The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-18 00:00:00

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[PRICE 5D.._

HOW TO

'HE WAR.

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
We yesterday reproduced an article from the Examiner,
furnished by a correspondent,-entitled " How to Con-
duct the War." The article is one which is well de-
serving of attention. It deals with the deplorable and
unquestionable fact, that, owing to the closeness of our
Parliamentary system, and the essentially red-taped
character of the majority of our men in office, the plans
of man of genius have no chance of being 'even taken
into consideration, much less adopted. Our contempo-
rary's correspondent makes some observations on this
point which possess a peculiar force at the present time ;
for he assumes, and with too much reason, that owing to
the incapacity of the men now in power to form any
great and masterly plan themselves for bringing the war
on which we have entered to a speedy and successful
termination, while they are too much shut up in their
own exclusiveness to consider the plans of others,
—that war has been begun without any definite
plan at all. "There is," says the correspondent of the
Examiner, "' neither demand for, nor appreciation of,
those qualities which alone constitute a statesman, nor
is their nature recognised when any one casually hap-
pens to manifest them ; and it is unfortunately to men
generated in the narrow hot-bed of jobbery—men who
aspire to nothing higher than getting through a session
with dexterity, who think of nothing beyond how best
to handle the Parliamentary exigencies of the moment
—that those who may happen to take a wider view of
passing events and opportunities, have to submit their
conceptions."
No one who has paid any attention to the subject,
will contradict the truth of this. Nor will any intelli-
gent person withhold his assent to the justice of the fol-
lowing observations :—"Most people, under the influ-
ence of Lord Derby's sinister prognostications, aro verg-
ing to the conclusion, that the war upon which we are
now entering will be .of indefinite duration, and im-
mensely severe. This will undoubtedly be the case if wo
conduct it upon no definite 'plan, or upon a plan which,
however definite, is nevertheless incapable of paralysing
the enemy should it succeed. And I am sorry to say that I
not only perceive no indications of any plan, but am
quite convinced that our governors have no plan what-
ever—have not even thought of one. Their only notion is
to try a succession of topical military and maritime expe-
ditions, parts of nothing and ancillary to nothing. They
will certainly establish Lord Derby's reputation as a
prophet to the incalculable loss of England in blood and
treasure. But England, if she suffers this, will have de-
served it, for she teems with men who can sway the rod
of empire—with Washingtons and Cromwells, with
Clives and Hastings—with men who can conduct her to
triumph, and give her the victory over all her enemies ;
but I see nothing to indicate that men of this descrip-
tion are to be found in either house or at the Horse
Guards. To discover them and to bring them forward,
the public itself must first of all become sensible that it
wants such men— if it demands them; they will then
undoubtedly make themselves manifest. If the public
wishes to be well guided and governed, it must convince
those who feel in themselves not merely a willingness,
but a capacity well to govern and to guide, that their
fitness shall be encouraged and accepted. No such con-
viction can possibly be imparted so long as the public
tolerates in office that imbecility which alone involved
us in the shedding of blood, and is now, apparently, con-
ducting us to shed it unprofitably and perhaps dis-
gracefully."
The writer in the Examiner takes precisely the same
view as we have always done, relative to the course which
the Western Powers ought to adopt when the Czar has
been brought to his marrow' bones, and is obliged to
become an humble suppliant for peace. If they hastily
conclude a peace with the Autocrat, leaving hint in a
position substantially the same as at present—the last
error will be worse than the first. He will only, in
that case, be placed under the necessity of postponing
his schemes of aggression and aggrandisement till a
future day. So far from abandoning his ambitious and
audacious designs, the imitation and mortification con-
sequent on his present discomfiture will only have the
effect of inspiring him yet more with a determination to
be avenged on France and England. With that view,
he will make preparations on a much snore extensive
scale than he has done for the present conflict. He will,
with all the inherent fox-like . cunning of his nature,
watch for a favourable moment, and then embark in his
revengeful enterprise with energy of which we have had
no previous example. His opportunity will be a cool-
nese between the Western Powers, which will unfit
them for cordially co-operating together. And with
France and England disunited, there will be but too
