The Sun.
London, England, 1838-04-20 00:00:00

REFORM ADOPTED BY THE COURT.

The Court expunged the resolutions that the constituency
should be of one uniform description, and that the wards
should be equalized ; but agreed that the Lord Mayor, Alder-
men, and Commons should have the power to make any ne-
cessary alterations, and that with respect to the times for
holding elections there should be one day for nomination and
one day for election; and that in the event of a poll being
demanded, the poll should be taken and concluded on the
day.
following the day of nomination. They also agreed that
it is indispensable for the due administration of justice that
the aldermen be elected for life, and be and continue justices
of the peace, subject to removal on bankruptcy, insolvency, by
deed of composition, or taking the benefit of the Insolvent
Act, conviction of fraud, or other misdemeanour, by the ver-
dict of a Jury, and neglect of duty for six months. That the
Court of Mayor and Aldermen should be continued as a sepa-
rate Court, and although for the future the whole of the city's
cash should be under the controul and expended by the au-
thority of the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons, in
Common Council assembled, yet the said Court of Mayor
and Aldermen should have a power and controul over the
City's cash for all purposes connected with the administration
of justice, police, gaols, and the usual expenses of the con-
servancy of the river Thames. That the Act of the 11th
George 1., cap. 18, for regulating elections within the city,
should be repealed, except such part as relates to the passing
of the property of freemen on their decease, made the custom
of London; and that, subject to the alterations before sug-
gested, all existing rights and privileges consistent with the
principles declared by the Court, should be preserved.
All the prominent resolutions of the Committee which
were at all at variance with those to which the Court agreed,
were either negatived or expunged, so that the labours of the
Committee, immense as they were, have been completely
useless. Sonic propositions relative to matters of minor im-
portance' connected with the Mayor's Cour, were referred to
a Committee, and the following resolutions proposed by them
in Committee were adopted unanimously :—" That by two
several charters in Parliament of the nth Edward 111, and
7th Richard 11., it is granted and confirmed to the Mayor,
Aldermen, and Commonalty of the City of London, that if
any customs of the City shall be harsh or defective, or any
new emergencies arising thereon shall need amendment, for
which no remedy had been before provided, the Mayo:,
Aldermen, and Commonalty may, as often as it shall seem to
them expedient, ordain and provide a remedy, according to
good faith and consonant to reason, for the common advan-
tage of the citizens and the people resorting thither, provided
that such ordinances be useful to the King and his people,
agreeable to good faith, and consonant to reason as aforesaid:
that such regulative power was, with all the other rights and
privileges of the citizens of London, confirmed by the statute
of the 2d of William and Mary, passed on the completion of
the revolution of 1638; that it has been constantly exercised,
and forms the foundation of many of the most useful and
important ordinances made by the Mayor, Aldermen, and
Commonalty, from the earliest possession of the power to the
present time, and that it has been established by various deci-
sions of the Courts of Law during the same period ; that this
legislative power of remedying defects in the civic constitu-
tion is essential to the maintenance of the ancient rights
and privileges of the citizens, and their adaptation to altered
times and circumstances, and should therefore be preserved
unimpaired, notwithstanding any changes which may be deemed
necessary, in other respects, in the corporate institutions of
this city."
The plan of municipal reform thus agreed to by the Corpo-
ration will, we understand, be shortly be submitted to the Go-
vernment.

ROYAL SOUTH LONDON FLORI-

CULTURAL* SOCIETY.

The Spring exhibition of this Society, of which her Ma-
jesty has lately become patroness, was held yesterday, at the
Horns Tavern, Kennington. The rooms were well attended
with visitors during the day, and the collection of specimens
was more than usually interesting. The most prominent
plants were a fine specimen of papyrus from Mr. Christy, of
Clapham, several cacti and mimosas, with extensive collections
of hyacinths, heartsease, daphnes, berberis, verbenas, &c. The
fruit consisted of several varieties of apples and pears in good
condition, and strawberries ; and the collection of vegetables
consisted of new potatoes, French beans, cucumbers, asparagus,
&c. Amongst the visitors were Earl Stanhope, the President
of the Society, and family, with several other distinguished
individuals. The following is a list of the awards :
CLASS THE FIRST.—AMATEURS.—Best pair of auriculas,
large silver medal, Mr. Nayler ; second best pair of auriculas,
middle silver medal, Mr. Chapman.

