The Sun.
London, England, 1838-09-21 00:00:00

TO THE PEOPLE OF niELAN'
LETTER 111.

(Continued from The Sun of yesterday.)
Let it be recollected that, on the suggestion of some of the
Irish Government, we gave up active agitation. We aban-
doned our weekly meetings, and even dissolved the General
Association—a body which had most materially served the
public cause, and, above all, the Parliamentary interests of
the friends of the present Administration.
It was the constant calumny of our enemies, and we ever
were reproached by the Whigs as being imconcilable—inea•
:cable of being conciliated—as agitating for agitation sake—
and as being incapable of showing our confidence in a friendly
Government, or of reposing in their care the precut ing us an
equal measure of justice with England.
I look back with the greatest satisfaction to the manner in
which the People of Ireland have falsified these charges. They
have for near three years reposed the utmost confidence in a
friendly Administration. The Representatives of the Irish
people have readily, cheerfully, and disinterestedly supported
that Administration. Language has been found inadequate
to describe the feelings of gratitude with which the Irish
people have viewed the progress made by Lord Normanby and
Lord Morpeth towards establishing a system of impartiality
and equal justice to every class in Ireland. This course had
the relish of novelty and the solid advantage of producing
such a disposition to pacification and tranquillity, as had never
before been known in Ireland.
It will, however, be admitted that no permanent advantage
has been derived from all this. It is clear that so far from in-
suring us permanent advantage, the fact is, that if the Tories
were to come into power to-morrow we should lose at once
all we have gained, and be placed in a worse situation than
we were before. The present good is transitory, depend-
ing on individuals, and the stability of the Government—the
evil is lasting as it is the necessary result of bad laws, unre-
pealed and unaltered.
The experiment has been complete in both parts. We have
patiently awaited the result of the Ministerial efforts to ad-
vance the interests of Ireland. The Ministry, instead of in-
creasing in power to serve us, have actually become less able
to carry any one measure useful to Ireland.
The strength of the Tory faction in England has aug-
mented. Their determination to refuse us any and every
amelioration has daily become more envenomed. • The sooth-
ing system in Ireland encourages the British Peers and Tory
Commoners to injure and despise us.
Why, then, should we preserve our meek and moderate tone?
What shall we gain by not changing it?—Nothing.
I am, therefore, decidedly of opinion that the sooner we
alter that tone the better; and that it is incumbent on us
nonatcioneagain to speak to our enemies in the voice of an insulted

CHESTER.

And as to the " respect" which we have won from British
Reformers, it to my mind exceedingly resembles the species of
respect boasted of by an ancient spinster, who declared that
the men had always respected her too much ever to ask her to
marry. _

These two things seem perfectly clear.
First—That the present Ministry would obtain justice for
'reland, if they could.

Secondly--ihat the English Tories are too strong for
them.

We must therefore see whether or not the Tories are also
too strong for the Irish nation.
The English Tories have driven us to this. The battle lies
between us and them. Who is it that is base enough to shrink
from taking his share in this strife?

I now come to the THIRD plan. It is mine—it is this :it
consists of two distinct parts.
First part—The organization of an Association sufficiently
numerous to speak the sentiments of all Ireland.
Secondly—The practical arrangements by which such
sentiments shall be so expressed and acted upon, as to ensure
success.

The organization should be such as to embrace everybody
desirous of assisting to obtain " Justice for Ireland."
It is for this purpose that the " Precursor Society" has been
established, and it is now in progress of enrolment. Some
thousands are already enrolled, and I trust that before the
month of November is closed it will include some millions.
The moment it exceeds two millions the moral effect of such a
demonstration will be irresistible.
The enrolment list is in the hands of Mr. T. M. Ray,
the Acting Secretary to the " Precursors," at the Corn Ex-
change Rooms, Dublin. It is necessary to pay him one
shilling at the enrolment. The money is at once deposited
with Laurence Finn, Esq., the treasurer, and will, of course,
be accurately and publicly accounted for, as all such monies
have ever been.
The better mode of conducting the enrolment has been
found to be—for one person to undertake to collect the
names and shillings of nineteen other persons, and, by adding
his own, then to transmit the twenty names with a pound
note to Mr. Ray. This mode is being acted on in several
places.

