determine."—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. VILLIERS rose to second the motion. Differing as iic slid from
the Hon. Baronet so widely in politics, he hoped the:r agreement on this
subject would be received by the House a, rm assurance on the
part of those who advocated this cause, that they ,ished to preserve
the question free from all kinds of party or political feeling.
He supported the resolution of the Hon. Baronet because be believed it

was as much recommenced on the ground of wisdom and soundpolioy, as
on the ground of justice mid humanity; and he did not deny that
he wp.s somewhat influenced by the pressure from with, though Fe
must say that he expressed the same opinion with evil con-
fidence before this excitement haa been promoted in the country ;

and he ventured to express an (pinion upon a public occasion, that
if the whole of the British public could only be induced to direct
their attention again to the subject they wauld again call
Os the Legislure to give effect to their opinions.
So far f:oin deprecating this agitation he (sl'; • Villiers) hoped
that its good effeets in this instance would be ob,erved, and
that the example would in °that' attars be followed, and that the lesson
woul.i be learnt that nothing could obtain the attention of this House
except it came before them as the creature of apation —(Hear, hear.)
lie was the less alarmed or disturbed at this agqatiea, hecause lie be-
lieved that the nault of this agitation was no bad test of the nature of the
suLjact agitated, for there was a fund of honesty east good s nse in the
country which would prevent any great attention being gives to a
question not supported by strong arguments, and resting on truth and
justice. It was idle to complain o fthe pressure from Nvithf,ut as long as
indolence and indiOrence prevailed within.—;Hear, her) lie did not
say that agitation was desirable; but he contended that it was necessary
—(Hear, hear)—he, however, was not afraid of agitation, for he be-
lieved that Oleic prevailed in the country a fund of .ante and honesty
that would render success in agitation kkope'ess, unless the question that
was agitated came iecommended by the caidence of and justice.

In the present instance it was his belief that if there had been a pretence
for saying that any compact existed, the conditions of which, though
flagrantly violated by one par y, were still binding on the other party,
or if there had been any pretence for meintaining that the apprentice-
ship system was its the slightest degree satisfying its purpose of quality.
ing the negro for freedom, all the agitation that had taken place on
the subject won't' have been unattended with a•y result.—(Hear,
hear.) But A was because that the evidence was overwhelming, and
not to be citiestioned, that a deliberate, predetermined system had
been adapted throughout the principal slave colonies to resist
the nbject, and in every way to pervert the spirit of the Aboli-
tion Act—neat because that by evidence as little to be doubted,
it was shown that this horrid purpose had been so far suc-
cessful as to render the condition of the negro appren-
tice worse than the negro slave—it was because of the conviction of
these disgraceful truths, that the great mass of the middling class, who
were ever the most cautious as they were the most moral class of the
community, had rism up to express their indignation at what they cols.
sidered a fraud practised upon the benevolence and liberality of the
country.—(E:ar, hear.) It was from a like conviction that that active
body of philanthropists, who had so peculiarly interested themselves upon
the sub.;e:ct of negro liberty, to whom mankind v.-ere indebted for that
revolution in opinion which had occurred cf late in all civilised states
upon the subject cf slavery, now considered after the flagrant violation
of all the conditions attached to the first arrangement by those who had
beets paid to observe them, that the great question icy what way the
abolition of slavery could be abolished, was as much open for considera-
tion as it was in I S3:l. They now, in hie, ;pinion, cerise to the Legis.
lature fortified in their demand for immediate enit ente,lified emanci-
pation in two most important respects. First, in its being proved that
there was riothieg in tha nature or the character of the negro t het un-
fitted bins tbs. creedcan ; and, secondly, in the d!scoyery that is the anti.
cipetlon of a contrary result they cad granted an enormous 'slim to men
es en indemnity for a loss whirls they never had susteined.—(Hear.)
Clem ed as the subject i:ow was of every obstacle to its feee consideration,
the House had only to determine what would be most advantageous for
them _ill their social, reteni, and commercial
cendasen; mid not overloohing tne (101.-C.71-7rn,"
country flint
the horrid relations of slavery should cease throughout every part no cue
British empire. It was after calmly and deliberately regarding those
clonies in that view that he came to the conclusion, filet in no way could
that he effected so well as by the complete emancipation of the great
mass of their populatiOn. lip believed that there were many cautious
and timid teen who had now come to this conclusion, who had before
been in doubt ; bat that they Were yet prevented from nublicly supporting
their opinions front the notion that they were bound Ly en Act of the
Pe rlisment to endure and uphold the apprenticeship system for two years
mess. This, then, rendered it necessary to examine what system It was
thet the people of this country had consented to endure for that
time.—(Hear, hear, !sear.) Because, if it appeared that the system
that was undertaken to bo maintained was totally different from
that' which the colonists insisted on enforcing, he considered that
they were not bound to maintain a sy;tem totally opposed to the wishes,
feelings, and original inten tarns of the people of this country.— (Hear.)
What, then, was the system of apprenticeship which was undertaken to
be upheld by this country ? It was a system which w:ss to ire subject to
the pro Visions of the Abolition Act; it was an eeprenticeship system,
without the flogging of women ; it was apprenticeship system that
was to secure the labourer adequate food, clothing, lodging, and me-
dical care; it was apprenticeship syste.n that was to secure a portion
of every week to the apprentice; it was ass apprenticeship that ad-
mitted of domestic rights and habits, and that was for tile avowed
purpose of training the Slave for freedom—that was the apprenticeship
system that was agreed for, aid which was promised, and as long as
it was maintained by the colonists this country would have felt bound.
to let it endure till the expiration of its term. But what was the
system that, in violation of these stipulations, had been substituted ?
The first person that he would call to annoence this to the
country should be one of its most wretched victims ; it
should be the unfortunate apprentice James ' Williams, he
whose statements had been all verified, after strict investiga-
tion by persons commissioned wider the Crown; and he would
take that as a cese illustrating the working of the system, because all
the horrorsdetailed its his narrative had occurred within the cognisance
and with the sanction of a special justice, and without the knowledge of
the governor of the colony. Everything which had been verified in
d th Lad officially re-
eogai,ed, as having been mailif_ist 'd in the spirit and conduct of the co-
lonial authorities To this moment the House "would have been igno-
rant of all the said horrid proofs of the working of the apprenticeship
system, had they trusted to theme tituted authorities and had not one
virtuous and beaevolent man left his home, at his own hazard and ex-
pens; for the purpose of examining for himself the operation of the sys-
tem—had he not diselosed to them the horrid case to which he had re-
ferred, it would have been at this moment hidden from them. But if
any man objected to the case of Williams, let him turn to the volume
published by Lord Sligo, and he would there find the statement that the
planters were opposed to the apprenticeship system till they found that
they could so tar pervert its object as to secure for themselves
greater power than they used to exercise over their slaves.