CLASS THE SECOND.—GENTLEMEN'S GARDENERS.—Best
pair of auriculas, large silver medal, Mr. T. G. Lutman ;
second best ditto, middle Silver medal, Mr. Harding ; best
collection of miscellaneous plants, large silver medal, Mr.
Sadler ; second best ditto, middle silver medal, Mr. Atlee ;
best collection of ericas, ditto, Mr. Conway.
AMATEURS AND GENTLEMEN'S GARDENERS.—Best 24 va-
rieties of heartsease, middle silver medal, Mr. Lidgard.
CLASS THE THIRD.—NURSERYMEN.—Bcst pair of auri-
culas, large silver medal, Mr. Hill; second best ditto, middle
silver medal, Mr. Dickson ; best collection of miscellaneous
plants, large silver medal, Mr. Fairbairn ; second best
ditto, middle silver medal, Mr. Rogers; best collection of
cricas, ditto, Mr. Fairbairn ; best 20 varieties of heartsease,
ditto, Mr. Rogers.
OPEN TO ALL CLASSES.—Best 12 auriculas in pots, middle
silver medal, Mr. Hill ; best seedling auricula, ditto, Mr.
Dickson; best polyanthus, ditto, Mr. Harding; best seedling
ditto, small silver medal, Mr. Barnard ; best 12 hyacinths in
pots, middle silver medal, Mr. Macarthey ; second best ditto,
small silver medal, Mr. Naylor; best six camellias in pots,
large silver medal, Mr. Lake; best specimen camellia, middle
silver medal, Mr. Lake; best specimen plant, large silver
medal, Mrs. Powers; second best ditto, middle silver medal,
Mr. Coutts ; third ditto, small silver medal, Mr. Dickson ;
best fruits grown in England, middle silver medal, Mr. Sadler ;
best vegetables ditto, ditto, Mr. Conway.
MISCELLANEOUS PLANTS. —EXTRA PRlZES.—Cactus, Messrs.
Bright; specimen camellia, J. Allnutt, Esq. ; specimen
plants, Messrs. Atlee, Coutts, end Dawson ; cut flowers, Mr.
Sadler.
A prize for the best British herbarium, as also of exotic
cultivated specimens, given by Mr. W. Christy, junior, to Mr.
T. Banks.

Several important statutes have recently been passed,
respecting the expenses and conduct of the Oxford students,
in order that they may with better success apply themselves to
their studies, and be saved from extravagance. No one, until
he is of four years' standing, is to be allowed to keep a horse
or servant, without permission, to be applied for formally by
petition. No student is to be allowed, under any pretext, to
keep a dog or dogs, or to be present at, or engaged in, horse-
racing, prize-fighting, duelling, pigeon or rifle shooting, &c.,
on pain of rustication or exclusion ; nor are vehicles to be
hired or used without a licence from the proctors. There are
also other regulations, with decrees against townsmen detected
in aiding the scholars to break these statutes.

N EGRO EMANCIPATION.

GREAT MEETING at BIRMINGHAM

LAST NIGHT.
(BY EXPRESS).