As in the Catholic Association, men, women, and children,
can, if they chose, be enrolled. I want two millions of names
to demonstrate the zeal and sincerity of the people of Ire-
land. I hope every human being who desires to place Ire-
land on a perfect footing of equality with the rest of the Bri.
tish empire, will, as soon as possible, enrol in the Precursor
Society.
A general meeting will be held in Dublin in November, and
arrangements will be made to bring the Society into practical
operation not only in that city but in every locality through-
out the country. The " Precursors" resident in each county,
city, and town will assist the Central Society, and manage
the affairs each of its own locality. It will be well to have
some persons from each locality attend in Dublin, to commu-
nicate authentically the views and wishes of the " Precursors"
in their respective vicinages. Thus the opinions of every part
of the Irish nation will be ascertained and acted upon, and the
full force of the " moral mind" of Ireland brought to bear on
our internal and external enemies.
There is but one general principle which is:-to guide and
govern all our proceedings—that is, that there shall be no
such thing as a private or secret meeting of the " Precursor
Society." The meetings shall always be open to public in-
spection, and no illegal act, nor any violation of the law, be
permitted.
Such is to be the organization of the " Precursor Society."
For one, I have determined to work it out into full activity.
I, of course, expect jealousies and hostilities—the mistaken
anger of good men, and the active malignity of secret and
nameless enemies ; but I will persevere. As long as I have
life and energy I will persevere until I see the " Precursor
Society" rival in zeal and utility that body, all of whose regu-
lations and rules were the produce of my pen—the Catholic
Association.
I have gone over in sorrow and melancholy the sad history of
Ireland—continued oppressions for centuries—continued re-
sistance. The oppressors always united and unanimous—the
oppression concentrated for strength, and diffused only for all
extensive mischief—the resistance temporary, by starts and
fits, and scattered abroad, weakened by internal dissension—
by mutual jealousy—the "resisters" snore envenomed against
one another than against the common enemy.
They say it was fate—a wayward fate
Our web of discord wove—
And whilst OUR TYRANTS joined in HATE---
WE never joined in novr.
What were the consequences ? Why, a thousand magnifi-
cent plans to deliver Ireland from bondage wpre discomfitted
and defeated, leaving the divided Irish more helpless after each
contest, and the perpetual enemy increased in strength and
virulence by impunity and triumph.
For my part, I will take no share in any dissension. lam
for near forty years so habituated to have my motives vilified,
my actions distorted, my whole life calumniated, that all these
matters leave on me as little impression as water does on the
wild duck's wing. I forget all the abuse that has been hitherto
inflicted on me, and I forgive, by anticipation, all that may be
inflicted in future. My business now is to rally round me all
those who love Ireland, and are determined to exert themselves
on her behalf.
The second head of practical arrangements will be best
worked out by the " Precursor Society" when it shall meet
in November. But in the meantime I desire to have it un-
derstood that I will, at its first meeting, propose the drafts of
five petitions to her gracious Majesty the Queen, and to the
Parliament.First—Calling for an equal and identical Municipal Reform
in Ireland as in England.
Second—Calling for an equal and identical Parliamentary
franchise for Ireland as for England.
Third—Calling for the total abolition of all compulsory
payments to the Established Church.
Fourt
ParliamentCa
forl rg for an
Ireland
aa d as
forEequalizationgla a of
England
or the
Scotland.representation in
Fifth—A petition including all the four, and demanding re-
lief for all.
urSthixotuhr— clAenar rightaddre to
address to
that the British Reformers ought, in gratitude, to grant us
as an
this relief; but that they should do so upon principle, and
the
obtain peoplethe reliefof G
we"at
act of common justice. demand, Britain,
h o setting
a i a
gg
f
Seventh-_I will propose that all the prishes in
Irelandly
adopt these petitions, or some of them, and affix their signa-
turesot
should meat upon one and the same day—simultaneous
thereto.
Eighth—l will propose that a deputation should be ap-
pointed from every town, city, and county in Ireland, to attend
in London, to present these petitions, and to wait on her
Majesty's Ministers individually—also to wait upon every Mem-
ber of Parliament, and to place before him our demands, and
the reasons to support such demands.
Ninth—I will propose that a Committee of such deputation
should, shortly before Parliament meets, sttend in each of the
cogorriamrt
icttotoemdemxpbelyr:ititl fully t
commercial
Tor and
aillid, manufacturing chits and towns in Eng-
land, and procure, wherever they can, public meetings, in
e 1110
rtahneg
of Irelmd—and then to othem
endeavour to excite sympathy, and
obtain popular assistance. co pfap
cr et
isos onu
up
oaan dt h ien jpuesat ipciee
If success can be achieved in the British Legislature, it is
only by such means as these. If these means be not suc-
cessful, it is idle to talk of any other. The demonstration
will he made complete, that we can never hope for justice
from the United Parliament. In that case I lift the flag of
Repeal-_a flag which shall be flung on my grave as its only
ornament, unless we.succeed in restoring. the Irish Legisla-
ture in my life time. Whilst that life lasts it will be inces-
santly employed in working out the liberties of Ireland.
Precursors ! then, arise. Let every village, town, and dis-
trict, send forth its precursors for enrolment.
The fate of Ireland is in our own hands—it depends on our
own exertions. If foolish feuds divide and distract us—if
miserable dissensions destroy our unanimity. if, whilst our
enemies arc united, we remain in apathy, or in equally criminal
hostility to each other—in such case, this great and glorious
°pi ortnnity, like s many others, will Le lost—and the shame

THE SUNI_ L FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 183
3
UNDO_
_ _

and diisgiai':e dt.pCrfi'ettiatitig Irish do4raidation will be ail that
will be lett to Us.. ,
These, however, are not my anticipatiotl4, I kn'e'w. char
there are " Precursors" enough, and more than enough, to'
work out my great experiment. I know tlic aged will join in,
from sympathy—the young from the boiling of the patriotic
heat of their young blood.
One great experiment more, and then Justice to Ireland or
—THE REPEAL. •
I have the honour to be, fellow-countrymen, your faithful
servant, DANIEL O'CONNELL.