much ground to fear the success of his schemes ; for in
the contingency of the Western Powers being at vari-
ance, there can be no doubt whatever that the Czar
could rely not only on the neutrality of Austria and
Prussia, but on their assistance.
The course, therefore, which France and England
are bound to adopt, unless they are willing that the Czar
should suffer only a temporal), defeat, will bo so to
cripple him as to preclude the possibility of his ever
again disturbing the tranquillity of Europe. His power
must be destroyed. Ho must be crushed. The Northenn
Bear must be chained, if he cannot he tamed, let hun
be at least caged in such a manner as will render his
ferocity harmless. That is the object which must be
accomplished. For anything short of that, it would be
criminal, as well as foolish, to waste the blood of her
Majesty's subjects, and to expend the treasures of the
country. But hear what the Examiner's correspondent
says on this aspect of the subject : "There is a weak
point in Russia's social system—in that fix the harpoon ;
her own convulsive struggles for breath and space will
do all you want, until slie flounders to your feet, ex-
hausted and powerless. Triumphs at Cronstadt, at
Sebastopol, on the Danube, or in the Crimea may bring
about a peace, patched up by the intermediation of
Austria and Prussia, but Russia will be left with the
, power to repair her losses, and to renew her attack in
a few years upon European civilisation and liberty.
Our object should be to break her to pieces for ever.
And this may certainly be done."
But how is it to be done ? Our contemporary's cor-
respondent answers the question. "It is perfectly
clear," says he, " that whoever holds the Bosphorus or
the Straits of the Dardanelles, may, on that side of
Europe, entirely imprison Russia. She never would be
able to send a merchantman' much less a ship of war,
into the Mediterranean, and so far there would be an
end of her as a first-rate Power. Exactly the same
thing may be done in the Baltic, if France and England
will only determine to act towards Sweden and Den-
mark in the manner requisite for obtaining their co-
operation. In order, then, speedily to terminate this
great war, of which the apprehended duration appals
the imagination of Lord Derby, and which Lord
Aberdeen is unceasingly praying Heaven to bring to a
close, and, in order to prevent its renewal at any time
hereafter, I propose that France and England, the guar-
dians of European civilisation, and perpetual allies, shall
decree that, henceforward, through all time to come, ao
Russian vessel shall ever be permitted to pass either the
Sound and Great Belt, or the Bosphorus end Dar-
danelles. The Turks may be safely trusted to guard the
latter, and the Danes and Swedes may be easily encou-
raged to guard the former, and if necessary even compelled
to do so by France and England. This method would
likewise have the effect of securing the instant obedience
of the King of Prussia. The combined fleets at Memel
and Dautzic, and French troops at Aix-la-Chapelle and
Cologne, would explain the will of France and England,
if he should have any difficulty in understanding it."
There is nothing theoretical in this. It bears on its
visage the impress of practicability. The writer justly
asks :—" What can be simpler than for England and
France to (Apse the outlets of the Baltic and the Dar-
danelles for all time to come against Russia ? What
simpler than to inform Prussia, that if she does not co-
operate she shall be similarly imprisoned? What can
either of these powers do to defend itself against such 3
blow ? How can it clam. retaliate ? Prussia will certainly
not venture to try retaliation on the Rhine ; and Russia,
against our joint alliance with Sweden and Denmark !,1!
the Baltic, and with Turkey at Constantinople, woul
not be a lion in the toils, but an ass in a mill.;
adds,
L The correspondent of our weekly c"tew Pr: vaernYt En -
at ln7
ye
in reference to his plan :—" It need notk p
land and France from resisting thend fTrounir
Principalities of the Rhssians, dsestotrocyleinal,rs
Russian ships that they can attacka at an adnvdantage, and
it involves no perilous attacks onbSlebads.topo boldronsea—, .Oss of 00 A
stadt, rife with unnecessary
we want in greater completeness,
can purchase what
and at less cost, by refraining, at present, from enter-
prises of this commonplace order. Whatever of this
reason that it is
sort is attempted should. only be for the . .
an indispensable auxiliary to some comprehensive plan
which aims at giving to Russia a mortal blow. As to
'eery, neither France nor England want to add to their
„
store.
It is high time that the Western Powers, new that
we are fairly embarked in a war, should come to some
definite understanding as to what ought to be done
when it is over, and when the Czar lies prostrate, as he
soon must, at their feet. If they are satisfied with any-
thing short of the complete destruction of the power of
Russia, they will not only commit a colossal mistake,
but one of the gravest crimes of which a British Admi-
nistration were ever guilty.