Yesterday evening one of the largest and most important
meetings ever held in the Town Hall of Birmingham took
place, for the purpose of taking into consideration the pro-
priety of petitioning Parliament for the IMMEDIATE, EN-
TIRE, and UNQUALIFIED ABOLITION of the system of Negro
Apprenticeship in the British Colonies, and of adopting
such other measures as might !end to the attainment of
that important end. The requisition for convening the
meeting was signed in the short space of twenty-four hours
by upwards of two hundred of the most respectable inha-
bitants of the town and neighbourhood, including magis-
trates, bankers, merchants, and manufacturers, and com-
prising men of all sects and parties in politics and religim.
At an, early hour of the evening the Hall began to fill,
and before the time fixed for taking the chair, the body of
the building and side and front galleries, which were re-
served for ladies and others, to which admission was ob-
tained by tickets, presented a densely crowded and highly
interesting appearance.
About six o'clock the High Bailiff, WILLIAM SCHOLE-
FIELD, Esq., son of one of the Members for the Borough,
entered the organ gallery, accompanied by several Clergy-
men of the Established Church, Dissenting Ministers, and
other gentlemen of the highest respectability.
The HIGH BAILIFF, on taking the chair, said very few
words were necessary for him to utter in introducing this
subject to their notice. The principles of slavery were,
thank God, no longer subjects of debate amongst
them. The unanimous voice of the country had determined
that Slavery, in principle, was cruel, odious, and unjust, and
it was for that meeting to decide whether that which was
unjust and odious, and cruel in principle, could in practice
be. wise or benevolent.—(Loud cheers.) He would not
trespass upon their attention, as there were many gentlemen
present to address them, but merely call upon the Secre-
tary to read the letters which he understood had been re-
ceived from many who were unable to attend. Before he
did so he would refer to the absence of two gentlemen who
would have felt pleasure in being present this evening, if it
had been in their power, to co-operate with those around
him—he alluded to Mr. Attwood and his own father. Both
were unavoidably absent this evening, but he was sure he
might say on the part of each, that they had- their best
wishes and exertions in support of the benevolent object in
view.--(Cheers.)
Mr. Was. MonuAN, the Secretary, here read letters of
apology from a number of gentlemen who had been invited
letters
m eo
tperrosot e
were
the
ai‘oodi
bb. jpeferr.ct:ot
\rnpoi frig.
SirotlhtvtEe m
Pigott, Esq.
Winning-
ton,
to attend, expressing their regret at unavoidable absence,
andW their
Amongst sincere
others, desire
11:If.oPr.,ENaVs.t Sw.yoDreuegsdtaelres,hEiresq,
M.P. for Bridgenortb, Sir Thomas Winnington, of Bewd-
ley, Mr. Villiers, M.P. for Wolverhampton, and other
gentlemen.

ABEL PEYTON, Esq., Low Bailiff, then came forward to
move the first resolution. He said he cheerfully complied
with the wishes of the Committee in rising upon the pre-
sent occasion, and would endeavour briefly to state to them
the resolution he had to propose, and the reasons why it
met with his hearty and ready concurrence. He begged,
however, in the first instance, to refer to some observations
made by Lord Stanley, when he introduced his measure
into Parliament. Upon that occasion he said he proposed
to put the slaves in possession of all the privileges of free-
men, and that the only restriction he should impose was,
that they should continue to labour a certain time under
their presenet employers ; that they should not be subjected
to corporeal punishment ; and that those nearest and dearest
to them should not be insulted and rendered liable to the
degradations which they then endured. These were the
sentiments and propositions with which Lord Stanley in-
troduced his Bill for the emancipation of the negro into
Parliament—it was to those propositions the-eoloniel slave-
holders consented—it was on the distinct pledge that those
propositions would be carried out by the Colonial Legisla-
ture that the British people consented to give twenty millions
of money, instead of the originally proposed loan of fifteen
millions ; he might be allowed, perhaps, to show, in re-
ference to another document which he held in his hand, and
which was a summary of punishments inflicted on the ap-
prenticed labourers in the British Colonies, which would
exhibit the spirit in which the propositions of Lord Stanley
had been carried out, and what was the present state of the
slave population in their Colonies. This document was
compiled from Parliamentary returns from 17 Colonies
from nine to twenty-two months, by which it appeared that
nearly 140,000 punishments had been inflicted, equal to
about one-fourth part of the whole slave population, includ-
ing about 29,000 who had been punished by flogging, and
104,000 by mulcts of time—by imprisonment with hard
labour—by working in chains—by the tread-mill—by the
stocks—by solitary confinement in dark cells—anti by fines
end extra labour on estates.—(Loud cries of " Shame.")
He should not particularize further, hut merely repeat,
that this statement was compiled from Parliamentary Re-
turns, and might be considered authentic, from which they
might see how far they ought to be satisfied with what
they had got for the immense sacrifice which had been made
by the British people. He would not occupy their time
further than by reading the resolution which he had to
submit for their approval, and which was to the following
effect :

" 1. That this meeting consider the nation bound to perse-
vere in its efforts for the instant extinction of the present
cruel system of apprenticeship in the 'West Indies ; the more
so as they cannot contemplate, without the most serious ap-
prehensions, the approaching period when a numerous class
who have looked for the enjoyment of freedom, will find them-
selves deprived of it, in consequence of fraudulent registration,
and when the vast majority of the negroes who are registered
as prmdials, contrasting their situation with that of their more
fortunate brethren, may be unable any longer patiently to en.
dure their wrongs. And this meeting will promote, by all
constitutional means, the Bill of Lord Brougham, and the
motion of which Sir Eardley Wilmot has given notice in Par-
liament."