Again, let any limner read the candid adraissions of Lord Henelg
as to the horrid abuses which existed under the apprenticeship system in
his speech of last November ; and, last of all. if any person should have

a doubt of the truth on which the charges had been made against this
system, let *him consider the purpose and effect of the last Act of the
Legislature. What was it that that Act said in e,-.'ect to the authorities
and the .propriJors in the se co! ties it was, that they had so far
abused the confidence which hail been placed in them, that they had so
neg'ected to chserve and 11.1:1 so openly viii'ated all the coiiditions of the
c:)ntraet that had been made with them., that it was impossibi2 to forego
further lgislation on the subject ; and that though there was a .dipula.
lion by this country that the Abolition Act should r,nain in three for
six years, yet that such haul been the conduct of the colonists, that it was
necessary to dis:rust the original arrangement, and to legislate de novo
upon the subject, —(Hear, hear.) But this Was the c:lse precisely of
the Hen 'a of :he negro, who also .contmded that the volations of
agreement heed oecurred ou the part of the colonists, and that it was
necessary now to take other means to rccompllsh the great object of
abolishing s'avery from every part of our empire ; and they, binding
themselves in a condition to legislate de novo on the s;.liject, nose called
upon the Legidature, founded on the experience t.:at they had of the
character or CI.• negro red the conduct of the p:anter, to T. fie th.' only

step which ever had qualified or ever conta qualify m,n far freedoM,
name'y, to make them frks.—(llear, hear) The citu-stio, really was
what remedy s o.dd now be applied under circum lances which had not
I.y.e, contemplated ? Should it be the continued expe7hnent of ap-
Jentice,li'p, or should it be freedom ?--(Hear.) Now, considering
what the Legisla!ore had acknowledged, in th^ breach of contiact on
the pat cf the colonists, and what they new had ascertained respecting
the haracter and dispo,:itions of the negro, what was there, he would
in th.:•• apprenticeship sye'em that recimmen.'ed it., continuaoce ?
Did any person suppr:e thee it I ac i:! any respect placed the colonies in a
conditi,n more fav,lurable for the intended change in then cilium-
stances ? Would any man say that, it was calculated to improve the
feelin s between the tiller:nit cla,ses ino which society was diVided
iu thcke colonies? Did it tend to raise the chavacter of the negro,
soften the disposition of the master'?—(Bear.) Had it, he would
candidly ask, done :mvthing es yet but add greatly to the
dangers and h:,zards of ultimate change ?—(dear, hear, hear.)
• With regard to the apprentices:dp system, from the first moment it was
proposed he had never entertained but one opitecn of it—he had always
considered it one of the ;host unwise, ill.adviwd, unstatemanlike, bung-
ling schemes for the purpose for which it was intended that the wit of
.
man could have devised.—(Hear, hear,) Apprenticeship was always, in
tact,
a l cries of,
watched public opinion;—(Hear, hear;)—but in this ease
it had all ti e objectionable features of slaVery withollt son)" of the alle.
viating incidents to that system.—(Hear, hear.) There were the two
by souiid end never could be tolerated unless checked

prime characteristics of slavery in it, the right of one man to the labour been made out against the present working of the apprenticeship inethe
of another without a corresponding obligation of rendering him pay or Colonies. He could understand that in a country likethis there might
reward ; and what was still more important, there was the denial to the be a great tenacity of the regulations made by Parliament, and that too
labourer of the right of choosing his master:—(Hear, hear.) Themes. great jealousy could not be exercised in order to secure the preservation
ter was told that his dominion should only endure for a limited time, and of the national faith ; but he was at a loss so understand how a delibm
he, professing to believe that he never could procure the service of that rate act of the Legislature could be construed into a contract, because
man after the expiration of that term, was ,I.me interested in extorting he conceived that in order that it should be a legally constituted contract
from him all the labour that he could, and was divested of the interest there must be two parties to it. Here, however, such a state of things
he had before felt in the economy of his health and strength. did not exist, for these was the Parliament alone which acted as an am
—(Bear, hear, hear.) On the other hand, the slave, doubtless tempted bitrator between the contending claims of the negro and of the West
with the prospect of freedom, affected in his disposition by the promises India planter.—(Hear.) With regard to the question of compensa_
of the Abolition Act, was more alive to the ill-treatment he received, tion, if it should be contended that in the event of the abolition of the
and less disposed to submission.—(Hear, hear.) He only lived upon the apprenticeship system, that which had already been given was insuili-
hope that he might survive the day when he could change his master, or, ment, he for one was ready to go into the whole question, but he would
if he had only the feelings of a European, when he might revenge himself never accede to the proposition, that any part of the liberty of the negro
upon his master. He (Mr. Villiers) could hardly conceive a more devilish should be taken as a part of the compensation given. The apprentice-
system of society than this would produce; the master would be more ship system was created solely, in his opinion, for the benefit of the
tenacious of his power, and the slave more impatient of his condition, negroes, and in the Act which had been passed, that was the reason re_
and thus a constant stare of irritation would be maintained,—(Hear, cited for its adoption : it could not be said, then, that it was a part of
hear.) And what was the contrivance which was devised to check all the the compensation, for the real object was to afford proper means to the
evils too probable to occur from this system, and to restrain the masters slaves to pass from a state of slavery to one of freedom, in such a manner
from an oppressive exercise of the power which they wielded with such as that they might be calculated to enjoy the improved means of existence
complete authority and irresponsibility throughout these colonies ? It afforded them. During the last discussion on this question, the Hon.
asthe constitution of the office of special justice. This was an impor_ Baronet the Under Secretary for the Colonial Department bad said the
Izntfeature in the case, and he hoped the House would give it their at_ House should not listen to statements made by persons whose imagine_
tention, as the whole working of the system turned upon it. Who, Lions were heated by the scenes which they professed to have witnessed,
he asked, was this functionary that was to assume an independent but that Honourable Members should refer only to the official documents,
station in these slave colonies—that was to extend protection to the and on them should rest the opinions which they formed. He had
apprentice, and restrain the power of the master ? Who was to arbitrate adopted the suggestion of the Honourable Baronet, and he was bound to
fairly between them in the eternal disputes that would arise be. deceare his belief that, so far as Jamaica was concerned—and there was
tweenthem, that in fact was to administer the English law with intelli- reason to believe that the system was productive of equally bad conse-
gene., independence, and courage? Why, it was any person who could queeces in other colonies--no disinterested man could look at the facts
be induced to leave this country for a salary of 3001. or 4001. a_year, which were proved without coming to the conclusion that the Colonial
and settle in a tropical climate, where he would find no society but that Legislature, the Stipendary Magistrates, and even the minor function_
of the planters, whose hospitality he could not accept if he intended to aries, had been leagued in one common attempt to annul and render use-
perform his duty, and whose hospitality if he did not accept, he would less the provisions of the Emancipation Act.—(Hear, hear.) As ro-
be suspected by the planter, who had in his power every means of garded the condition of the apprentices, it appeared to him that it was
harassment and persecution should he decline to be the ready instrument worse than even that (Mae slaves. Formerly it was the interest of their
for all his purposes.—(Hear, hear.) This was the functionary on whom owners to see that they were properly fed and taken care of, but now an
the whole working of the system was to depend! Let any man calmly extent of labour was exacted from them greater than their bodily
reflect on the probable conduc, cf such persons, judging them only as strength would enable them long to sustain, while their allow-
they would other men, namely, by the "mtnstances under which they ance of food was decreased, and they had in many other
acted, and then say if they wandered at chi selsarges that are brought respects been placed in a position infinitely worse than that
against them, if they felt surprise at the followiee eremunt given of them in which they were as slaves. The same observation applied
by Lord Sligo from his personal knowledge. The Nobie -reds said:— to the women and children, who were tasked beyond their powers be-
" During the two first years of the apprenticeship, more tee. •--enty cause their inhuman masters no longer had any interest in keeping them
special justices fell victims to the climate and to their own exec.,.; . in health, and because, therefore, their only object was to procure as
and many more resigned, from finding that the emolument was not ' meeh work from them as was possible. Nor was this system confined
sufficient for their support ; or sickened by the opposition they met to the planters alone. The special justices had made themselves the
with from the planters ; or in consequence of their bodily strength tools of the planters ; and so long as they continued to obey their wishes
being unequal to the severe labour imposed on them. The first thing and views with reference to the unfortunate negroes, they were wel.
