The Sun.
London, England, 1853-07-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, J QTLY 9, 1858.

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once between the Board of Control and the Court of Direc-
tors ? And whether it is proposed to adopt any measures
to improve and render less voluminous the system of corre-
spondence which is now carried on between the Court of
Directors and the authorities in India ?
_ _

Sir C. WOOD—In answer to the first question of the
hon. gentleman, I beg to state I do not propose to dis-
continue the practice of previous communications, but to
extend facilities for the transaction of business. In reply
to the second question, I shall endeavour, if I can, to re-
duce the quantity of correspondence which passes from this
country to. India ; but I would remind the house that some
of the witnesses examined before the committee declared
that the extent to which it was carried was absolutely ne-
cessary for the good government of India. (Hear, hear.)
THE RUSSO-TURKISH QUESTION.
Lord PALMERSTON—Seeing my hon. friend the mem-
ber for Aylesbury in his place, I wish to make an appeal
to him on the subject of the notice which stands in his
amino for Monday next, and to request him, on the part of
the Government, to consider whether in all respects it may
not be more advisable to follow the example set by those
persons in the other house of Parliament who had a simi-
lar notice on the books, and postpone, without naming any
particular day for the present, the notice he had given.
(Hear.) It is obvious that the discussion to which that
notice must inevitably lead will, in the present state of
public affairs, be attended with inconvenience to the pub-
lic service—not that her Majesty's Government, or any
member of it, would be led to swerve from their duty by
abandoning that prudent reserve which it would be their
obligation to follow, but that it might be expected, and
probably would happen, that in the course of that discus-
sion things might be said by other persons which would
create unnecessary irritation, and thereby tend to thwart
and defeat any efforts to bring about a peaceful termina-
tion of the present crisis. It cannot, I apprehend, be ne-
cessary for any purpose which my hon. friend has in view ;
for, if I understand the nature of his notice, his objects
are three :—first, to obtain information, if any informa-
tion can prudently be given ; next, to assure the Govern-
ment of support, in the event unfortunately of support
being required; thirdly, to hold the Government to their
duty, if in the opinion of my hon. friend, they were
likely to swerve from the performance of it. Now, in
regard to information, none can be given, consistently
with the duties of the Government, beyond that already
in possession of the house. Nothing can be obtained
with regard to that object. With respect to support,
I assure my hon. friend that her Majesty's Government
require no assurance ; they do not suppose that, in any un-
fortunate
'event which may lead them to appeal to this.
house and to the country for support in a just cause, that
support would not be cheerfully and cordially given.
Wo need no other assurance of that than the knowledge
that we are sitting in the British Parliament. (Cheers.)
With respect to the last topic, as to any idea that her Ma-
jesty's Government may require a stimulus for the per-
formance of their duty, I think it is sufficient to observe
that when two great countries like England and France are
united in a common course of policy, are aiming at a com-
mon object, are guided by common interests, and inspired
by most perfect and unreserved confidence in each other—
(cheers)—l say that it. cannot, lam sure, enter into the
mind of any man to suppose that any temporary forbear-
ance which the Governments of two such great countries
shows, arises from wont of determination, or that the most
conciliatory course can be a symptom of debility or weak-
ness. (Loud cheers.) I trust, without any exhortation
from my hon. friend or from any othor quarter, the honour
and interests of England and France are in safe keeping,
and that honour and those interests are inseparably bound
up with the great and important interests of Europe.
should hopo, therefore, that my hon. friend, yielding to
the appeal I now make to him, will pursue the course which
has been pursued in the other house of Parliament, confi-
dent that when the moment arrives that her Majesty's Go-
vernment think information can be given, that information
will be given, according to the circumstances of the case,
to the fullest extent that those circumstances may appear
to render desirable. (Cheers.) The noble lord resumed his
seat, but immediately rose again to move the formal motion
that the house at its rising adjourn to Monday.
Mr. LAYARD—In rising to answer the question which
has been put to me by the noble lord the member for Tiver-
ton, I trust the house will permit me to say one word on
what occurred yesterday as to deferring this motion, be-
cause it appears that I have not been rightly understood. I
beg distinctly to state that I am unconnected with any
party, and that in giving notice of that motion I brought
it forward as an independent member, in the conscientious
belief that it was my duty to do so. (Hear, hear.) Of
course the appeal yesterday could not be resisted ; and
when I was informed that the noble lord the member for
tho city of London could not be present this evening, I
did not hesitate to defer that motion until Monday. But
another question, and a much more serious question, has
arisen. lam requested to defer this motion, uncondi-
tionally, and without limit. Now allow me to remind the
house, that it was not myself that fixed this day as the
proper day to bring forward that motion, but it was the
noble lord, who stated, in my absence, that Government
would give this day for bringing on the question ; and it
appears it was a member of her Majesty's Government
who named Monday next as the proper day. I had nothing
to do in naming either to-day or Monday, and conse-
quently, as her Majesty's Government did name Monday,
I thought the matter of convenience had then been taken
into consideration. I conceive lam labouring under great
difficulty and very heavy responsibility. It is my own con-
viction that, so far from the discussion of this question
originating any dangerous results, it would be of the utmost
importance in bringing this momentous question to a satis-
factory conclusion. (Hear.) I need scarcely point to the