The Rev. Mr. MARSH in seconding the resolution, ob-
served that the want of physical strength had prevented his
being present on a late occasion when the cause of Tem-
perance had been pleaded in that hall. He (Mr. Marsh)
was the friend of that cause, because he was the friend of
the mind, the friend of the body, and the friend of the
estate of the children of men.—( Hear, hear.) For the
same reason, although with very little more physical strength,
he had met his friends this evening, because the Anti.
slavery Society was the friend of the mind, the friend of the
body, and the friend of hundreds of thousands of their fel-
low men, of their fellow Christians, and their fellow citizens.
( Hear, and cheers.) He therefore thought they were
assembled that night to promote a just and righteous
cause. It might, indeed, be asked why he as a minis-
ter of religion had come forward to move or second
a resolution at a meeting which related only to
civil liberty ? His answer was that, as a minister of peace
and religion, he had a right to plead the cause of civil
liberty—(Loud cheers)—that he had a right to appeal to
Ciasar when his fellow citizens and fellow Christians were
unrighteously oppressed.—(Cheers.) But he maintained
that, on the present occasion, he was not merely pleading
the cause of civil liberty, but also that of religious liberty—.
( Hear)—for, if they made a man a slave, and treated him
as such, and, as an irresponsible being, they lowered him to
the state of a brute—when they had done that, and de-
prived him of his civil liberty, he was sure to be de-
prived of his religious liberty also.—(Hear, and cheers.)
He would appeal to the history of their West India Colo-
nies; in confirmation of the truth of that remark, for reli-
gious liberty was altogether unknown in the West Indies.
--(Hear, hear.) Had he (Mr. Marsh) been cross-ques-
tioned on the subject, and that a reference had been made
to the state of Lord Chatham, who was brought in a dying
state into the House of Lords, he would have claimed per-
mission to cross-question the other party.—( Hear.) If
lie
had been asked, " Do you know with whom you associate?
—have you forgotten the old adage,tell me your company,
and I'll tell yon what you are?"—he (Mr. Marsh) could
answer that he was associated with the respectable and in-
fluential requisition by which the present meeting had been
convened—(Cheers)—that he: was associated with that
honourable list of names who were the lovers of liberty and
the advocates of civil and religious freedom all over the
world.—(Cheers.) But supposing for a moment that he
differed from all the members of the Anti-Slavery Society
on the subject of politics or religion—what then ?--(Hear,
hear, hear.) Was he not to unite with them, for instance,
in erecting hospitals for the diseased ?--was he not to unite
with them in providing a place of refuge for the dis-
tressed ?—was he not to unite with them in any benevo-
lent acts for the relief ofthe wants of the poor—and was he
not to unite with them in the cause of justice, the cause of
mercy, the cause of religion, and the cause, he added, of
God?—(Great cheering.) Justice ! Oh, he heard the
Barrister on the other side asking, where was the justice of
breaking a covenant made with the possessors of property
in the West Indies ? That question, he would say, had
better not be put, for he would ask in return, who was it
that had broken the covenant ?—the people who had
given twenty millions of money for the purpose of protect-
ing their fellow-men from the cruelty and injustice with
which they had been treated—or those who had broken
the covenant after the money had been paid to them,
under the name of the apprenticeship system ?—(Hear.)
He would ask, was not the tread-mill still continued in
the West Indies?—(Hear.) If so he would say that slavery
still existed there in its worst form. The Barrister, therefore,
had better not put such a question, because it would recoil
upon himself, and it only showed that those who lived in
glass-houses snould not throw stones.—(Hear, hear.) He
was happy, however, to say that there were a few honour-
ableexceptions to the general system of cruelty, op-
pression, and slavery that now prevailed in the West