that a special justice has to do on landing is, to establish an agent corned with kindness and hospitelity. If, however, on the other hand,
and borrow from him money enough for his outfit of horses, saddlery, they should persist in carrying out the wholesome provisions of the
portmanteau, &c. He thus becomes embarrassed at the outset, and is statutes for the protection of the apprentices, they became immediately
obliged to pay a portion of his salary for the liquidation of his debt. If the objects of obloquy, and they were hunted down and perseeetsd, and
he has the misfortune, not uncommon, of losing one of his horses when made the subjects of civil actions, and instances were even known in
on duty, he gets into difficulty still farther ; and unless he has a pri. which, having applied to Courts of Justice, justice had been denied
vote fortune, with which his expense as a Special Justice has nothing to them. With regard to the punishment of the slave, he found that the
do, he cannot long maintain his independence. The stipendiaries are slave for any dereliction of duty, or improper act, was subjected to punish.
compelled on this account, as well as in consequence of the scarcity of ment with the lash ; while the master, on the other hand, for any act of
inns, to have recourse to the hospitality, so proverbial in Jamaica, of impropriety towards the slave, was liable cnly to a penalty not exceeding
the planters; and then it is difficult for him to do his duty honestly, in 31. in amount; and although, in some instances, the slave was compelled to
a house where he has been received with kindness." Again he says— give extra services to his master, yet in no instance was any portion of
" Unless a magistrate be a notorious partisan of the planter, nothing the penalty inflicted on the master appropriated to the benefit of the
is too bad for him; whereas, for those who are what are called slave.—(Hear, hear.) Then, again, let any man look into the system of
Busha Magistratee—that is, under the influence of the overseers, workhouses, and he would venture to say that he would find in that
nothing is too good. Two magistrates have been dismissed, both of alone matter such as, if it were dealt with by one skilled in eloquence,
them accused of an improper administration of the Abolition Law; would be sufficient to rouse all the feelings of humanity against it, and
for both of these a subscription was immediately and liberally to induce every Honourable Member in this House to raise his voice
entered into--to one a present of plate was made, and the other against a system so horrible. He did not propose to go into minute
received the amount of the subscription in money. The persecutions, details, but he found cases in which men, and even women, were put to
on the other hand, with which the planters visited those who showed a work, and being unable, as the phrase was, "to dance the mill," they were
leaning to the side of the negroes, prove the disposition which exists to tied up by their wrists and allowed to hang there by their arms till they
take advantage, if possible, of any mistake which the special justices fainted, and even in some instances until they died. He had derived these
may happen to make, with the best and most humane intentions. The facts from the papers referred to by the lion. Baronet, and even these
cases of Bourne and Oldrey are remarkable instances of the feeling were not all that he had learned. With reference to the hours of labour
which prevailed throughout every part of these transactions. The the recommendations of the Government received no attention; and
other instance of persecution of the special justices which it will be although it was admitted on all hands that the nine-hour system was
necessary particularly to advert to, happened to fall to the lot of Mr. more advantageous for the apprentice, inasmuch as it afforded him
Baynes. From the time that he took an active part in trying to punish an extra holiday on Fridays, yet the planters persisted in retaining
those gross and cruel violations of the law which took place in the work. the eight_hour system in opposition to the wishes of the Legislature
house of the parish of St. John's, it was determined that all means of as well as the interests of the apprentice. He would ask the House,
annoyance should be put into force against him." What does he say then, was this the state of things which had been purchased by the
besides ? Why, that upon the special justice depends the whole good peep:e of this country ?—(Hear. hear)--and Was there one man in the
working of the system.—(Hear.) Why should there be any wonder, House who would consent to be a party to the continuance of such a
then, after this avowal, that a special justice should be cognizant of all st stem for one hour longer ? He was quite sure that the imme-
the horrors detailed in James Williams's narrative, and re t print Mete abolition of slavery in all its fowls would do no harm, and
them ? Why should there be any wonder that those in this he was quite sure that until that step was taken there would
House who were connected with West India property, and Le no happiness and no peace for the unfortunate apprentice
desired to vindicate the system, should eagerly quote the The necessity of preparatory enactments had been talked of,
reports of the special justices, and denounce the persons who but he was quite confident that the necesity for them was
bring to light the case ofJames Williams as anonymous slanderers? How not so pressing but that it might be dispensed with, al_
could Hon. Members doubt that the majority of the reports would be in though he must admit that some such preparation would be
favour of the system, and that only a minority would have the nerve to advisable; still, however, such a reason ought not to weigh with the
detail to us all the horrors of which they had had cognizance ? This was House when a measure of such vast importance was under considers.
an important consideration for the House, because it should be rernem_ tion, but they should stiffer all those minor details to be more fully con-
bored that the special justice was the only security which they had that sidered when the time should arrive at which they were required. It
the system in future would not be as bad and as infamous as it had already was on these grounds that he had determined to give his support to the
proved to be. And now, having shown that the apprenticeship system 'melon of the Hon. Baronet opposite; and on these grounds he called on
was attended with no advantage, and with no security against abuse, he any Hon. Gentleman who might entertain a doubt on the subject to give
wished to learn what was ths objection to complete emancipation ? the motion the benefit of that doubt, and to vote in its favour.
Would any person pretend that if it was not beneficial to the apprentice, :sir. W. ROCHE rose amidst loud cries of "divide!" and, after a
that it was to the propreetore Why, it was now acknowledged, few observations, expressed his intention to support the motion.
and beyond question, that free !abour was more economical than slave Mr. HUME was also greeted with renewed cries of" divide divide!"
labour. This point had long been settled. The only doubt was, whe. He said that, although the debate had hitherto proceeded in a very lan-
ther the negro would labour if he were free; but if he would not, that quid manner, yet the subject was one of the very first importance con_
was an argement against freedom, not for the apprenticeship system ; nee ted with the interests of this country. It might be considered that
but that doubt had now been removed by experiment, and it was shown the deliberate opinion of Parliament having been taken on
that the negro was as industrious, orderly, and docile, when free as the subject already in the course of the present session,
any peasant in any part of the world ; that he coveted all the objects the question was of so little importance as to induce many
of civilised life, and was actuated, when free, by all the motives Hoe. Gentlemen to stay away from the House this evening ; but
that influenced other men in free communities,—(Hear.) Evi- the question having been brought forward, he thought that as he was un-
dence there was now in abundance, that it was greatly to the interest of :Miens support the motion of the Honourable Baronet, he was bound to
the proprietors to emancipate their slaves. He had seen letters from state his reasons for supporting the view taken of the subject by Ministers.