VISIT OF DR. BOWRING TO MAN

MANCHESTER, WEDNESDAY NIGHT.—ft baying become
known that Dr. Bowring was at Liverpool, and about to pass
through this town on a visit to the electors of Blackburn, an
invitation was forwarded to him on Tuesday by some of his
friends and admirers in Manchester, to meet them this evening
at the York Hotel. The distinguished visitor was In!..foduced
to about one hundred respectable and influential Reformer 3,
soon after seven o'clock, by Archibald Prentice, Esq., pro-
prietor of the 1M Manchester Times, who bad been called to the

Chair.
The CHAIRMAN, on rising to address the company, had great
satisfaction in seeing at his right hand so distinguished a friend
to free trade and reform as Dr. Bowring. Dr. Bowring sad
contrived to convince the Viceroy of Egypt of the impolicy of
corn-laws. Some three or four thousand years ago there was
corn in Egypt, but they had not then felt the effects of corn-
laws. He wished to heaven he could contrive to be as suc-
cessful with our Government.—(Hear, hear.) But he
feared that he would not, and that the shame would be
upon this country that Africa bad set them the ex-
ample of an enlightened policy in commerce.—(Cheers.)
I need not tell you (said the Chairman) of its effects upon
our own trade. I recollect that when we exported goods to
one particular market the demand ceased first for the coarser
goods, and they came to us then only for the finer, which
they could not manufacture. That also ceased, and in lieu of
it came the demand only for the finer numbers of yarns. The
trade in the finer yarns ceased in time, because with the aid
of our machinery they could manufacture them as well as we.
And now comes the exportation d machinery, prohibited it
is true, but which the giant smuggler etintrites to set at
nought. Next will be the exportation of men td itiake the
machinery. This, -indeed, is already becoming the case; And
I wonder that Manchester ha., not ere this risen en masse to
prevent the destruction of her trade by a demand for the re-
peal of the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I propose
to you the health of our distinguished guest, Dr. Bowring,
the enlightened advocate of free trade. The toast was given
with three times three hearty cheers.
Dr. BOWRING then rose. It is a great delight to meet with
old faces in one's native land. But I confess, Gentlemen,
that whilst I was away my heart was filled with indignation,
because I could not understand the course of public affairs in
my native land. They seemed to me wrapped up in a singu-
lar mystery—that the purposes of the people, and of the Go-
vernment, and of the Parliament, were alike unintelligible. It
seemed as if a general stagnation, a general indifference, per-
vaded the whole country, and as if the nation, unaware of its
great work, had given up the cause of Reform and of popular
improvement in despair.—( Hear, hear.) But since I have
returned I have found that I formed something like an erro-
neous estimate of the state of things ; for in Scotland, I per-
ceive, that the waters are not stagnant, that there is a great
movement, a great excitement, a great tendency to better
things, a great demand for important changes ; and that the
only question now is, in what direction will the great and mag-
nificent tide of public opinion rush?—( Hear.) Gentlemen,
whether the rush be towards the abolition of the Corn-laws,
whether the rush be towards the extension of the Suffrage, or
towards the protection of the voter, or towards shortening the
duration of Parliaments, -I care not whitberwards the rush be,
provided that it runs towards one; if towards two the better;
but if towards all, the better still.--( Loud cheers.) What I
do desire most is, that we should endeavour, if we can, to
move on harmoniously with the great mass of public feeling.
Proceed forward we must.—( Cheers.) The state of things
will not allow matters to continue as they are. The Reform
Bill is universally acknowledged not to have succeeded in the
object which it mainly intended to attain, namely, cheap Go-
vernment for the public; and I agree with the Times of yes-
terday that, as every Reform is a means to an end, we must
have means as great and as powerful as will enable us to attain
the end for which we are struggling.—( Hear, hear.) Gen-
tlemen, one topic of delight, of joy, I may say I certainly
feel in returning to this country. I came last from the east,
after visiting countries which war had been ravaging for the
last quarter of a century, where I found fertile lands depopu
laced, beautiful villages destroyed, suffering on every side, and
on many sides hopeless suffering. I come thence, having
witnessed the influence of war for the last five-and-twenty
years, to see, in my own country the influence of peace.—
( Hear.) In the last twenty-five years what wonders have not
been done 1 Already you stretch out your hands to the
capital, and before the sun sets you receive all the intel-
ligence the sun rising drops upon the metropolis. You can
visit the other hemisphere, and return to this under the light
of the same moon. I see everywhere an increase of know-
ledge ; I see everywhere the diffusion of more generous, more
beneficent principles ; I find everywhere I enter national ha-
treds destroyed, and commerce stretching out its peaceful ten-
drils, and locking around it in wide and still widening folds.
Upon this we may be congratulated, and upon this we may
congratulate ourselves as we do congratulate others, for no-
thing can give a wanderer like myself greater delight, loving
my country as I love her, than to feel that that country occu-
pies the high position she does occupy in point of intelligence
over other lands. But they have not received one hundredth
part of the benefits which this country can communicate to
them; and why? My friend, the Chairman, pointed-nut the
