The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-24 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING; FEBRUARY 24, 1854.

union of secular with religious education, believing
that the schoolmaster would throw away his best wea-
pon if he disregarded the inculcation of religion. Sorry
should he be to see literature and science taught without
religion. Our object ought to be to make a man a
good citizen—to teach him his duty to God as well as
to man ; and in this they would not succeed if they
excluded religious teaching. (Hear, hear.) He believed
that if it were proposed to exclude religious teaching
from the schools in Scotland, not a tithe of the popula-
tion would attend them, and that an agitation would
spring up against such a system. In his opinion the
Presbyterian support which was to be found in respect
in Scotland was not a fact to be deplored. Throughout
our struggle for civil liberty we had had the assistance
of Scotland ; and he traced to that feeling much of that
love of education, and many of those habits of thought,
which had made the name of a Scotchman respected
all over the world. With regard to the voluntary
principle, he need not say much ; but he thought that
if religious instruction was to be continued with
secular teaching, all should be called upon to contri-.
Lute to the system. There was a strong opinion in Scot-
land that if the question of education were left in the
hands of the people, religion would be perfectly safe';
but a middle course was proposed, and accordingly the
preamble .of the bill provided, that whereas ordinary
secular instruction was to be available for children of all
denominations, every school coming under the act should
set apart certain hours for religious instruction, without
any additional charge. Looking at the question, not
abstractedly, but in a practical light, he did net think
that religious instruction would be otherwise than safe
under the management of a properly constituted board,
and it was to be provided that where the inspectors re-
ported to the general board that there was necessity for
additional accommodation, and if the board and
Privy Council approved of such accommodation, then
notice was to be given to the borough wherein the
want might exist to raise a rate for the purpose. In
country parishes a meeting of ratepayers would de-
termine whether such schools were to be provided.
With regard to the remuneration to schoolmasters, it
was proppsed that half the salary should be provided by the
ratepayers, and half should be voted by Parliament. The
ordinary management of the schools was to be in the
hands of a committee, half to be elected by the heritors,
and half by the rate-payers, and in certain cases the
ministers of parishes would act ex officio. With regard
to the constitution of the general board, it was proposed
that it should be partly official, consisting of the Solici-
tor General Iliad the Lord Advocate, and partly of dele-
gates from the Scottish universities. The five univer-
sities would send five delegates, and the remaining three
or five would be nominated by the Crown, so that the
management would not be in the hands of the presbytery,
but of the heritors and minister. Where new schools
were required in boroughs, the funds were to be provided
by a general assessment ; but the want of education in
many localities was not co-existent with the means of
' meeting it. (Hear, hear.) It would be necessary,
therefore, to look beyond a compulsory local assess-
ment, and it was proposed that a general educa-
tional rate.should be levied, not exceeding one penny in
the pound on the whole valuation of Scotland, such rate
to be administered by the general board. The funds
so raised were to be devoted, firstly, to the assist-
ance of industrial and reformatory schools, and such
an application would prove a boon to Scotland, consi-
dering the necessity which existed for checking the
budding and germinating of crime. By diminishing
crime much evil and much expense would be saved to
the country. These funds would also go in aid of ad-
ditional schools in the poorer parishes, and be applied
to the subvention of denomination schools, not brought
under the provisions of the act, provided it was reported
that such schools would be useful, and come within the
regulations of the board. He had now discharged the
task he had undertaken. Whether it came up to the
abstract or theoretical notions of hon. members he was
not able to say ; but this he could answer for, that the
scheme had not been conceived in an illiberal spirit.
(Hear, bear.) He believed the people of Scotland had
sense enough to be convinced that the most economical
investment they could make would be to take measures
for the spread of education. At all events, he appealed
to the house generally, and more especially to the
members representing Scotland, not to let this question
slumber ; but he felt secure that the assistance of the
members from Scotland would not be withheld in main-
taining the reputation which Scotland earned as being
the nursery of learning. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. HUME commended the speech of the Lord Ad-
vocate, and spoke favourably of the measure.
Mr. STIRLING could not cordially approve of the
scheme, and objected in particular to that part of it
which took away the superintendence of the schools
from the Presbytery.
Mr. E. ELLICE thought the measure would give
satisfaction in Scotland.
Mr. C. BRUCE declined giving a decided opinion
upon a scheme involving so much. that was new, but
warned the Lord-Advocate that, unless the bill carried
out the preamble more effectually than the clause he had
read, it would stir up resistance in Scotland.
Mr. SCOTT thought the Lord-Advocate had shown
no ground for a measure of such magnitude, or for
altering the parochial system.
Mr. LAING should have thought that, with reference
to the general features of the measure, there could be but
one opinion. The most important question, relating to
religious education, had been grappled with successfully.
After.a few words by Mr. KINNAIRD,
Mr. WALPOLE objected td.o, ti preamble of the
bill did not consist with the provisions, which seemed to
transfer the national system of Ireland to Scotland, just
at the time when it had proved more or less unsuccessful.
He could nut see, he added, the necessity of doing away
altogether with a religious test. Why could not the
university test he adopted ? The proposal to establish,
by means of a rate, ref ermatory and industrial schools,
was a noble one ; but, being a national matter, he
thought the expense should be borne by the nations
funds.