Antigua, from Jamaica, and from other places, all showing that the lie could not but express his satisfaction that in all the discussions which
estates had risen in value since the slaves had been made free —(heer, had taken place on this subject no person had been found who was bold
hear.) What, then, he would ask, was the excuse for keeping these enough to stand forward to say that the slavery system was one which
wretched people any longer in bondage, exposed to all the cruelties and should be continued. Every man had reprobated that system, and he
abuses of which the system was capable ?---(Hear, hear.) He would not was convinced that the situation of the House since 1833 in reference to
longer detain the House by going into all the details and documents the question, was such as to induce every Honourable Member to wish
which would substantiate his views, but he defied contradiction in any that some means should be taken to secure a final adjustment of the
quarter, deduced, as his opinions were, from a careful perusal of all the question on the most advantageous footing. He did not forget that he
evidence which was now before the public. He contended that the am_ was a party to the Act of 1833 ; but he must express his conviction that
prenticeship system was of advantage to no party—that it engendered the Government had done all that was in its power to carry out the
bad and bitter feelings between those whom it was an object to unite by meeseres of that enactment. The question was, whether the intentions
every social tie ; but it was above all things dangerous to suffer the of Parliament had been frustrated, and if so, what should be done?—
partial emancipation that was to occur this year, inasmuch as the most (Hear, hear.) He had heard, with deep regret, of many instances
horrid state of feeling would be produced by the distinctions that of individual cruelty ; but he was not able to find that there
would then be erected, and the sufferings of those who were continued had been an indiscriminate violation of the Emancipation Act
in bondage would be rendered far more severe. If there was no other (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, those instances to which he had al_
reason that justified immediate emancipation, it was, that in luded seemed to have been received with general reprobation. The ',-
direct violation of the Abolition Act there had been no prover classifica- suit of his ,resse cases of violation of the Act did not
tion of those who were isessees: w ireetiom tins year as the non-prmdial, form anything like the majority of cases.—(Hear, hear.) If, then, this
,;:we wno were termed prandial, who were to be emancipated in was the case, was it just that they should overturn the compact made for
1840. Indeed, the distinction at all was most unwise, as nothing was the benefit of the negro ?—(Hear, hear.) If they broke the agreement
more calculated to render field labour distasteful to the negro in future that was made with the colonies, would the result not prove detrimental
than the brand which was now imposed upon it by the law in postponing to the negro population? They had made a solemn promise that the state
the boon of freedom to those who had been so engaged. Regarding it, of apprenticeship should be continued for a certain time; and they had
then, in every view, he could not discover one solid reason against the pledged themselves that this should be observed by this country. The
object of the present resolution. All that could be alleged was the colonies had at once assented to the agreement, and they had repeatedly
compact with the planter that he should retain his wretched power till been assured by the Government that they would not interfere fur-
-1840, which if there was any person fastidious enough to consider ther than by endeavouring to promote every measure connected
binding, after gross violation by the planters themselves, he would with the future welfare of the negroes. He was of opinion that it
only ask the House to reflect whether any other moral could be drawn was the duty of the Legislature not to lend themselves to a pro_
from its disregard but this—that when a great but dangerous country, position of this kind, which involved a sudden change without
like England, determined at an enormous sacrifice, to accomplish a gene- making adequate provisions for the consequences that must ensue.
sous and benevolent object it would not suffer itself to be defied and de. He did not intend by these observations to cast any reflections on
frauded wit} impunity by those with whom it had, in a liberal and con- those who demanded immediate emancipation ;on the contrary, he was
fiding spirit, bargained.—(Cheers.) prepared to bestow every praise, on the Quakers in particular, for
Mr. BLACKETT said that as this was a question which much into'. their exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought that the
rested his constituents he wished to say a few words. Ihe question was Legislature should be slew in Misdoing themselves to the opinions
not how by abolition they were to punish individual cases of cruelty or of those who were excited by their feelings, and who believed the
oppression on the part of the planters, for which he wished the House repasts which they had received from the colonies, but which had
had the power of visiting them with punishment, but rather how they been greatly exaggerated.—(Hear, hear) With regard to the
could reconcile the general welfare of the whole body of planters with existence of abuses he could not shut his eyes to the evident ex_
the duty of the House, of the negro, and with the faith of the country. istence Of the greatest abuses for a long time in this country, where
He had looked over the evidence most carefully, and though he might there were laws to protect all classes, and where public opinion
have come to a decision which would be unsatisfactory to many to was so stro..gly expressed ; therefore be was not at all surprised
whose good opinion he was much indebted, and whom he held in high to hear of outrageous proceedings occasionally occurring in the co-
esteem, yet he felt compelled to adhere to his first opinion, and to support lonics ; but every desire had been manifested by the Govern
her Majesty's Government. Could it be supposed that in any vote which ment and the colonial authorities to put a stop to these objection_
he might give he would be indifferent to the fate of the negro, and that able practices. At any rate it was the duty of the Government to
he would not be most happy to emancipate him if he could do so with a take care to prevent any future abuses existing in the colonies, and if
due regard to safety and justice?—(Hear, hear, hear.) When the any should now be found to exist they should at once be put down. The
Abolition Bill was introduced, Mr. Stanley had stated that negro Hon. Member then read a number of extracts from the report of the
labour was to form part of the compensation to be given to the Anti-Slavery Society, with the view of showing that where abuses
planters, and he could not see how a resolution solemnly entered into existed, the Government had always, on complaint being made, shown a
by the Parliament of this country could be altered, Ile thought, also, disposition to put them down. The inference he drew from all that he
that many of the evils in the practical working of the measure had been re_ had read on this subject was, that the Legislature should be extremely
meshed by the arrangements of Lord Glenelees Bill—(Hear, hear)— cautious in taking any hasty steps such as were involved in the present
which would give an honest and immediate relief to the abuses which bad moment. If the Act that had been passed was not found sufficient to
been pointed out, and the remedies proposed by that Bill had the merit of protect the negroes, let them at once proceed to make a more stringent
working independently of the local legislatures; and he thought that, under law which cou'd be readily enforced. He agreed that they had not
this good Government, tile intervening time might be well employed in gained all that had been anticipated by the Appointment of special rnagis-
preparing the negro in comfort until the last shackle should fall from the (rates ; this, he believed bad chiefly arisen from tire circumstance that
limbs of the slave, and he should enjoy that perfect freedom to which they had not been able to induce a class of persons which they ex-
every man was entitled.—(Hear, hear.) pected would be willing to do so to undertake that office. This, how-
Sir H. VERNEY said there was another reason why he should ever, was a failure, rather from the want of adequate means that could
support the course taken by her Majesty's Government upon this clues- be employed than from intention. Ile was most anxious to fulfil
Lion. He thought that this country had been guilty of as great a crime those engagements which had, as he thought, much to the honour
as had ever been committed, and a crime which would never be of the country, been entered into in 1833, and he never could
effaced by the mere shortening of the term of apprenticeship, agree that they should be broken in the way now proposed. Would
when it had allowed the importation of slaves into its West it be for the advantage of the negro population in the West Indies that
India colonies ; and that, without effaceig the crime by the im.. the present arrangement should be set aside? What would be the
mediate emancipation of the negroes, tias country would thereby result ot; even in this country, at once breaking the titles between
lower its position, and be enabled to take a less firm position master and servant ? Would it not be to cause a great deal of distress
with time colonial Legislatures, and would be less able to compel those to the latter ! Under these circumstances he was anxious to see oppres-
Legislatures to pass the necessary laws for securing the perfect freedom sion removed in all parts of die empire and although there.. were many
of the slaves, than if it maintained the Act as originally passed. The acts of the Government which he disapproved of, he had no doubt that
object of the Legislature should be, by securing the good will of the they had a sincere desire of enforcing the Act of 1833.
planter, to promote the permanent interest of the slave. The present Mr. E. L. BULWER—Whatever good might have been produced by
proposition was well calculated to throw odium on that (the ministerial) the excitement referred to by his Honourable Friend the Member for
side of the House, and to alienate the good will of parties in the country Wolverhampton, one evil it at least had effected—it had made the
from the Ministers who had ably and zealously co-operated with them House suppose that Members who agreed with him were actuated by
in striking the shackles from the slave: such an effect the motion was their constituents, not by deliberate judgment; and fearing he should
to have ; such an effect it might have, because he believed that her not be exempt from that reproach, he felt it was almost hopeless to ask
Majesty's Ministers would enter upon no such consideration, and that no the House for that patient and silent hearing it had not hitherto afforded
thought of that kind would make them shrink from what they thought to those who agreed with him.—(Hear, hear.) He should not enter
to be their duty; and that they would not give way to any immediate into the abstract inquiry whether or not there was a comeact between
or personal interest, but would look to the good of the country gene_ the planters and this country, or whether it were a law with conditions
rally, which all ought to support. It was thought also that a pos- attached to it—it was quite clear that our honour was equally pledged
sible majority on this motion might have the effect of displacing from to the planter—(Hear, hear, hear)—ay, and to two other parties_.