ATHERTON. -By Mary Russell 'Milford, author c)
"Our 'Village," &c.— It is a long while since "Our Vil-
lage" saw the light, but though we regret to learn that
the physical strength of the amiable writer has felt the
effect of increasing years, there is a eortsolation in seeing
that her mental endowments are as freSh and vigorous as
ever. "Atherton" is a performance of rare natural
sweetness and didactic power—a publication of exceeding
attraction, especially for female and family reading. The
story is of a dramatic kind, and distinguished rather by
the drawing of the dramatis persona than by the com-
plication of the plot. The great and abiding charms of
Miss Mitford's productions are the most perfect simpli-
city, and a freshness of description which cannot be sur-
passed.-11171steated News. ..
in
THE CHOLERA AT LEEDS.---The cholera still lingers
Leeds, but does not assume an epidemic character.
Diarrhoea prevails to alarge extent in certain districts ore
f
the town, and shows a tendency to increase. The
have been, since the present outbreak on the 22c1 of
February, 97 cases of cholera and 1;36 deaths, and 180
ca*a of diarrhea and 6 deatbe,

ZiYl

-..,,,i .. .__ 4.

-4
TER 1037 (LAM itB7ORM

- (Prom the Ilirine3.) '
Just after the Reform Bill has been definitively with)
drawn, the Quarterly Review produces a laboured awt
bitter philippic against the measure. This is quite irs
keeping with the feelings of the writer, who .seems
capable of forgiving an old grudge, and who, taking bit
stand on the now forgotten principles which prevails°,
before the first Reform Bill, denounces with equal fat"
the measure which has jest disappeared and that of 183.1 i
This writer seerhs to been man of partialities; and anti,'
pathies, actuated by something more than political ani-
mosity against Lord John Russell, and feeling a strong,;
and we should think a perfect solitary admiration, for a
speech of Mr. Croker delivered in 1832, long consigned
to oblivion, together with much similar Parliamentary
rubbish. The point of view from which this mild ante'
judicious critic starts is, that In the first Reform BV:
the nation swallowed a slow poison, and that all thl4:
remains for philosophers like himself is to watch her le2e
agonies and catch her dying words. It was, we elle'
pose, this foregone conclusion which prevented the writer
from making himself acquainted with the details of
thebill he sat down to criticise ; for to one who con
siders the nation as already ruined, the mere subse-
quent stages by which the ruin is consummated Lust
appear trivial and insignificant. The writer has apeete•
rently jumbled up in a brain none of the clearest ti"e.
propositions of individual writers with the recommen
dations of the Government, and has thus obtained the
inestimable advantage ofebeing able to revile them bit-
terly on the adoption of propositions which they have
rejected. He is very eloquent, for instance, on the ab-
surdity of giving three members to each of the Univer-
sities, although no such proposition is to be found in the
bill. A. less slashing critic would have perused the
measure he denounced, but this would have implied .v
degree of candour to which the Quarterly critic does-
not even pretend to establish a claim. The ,grand pro-,
position is, that this measure is framed with the express
purpose of giving the eelectoial superiority to mere num-.
leers ; in fact, to physical force. This, we are told, is
the whole bill ; the rest is mere verbiage, useful for
the purpose of furnishing matter for abuse, but of little
consequence in any other point of view. At first
sight there seemed to be difficulties in the way of
this theory. Tile very moderate spirit in which the
enfranchising and disfranchising clauses are framed,
the great and striking inequalities which are still left,"
and purposely left, in the population of electoral.
districts, the greater variety which is introduced into the
electoral franchise, the Attempt to establish the county
franchise on a footing more permanent than its present
one, but one still very far removed from universal suf-
frage, the giving members to the London University and
the Inns of Court, and, most •of all, the provision for
the representation of minorities in largo county districts
and considerable boroughs—all seem difficulties in the
way of this conclusion. But the writer in the Quarterly
has it short way with such puny obstacles, and this is the
manner in which he goes to work :—ln the first place,
he assumes his proposition to be true, and, having done
so, employs ten pages in commenting on the effects of
universal suffrage in France and the United States, and
half as much more in showing that universal suffrage is
not the true principle of the English constitution. Hav-
ing waded through this dreary disquisition, apparently
introduced for no other purpose than that of familiarize
ing the mind of the reader with the association between
the two ideas of universal suffrage and tete late Minis-
terial Reform Bill, we trust that we are approaching