reasons. He eloquently described to you that we will not re-
ceive the benefits which they can confer; in other words, that
we will not have he-benefits which they can communicate. It
is impossible to estimate the amount of human misery created
by the Corn-laws, or the amount of human pleasure over-
thrown by them. In every part of the world I have found the
plague-spot that they engender reflected back upon this
e y Some years ago I was sent to agitate—for our I
eGouveetrviiMent is sometimes engaged in the work of honourable
agitation—France in the interests of free trade; and so strong
was the excitement that the South of France menaced the
north of France with a separation unless the commercial code
It was modified to some extent, and I have
was modified.
bad the pleasure of seeing the exports of France trebled in
consequence of the change.— (Hear, hear.) But when I
went into Normandy and Brittany, what said the Normans
and the Britons ? " Why," said they, " admit our corn, and
E then we'll see whether anybody can prevent the importation
of your manufactures into France."—(Cheers.) " We are
they, " willing to clothe ourselves in the
said
millions,"
garments you send us,
and you have millions of hungry
mouths to take our corn. The same language is held
by es cry nation in trade. We talk, and with some good
reason talk, s
talk, about the evils inflicted by some of the minor
German Slates who have consented to increase the duties
upon British manufactures. They have been following
the advice of certain Honourable Gentlemen who have ever
that most mischievous word "reciprocity" upon their lips, for
no word has done so much damage to commerce as that word.
Every man who buys sells reciprocity, and every man who sells
if
buys reciprocity, andone Government had courage to be-
come a destructive Government, and overthrow " reciprocity"
in the intercourse of nation and nation, it would do a noble
deed. I wish my Right Hon. Friend your representative
would consider that, his high and noble mission—(Cheers)—
and that he would obliterate from the Statute-book every
Statute by which Governments have pretended to teach mer-
chants
how to trade, and manufacturers how to work. Gentle-
men, but what did Prussia say ? No doubt the object of Prussia
was political rather than commercial ; for she managed so that
she got a great many little States in her power, and influenced
their commercial interests, while sh
einterfered with their po-
litical position. I believe that Prussia made a great mis-
take, because she is not powerful enough to overpower the
smaller States, and the smaller States being a " bundle of'
sticks," which Prussia had been unable to detach and
separate, they were enabled to dictate terms to Prussia her-
self. But the Prussian union say, "We do not wish to legis-
late against the introduction of your manufactures; take our
corn and our timber, and we will take your manufactures;"
and many in high situations under the Prussian Government
have said to me, " We hold this union as a means of making
you change 3 our legislation."—( Hear, hear.) If I could, or
if I had any inflfuence with the Prussian Ministry, I would
say, " Take goods from England, and, no doubt, the English
people will have good prices for them; for I do not think it
is likely our merchants will long sell their goods unless they
can obtain their value." And I believe that the great se-
cret of the mode ef changing the legislation of every
country is to change your own.; admit what you want,
buy what you want upon the cheapest terms, and be sure
that those who sell it to you will be paid. Now, a
very serious state of things has come on in consequence
of the existence of these Corn-laws. Nobody can estimate
the amount of capital withdrawn from agriculture, in order to
be applied to manufactures, in consequence of one not taking
from other nations the commodities with which they would buy
our goods. The other day, coming down the Danube, an
Hungarian nobleman told
me that they had quite ceased to
think of producing corn for the English market, and that they
were turning their capital to manufacturing, as they could not
sell their cot n.—( Hear, hear.) There were boundless quan-
tities of corn in the country, but not sufficient clothing for the
use of the people, and so the' Austrian Government was led to
encourage commerce, to discourage English manufactures,
and to manufacture for themselves.—( Cheers.) And this was
a state of things which Corn-law legislation was bringing
about in all directions.—(Hear, hear.) I have heard it seid,
and it seems to have had some influence upon the labouring
people, that the introduction of foreign corn is the Inevitable
way to lower wages. I say, that if there Le any certain means
of raising wages it is by the admission of foreign corn.
( Cheers) Which are the two countries that have had the
wisdom to avoid Corn-law legislation? They are Holland
and Switzerland in which wages are higher than in any
country in Europ,e—ellear, hear.) And that is invariably
the case. Wages are almost always raised when the greatest
demand for labour is introduced ; and the demand for labour
is always introduced with the introduction of a foreign com-
petition. Switzerland, it is true, was two generations ago in
a state of extreme wretchedness and misery, with emigrations
of immense masses of her population taking place every six or
eight years, and with the population reduced to the verge of
starvation, a great portion of the country being composed of
desolate mountains, of uncultivated tracts, and the people in a
state cf sad ignorance. What has occurred there ? The
people have attained more political ideas, and applied them to
the attainment of political knowledge; that political know-
ledge has given them a sound commercial legislation, and now
the rate of wages in Switzerland is far higher than the rate in