office that Government to whom belonged the honour of destroy. equally pledged to see that faith was kept with the planters, that faith
ing the great curse of this country, negro slavery.—(Hear, hear.) was kept with the negroes, and that faith was kept with the English
This honour, however, would not soon he forgotten, and the Mi. people according to the promises and the understanding for which they
nisters, he was sure, had deemed this honour greater than any emolu- paid their money,—(Hear.) Those promises and that understanding
ments to be derived from office, This was the effect which the motion were, the English Act of Parliament which declared that slavery should
was intended to have.—(oh, oh, and No, no.) He heard cries from cease and the speeches of the Government, especially of the Noble
some friends near him disclaiming such intention ; but did they sup- Lord the Member for Lancashire, in which he declared that after the
pose that it was on the consistency of enemies of negro slavery that he passing of that Act every slave should enjoy every right and every pri-
meant to cast censure ? far from it; but if he cast any censure it was vilege of a freeman, subject to this restrictian only, that he should for
upon those who, having been the supporters of those who have all their a certain time remain under contract to labour industriously in the
lives been opposed to emancipation, now took advantage of the present service of the employer. Now, this is the question from which
proposal to obtain a little popularity in the country, and to strike a the opponents to the present motion shrink. They talk of pre.
blow and inflict an injury on her Majesty's Government. It was true serving a compact and keeping faith solely
that the course which he w,,s tsking demanded a sacrifice on his part planters, and seem quite toforget the two other partres to whom
in differing from many individual, em whom he felt great respect, but they had given equal promises the negroes and the English people.—
be did so because he was satisfied that. I motion was made without (Cheers) Now, then, has faith been kept with them; have the pro_
any regard for the safety or advantage of the --try, and only to ob- raises of the Noble Lord been fulfilled ? The Hon. Baronet the
teen some temporary popularity at the expense of e -esters. In con- Tinder-Secretrry for the Colonies says—yes, by the majority' ; he says
elusion, he would say that if he did not believe that the sees sehich he that "in the great majority of instances there has been on the part of
proposed to give would benefit the cause of the slaves, he conks - -se ' the West India proprietors a bona fide adherence to the spirit as well
the House that no party feeling or bias could induce him to vote ~. 4 the letter of the Emancipation Act." Now (said the Hon. Member)
PPosition to the motion of the Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) I nd that the Act or the compact has been violated, not by a
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN said that this seemed to him to be one of minority—not even by a small majority, but by nearly the whole body
those occasions on which the Government might sacrifice the principle Of the planters in every colony where legislative assemblies exist,
which they had laid down in order to obey the voice of the country, For how, in the first place, can eation deal with nation, or a
and the voice of the majority of the House.—(Hear, hear.) He mother country with her colony, emeept through the medium
Vibuglit that theterguments on the other side resolved itself into two of the legislative assemblies in those 'zees where I ems..
/0/7,&e,-caufseT&i,lTletsu!, , one of which grounded itself on the alleged contract of' lative assemblies exist ? When you suspended' the Conan..
*1:30 bstt4eifthy House and the West India planters, by which a com- tution of Canada you said, justly, that it was not so much on accouet
tr -
'i .perisatiopwa.igftenikty this country to the planters, which it was eon- of the revolt, as because of the conduct of the Legislative Assembly
die!, Sse
le
etslssiseCor4letedef ofmoney, as well as of the services of the slaves The Assembly, where it exists, is the legitimate organ, not of a mine:.
''' Ires lot oerigriretsisse to!which the right of the planters could not be con- city, not of a majority, but of the whole body,—(Cheers.) Well, then,
l'sre'• tee cited.- the othar_argument seemed to be that no adequate case had is it not of the Legislative Assemblies freely chosen by the white popu-
.sesseseress -
est- -*4 - "Ni
Jot a

lation—the voice of all the planters--that your governors most com-
plain ? The Assembly of Jamaica, containing the largest slave popu-
lation of all, you give up. You have the evidence of your own gover-
nor that that Assembly violated the law or the compact in almost every
particular—in the hours of labour, in the allowance of food, in the
flogging of females. You have Lord Sligo's evidence not only that they
violate the law or the compact, but when the violation is pointed out
they do not pay the smallest attention to his remonstrances.—(hear,
hear.) Mr. Jeremie, in the Appendix to the Report of the Select
Committee on Negro Apprenticeship, after comparing the Jamaica
Act with the English Act, states (page 5 of the Appendix) that
" nearly every one of the enactments of the Jamaica Act is directly
opposed to the spirit and letter of the British Act, and therefore that
they are legally null and void of initio." Who is Mr. Jersrnie ? Why
the prime, the favourite authority of the Government. Mr. Beldam,
after analysing the Jamaica Acts, states that the passing of the Act
No 3, and the subsequent conduct of the Jamaica House of Assem-
bly on the question of the revival of the Act No. e., which, note ith.
standing the remonstrances of the Home Government and the Colonial
Governor, had been suffered to expire, removed all further motives for
delicacy in treating with this refractory colony, as it plainly demon
strates the want of good faith so long and so loudly complained of by the
friends of the enfranchised negroes. It now remains to be decided by a
competent tribunal whether laws of the character already exhibited in
the preceding analysis, are to be accepted as an adequate and
satisfactory fulfilment of the conditions upon which twenty
millions sterl.ng have been paid by the mother country?—(hear.) And
1s Jamaica a single instance ? No ! Pass on to page 83 —we come to
Barbadoes. " The Barbadoes Abolition Acts, even it: their amended
form, exhibit most of the glaring defects already noticed in the Jamaica
Abolition Acts," these detects being nothing more nor less than viola-
tions of the English law, in other weeds, of the mutual compact. But
Barbadoes and Jamaica are solitary instances. Not so. For the sarne
authority (your own authority, mind) goes on to state " that the laws
of nineteen colonies, in many respects equally objectionable with those
already commented upon, must undergo the same inquiry.'' So, then,
not by individuals, not by minorities, but by the constituted delegates
of their whole bodies, the planters have been guilty of systematic, gene_
ral, deliberate, formal violation of your boasted compact 2—(Cheers.)
Even in the first flush of their pecuniary triumph, with the British gold
yet heavy in their hands, with the ink scarcely dry on the Imperial Act,
we beheld these men making their own Assemblies the systematic de.
(eaters of the law and the fraudulent violators of its conditions. Well,
but are the legislative assemblies the only criminals ? Where fleet
should we look to see If the planters have broken faith as a body ? Not
to individuals; no, but to their subordinate authorities—their officials
—these are the next representatives of their opinions and conduct.