very great alarm felt in the country from the uncertainty
prevailing on this matter. (Hear.) Not only in England,
but on the continent, that alarm is felt, and I confess it
seems to me scarcely fair towards that ally with whom
(and we learn it for the first time on this occasion) we are
cordially acting, that the report should be prevalent in
this country—a report which may or may not be true—
that there have been dissensions in certain quarters which
have led to this uncertainty. (Hear.) Now, negotiations
in the common acceptation of the term, are scarcely going
on. What are the facts of the case ? Here is a great na•
tion which has sent a powerful army into two provinces
of a neighbouring nation and taken possession of those
provinces. A. manifesto has been issued, and I believe this
country is little aware of the immense importance and
enormous danger of that manifesto. It was an appeal to
millions, in the name of their religion, to rise and fight for
that religion. I trust it may not have the effect, but it
may possibly evoke passions which no man on earth can
control. (Hear.) I believe the time has never happened
when such proceedings as I have described have occurred
on the continent of Europe, without this house having
sorpe information (I do not say how satisfactory) laid be-
fore it ; and I must be allowed to remind the house that
this house has received no tittle of information from her
Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) The only informa-
tion given has been derived from the official information of
the official organ of the French Government. I say, in
that state of uncertainty, the trade and commerce of this
country have felt very considerable alarm • and I think it
only reasonable that some satisfactory explanation should
be given by her Majesty's Government (Hear, hear.)
But if the noble lord rises, and, in somewhat more distinct
language, tells me that the consequences of this motion is
dangerous to the public service, of course I cannot hesitate
in the course which I shall pursue. At the same time I
appeal to this house and to the country to bear me out—
that I am no longer under any responsibility, and that
the responsibility falls upon her Majesty's Government.
Of course, I was ready to take that responsibility which
such a motion would throw upon me ; and unless it were
distinctly understood that her Majesty's Government now
take that responsibility in delaying this motion, I should
be guilty of a very great dereliction of public duty.
(Hear, hear.) If the noble lord rises and states that it is
his belief I should endanger the public service by pressing
this motion, I shall certainly abstain from doing so.
Lord PALMERSTON—I think I stated as plainly as
words can put it, that I thought the discussion of the mo-
tion would be attended with inconvenience and injury to
the public service. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. DISRAELI—This is a very remarkable case, and I
think we ought not to allow it to pass altogether unnoticed.
One may easily adopt the impression that an independent
member gave notice of a motion on a most important sub-
ject, which her Majesty's Government consider to be of
an inconvenient character ; and no doubt a Minister
of the Crown rising and appealing to the member would be
supported as under ordinary circumstances and as may now
even be accorded. But I must remind the house that is
not the case of the honourable member for Aylesbury.
Only a week ago the first minister of the Crown, in this
house, himself indicated his wish that this subject should
be brought forward, his readiness to meet the motion of
the honourable member for Aylesbury, and himself fixed
the day on which it should be brought forward. Then
what follows? From what has taken place to-night that
may follow, unless removed by the representations of her
Majesty's Government, which may have a very dangerous
effect on public opinion, because if the noble lord, the
leader of this house, was anxious and ready a week ago
that this subject should be brought forward, and if we are
told now the bringing it forward will be injurious to the
public service, it follows that in the interval of a week
circumstances have occurred which have changed the opi-
nion of her Majesty's ministers. (Hear, hear.) lam not
_
for a moment saying those circumstances have occu7e.
I hope they have not occurred ; but, unless they haved
occurred, I see no reason why the noble lord should appeal
to the honourable gentleman. The honourable gentleman
is in exactly the same position as he was a week ago, unless
circumstances have occurred which have rendered u
posi-
tion much less advantageous than at that time. (No, no.)
I hear a murmur of no ! That is exactly the point which
we have to discuss, and it is merely to notice that im-
portant,,not thapto point that
answertliat I hcaavne rbieseng.ivelnt
is
criticismno
et..bymu_ murmuring
thisuring
kind. It is essential to tho satisfactionpublic mind
that we should be better informed. mreuonsncetthais of
subject.shaye occurred
IfudiTuerd-
ing that interval of a week p
of such vast importance and gravity' that her Majesty's
ministers are authorised to take a precisely contrary course
to that which they were ready to take a week ago, a de-
claration of that kind would render every gentleman silent.
But if that be not the case, if circumstances of great
danger and gravity have not occurred, then I say the
honourable member for Aylesbury incurs grave respon-
sibility if he omits to do his duty to his constituents
and to the country, and to bring forward an important
subject which the First Minister of the Crown had pi-e-
-viouslv invited him to do. (Hear.)
Sir .G. GREY and Mr. BRIGHT rose together, but the
1 former gave way.

Mr. BRIGHT said—l think with regard to the main
question no one has a right to find fault with the hon.
member for Aylesbury if ho consent to the proposition of
the noble lord, because any member of this houzo—tho
right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) himself—is at liberty
to give notico and to bring the question forward on the
earliest day which can be secured, and an opportunity is
not very difficult to find if a person is determined to ob-
tain it. (Hear, hear.) lam one of those who think the
honourable member for Aylesbury will exercise a very wise
discretion if he does not bring this question forward, and I
will state in a very few words the reason why I am of that
opinion.—ln this country there is probably no diversity of