any country in Europe, and with regard to the pri,eet tef corn-
trioditiee, between 30 and 40 per cent. higher than the. rate of
sUges hefes-ai Hear. )I have seen
omeecnmmooeiretthieas e universallynaorne instanceof
a ititiian in Sit itztelall(l_,,er
n •ietinse,toOf
Ifree'4s tar ak e ,
day
bwyhhicalirmis ulabnoivuerr, a—( hdeoeprtscd
—ll-°1 Hoting from
lland, country, if cid ihete was one which could be, a,
the Duke of Wellington said in the' flowse of Lords, reduced
to the humiliating necessity of depending Open foreign lands
for a supply of food, which he made an arguntleass for tin
Corn-laws—flollend depended l, on every country. ?frac,
was she ever short? I venture to say that no granaries in any
country were ever so well filled. Every body there knows
the rate of wages, because they know that with every slight
alteration in price they can estimate what the loaf of bread
will cost them and their families. But now, when the Corn-
laws are about to be overwhelmed--because I do n rt believs
that, in the present state of public opinion, they can stand, we
shall find that we shall not get one-twentieth of the benefits
of netionel interchange we should have had if there had been
no Corn-law at all. My belief is, that if this country imported
one or two millions of quarters of wheat from foreign lands,
the tonsumption would increase to that extent; for it is
astonishing 4ow much consumption increases when the
price of corn i low, and when trade is healthy and prospe-
rous. There are many districts in which the increase of
consumption is only one-fifth ; that, added to one tenth,
would make an increase of two millions of quarters ; and the
introduction of two millions of quarters of corn would be the
export of between four and five millions of manufactures, in
order to accomplish the payment. My friend (the Chairman)
referred to some circumstances which took place in Egypt. It
is almost repeating myself and him to advert to the subject
again ; but the facts are so interesting that I-must be excused
for doing so. Egypt, it is well known to you, has been for
between three and four thousand years the granary of the world.
The Pacha, who is s very intelligent and a very remarkable
man, capable of reasoning, and a man, more than any Turk I
ever met with, alive to the great interests of the country, had
been interfering with the introduction of corn, and put on it a
very heavy duty, under the belief that his all-productive country
never could want corn. But it happened there, as it will
happen everywhere, that any interference with production is an
embarrassment to production, and that capital, finding itself
embarrassed and annoyed by such interference, applies itself to
other channels ; and when I was in Egypt the people were
absolutely menaced with famine, and in Cairo corn could
scarcely be had for love or motley, or even with the despotic
orders of the Pacha in hand. I did speak to the Pacha upon the
suljsen te and I told him be was deluded by those shout him, like
other moeaechs surrounded by their flatterers, who rather told '
him that which was not true than that which was. I told him
how the country we: menaced with nothing less than starve-
was continued would probably
tion, and that if the systern
,?r it was true in Africa, as s
that of the belly.
see his army in a state of revolt;
in England, that no revolt was so terrib•
He did, after a long debate, and alter fighting eeey heroically
in tho Chandos style, give way, and said he thought it was
better to let corn come in and go out of the ports without any
duty whatever. I ventured to assure him he would soon see
the beneficial consequences, I had reason to say so, for it was
then at 180 piastres, but after tide it fell down to seventy.
Corn thenceforward came in and went out to all quarters,
and I left Egypt exporting instead of importing corn ; and as
I believe the fully of interference will not again be committed,
I have no doubt Egypt will become the land of plenty which
she has been for ages. Now with regard to this Eastern
world. Turkish despotism has done what despotism always does
—destroy trade. To one monopoly followed many : monopoly
led to the depopulation of the country, and men oppressed scamp-
ered of; men whose capital was dealt with tyrannically ran
away with such as remained ; thus Syria, this holy land, had
been almost abandoned by men of enterprize. Within a few
years, however, a new state of things has taken place. We
have now intercourse with Damascus, with Aleppo, with
Tyre, with Sidon, with Jerusalem, and with Tripoli.—( Hear,
hear.) What a satisfaction is it to every man going from the
West to the East, when he clambers up Mount Lebanon, to
find one of the ancient Druses clothed in garments with which
our industrious countrymen have provided him. What a de-
light is it in going to the holy cities to stop with the caravan
at Nazareth—to see 4,000 individuals, and scarcely be able to
fix upon one but to whom your country has presented some
comfort, or some decoration. Peace and industry have been
doing this and much more, for be assured that whilst this
country is diffusing blessings, she is creating an interest, she
is exciting in the minds of those she serves an affection
towards her, and thus commerce is a communication of
good, and a dispensing of blessings which were never
enjoyed before. This process has been going on gradually
for the last twenty-five years, so that the man who is
labouring at his loom from morning to night to day for a
precarious subsistence, scarcely knowing how his labours
shall provide food for his family at the end of the week, little
thinks he his widely extending and raising the reputation of
his country—shat he is, in fact, making that country more
beloved, and adding, though without perceiving it, to the
most consummate and exalted patriotism,—(Hear, hear.)
Gentlemen, our country is thus increasing its influence. Un-
der the desire for obtaining your commodities, the mountains
of the Holy Land are beginning to be covered with new vege. II
tation. Mulberry trees are being planted; the olive is again I
attended to; the vineyards are again gathered by the side of
Mount Tabor; and all this is done by the influence of trade
—all these grow at the desire to receive something which you
communicate. Now, all that is wanted in this country is an