What does your favourite, Mr. Baynes, say (Part IV., p. 314) of the Local
Magistrates? Why that"the illegal commitment ofapprentices to th e house
of Correction by the Local Magistrates isa practice prevalent throughout
the island of Jamaica, though a manifest violation of the first principle of
the abolition law." What can we say of a Coroner's Jury, who, in the
celebrated instance of the woman tortured to death at Vie treadmill, re-
turned a verdict—" Died by the visitation of God ?" What can we
say of constables, generally selected for their qualifications as slave-
drivers ? What of Grand Juries, charged by Sir Liouel Smith himself
of disrsg ef their oaths ? The fact is clear, from the highest to the
lowest, the officials are net diessemars f bat tr 's
and instruments for consummating oppression on the negro,
and completing the fraud upon British credulity.—(Hear, hear,
and cheers.) But well, said the seconder of the motion in
that speech which, if it fell cold on the House, would not fall cold on
the country—well said the Member for Wolverhampton, that we could
want a stronger proof of the universal violation of the compact, than
your own Bill, which is to be universally applied.— (Cheers.) What does
your Bill propose ?—merely to enforce the former Act, which in all its
provisions had been invaded; and what was that Act, but the parch-
ment of the very contract upon which you insist ? I then throw
back upon you your own assertion of breach of faith. I assert that with
the planter we have kept faith; that there was no adulteration, no par-
ing and filching of the gold he received; perfect it was in tale and
weight. You kept faith with the planter ; but I tell you with whom it is
you ask us to break faith—with the thousands and tens of thousends whom
you mocked with the name of free—(Cheers)—with the majesty of
the Imperial Parliament, whose acts have been trampled under foot—
with the people of England, who paid their millions, Hot to abolish the
name slavery, but the thing slavery. You ask us to break faith with
justice, with humanity, with Heaven itself, in order that you may keep
faith with Mammon.—(Loud cheers.) But the Honourable Member
for Newark claims exemption for British Guiana! Barbadoes, Jamaica,
you cannot get over; the first lawyer in England has allowed that
Jamaica violated the compact. Well, then, what is Jamaica? Why,
the colony possessing the largest slave population of all. Ja uaica has
four times the slave population of Guiana; Barbadoes has nearly the
same population as Guiana. What, then, if we were to meet the
Member for Newark at once by making him a present of Guiana ?
What if we were to say, This is but one colony--it is subordinate to
Jamaica, the colony which it is impossible to defend. Grant that Guiana
is immaculate—grant that your facts are true—and still the innocence
of one colony is never to be held as an exemption for the guilt of the
others—(Hear, hear)—or at most, all you can do is to make a special case
for Guiana ; and 1 call on the House to observe that all the Hon. Member
can say on that subject may be at most to vindicate one colony ; but till
he has proved Jamaica, and Barbadoes, and the Mauritius innocent, he
cannot prove any thing against passing the present resolution.—(Cheers.)
But is Guiana innocent? The Honourable Member fur Newark on a
&rifler night complained of es parse and unproved :tatemento. Did he
indulge in none himself? Hese not nearly all his facts been denied in
public rnet t:rigs, and in the fare of day—denied by eye-witnesses of the
state of Guiana—denied by references to parliamentary documents ?
(Mr. Gladstone shook his head and smiled.) Ay, and though it may
suit Honourable Members to sneer at the zeal of the friends of the
negro, I say that, according to all the laws of testimony, it is more likely
that men having no sinister and settle!) interest to serve will give more
faithful accounts than tine planters, who lieve a direct personal
interest to bias their judgment.—(Loud cheers.) I grant that in
Guiana the negro is much better off than in Jamaica. I grant
that it is the colony in which slavery seems least odious. But is
Guiana innocent? Has not Guiana violated the law? Has it not in.
vaded the contract? Listerr again to your own beloved authority in the
report upon the system of apprenticeship. Does not your own analyst
assert that in many most important points the British Guiana Act
violates the compact, that is the Imperial Act, for the Act and the com-
pact you allow are one and the ;same The power of inflicting un-
limited extra labour as a punishment for grevious complaints is repug-
nant to the Imperial Act, and would of itself explain much of the ap-
parent content of this colony." So again, section 0 and 10—" These
clauses contain direct. infringements of the rights of manumission, and
are plainly repugnant to the Imperial Act." But is this all ? I will
concede to the Hon. Member, that punishment in Guiana have greatly
decreased of late. But in the returns before the House, the third
table, from the Ist of June, 1836, to the 31st of May, 1837, gives a
total of punishments of 7,596, which averages one in every nine appren-
tices throughout the colony; and if you will compare this with any re-
turn from Jamaica (fur that or any other year) you will find it (compared
with the relative populations) •equal in the average to the number of
Punishments in Jamaica; viz., to the most barbarous of all the co-
lonies.—(Hear, hear.) But punishments has decreased since. Yes !
and why ? I call in Sir James Carmichael Smyth, who is your auffia-
rity for maintaining the remeeeticesnip, as my witness tier its abolition.
—oecause (according to Sir James Smyth's uniform testimony), not ofl
the leniency of he planters, but because of the exemplary conduct ofi
the ne&roes He says, that " whatever complaints have been made
against the labourer, it has appeared on investigation, that the fault
arose from the fraud or illegal exactions of the planters." He asserts
that in mm part of the globe are the labouring population more peace-
able, more industrious than in Guiana. In his speech ofJanuary, 1836
(2. part 111, p. 120), he says, " I ask if any gentleman can point out
any part of his Majesty's dominions where fewer crimes are committed,
where greater tranquillity is enjoyed, or where the labouring popu_
lation is more industrious? Well, will the House believe that in
the very year he pronounces this eulogium on the population, the
returns of punishment—yes, in that very month of January, 1836
amount to 922, which would give an average of 11,064 for
the whole year, being nearly a sixth part of the whole popu-
lation—(Hear, hear)--a population thus industrious, thus orderly,
thus free from crime, and yet thus punished under the orders of the spe-
cial magistrate. What do Sir James Smyth's statements prove? Why.
that this admirable population is fit for liberty, and every word in its fa-
vour is a testimony in favour of the motion before the House.—(Loud
cheers.) We remember the effect produced by the Member for Newark,
when he told us of the slaves on air elate clubbing together, and sanding
to their white brethren in these realms, who were in distress, the con.
tribution of their savings. And when I heard that touching ins tance of
humanity and beneficence in those poor negroes, I did compere them
with us ; I did ask whether those men had not proved themselves by
that very act fit for emancipation, and I blushed to think that the genius
of one of our ablest Members was at that instant citing their very
virtues as an argument for their continued degradation.—(Cheers.)
And you assert that the slaves are not fit for immediate freedom.
Will two years of additional misery render them more fit? Is there
anything in the justice of Jamaica taskmasters and overseers that can
trein them up to a better comprehension of freedom ? . Not fit for
liberty, when in Guiana your Governor tells you that there is no more
improving and industrious population—(Hear, hear)—not in the colonies
—no, but in all her Majesty's (dominions. Not fit for freedom, when in
Jamaica your own special magistrates declare that in respect for the law
and in religious sentiments the negroes are superior to the p'anters ! Well,
but they may be fit for freedom; but still Heaven knows what might happen
if it were granted immediately. Why, in Antigua, the slaves have twig
been emancipated, and you have, therefore, had the comparison between
apprenticeship and immediate emancipation, and what has been time re-
sult? In a colony where there was but a handful of whites, and an
immense preponderance of negroes, not an outrage has been coin:l-fitted
—not a labourer has left the country—not an estate has fallen out of
cultivation. I have heard that a Member of this House, previous to the
emancipation, would have given away for nothing an estate in Antigua
to any one who would emancipate the slaves on it; that the estate was
a yearly loss to him, and that it now brings in 1,5001. a year.—(hear.;
Danger horn the free negro! Why, in Antigua, who are the police them.
selves?— Who are the constables?—Negroes; and if there was no dan-
ger in Antigua, where the whites are so few, and the negroes so numer-
ous, how can there be danger in Jamaica, where the white population
could at any moment master any insurrection of the blacks.--(Hear,
hear.) But what does Sir Lionel Smith, in one of his last dos.
patches, November 13, 1837—what does lie tell you ? Why, that so
far from the Jamaica planters thinking there would be the least danger
in emancipation, " all parties would agree to abandon the system to-
morrow for further compensation."—(Cheers.) Well, but we are
nut provided with laws for the'apprentices after they become
and they mill be in a worse condition if you emancipate them, than
they are new• Oh, how this argument condemns the Colonial Govern-
ment, for are you not going now to emancipate the non-prx.lial la.
bourers ? On time Ist of August, 1838, you will turn loose 50,000
fr ee:nen on society, and where are the laws to provide for them? And
you cannot draw any distinction between them and the psmdials, with-
out also condemning yourselves. For though no laws are passed, you
have been yet recommending to the various States to enfranchise the
prmdials. The Isle of Nevis has already done so, Tortola will follow
the example, Dominica and Grenada appear disposed to do so ; and if,
therefore, your argument were good, you yourselves would heave re-
commended the very measure which you tell us would be more injuri_
ous to the negroes than the present system. Oh, but then you say there
isa difference whether the colonists do this of their own accord or whe-
ther we compel them to do it. And how does Barbadoes (the third
greatest sieve colony), meet this assertion ?—(Hear, hear.)
