The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-03 00:00:00

were recommended to come in green spectacles and a
wig, so that in their intimate relations with the party
they might not be known. (Laughter.) Now I should
be sorry to speak in terms wanting in courtesy and
respect of a candidate nominated by the electors of Car-
lisle, but I must say, looking at the address of the hon.
gentleman, I am somewhat at a loss to know by whom
he is introduced—whether he is that gentleman of judg-
ment and quickness who was wanted at Derby. (Laugh-
ter.) lamat a loss to know what are his relations with
the city of Carlisle, and what are his relations with
those particular parties who have hitherto contested
elections in this city. (Hear, hear.) lam sure the hon.
gentleman Swill give us some satisfactory information on
the subject, (Hear, hear.) I would not for one moment
wish to detain you with any needless speculations on
the propositions on which he calls on you to give him
your support. I suppose there are errors in the press,
but I hold in my hand an address which certainly will
not bear the education test without betraying some cu-
rious spelling. Thus I find " coalition" spelt with an
" s " and without a " t "—(laughter)-rand " principle"
spelt "pal." (Renewed laughter.) Remitting the test
of education, let us try the substance of this address
rather than its orthography. The honourable gentleman
relies on what he calls manhood suffrage, and I presume
from other allusions in this address, he appears here in
favour of the five points of tie charter. Let us consider
what manhood suffrage is. Manhood suffrage will admit
to the right of voting in this country every adult pauper
receiving parish relief. He will come up to the poll
under the direction of the keeper of the workhouse.
(Hear, hear.) Manhood suffrage will admit to the poll
every servant of the Government, every Custom-house
officer, every Excise officer, every man immediately in
the pay and under the influence of Government ; and, in
later times, will also admit that favoured class proposed
by Mr. Walpole to be admitted to the suffrage in pre-
ference to all others, the militiamen—(laughter)—and
we shall have the militiamen marching up under the
drum-major and the influence of martial law. (Hear.)
I cannot say that I am in favour of manhood suffrage ;
but I do say this—and it is what Mr. Fox said, I think,
nearly forty years ago—" That that, in my opinion, is
the best suffrage which admits the largest number of
the people to the exercise of the franchise who are en-
dowed with intelligence sufficient to make a free choice,
and with independence of station, earned by their own
thrift, sufficient to vindicate the independence of that
choice when they shall have made it with intelligence."
I have no hesitation in repeating what I have said on
these hustings, that, considering the growing intelligence
of the people, considering the growing wealth from the
happy change in the law, already effected, giving the in-
dustrious classes a greater command of the necessaries of
life, I think the time has arrived when, with safety to
our institutions, the franchise in this country may be
considerably extended. (Protracted applause.) The
next point is the point of the ballot. I will not flinch
from any one point. (Cheers.) It would be unmanly
if I did so, and the weather being rather brighter you
will excuse me for trespassing on your patience. Now,
we will talk of the ballot. (Hear, hear.) There is no
man who views with more disgust than I do the intimi-
dation, the bribery, the corrupt practices which have
prevailed, and which did prevail at the last general
election in this country. (Cheers.) I think it is cruel,
when men have privileges which they ought to exercise
freely and independently, for either landlords or em-
ployers to intimidate by threats, or to hold out the fear
that if they do not vote in a particular way they will lose
either their farms or their customers. (Hear, hear.) I
say it is unworthy this country that free men should be
exposed to what I hold to be such tyranny and such op-
pression-- (cheers)—and I for one am willing to enter-
tain any question which shall alter such oppression, and
put an end to such intimidation. (Renewed cheers.)
But I tell you frankly that I cannot satisfy myself that
the ballot will be an effectual remedy for this purpose.
If the ballot is to be made effectual, the right of voting
must be by law made universally secret. I say you can-
not enact such secrecy in this country, and if you do not,
then the ballot is flagrantly ineffectual. If a landlord
desires to control the vote of his tenant, and it is op-
tional whether the vote shall be given in secret or
openly, the landlord says :—"I insist on your giving
an open vote. If you give a secret vote, I shall pre-
sume you give it against my wishes, and shall act
accordingly." So also the customer says : " I insist on
your giving an open vote. If you do not, I shall not
only suspect, but be satisfied you have voted against
my wishes." I say, therefore, the ballot is useless, un-
less secret voting is compulsory, and secret voting can.
not be made compulsory, because you cannot prevent
men exercising the right of voting openly if they so
think fit. (Hear, hear.) Then, also, with regard to the
effect of the ballot on bribery, I believe, if you have the
ballot in all small constituencies, you will have Mr.