the argument by which the proposition ie tee be estab-
lished. But we are mistaken. Instead of the proof
we require as to the measure of to-day, wet are com-
pelled to assist at the disinterment of the disc,uisions in
the House of Commons' committee of 1831,eeto hear
how Appleby fell unwept without a crime, how' :Kelton
and Horsham survived, how Midhurst was Battled, and
Morpeth rescued. These discussions seem but pray con-
firmations of the assertion that the first Ref erne Bill
looked merely to numbers, since the very ground of el om-
plaint is that in these inetaneee numbers were not c on-
sidered, and those very inequalities were perpetuneed
upon which the writer thinks the British constitution
rests. The man who thinks that nomination boroinehs
place in the hands of their patrons a "great 'and useSeel
power" ought not to quarrel With Malton for being undo, r
the influence of Lord Fitzwilliaun, or Morpeth
that of the Earl of Carlisle ; and the man who pretends
to understand the new Reform Bill ought to have.
known that neither Horsham, nor any other place.
of a similar size, was intended to be restored by
that act. to its full representation. Still, we havo
not received the demonstration that the new Reform
Bill was based on physical force ; and, as this is all the
argument vouchsafed on the subject, we must leave the
proposition to commend itself by its own intrinsic truth
or probability. We next arrive at the representation of
counties, and we are told that the minority clause, cin-
der a specious appearance of fairness, conceals a deep-
laid scheme for promoting Whig influence, Nothing
can be more Shallow or more. short-sighted than the
manner in which this subject is treated. It is assume
that the 36 members who are to occupy the third seat iico
as many county districts would all be Whigs, that thw
eight members given to eight boroughs containing above
100,000 inhabitants each would all be Tories, and con-
sequently it appears by an easy process of subtraction
that this great change was introduced for no other per-
poee than to give the Whigs twenty-eight more seats.
In order to make this statement even plausible, it was
necessary to keep out et eight the great reduction
of the county franchise proposed by the bill, and its
probable effect upon, the representation. I n many coum-
ties the introduction of large towns into the franchise
will take the representation out of the hands in 'which it
is now held, and the Conservitives, not the Liberals,.
will get the advantage of lie third seat. But it was
necessary to euppress this fact, and therefore we suppose
it is that in an essay prefessing thoroughly to examine
the principles of tine late Reform Bill all mention. of its
most important prorisiou—the reduction of the county
franchise—is studious! e omitted. But why should the
writer in the Quarterly trouble himself with striking the
balance between the majorities and minorities, since he
has as little in:cominon with the ono as with the other'
Of the Liberals.he has nothing but evil to say, and of the
Conservatives be can say no good. The one arc bespat-
tered by his abuse, the other are not disgraced by his com-
mendation. The Conservatives have accepted the Reform
Bill of 1832, and that puts them out of the pale of tee
constitution. We should have thought that a writer so
apprehensive of the influence of numbers, and who saw
the inequalities and corruptions in which ho delights
gradually slipping from him year by 'year, would have
at least rejoiced in the proposition to respect the rights
of minorities, and to substitute a principle sound and
honest in theory, and easy in practice, for anomalies
against which the common sense and conscience of man-
kind are becoming year by year more and more rebel-
lious. The writer asks, in what imaginable state of so-
ciety you can preserve the influence both of majorities
and minorities E Ile does not seem to see that the whole
machinery of nomination boroughs of which he is en-
amoured was a clumsy and discreditable attempt to do
this very thing which he declares to be impossible.
That even Gatton and Old Sarum were nut utterly use•.
less arose from the fact that they might afford a refuge
for men whom popular conetituencies would not elect-
in other words, for the representatives of minorities.
How perverse must that view of politics be which can
repudiate this principle in its honest and natural shape,
and cling to it with desperate tenacity when associated
With practices utterly inimical to the theory and ever-
cise of popular election ! NVe commend the article in
the Quarterly to the perusal of our readers, on the
ground of its intrinsic demerits. It is fitting that the
present generation shotild know what were the feelings,
what the principles, what the'power of reason, what the
fairness of statement possessed by the so-called Tory
that they may fully
statesmen of the last generation,
woied bare emancipated us
understand from what the first Reform Bill has delivered
us in part, and the second
altozether.

