The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-14 00:00:00

THE NEW REFORM BILL

, Lord J. RUSSELL then rose for the purpose of asking
leave of the house to introduce a bill further to amend the
laws relating to the representation of the people. He said,
—lt is usual for speakers, in bringing forward any measure
in this house, to magnify the importance of the subject they
are about to submit to the notice of the house, and of the
measure which they propose to introduce ; but it is not my
intention to take any such course on the present occasion•
On the contrary, I think that the importance of the measure
I am about to introduce has been already unduly magnified
in public apprehension. The name of a Reform Bill recalls
to recollection a period of great excitement—a period when
we deliberated amid the flames of Nottingham and of Bris-
tol, when there was a collision between the two houses of
Parliament, and when ultimately the measure only passed
with the obviously reluctant assent of the House of Lords.
(Hear, hear.) Ido not contemplate that the present mea-
sure will lead to any such excitement, and I trust that it
will not be passed amid similar difficulties. (Hear, hear.)
It appears to me that we may fairly and duly consider the
provisions of the Reform Act with a view to supply what
is deficient,—to amend that which is in need of correction,
and to improve that which stands in need of improvement.
It appears to me, likewise, that at the present time we
can do this with calmness, and, at all events, with delibe-
ration, and that we may modify or vary the provisions of
any measure which is before the house, w ith a view to
make it as perfect an act of legislation as possible. (Hear,
hear.) lam told, however—and the objection is a very
common one—that we are now on the brink of war, and
that Mr. Pitt not only declined to proceed with measures
of reform he had formerly introduced, but actually op-
posed reform when in a position of a similar character.
Now, if I professed 'myself to be bound by any master on
these political questions, Mr. Pitt would not be that mas-
ter ; but Mr. Pitt himself first introduced the subject of
Parliamentary reform in 1782, in a period of war, and a
period when he himself represented the country to be in the
greatest peril from the forces of the combined enemies op-
posed to it. But, looking rather to those in whose prin-
ciples I most cordially agree, I find that in 1793, imme-
diately after the commencement of war, Mr. Grey pro-
posed to this house to consider the question of the reform
of Parliament. In doing so, he made a remark which I
have often had to make in this house, that there is no time
for the consideration of the question of reform that 'appears
fit to those who are the opponents of reform. (Hear, hear.)
If everything is quiet they say— " Can free men be more
than free—can men who are happy be more than happy ?"
If, on the other hand, it be a time of war and alarm, they
then appeal to that state of war and alarm as a conclusive
reason against the consideration of the question. (Hear,
hear.) Mr. Fox supported Mr. Grey on that occasion. In
1797, when the war had proceeded for some time, and
when its character, as one of the most hazardous and
•ostly in which this country could be engaged, could not
be mistaken, Mr. Grey renewed the measure for reform,
and was again supported in a most powerful speech by
Mr. Fox. Nay, more than this, when Mr. Grey became a
member of the House of Lords, where it is not, certainly,
incumbent on any one to introduce the question of the re-
presentation of the people, he, in 1810, as Lord Grey—in
bringing before the House of Lords the state of the nation—
pointed out the defects of the representative system of this
country, declared that his principles on that subject were
not changed, and though he was, perhaps, less warm and
sanguine than he had been, yet he thought a temperate
and gradual correction of the abuses of the representative
system was necessary in order to restore the country to a
state of content. At that time the country was in the
greatest danger. The sun of Wellington had not yet risen
to its meridian, and Lord Grey depicted in most gloomy
colours the situation of the country, stating that during
the war the burdens of the people had risen from 16,000,0001.