Lord J. RUSSELL congratulated the right hon. and
learned Lord Advocate upon the very clear and able
statement which he had made in introducing his bill,
and upon the reception which his proposal had met. He
was sure that the statement of his right hon. and learned
friend would convey to the people of Scotland an ade-
quate notion of the extent and scope of his measure,
and must secure a general approval of it. (Hear, hear.)
The right hon. gentleman the member for Midhurst
had called their attention to two points, which in
effect were nearly the same. The right hon. gentle.
man objected to the severance which the Lord Ad-
vocate proposed to make in cases where heritors did
not maintain the parochial schools, between such
schools and the Established Church. The right
honourable gentleman said that there was no rea-
son to call for such a separation. He (Lord J. Russell)
was surprised at the remark, for, be it observed, when
that connection was formed—when the schoolmaster
was subjected to a test which declared that he conformed
to the doctrines and practices of the Established Church
of Scotland, the Established Church contained by far
the great majority of the inhabitants of Scotland. But,
both by changes which took place some time since, and
the rupture that had occurred a few years ago, it ap-
peared now that a great portion of the people of Scot-
land, amounting, he thought, to about one-half of the
whole Preibyterian body—professing the same doctrine,
and holding the same belief—did not belong to the com-
munion of the Established Church of Scotland, and did
not attend its ministrations. It was obvious that one por-
tion of the Presbyterian body could not accept that test ;
' and he, therefore, asked whether they were to exclude one-
half of them from admission to the office of parochial
schoolmaster ? (Hear.) Was it a reasonable, was it a prac-
ticable and wise provision of the law, under the present
circumstances, to frame the measure with such a test.
Well, then, if they did not continue the test as it at
present existed, should they propose a test which all
Presbyterians could take, which, though not in confor-
mity with the Westminster Confession of Faith, might
yet be in accordance with the religion of the country ?
Now, he must say he should have the strongest objec-
tion to enact a new test. They might propose some
form of declaration not to disturb the present state of
the law, but a proposal of a new test was, in his opinion,
most objectionable, and he would be sorry to concur in
such a proceeding. The right hon: gentleman said that
by means of this bill the instruction that was given in
the schools of Scotland would be separated from all reli-

gious instruction. He (Lord J. Russell) owned he could
not see-how-that was to follow. The right hon gentle-
man said that this system proposed resembled the Irish
national
_system of education. Now, he (Lord J. Rus-
sell) always understood that the great question in regard
to the Irish national education was whether or not the

Bible should be read and religious instruction given in
the school hours. That point was decided in Ireland by
an arrangement by which such instruction was not given
during school hours. Ile the present measure, however,
religious instruction must be given in school hours ; and
it would be the business of the school committee to see

that such instruction was given. " Perhaps the right
hen. gentleman did not consider how much it was the
practice in Scotland to admit of great toleration in re-
spect to the teaching in schools. They did not say,
then, that they would not admit children to their
schools who did not profess the national faith. On the
contrary, they said that with regard to any children
who attended the schools—be they the children of

Roman, Catholic parents, or of others who objected
to the instruction in the religious tenets of the

country—that they were exempt from attendance at the
period when such religious instruction was given. Such
was the usual practice in Scotland, against which he had
never heard an objection made. The practical good
sense of the people of Scotland had solved many difficul-
ties in respect to which they were di,puting in England.
He quite agreed with the right hon. gentleman the mem-
ber for Midhurst in thinking this a noble proposition.
He believed that great consequences might flow from
the establishment of industrial and reformatory schools.
The course of sin and vice that was going on from
year to year would thus be checked and corrected.
He"thought that no further time should be lost in
attempting some remedy for an evil so great ; and
he did not know any proposition better calculated to
make a commencement in this work than that of his

right hon. and learned frimd. The right hon. gentle-
man opposite said truly that this proposition was appli-
cable to England. He thought that if Parliament ap-
proved of it a measure of a somewhat similar •character
might be introduced for this country. (Hear.) He
owned he should be sorry to see the jealousy of the
Established Church of Scotland interposing any obstacle
to the establishment of those schools. lie thought that
the Established Church would act a much wiser and

more generous part by contributing as far as they could
to the success of this measure. (Hear, hear.) He hoped
that hon. gentlemen would not consider that this was a
question between rival churches, but would consider this
measure as sufficient for its purpose—that it was, in

fact, a measure ,from which this part of the United

Kingdom might reap ad vautr.ga. (-Hear, hear.)
nr, Ngwpgahtrz and Mr, ALEUEDZIi ILA= bug-