intense desire to receive what they produce. Though they
are not able to give away, you are able to give. They cannot
produce those wonderful results which capital and labour, and
intelligence and enterprise, and capability and art and science
bring together—they cannot compete with you in these
—but what can they do? They can sow their '
corn; they can cultivate their fields; they can feed
your population. And yet your Corn-laws say that this hum-
ble, this useful, this beneficial return, shall not be made to
your industry. __(Hear, hear, hear.) Gentlemen, it really
does appear to me that this state of things is intolerable,—
( Cheers)—and I do hope and trust, that whatever becomes of
other questions, which I hope will not be forgotten, that the
labouring people will see how their interests are concerned
and involved in the solution of this all-important matter._
)(Cheers.) In Spain, a country reduced by a restrictive sys-
tem to a state of inconceivable degradation as regards its corn-
merce, its manufactures, and its shipping interests, at this mo-
ment there are whole districts in the most fertile parts where
the gathering in of the corn will not pay foe expense of the
sickles, where the fruits of the earth are allowed to perish un-
harvested, because no market is to be found for them.—
( Shame.) Why, England, if she pleased, might become the
universal benefactor.---( Cheers.) The Duke of Wellington
and the other advocates of the Corn-laws ask what would be
the consequence of a war ? Do you believe war would be
possible when we had universal wisdom ?_( Cheers.) Who
quarrels with his benefactor? Or if he quarrels long, who
does not seek to heal the breach ? Who would seek to
quarrel with those who were perpetually communicating
to us benefits and blessings? Gentlemen, I hope the
time is coming when the warrior will not he looked to as the
defender of England, but the peace-maker—( Chee:s)—
when that happy state of things will come, in which we shall
look at the victories of commerce and the victories of peace as
far more glorious than any that have been gathered in fields
where blood has been poured out like water.—( Cheers. ) It
appears to me that commerce is as yet the Hercules in his
cradle not having strangled the serpent; but the serpent will
be strangled, the intelligence of the country will strangle it,
and then you will see how great and glorious we are, because
with our commerce our principles spread ; our principles are
the living principles of England, planted in Englishmen ; the
dying principles are the principles of Toryism and of anti-
Reform.—( Loud cheers.) Yes, Gentlemen, with our corn •
merce we circulate our very institutions. We do much more
than clothe the body--we feed the mind.---( Hear.) We arc
creating for ourselves and society a state of opinion which will
enable us to be the lever of the universal world.—(Cheers.)
The Doctor then sat down amidst great aeplause.
GEORGE HADFIELD, Esq., could not but regret that a sys-
tem of legislation like that of the Corn-laws should have been
allowed to remain in existence, in a country like this, but for
one yecr. Let it not be forgotten that this law passed in the
days of Tory ism—(Cheers)—against the will of the country,
at the end of the last war, when Lord Goderich had his house
burnt over his head for it, and when petitions were presented,
signed by millions, against its enactment. And yet it was ex-
traordinary that from that time to the present there had nut
been one simultaneous popular effort made to overturn it.—
( Hear.) He was sorry to sea men trying to set Reformers at
variance on other questions, in order to keep them back from
looking at this. The repeal of the Corn-laws would probably
amount to six times the good that would attend the repeal of
the Poor-law. The profit to the country would probably i.e
six times the amount paid to the pour altogether. It was time
to unite heart and hand on this question, and challenge the
whole country te put their shoulder to the wheel, and get rid
of a system alike offensive to the laws of God and
men.—
(Cheers. )
The CHAIRMAN said the next toast he should propose was
the health of a Gentleman who had done much service on the
Corn-law question, and in favour of free trade ; who had done
much to amend the repreentation, and who never forgot what
had been done by the Tories ; he meant the author of The
who was now engaged in answering in
Corn-law Catechism,
7'he Sun the fallacies which lie hnd so often slain, but waieli were
.coetinually being revived by his opponents on the Corn
questien. Colonel Thompson, who put out opinions in the
Westminster Review that were influential in getting the Re-
form Bill—who put out opinions which were much Letter than
getting the Reform Bill, by spreading right notions about the
renenins of commerce—was again in the field, and he (the
Chairman) had no doubt would don great deal of good by his
acute replies to the fallaci son the Corn question. lie would
propose, then, in connection with the London Anti- Ci rn-law
A esocietion, of ts hie!) he was prowl of being a Member,
". Colonel Thompson." The toast wa received with loud
•
applause, and drunk with three times three.
Dr. BOWRING believed that a purer, nobler mind was never
created than that of his Gallant Friend.`( Cheers.) Ile did
not know of a man so disinterested in the cause, or who had
made so many pecuniary sacrifices in its behalf_sacrifices
which had never broken into the light of dav, and never, pro-
bably, would do so, because he was one of those men' who,
having achieved good, would blinni to find it fame. 1:e be-
lieved that no man did more towards pa?sirg the Catholic Re-
lief Bill than lie did by his pamphlet entitled, ‘• The Catholie
State Waggon," which did much to break up the prejudices
cf the psople on that question. On the Corn-laws he trust d
lie would be equally successful. He was the great fallacy-
slayer of his dav—( Laughter)—and fallacies they knew were
the bulwarks of their opponents.
The CHAIRMAN said he had next to propose health and hap-
piness to a body of men to whom they owed a debt of gratitude
for the it exertions in opposition to the Corn-laws. lii men
tinning this subject be could not but regret that the merchants
and manufacturers of Manchrster should have been so long EU-