to 80,000,0001. Many men may differ front the opinions

then expressed by that noble lord, but no one could doubt
the courage, constancy, and consistency of Charles Earl
Grey. (Hear, hear, hear.) That which in the midst
of war he attempted in vain, he lived to accom-
plish in a time of peace. (Hear, hear.) But I am told
that the peculiar position of present affairs makes it emi-
nently inexpedient to introduce into Parliament the ques-
tion of the state of the representation. I own I cannot see
that. (Hear.) I can very well imagine that if we were
in the same state of circumstances as existed in 1803—if
there were an apprehension of immediate invasion, and
people were engaged in collecting together militia and
volunteers, and calling upon their neighbours to prepare
and resist a foreign enemy, I can conceive that then neither
this subject, nor the state of the University of Oxford, nor
of the ecclesiastical courts, nor of the laws relating to the
settlement of the poor, would properly engage the atten-
tion of this house ; and our thoughts would be directed to
nothing but the means necessary for the defence of the
country. But, much as I abhor war, much as I deprecate
the evils of war, I confess I do net view war with that ap-
prehension with which some hon. gentlemen seem to regard
it. I can conceive that we should be able to provide all
the means necessary to carry ou war with vigour —and, if
carried on at all, it ought to be carried on with vigour—
(cheers)—and, at the same time, have full time for delibe-
ration on those of our domestic concerns which appear most
to require consideration. (Hear, hear.) This apprehen-
sion of our being unable to attend to those topics from the
time war should be declared—if unfortunately war should
be declared—this idea that there is such danger in Russian
armaments and forces, appears to me, I confess, one of
those thoughts which may be described as having in it
only one part of wisdom and three parts of cowardice, and
I must say'it does not affect me. (Hear, hoar.) I, there•
fore, now proceed to consider what it is we should do
with respect to the present st.ite of our representation ;
but I will first refer to a document which I think will
at least show the house the progress we have made since
a period I have lately adverted to—viz., 1793, in attain-
ing the object of a fair and full representation of the
people. In a petition presented to this house in the name
of the Association of the Friends of the People, I find
several statements which I will repeat, in order that this
House may see how different was the condition of the re-
presentation in those days from its at present.
The petitioners stated that 70 members were
returned by btu-gage tenure —electors none. In 1854 no
member was so returned. They stated that 90 members
wh the nuber f lectors did were returned by_p
herelaces areere now no members e RO returned.
not exceed 50. T
They stated that, besides 160 so returned, 37 were returned
by places where the number of voters did not exceed 100.
There are at present no members so returned. Besides
these 197,
they also stated that 52 were returned by places
where the number of voters did not exceed 200. I believe.
that there is not more than one member, at all events, so
returned at present. They stated, again, that 20 members
for counties in Scotland were returned' by less than 100
electors each, 10 by less than 250 each. There is no mem-
ber for a Scotch county so returned at present They also
stated that there were 13 districts of burghs not contain-
ing 100 voters each, and two not containing 125 each, re-
turning 15 members. This state of things no longer ex-
ists. They stated that in this manner 294 members weld
chosen, being a majority of the House. Well, instead of
these small places returning members to Parliament, there
are now members returned for Manchester, Leeds, Shef-
field, Birmingham, and other places, which are the seats
of wealth and industry. (Hear, hear.) They went on to
state that there were distinctions which perplexed and
confounded the rights of voting. Those distinctions have
mostly been abolished ; and the rights of voting which are
established are comparatively easy and simple. They
stated that there were freemen resident and non-resident
—freedom by redemption, by election, and by purchase.
In respect to the right of voting, these distinctions have
been abhlished. They stated that religious opinions created
au incapacity to vote ; that all Papists were excluded gene-
rally, and, by the operation
,of. the test laws, Protestant
Dissenters were deprived of a voice in the election of repre-

sentatives in about 30 burg hs where t ;
confined to corporate officers alone.' Th •
Roman Catholics have been repealed, an., 1 •
of the Test and Corporation Acts, corpora Ark:••!