MANNING THE NAVY.

° ITOR OE THE TIMES.
;: it
ijOndent "A. B." tells s that many
thousand stout
oTutelToalis should be at once enlisted in the
navy, The neighbourhood of our seaports may probably
supply a large proportion ; but there is no reason why
recruits for our navy as well as army shoUld not be
sought in places further inland. Our agricultural coun-
ties are full of the stuff from which goes sailors may be
made. There are thousands of lads now following the
plough, stout, healthy, active, well-grown, who would
thankfully abandon their present ill-paid overworked
condition for one of greater enterprise, less labour,
and higher payment, if the chance were but given them.
At present they have scarcely heard of the sea, and
know as little about a ship as they do of a Roman gal-
ley or of the real shape of Noah's Ark. At the same
time they would gladly 'hail any opportunity of escap-
ing from their present drudgery. They are hired
to their masters, most of them for the year, at
wages, for lads of from 14 to 16, of 3s. 6d. tv 4s. 6d.
a-week. No wonder that both they and their yarents
complain. This hiring takes place at Michaelmas,
with starvation staring them in the face, and with a
long and dreary winter before them, they are glad Wen*
gage in service at almost any wages. From the enga.so-
- thus made they cannot release themselves. Unlike
the young men of 18 or 20, they cannot cancel their elu•
gagement to their master by joining the recruiting set'
geant. They would get away, if they know ;where or
how ; but their engagement to their master and thei.r
lack of means keep them at home. Give them the !lanai
chance of enlisting in the navy as is now offered thowl
who are older of eniisting in the army, and you will have
no lack of candidates for admission. When the sumo:Let
cruise in the Baltic is over let some warraut and Pe,ey
!tY
ofiqcers he sent into the country to recruit.
come among us when the season fur hiring_ will
comes round, they will find many stout ladalw. h
There
prefer ploughing • the waves to
tilling
trict than to carry off some of these young , could not be a greater service to an ogre lads
price , of labour,a
reduce he
123,11 prie-worked and
by their very competition,an4 who are accordingly uuderpatd, ON
needless and heavy burden to their friends.
beeilitPaertieniwendta..yslsirele
e th.(ci ci ot sNtl.,
(1
itd I:,nttslttc,etre try
wtah:
that I suggested to a lad, who was cemplaining to nae
; of his miserably low wages, that he should enter the
I explained to him that he would have to rouikk
nitaavniMes, but he was, still very anxious to go ; and it
on di.covering that he haul a deformity which
incapacitated him for service that I forbore to apply for
his admission. Ms case is that of thousands of others.
Give them a chance of rising from their present condi.
tion of almost serfdein, and they will show their grati-
tuda by the good services -they will render to their
country.
The recruiting boatswain will, I trust, be ere long as
well known as the recruiting sergeant, and.ao suceesifid
in his avocation,—i remain, Sir, your obedient sex.
vaa, B. J.