Why, the House of Assembly tells you that it would be
placing
itself in an onerous position with the British Parliament, were it to su-
persede by an act of its own one of the most important provisions of the
Abolition law, mill thereby assume to itself the responsibility of a mea-
sure which could be carried into effect with more safety and with greater
chance of success by that august body. The fact is the vory colonies that
hold out are the very colonies that have most insulted the mother coun-
try, most dumped the English people, and most flagrantly violated the corn-
part—viz. Jamaica and Barbadoes.—(Hear, hear.) And they hold out
avowedly only in the hope of extorting a larger ransom, and doubling
the pieces of silver they have already received as the price of blood. It
is not to them—it is to us you owe the account; we have paid the ran-
som—it is for you to obtain the redemption.—(Cheers) But you say
it is only two years—why make this pother for two years ? What! are
two years nothing in the life of a man ? Observe ! when any convicted
criminal in this country is sentenced to a few years' imprisonment or
transportation—observe the interest that is made to strike two
years off the term; but now, when you add infinite suffer-
ing and torture to time sentence, you call two years nothing in the ag-
grcgam of human existence.—(Hear, hear.) And how do you expect
that this system will continue in defiance of the people of England,
under whose petitions your table groans? How can you expect se-
curity, and peace, and order, when the negro on one state sees the ne-
groes on another (no better than himself) are free, when father and son
are separated by your unintelligible verbal barbarisms of prxdial and
non-p.m. la'--when you yourselves are recommending their legislators
to emancipate thew, aid r:!3,..,1, if they were to rise (which heaven
forbid) you would not dare to interpose a military force lime tete Leen.
try between mutual massacre and revenge 7—( Hear, hear.) And the

Colonial Government hope that the parchment of the Act passed
throng' this House will serve to remedy all evils. If so, why recom-
, mend emancipation ?—(llear, hear.) But you know it cannot. Your
Bill devises two remedies : Ist, you propose to give proclamations the
ford of law ; 2 int, You arm your special magistrates with new authority. As
to proclamations, your own governors tell you that the planters laugh
them to scorn. As to giving them the force of law, law itself is a dead
letter, when the public opinion of those on whom it is imposed does not
breathe into it the only principle of life it can receive.—(Cheers.)
Special magistrates, why, what have they been ? Either the mere tools
of the planter, or else, where they have been the friends of the negro,
they have only succeeded in embroiling matters, and exciting false
hopes in the negro, new tyranny in the planter. Take the case of
Judge Palmer. He was superseded : for what offence ? Will the
House believe it ?—" because the Commissioners of Inquiry dec'ared
that lie administered the law in the spirit of the English abolition Act,
and that the present state of St. Thomas.in-the-Vale was to be attri-
buted to such a mode of administering the abolition law." So, here
is a special magistrate condemned and punished for administer-
ing the law in the spirit in which we framed it, and according to
the object for which the English people paid their gold--( Hear, hear.)
But few Magistrates commit the same offence and incur the same fate
as Judge Palmer :oh no. I find the Jamaica Standard (the organ of
the planters) loud in praise of Special Magistrates as men who have
done their duty, and calling upon the planters to contribute money to
the widows and families of such of them as have died. The friend of
the negro is suspended—the friend of the planter obtains pensions for his
family. And these are the unimpeachable judges, on whose zeal for
the negro the Colonial Government places all its superstitious reliance.
No, depend upon it, all attempts to relax and mitigate slavery are hopeless
and absurd. There are no ways of patching up the everlasting distinc-
tion between slavery and freedom ; all that you can do is to diminish the
interest of the planter in the health and life of the negro, and leave the
wretch more exposed to the jealousy, because more obnoxious to
the fears of the tyrant. I cannot understand this one-sided niceness of
conscience, this terror of violating by a hair's breadth your compact
with a planter, and this deaf and blind indifference to the equal obliga-
tions clue to the other parties of the compact, the negroes and the people
of these realms.—(Cheers.) You know that our law, which was the corn.
pact, has baen violated in, all the colonies; you know that the English
people have not got that for which they paid their money, and yet you
give up the i ights of two parties for the sake of the third, a guilty party,
and find no sanctity except where you are forced to recognize fraud, anti
frame a new law to resist oppressicii.—( Hear, hear.) The Member for
Ness ark talks of the planters as a body of men equally merciful and ma-
ligned.
Mr. GL A DSTONE.—No

Mr. BULWER —cNThat,-;hen, I mistake! If not merciful their case
falls to the ground ; if you ,ay they are, you say only what was said
of them in the days of Wi!berforce and Clarksrm.--(Hear, hear.) But
I say nothing against them, but against the system. We dispute for
years upon the forms an.! ceremonies of our religion, whether this oath
may be abolished—whether this distinction may be removed—whether
by one law or by another we can best preserve the husk and shell of
religion—its ecclesiastical establishment. I honour all men's con-
sciences upon these points ; but I say we have now come to the foun-
tain of Christianity itself—its ali-piotecting brotherhood, its all-
smb.a_l:l,;. love. When scholars and divines have summed up the
blessings that our common creed has conferred upon mankind,
first and foremost of those blessings they have placed the aboli-
tion of that slavery which stained and darkened the institutions
of the Pagan world. I know of no Pagan slavery worse than this
Christian Apprenticeship Bill.—(Cheers.) Here, then, we fight again
the same battle as our first fathers, the primitive Christians, from whom
all our sects and divisions have emerged. Here is a ground upon which
Catholic and Protestant, and the various families of dissent, all may
unite ; and I do believe that h;. who votes against this dark hypocrisy
of slavery in disguise will obtain something better than the approval of
constituents—something holier than the gratification of party triumph
and political ambition—in the applause of his own conscience, and in
those blessings that will not rise the less to the Eternal Throne because
they are uttered by the victims of human avarice and pride.--(Con.-
tinued cheering)
The Housethen divided. The numbers were—
For the motion
Against it Oq

tIJ
Majority
... —3
REGISTRATION OF VOTERS (IRELAND).
Mr. Sergeant JACKSON then rose, pursuant to notice, to move
for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to the registra-
tion of voters and Wang of polls in Ireland. The Right Hon. the
Attorney-General for Ireland had already introduced a Bill in con-
nection with this subject, but not a word was said in reference to the
registration of freemen in Ireland. Many of the clauses of the Right
Hon and Learned Gentleman's Bill were extremely objectionable.