Flewkers and Mr. Frails—men with quickness and
judgment—sent down by the Carlton Club to deal whole-
sale with parties possessing local influence, on the prin-
ciple of "No return, no pay!" Small constituencies
will then be bought wholesale, and, as I believe, at a
lower price than they are bought now. (Hear, hear,
and cheers.) I say, therefore, looking at this matter de-
liberately, while I am quite ready to entertain any pro-
position which shall give to voters greater security for
the free exercise of the franchise, as at present advised,
I cannot satisfy myself that the ballot is effectual for
that purpose. (Hear.) It is easy to talk of manhood
suffrage—it is easy to talk of the ballot as a blessing
on the people on whom it is conferred ; but let me
entreat you to remember well, with all the imper-
fections in our system, the freedom and the bless-
ings you enjoy. (Loud cheers.) In Europe, you are
the only people who really enjoy perfect freedom of
speech, perfect freedom of action, and a control over the
servants of the Crown—a control which you are exercis-
ing this day in my person. (Cheers.) You enjoy the
utmost liberty which man can desire, namely, the liberty
of doing everything short of doing that which is injurious
to your neighbour ; and although I admit there are im-
perfections, great imperfections, which require to be re
medied, let me exhort you to think twice before you
support manhood suffrage. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Look abroad. There is Italy—a garrison of foreign
troops. There is Germany. Since 1848, everything
like representative institutions has been put down, and
that mighty country is a camp of hostile armies.
tAbove
all, look at France, once the seat of representative go-
vernment, and distinguished for its success in the arts,
in science, in literature, and in almost all the accomp.
lishments which adorn mankind. Universal suffrage
and the ballot have been established there ; and look !
where are the liberties of nearly 40,000,000 of men ? One
single man is victor over their liberties, and all their
rights and privileges are prostrate in the dust. (Loud
and prolonged applause.) I scorn to deceive you.
L I am favourable to the extension of the suffrage,
and I am favourable to the protection of the voter
by every means consistent with that open manly con-
duct which is the characteristic of Englishmen, and there
is nothing that I will not do, in concert with my col li
-
leagues, to give effect to that opinion ; but I am not
prepared to vote fclk. universal suffrage and the ballot.
(Cheers.) One of the five points of the Charter is, I be-
, lieve, the abolition of the qualification of members. I
have no particular fancy for requiring a property quali-
fication. In Scotland there is no such qualification. I,
believe it is now a mere fiction of law, and any man can
obtain it by payment of 50/. ; but I do not see why
members should be exposed to that fine, and I have no
fancy for property qualifications. (Hear, hear.) Then
comes the fourth point—the payment of members.
There are no Sturgeons in Carlisle. (Laughter.) Let
us laugh together. Let us converse with perfect good
humour. There is, it seems, no Sturgeon in Carlisle ;
for, as I understand, you have had to get one down from
Abingdon-street, Westminster. (A laugh.) All I say
is, "Don't pay your Sturgeon." (Cheers.) I advise
you against bringing down gentlemen from London, es-
pecially not well knowing who they are, and sending
them back as members, with the payment of the
electors of Carlisle. (Cheers.) I do not know
whether there is any other point to which I have
not adverted. [Mr. Sturgeon—Annual Parliaments.]
Annual Parliaments ? On this point, the honourable
gentleman seems to be a disciple of the school of Major
Cartwright. (A laugh.) I remember Sheridan—a
witty and lively man—at the Stafford election, when
asked if he was in favour of more frequent appeals to
constituents, replied—" As often as need be." (Laugh-
ter.) I stood here in July last. January has only ar-
rived, and after sitting for two months in the new Par-
liament, here lam a candidate again. Six months have
barely elapsed, but it is "as often as needs be," (Cheers
and laughter.) Is this peculiar to me ? Not at all.
(Hear, hear.) The new Government are about to take
the sense—sometimes the appeal is to the nonsense. (A
laugh.) I appeal to the sense, and they are appealing to
the sense of a very large portion of the constituents of the
largest towns in England. Think of the number of seats
vacated. Leeds is vacated, Nottingham is-vacated, Halifax
is vacated, Wolverhampton is vacated. My friend, Mr.
Charles 'Villiers, who was a leading man in the Anti-Corn-
law League, is, I am happy to say, no* my colleague
Cheers.) Gloucester is vacated, Oxford is vacated,
Carlisle is vacated, Brighton is vacated, Southwark is
vacated. Sir William Molesworth—who, in passing,
let me say, is my colleague in the Cabinet—differs from
me in respect to the ballot ; he has always supported the
ballot, and with the consent of his colleagues, and ci
• si*