POST-OFFICE DR,LAYS.

" I am, Sir, jour obedient humble servant,
W. L. MA BERLE Y, Secretary.
" Our correspondent further adds—' It i 3 not intended by
the Post-office to hav, a moraing packet from Liverpool, nor
to take one off the Holyhead station. I had an interview
with Colonel Maberley himself of full a quarter of an hour ;
another thing is, although the departure of the mail is post-
poned two hours later, they (the Post.offiee) will not receive
letters one minute later than they do at present.'
" These facts we be to draw your attention to, and re-
main, with much respect, Sir,
Your obedient servants,

JOHN,STON and Co."

EXETER HYGELIN DISPENSARY.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
Sut—l beg to forward f r iiiertion more new cases of cure
by Morison's Vegetable Uoiversal Nledicines of the British
College of Health. They have all occurred under my imme-
diNte notice.-1 r.m, Sir, your's. tic.,
Paris-street, Exeter, Sept., 1 838

R. TOTHILL.

Mr. William K,,rscNell's children, of the parish of Tedbura
St. Vary, scren miles from Exeter, one aged three years and
a half, and the other fifteen months. The children took
" Morison's Pills" previously, during, and after the small-pox,
and they did well. The small-pox has nrevailed greatly in
thtt parish lately, and Mr. Kerswell's children had them is
the natural way, and fi-om their having been under the flygeiaa
treatment they have dur.e better than any of the oths.rs in that
neighbourhood.

James Saoders, aged 15, clerk to Mr. A vory, solicitor, Exc-
te cured of an obstruct on of the nostril, which to'allY Fre-
eluded his breathing through them, was thus afflicted forsev,,
years; he is now in every respect in perfect health.
S trail Treyillian, aged 55, of Ex wick, two miles from Exe-
tA:r, cured of scorbutic humour, with cry,ivelatousinflanimation
of many years' standing; she is now in perfect health.
Mr. Thomas Downing, of Heavitree, aged 27, cured of bi-
lious fever.

Jane Co:dswortliy, aged 52, of floavitrec, cured of a chro-
nic cough, iNiih groat general debility, of mr.ny years' standing.
Mary 1141 t Hy, aged 45, Ileavitrec, cured of chronic
ilicualati:•im, with general debility, of upwards of EiX years'

stencli,low..
John London, of the parish of NVllimp!e, is a mail horse-
keeper, cured of conrription.
The Rev. 3lr. lloxlay, of Ileavitree, cured of an ulcerated
leg other tr.-amyl-A haying
Mr. Thomas eurod orquotidi to rq- ue, of long stlnd-
iw,, after the most skilful medical trent:net-it having failed.
e,
r3lr. I'. IL ‘Vr'ghten, Exeter, cured of seri us
er.

Exeter, cured of ebrimic hep aceofhpanic d
„ith coaend deranged state of the whole Fystem, Tsf miroy
• rs' standing, after hasinb been under the mo,t skilful meal.
cal tre.iti lent.

(Signed) RICHARD TOTIJILL, MA?. C.S.
Surgeon to the Ex:ter flygrian
Dispensary.

IVavitree, August, 1835.

NEW CA NA L.-A Company is now forming to
obtain Pn Act in the next Scssicn of Parliament to
from Birmingham to Manchester. cut a canal

Ipine under a system which threatened to deprive them or a
great portion of their commerce. However, an example had been
set Oro* by the hand-loom weavov,s during the late inquiry into
their condition, when a number of thezk met, and came to the
conclusion that whatever might be Ptterupted for their relief
(and amongst the systems proposed %Na. 3 a Board of Masters
and ALI]. to settle disputes about prices. as in France), no.
relief could reach them without a repeal of the Corn- laws.—
( Hear.) These men, who were so reduced that they could
'tot raise the paper for a petition without assistance, had sent
❑p a petition for the repeal of the Corn-laws, bearing 22,000
sigostures.—( Applause.) He proposed " The health anti
happines, of the poor hand-loom weavers, who had set them
the example of petitioning for the repeal of the Corn-laws."
Given with three times three cheers.
Jar flowlE shouN propose that the present company at
once form themselves it.fo such an Associ ,:ion, and, thought
ew in ntimth2r, be the ru!ling stone that should gather
.t,ength in its progress.—( Ch,-.ers.) The proposition was
ultimately altered, and it %4' S agreed that the meeting should
form a Committee to establish such an Association, and meet
on Monday night next.
The CHAIRMAN bad on his right hand a gentleman (the son
of Leigh Hunt) who, as Editor of the North Cheshire Re-
Ibrmer, had been fighting the Corn-laws well; and he had
expected the Editor of the Bolton Free Press, another cham-
pion of the cause, but, for some reason, he had not been able
to attend.

The health of Mark Philips, Esq., our excellent Rtpre—
s'2ntative," was afterwards given with cheers; and " The
health of Mr. P. Thomson, the Vice-Chairman :" and the
meeting separated.