One of the in provided that no person could be admitted to register as a
freelnan in Ireland unless he was in a position to enforce his claim by a
writ of mandamus. The Bill before the House contained, in his opi-
nion, some objectionable matter ; while, on the other hand, there were
some important points which were omitted. The Hon. and Learned
Member for Dublin (Mr. O'Connell) had complained of the Irish Reform
Bill, that it gave a stinted franchise to Ireland as compared with that
of England; he should be prepared to discuss that question with
him whenever there was an opportunity, and to show that the
qualification in Ireland was in fact of a much more extensive character
than the qualification in this country. There were certain abuses at the
poll which the Bill of his Honourable and Learned Friend did not pro-
pose to rectify, and his object was not only to amend the law of regis-
tration, but to improve also the law of election. The Hon. and Learned
Member for Dublin, Mr. Justice Perrin, and Mr. O'Loughlin, had
brought in Bills to amend the law of registration and of election, and to
assimilate the law of Ireland in regard to these matters with the law of
England; but their Bills had all in their turns been abandoned. The
fact, however, of the introduction of the Bills was a sufficient autho-
rity to support him in the course he was pursuing. In conclusion, he
begged the House to give him leave to bring in his Bill, and he trusted
that out of the two rneaures that would then be before the Ilouse, one
"night be framed which would effbct some beneficial changes.--(Hear,
hear, hear.) Ile moved fur leave to bring in a Bill to amend the
law relating to the Registration of Votes and taking of Polls in Ireland.
Lord MORPETII said the object of the Honourab'e and Learned
Gentleman being to bring the whole subject into consideration of the
public, he should have no objection to the introduction of the measure,
the House being left perfectly free to deal with it as they thought fit—
either to adopt the Bit', or to adhere, which he hoped they would do, to
the Bill of his Honourable and Learned Friend the Attorney-General
for Ireland.—Leave given.

SAVINGS' BANKS.
Mr. HUME brought forward, pursuant to notice, a series of reso-
tions relative to the state of saving's banks. Ile said he should now
only move that they be printed, and should give due notice of the day
on which he would bring them under the consideration of the House.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, being anxious to
avoid any of the mistakes which might arise out of doors on the sub-
ject if the reso:utions were entered on the journals of the House, he hoped
Honourable Gentleman would consent to allow them in the present in-
stance to be only printed and circulated with the parliamentary papers
fur the consideration of Members.
Mr. HUME concurred in this arrangement.
Ordered to be printed.

SAVE RY.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL—IL am desirous of addressing a fear words
.5 the House in consequence of the division which has taken place to-
night on the motion of the Hon. Baronet.—(Hear, hear.) I have no
wish to revive the discussion on that motion, but I feel it might lead to
serious consequences—I fear that great evils might result if the inten-
tions of the Government on the subject were left even for a single
evening in doubt.—(Cheers.) The resolution which has been carried
by a majority of three has in contemplation the alteration of an Act of
Parliament—(Hear, hear)—and of course that alteration could only be
effected by another Act, which it would be necessary for the Hon. Ba.
ronet or some one else to introduce. I wish, therefore, to declare that if
the Hon. Baronet proceeds to introduce a Bill, or moves the adoption of
any other measure in pursuance of the vote of this evening, her Majesty's
Ministers will consider it their bounden duty to give to such a proposi-
tion their most strenuous and determined opposition.—(Much sheering.)
THE TOWER.
On the motion of Mr. HUME a return was ordered of the number
of persons admitted to see the armouries in the Tower in each of the
past years 1827 to 1838, distinguishing the number of those who were
admitted free of charge by Government orders and by Ordnance orders ;
the number of those who paid for admittance, stating the amount paid
for admission by each person for the several objects and parts of the
same in each of the years; also, the aggregate amount of money received
in each year, and how applied.
LICENSED VICTUALLERS, &c.
Mr. PRYME moved for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the
house: of licensed victuallers and coffee-house keepers within the me-
tropolis.
After a few words from Lord J. Russell, Col; Wood, and Mr. Hawes,
the motion was withdrawn.
HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.
Sir F. TRENCH moved the re-appointment of the Select Committee
on building the Houses of Parliament. He explained that his object
was to amalgamate the Ventilation and the Building Committees, which
he considered might now be done with advantage.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the motion, as
it tended to unsettle Leans which had been already agreed to by that
House and the other. Experiments bad been going on which had al-
ready cost the country a great deal. The experiment in gas had cost
1,0001., and various experiments were going on without any authority
at all, and the Government knew nothing of them.
Colonel SIBTHORP supported the motion.
Sir F. TRENCH, in reply, declared that no expense had been in.
curred through his direction.
Thu motion was negatived without a division.
VAN DIEMEN'S LAND.
Mr. WARBURTON, in the absence of Mr. Hume, moved for a re-
turn of the number of persons who have been sentenced to death, and
of the number who have been executed in Van Dieinen's Land, in earls
year since these colonies had been made a penal settlement to the year
1838; distinguishing the classes of capital offences, and the number
who have been sentenced to death and executed in each year, under
each class.
A he return was agre_d to.
WATERLOO ANNUITIES.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCEIEQUER moved for leave to in-
troduce a Bill to transfer the management of the Waterloo Annuities to
the Commissioners for the reduction of the national debt.
The motion was agreed to.
SLAVE VESSELS CAPTURED—BOUNTY ON TONNAGE.
On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, the
House resolved itself ir.to a Committee on this Bill.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that the resolution
which he had to propose to the Committee, and the Bill which he hoped
to be allowed to found upon it, would make a very considerable and im-
portant alteration in the law upon this subject. By the lew as it stood
the bounty upon captured vessels was entirely restricted to cases where
slaves were captured on hoard. Now the object of the resolution was
not merely to put clown and punish the slave trade, but to prevent, if
possible, the slaves being put on board. It was perfectly clear that
the services rendered in capturing a slave ship without slaves on board
were to the full as important and possibly more useful, inasmuch
as it prevented cruelty being exercised on the slaves, than if
the vessel which was captured had slaves on board ; but, accord-
ing to the law at present no bounty was payable unless slaves were
actually on board. He thought that the services rendered in the first
instance ought not to be estimated in the same manner as in the other
case. They ought to be estimated in a snore liberal menner.—(Hear,
hear.) It was his intention to propose that upon ships taken under the
equipment article, without slaves on board, the tonnage should be
estimated at 11. per ton, and half the proceeds of the sale of the vessel,
and that there should be a tonnage.bounty t.f 4/. per ton where slaves
were captured
l ioonwa s beard,a, x togetheriou s toWith
ahoacl the
sp rporcoepeodssi
toi
ithee
font,hehescaaleusoef
Iviae:lselb.een stated that in consequence of the absence of retina.
neration in cases where no slaves were found on board the
captured vessel, the officers and men of the cruisers were not
so anxious to prevent slaves being taken on board as to cap-
ture the vessels when laden with slaves; but far be it from him to sup-
pose for a moment that there existed the slightest indisposition on the
part of the officers of the cruisers to perform their duties. His only
object at present was to move a resolution to the effect that it was expe-
dient that provision be made out of the Consolidated Fund of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland for the payment of bounties
upon the tonnage of all vessels seized and condemned under the prove.
sions of treaties with foreign powers tbr the abolition of the illegal traffic
in slaves. He was anxious to obtain permission to introduce a Bill
founded upon this resolution, and when the Bill was in the hands of
Members he should be most anxious to receive any further sugers.
Lions upon it.—(Cheers.)

The resolution having been read,
Colonel WOOD s:11.! 11:: had ❑o objection to the introduction of the
But referred to by the Chancellor of the Exchequer; but, on the con-
trary, was very much gratified at what had fallen from the Right Hon.