Indies, and he mentioned with delight the name of the
Marquis of Sligo.—(Loud cheers.) He regretted that
other slave proprietors had not followed the noble example
of the Marquis of Sligo. He would mention also another
individual, a connexion of his own, who, at a great expense
and the risk of his health, had visited the \Vest Indies three
several times, to enable him, as far as in him lay, to ame-
liorate the condition of the slaves ; and he was gratified to
add that that noble-minded individual had also abolished
the apprenticeship system, and set all his slaves at perfect
liberty.—(Much cheering.) He would not trespass longer
upon their time—he had come there for the purpose of
advocating the cause of civil and religious liberty—the
cause of mercy, humanity, and of God.—(Cheers.) He was
persuaded that there was not one in that immense as-
semblage who did not deeply sympathise with them in the
great cause in which they were embarked. Much had been
said of exaggeration on their side of the question, but
when the truth came out he believed it would be found that
the brutality and cruelty practiced under the apprenticeshiy
pystem was in many cases greater than it had been during
the existence of the slave system itself.—(Hear, hear.)
What was it he would ask which gave to human life its
best privileges, but civil and religious liberty ? What was
it which conferred upon the flower of existence its greatest
beauty, and its best perfume, hut civil and religious liberty ?
—(Cheers.) Deprive him of that, and they renderedhim but
a weed which was liable to be cut down and trodden under
foot. He would refer them to the statements contained in
the narrative of James Williams, and there was not a
Christian man who read it who would not hold up his
hand against the system of injustice, oppression, and
cruelty which had been pursued towards him, and the
other unfortunate negroes. So long as he had a voice
to speak,and a heart to beat, hehoped that voice would be
hilted up and that heart would beat responsive to the reso-
utions which would be proposed and seconded in the
course of that evening.—(Hear.) He trusted the pro-
ceedings of that meeting wouldfind an echo in every part of
the kingdom, and that they would be wafted across the
Atlantic like his Hon. Friend on his right (Mr. Sturge),
and produce a proper effect in that quarter ; that their
effect would not only be felt there but in the Southern
States of North America, and make the slave-owners there
know that every lover of civil and religious liberty was the
friend of the poor and oppressed negro ; and that they would
not cease their exertions until they had effected the full and
unqualified emancipation of that unhappy race.—(Vehe-
ment cheering.)
JOSEPH STURGE, Esq. here came forward and was re-
ceived with enthusiastic cheering. He said I need not dwell
upon the reasons which call for our renewed exertion, as
those which induced us a few months ago, in this hall, so
unanimously to resolve upon endeavouring to secure the
freedom of our negro fellow-subjects apply with increased
force at the present moment.—( Hear, hear.) It may,
however, be fairly asked, what are your hopes of success,
after so recent a defeat ? In the first place, I would re-
ply, that so far from considering the late decision in the
House of Commons, upon the question, as a defeat, we
view it as a great moral triumph. For not only were we
opposed by the West India interests—the leaders of the
Conservative party—and the whole weight and influence of
the Government ; but I am sorry to say, we were deserted
by a large portion of those on whom we most confidently
rested our expectations of success—l mean the Irish and
Scotch Members.—(Hear.) The debate was also abruptly
closed at the end of one of the most able speeches ever
made in that House in favour of the slave-holders. We
complain, likewise, that Sir G. Strickland's motion for
the abolition of the apprenticeship on the Ist of August
next was not met by a direct negative on the part ofthe Go-
vernment ; but, by an amendment, that a Bill which had
passed the House of Lords a second time should be read
a second time, which Bill passed that House without op-
position, on the distinct understanding that it was not to
interfere with Lord Brougham's Bill, having the same ob-
ject as Sir George Strickland's motion. Yet, under all