opened to Protestant Dissenters. They stated att o
holders generally were excluded. At present the lethoulak
holders are admitted by the Reform Act. They stated that
in Scotland superiority without property gave a title to
vote. This is entirely altered by the Reform Act. And
they stated, lastly, that the polls for counties were taken
in one place and lasted 15 days. This, too, has been altered,
and an instance occurred only last Saturday of the poll for
a county being taken in one day, and in many places. I
state these things to show that great improvements have
been made in the condition of this house as representing
the people since 1.793. (Hear.) I need scarcely state, be-
cause the house must have them fresh in recollection, the
important measures which have passed during the period
that has elapsed since the Reform Act was carried, elle,
the abolition of slavery, the opening of the trade to China,
the reform of the corporations in England, Scotland, and
Ireland, the measures taken for the reform of the tariff,
the repeal of the corn laws, the equalisation of the sugar
duties, and the repeal of the navigation laws. These are
only some of the measures which occupied Parliament dur-
ing the period that has elapsed since the passing of the Re-
form Act. (Hear.) Well, then, I come to consider what it
is that now remains for us to do in order to enable this
house still more fully to represent the people at large. In
opening this subject I should state that I think there are
three main defects which either belonged to or were left by
the Reform Act, and which require the serious attention
of this house. The first of these is that, though. a very
large disfranchisement took place at that time, there are
still several boroughs which hardly contain a sufficient
number of electors to justify their retaining the power
of sending members to this house. (Loud cheers.) But,
in stating that as a defect, and in seeking to amend,
it, I wish likewise to state that I do not concur in some
of the objections made on this head. I do not concur,
for instance, in the opinion that there ought to be
anything like an equal number of electors in every place
returning members. My belief is, that you would hardly
get a fair representation of the people without some variety
in this respect in our system. If you only look to the
history of the last few years you will find, during the
continuation of the agitation which existed on the subject
of free trade, that at a public meeting in some agricultu-
ral county great applause was given to those who depicted
the selfishness and cupidity of the manufacturers, and at-
tributed their efforts for free trade to such feelings. On
the other hand, at meetings in great manufacturing towns
the landed aristocracy were held up to odium ; a mono-
poly of power was imputed to them and denounced as a
great evil. There existed, however, a vast number of pw-
ple in the country who neither listened to nor believed in
these representations. A great portion of the people, con-
sisting of many of the most moderate and calm men, justly
thought that the landed aristocracy were useful to the
country, contributing to the maintenance and stability of
the free institutions of the State, and who likewise were
of opinion that the country derived great benefit from the
industry of the commercial and manufacturing classes.
(Hear.) If, then, you were to adopt such a plan of reform
as would give the representation only to counties and large
cities, you would want that mediating element, that infu-
sion of moderation, which is derived from those members
who are returned by neither counties nor large towns.
(Hear.) I think, likewise, that it would be impossible—l
will not say whether it would be desirable or not—but I
think it would be impossible in the present social state of
this country, with our law of primogeniture and with the
great proprietors who are found in this country, to attempt
to prevent the influence of those great proprietors affecting
the returns for counties. That is an evil which has been
frequently pointed out as one that ought to be got rid
of ; but it is not with that view I think it necessary to
make the changes which I now propose. At the time
of the Reform Bill I said that there were a certain
number of boroughs which, though small, still had a
sufficient number of electors to enable them to make an
independent election. The number of electors which
I then stated that all boroughs should at least have
in my opinion was 300. I find several boroughs which
fall below that number. I find, likewise, that there are
boroughs which, though they exceed in electors the num-
ber of 300, yet in point of population are not considerable,
the population, in fact, falling below 5,000. I shall pro-
pose, therefore, to deal with the boroughs in that state.
Proceeding to some other boroughs which are not so small,
I find a certain number which have less than 500 electors,
and others less than a population of 10,000, returning two
members each. I shall propose to deal with these boroughs
by depriving them of one of their members. Taking the
double scale of electors and population, I find that the
number of boroughs which have less than 300 electors, or
having 300 electors have less than 5,000 population, are
119 ; and the number of members which they return to
I Parliament is 29. The number of boroughs in the next
table which have less than 510 electors or less than a po-
, potation of 10,000, is no fewer than 33. If the first class
of boroughs were entirely disfranchised, and one member
taken from each of the boroughs in the second class, the
numbers of this house would then be reduced by 62 seats.