(From the Times.)
We have received several communications complaining of
the proposed alteration in the time of the departure of the day
mails from London by Railway to Birmingham, Manchester,
Liverpool, Dublin, and all the intermediate towns on the road.
It is stated that on and after the Ist of October next, the mails
to the above-mentioned places, which now leave London at
eight o'clock in the morning, are to ba detained till eleven
o'clock. We were at first inclined to believe that our Cor-
respondents had been led into some mistake, but on inquiry,
we find that their information is but too true, and that the
Post-office, instead of accelerating the mails, arc about to
retard them, and deprive them of the advantage which every
other mode of conveyance has gained by the openinf of the
Railway throughout from London to Birmingham. To un-
derstand the matter fully, it is necessary to state, that on
r;:, partial opening of the London and Birmingham
Railw.-_, the mails were conveyed by Railway to Den-
bigh I-la:.'
,andlt thence to Rugby by coaches and
.
horses. At,"(shy they were again placed on the Railway
o, by the Grand Junction
nchester they arrived the same
and conveyed to L'.irmingliam, whence they were forwarded
to their respective desti: atins
Rail-
way. At Liverpool and ills '
night, about half-past eleven 0,,,10ck, an hour too late for the
deilvery of letters or newspapers. The delay created by the
conveyance of the mails from Denlalt,sh-hall to Rugby by
coaches might now be avoided by the ope,oing of the London
and Birminghan Railway throughout. The morning eight
o'clock train from London is to arrive in Bins, ingham about
two o'clock. The mails, if sent by that train, co. old be for-
warded, according to the present arrangements, at ;:alf-past
two o'clock, and would reach Liverpool and Manchester the
same evening a+. seven o'clock—an hour which would admit of
the letters and nets'? apers being delivered without the delay
of a night intervening. .If this proposal of the Post-office to
delay jhe departure of the snails till 11 o'clock in the forenoon
is persisted in, all the advant47 that might be obtained
by the railway is completely thro.7larsay. The three •
hours' delay will prevent the mails arriv;.og At Liverpool and
Manchester till 11 o'clock at night • the is' tters and news-
papers will be then detained in the Post-office, ,'la at present,
till the next morning; and, in fact, after all the to n:-.fits ex-
pected from the railway, the public will only obtain the.'r let-
ters and newspapers at the same hour that they did Is-17'er'
they were forwarded by the morning coaches to Birmingham?
and thence by the cross mail to Liverpool and Manchester.
It has been urged that the delay of the mails till 11 o'clock
has been to enable merchants in London to answer their cor-
respondent's letters on the same morning that they are re-
ceived; but even that argument is without the slightest foun-
dation. The delay of the mails to 11 o'clock will prevent
the letters being delivered at Liverpool or Manchester the
same evening, and letters sent by the night mail from London
will reach both those towns within an hour or two of the de-
livery of the letters which arrived the precediner night by the
day mail. It is scarcely possible to believe that a plan more
injudicious, more mischievous, or more calculated to thwart
and prevent all that might be accomplished by railway com-
munication could be conceived. We earnestly hope that the
merchants and manufacturers in every town and district af-
fected by this unwarrantable sacrifice of time will meet and
express their opinions in a manner not to be misunderstood
even at the General Post-office.
We subjoin an extract from a Dublin Paper, which will
show how the subject is estimated there : •
(From the Dublin Evening Mail.)
" RAILWAY COMMUNICATION BETWEEN LONDON AND DUBLIN.
" Her Majesty's Ministers have shown no neglect of Ireland
whenever the question was a political one, the agitation of
which might be turned to their own advantage; but in any
matter wherein the real interest, prosperity, or commercial
accommodation of this country were concerned, we tax
them, not only with indifference and neglect, but contempt
and discountenance. A flagrant instance of this is now
laid before us in the following letter from the office of
Messrs. Johnston and Co., of Eden-quay. It appears from
this that Ireland is not to share in the benefit of the communi-
cottion by railway between London and Liverpool, as far as the
Post-affice arrangements are concerned. For though it was
reasonably expected, and could have been readily arranged,
that the London morning mail should have continued to be
despatched at 8 o'clock A. Mt., and have thus reached Liverpool
in sufficient time to have brought the communication between
die two capitals within the space of four-and-twenty hours, it
is not to be despatched until It o'clock; nor will the London
Post-office condescend to grant to the Irish the advantage of
t wo additional hours fur the posting of letters, which must still
be delivered in the Post-office receivers at not one minute later
than the now-appointed time.
" Brother Bull, we tell you candidly, and as a friend, this
will not do. You must make your Ministers do their business,
or turn them out. United with you, for better fur worse, we
must have our fair share of accommodation and advantage.
' Justice for Ireland,' or else --
" TO TILE EDITOR OF VIE bI7BLIN EVENING MAiL.
" Express Newspaper-office, Eden quay,
Monday Morning, Sept. 17, 1838.
" Sir—Doubtless'you are aware that te London and Bir.
mingham Railway opens the whole way this day; accordingly
we were desirous, in our capacity as Newspaper agents, of
learning what the advantages to the Irish public would be in
consequence. Judge, then, of our surp..ise, at being in-
formed (which we hasten to communicate to you) by our Lon-
don correspondent, that no alteration, as regards Ireland, will
at present take place—that the mcrning mail from London,
despatched hitherto at 9 o'clock A. M., will not now leave till
11 o'clock A. M., as the following official notice states :
" • General Pest-office, Sept. 15, 1838.
" ' Si',—Since I saw you this day I :ave ascertained that
the Directors of the Birmingham Railway ?lave not provided
for the nine o'clock despatch, according to Their contract
with the Post-office, and that consequently the day mail must
be despatched from the Euston station on Monday next at
eleven o'clock, A. M.