these disadvantageous circumstances, 217 Members, of all
political parties, voted for the freedom of the negro.—
(Loud cheers.) There is no circumstance I regret more
than the defection of so many Irish and Scotch Mem-
bers, for hitherto we have been supported by a large majo-
rity of them, and we always depended upon a large majority
of them in favour of immediate emancipation, until the late
occasion, when 29 Irish Members voted for the
Negro freedom, 41 against it, and 35 were absent. Of
the Scotch 10 voted for, and 26 against it. Some time
before this discussion took place, a gentleman as compe-
tent to give an :,pinion on the point as any man in the
united kingdom, told me he thought we should have 80
Irish Members voting in our favour. Now, had this been
the case, and supposing the whole of the remaining 25 had
voted against us, yet we would still have been in a majority
of 13.—( Hear, hear.) It is now clearly understood that
the deputation of many of the Irish and Scotch, and some
of the English M. P.'s, arose from a fear that Ministers
would resign if they were left in a minority on this ques-
tion ; but I would tell the constituents of these gentle-
men that those who would desert the banner of
freedom for the sake of a political party, when it
is hoisted in favour of the negro, will desert it when
it is unfurled to protect Englishmen, Scotchmen,
or Irishmen, if their freedom interfere between them and
their interest to do so.—(Applause.) But what a picture
did a Ministry calling itself liberal exhibit at the late de-
bate, if the report be true, that they would resign office
rather than grant liberty to the negro, in compliance with
the nation's prayer, though that nation had paid twenty
millions for their deliverance ?—And it is now admitted by
the Government itself, that the slave-owners have violated
the conditions upon which this sum was granted. I con-
fess, as one of those who were honestly inclined to support
the present Ministers, I could have wept over the disgrace
they have brought upon my country.—(Cheers.) Sir G.
Grey, who spoke at great length, and whose peculiar duty
it was, as Colonial Secretary, to shield the unfortunate,
oi'p'jpurreesdsorsslavae; appeared as much the advocate of their
though lie had been retained for the
purpose--(Shame, shame)--and some of his statements
were inconsistent if not at direct variance with those of
his superiors in office. Lord Glenelg, when he introduced
his Bill in the House of Lords--I was sitting behind the
Bar at the time—when he had addressed the House for
about an hour and a half, one of the Members friendly to
our cause came and said to me, " I congratulate you on
Sir G. Grey's speech." Another said, " Lord G. has lost
his moral power."—(Cheers.) Lord Howick, who resigned
office in 1833, rather than be a party to the atrocious
scheme,
now
came forward in support of it, though he
admitted the evils he had contemplated had resulted
from
all
it, and Lord John Russell defended the legal claim of
in man, and deprecated any attention being
the property
paid to the voice of the country on this subject. Finally, ,
sptoeec hear—on whose votes that
, which 100 to 130 of our
Legislators William
Gladstone m
the House was pressed to a division, under the influence of
night depended all that was due to upwards of half a mil-
mion of human beings, though they absented themselves
while the friends of the negro were speaking—this Wil-
c e' in
ham Gladstone, the Member of Parliament for Newark,sat
a s
a Judge on the Committee before whom I was examined
last year, though his famil • have had awarded to them up-
wards of 100,000/. from a generous but deluded people, and
now he comes forward as the avowed advocate of the slave-
holders. His false statements, and his appeals to the prin-
ciples of eternal justice against any infringement of his
human property, for which you have paid the ransom, were
received with cheers from all parts of the House.—(Ex-
pressions
of indignation.) I hold in my hand a list of
sums awarded to different individuals receiving upwards of
3,000/., which will give some idea of how far it has gone
to the relief of distress, though this amount does not enable
u, to get at the largest receivers—l mean the mortgagees.
We have, however, the following results from the Parlia-
mentary Papers :

SUMMARY.
303 From 3,0001. to 5,0001.
250 From 5,0001. to 1,000/.
87 From 1,000/. to 1,500/.
44 From 1,500/. to 20,0001.
35 From 20,000/. to 30,0001.
12 From 30,0001. to 40,000/.
8 From 40,0001. to 50,000/.
4 From 50,000/. to 60,000/.
1 From 60,000/. to 70,000/.
1 From 70,0001. to 80,000/.
2 From 80,000/. to 100,000/.
3 Above 100,000/.
20 Awards to individuals of rank or public
---- station under 3,000/.

780
These sums came out of the hard earnings of the British
public. John Gladstone's family is one of the three who
have received upwards of 100,000/. ; and while his son
opposes us in the House of Commons, he has succeeded
In getting a law passed to renew slavery for five years in
Demerara, and is, I believe, at the present moment em-
ploying Part of the money you have given him in a new
slave trade from the East Indies,while the slaves for whom
you have paid the ransom are still in bondage on his estates.
Under such circumstances as I have described the division in
the House of Commons took place, at a time when
three or four able advocates were ready to speak on be-
half of the negro. On a calm examination of the question,
we think, if its friends exert themselves, our hopes of suc-
cess on Sir Eardley Wilmot's motion are well founded.
However I
poli-
tical questions, it is but an act of justice to him to
may differ from those gentlemen 'on some e
state, that there is not a warmer friend to the cause
in the House of Commons, and that nothing but absolute
inability from sickness would have presented him from
bringing forward the motion which Sir G. Strickland
kindly undertook for him. I am glad to say he is so far
recovered, that he feels confident he shall now be able to
move the immediate and total abolition of the apprentice-

ship which stands for the Bth of next month. Mr. Sturge
here read the following extract :
" I trust, however, nothing will prevent me moving,- the re •
solutions of which I have given notice for the Bth of May ;
and you and your friends may be assured, I will with zeal and
perseverance assist the holy cause in which we are engaged.
" Believe me, dear Sir,
6' Your's ever sincerely,
" J. EARDLEY WILMOT."

We are not without hopes that some of those who voted
against us will next time vote in our favour, or not
vote at all ; and we are rather sanguine, that of the
170 Members of Parliament who were absent on the last
division, a considerable majority will, on the coming occa-
sion, vote in favour of freedom. The minority on Sir G.
Strickland's motion, be it recollected, was only 54 ; and
though our hopes of success must, under Providence, de-
pend upon our having " a long pull, a strong pun, and a
pull altogether," yet I think I have said enough to flaow
our position is an encouraging one. We derive en-
couragement also from the fact that the information
by every packet from the West Indies strengthens our
cause. The resolution states there can be no executive
principle in a law for the protection of the slave
against his master. This must always be the case, and I
believe I should not be speaking too strongly, if I say that
it would be as easy to make water flow up hill as to protect
a man from oppression, who could not choose his own master.
I will illustrate this by one or two facts :—A humane sti-
pendiary magistrate informed me that he found it the most
beneficial to the negro not to enforce the law against the
master. Most of our friends, I believe, know that the re-
sult of an official investigation into James Williams's narra-
tive not only confirmed its truth but brought far greater
horrors to light. Now if any one was likely to be protected
for doing their duty it would, you will say, have been the
negroes, who came forward as witnesses on such a public exa-
mination, ordered by the Government. How far this was
the case you will judge by the extracts from the following
letters :

Extract of a letter from John Clark, Brown's Town :
" Dec. 19, 1837.

" Senior (the former owner of James Williams) is irre-
claimable—exposure and disgrace appear only to make him
wore and excite his vindictive passions. Because of the evi-
dence which his faithful servant, William Dolling, gave, he
threatens to prosecute him for perjury, and is seeking to in-
jure him and to make his life miserable. A few weeks ago he
brought him to Mr. Tyfe, the new special Magistrate, who
was obliged to dismiss the case. Senior is now complaining
to the Governor respecting Mr. Fyfe. I have felt it to be my
duty to recommend William Dolling to give notice of valua-
tion, and must by some means assist him to purchase his
freedom."

I informed the Colonial-office of this. They promised
to write to the Governor to protect him. I told them
they would not, as before the dispatch arrived Senior would
have extorted from the poor man and his friends the price
of his freedom to escape his cruel oppression, and that they
might judge what that would be from the fact that I gave
34/. 13s. 4d. currency per annum for the remaining time of
the boy Williams. I fear my opinion was correct, and
may be judged by the extract of the following received by
the last packet :

" Jamaica, Feb. 24, 1838.

" William Dolling, the man whose evidence was so clear
and satisfactory, has since then purchased the remaining term
of his apprenticeship ; his life, after the inquiry, became very
irksome, and he was therefore glad to get out of the power of
his master, Mr. Senior. Several attempts were made to get
him to contradict the evidence which he gave before the Com-
missioners, and as he firmly objected to do anything of the
sort he was subject to considerable annoyance. This I had
from himself. Ile mentioned to me that Senior is going on
in his old way, and that the provision grounds of several of
the Penshurst apprentices have been lately destroyed by him
during the temporary absence of Mr. Fyfe, the Special
Magistrate."
I will only read one other case of the kind, to show the
consequences of seeing justice done, received also by the
last packet :
_