The next defect in the Reform Act that I have to mention
is, that I think it has tended too much to divide the coun-
try in a way in which it was not before divided—into op-
posite camps, according as people are connected with land
or with trade. I think we have seen—what was not the
case before—the county members too exclusive, generally,
on their part in respect to the interest they eared for, and
the members for great cities too exclusive also on their
part. Before I proceed to state the mode in which I pro-
pose that the 62 seats should be filled up, I will mention
that I think a very great advantage would be derived
from a change, which has been advocated in writings and
pamphlets—namely, that there should be a representation
given to the minority. (Hear, hear.) In looking over
the numbers that have voted for some of the larger coun-
ties and for some of the great cities, I find that there
are 2,000, 3,000, and 4,000 who vote for the unsuccessful
candidate, while perhaps 100 or 150 more are found
on the side of the successful candidate. It appears to
us that many advantages would attend the enabling the
minority to have a part in these returns. In the first place,
there is apt to be a feeling of great soreness when a very
considerable number of electors, such as I have mentioned,
are completely shut out from a share in the representation.
In one county it may be the Liberal party—in a great town
it may be the Conservative party ; but, if these electors
form a very large body, I have been told—l don't know it
from practical experience—that there is a very great irri-
tation and anger at their perpetual exclusion. In the next
place, I think that the more you have your representation
confined to large populations, the more ought you to take
care that there shall be some kind of balance, and that the
large places returning members to this house shall send
those who represent the community in general. Now, when
there is a very large body excluded, it cannot be said that
the community at large is fairly represented. Our plan
would only be adopted when three members represent a
county or city. When that is the case, supposing there to
be a decided majority, even of 100 or 150, that majority
should at all events have two members out of the three, so
that in this house there might be two to one on any divi-
sion that might take place. I think, besides, that such a
provision would have a great tendency to prevent angry
contests. I propose now to explain in what manner the
seats I have mentioned are to be filled up. I have stated
more than once, in answer to gentlemen who complained
that there were places of 6,000 or 7,000 inhabitants which
returned as many members as places of 60,000 or 70,000
Inhabitants, that if we were to reform the representation
according to the numbers of the people, then a town of
10,000 or 15,000 inhabitants must yield to the claim of
great counties which have 200,000, 300,000, or 400,000
inhabitants. I remember the right honourable member
for Buckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli) maintaining that
argument with great ability, in answer to a proposition
made in this house during the time he was Chancellor
of the Exchequer. It appears to me that the argument
is founded in fairness and in justice. We shall pro-
pose, therefore, to take population generally as the rule
to be applied in the manner I have stated. We shall
take in the first place the West Riding of the county of
York, which has nearly 800,000 inhabitants, besides the
inhabitants of towns which are represented. We shall
take the county of Lancaster, the southern division of
which has, I think, about 500,000 inhabitants. We shall
divide these two counties, and to each of these divisions
we propose to give three members ; and, going on with
counties and with towns, we shall propose to give an addi-
tional member to each county and to each town which has
more than 100,000 inhabitants. Then we shall propose
that, in giving their votes, the electors shall vote as they
do at present, only for two candidates out of the three, so
that when the minority exceeds two-fifths of the whole
number of electors they will be enabled to have one repre-
sentative out of the three who are returned. [This state-
ment was followed, for some moments, by a low murmur
of conversation among hon. members.] The consequence
of taking this rule will be, that four members will be
added for the West Riding of York, and four for the South
Lancashire division, and there will be, I think, 38 for
other counties, making 40 altogether. There are also eight
towns having more than 100,000 inhabitants, and the
borough of Salford, with more than 80,000 inhabitants,
which at present return representatives ; without includ-
ing the metropolitan boroughs, for we have considered
notthe
metropolitan boroughs as parts of one great city, and
s separate towns of themselves—(clieers from the Opposi-
tion) —and to each of these towns we propose to give one
additional member. We shall propose also to give one
member to each of three towns which have more than 20,000
inhabitants each—Birkenhead, Staleybridge, and Burnley.
We propose—what has been often asked—that
Kensington
Chelsea shall be formed into a borough,
en
s shalling on thenan
d
and that two members shall be sent to Parliament from that
district. (Cheers.) There is another kind of representation
which has been often advocated, and which we propose, at
least in some degree, to recommend. I will first mention
the Inns of Court. (Cheers, and laughter.) I know some
numberhon.enotflelamweynenthiinnkthis ho
that v
ltiseeh. aNLaulrgehatdeyr, and
asnur loud
eee ri
putng .t)heSt.erpt,ressiro,itma
fiitanhne
which
1 is
, e
twohnlai teti nwnwuev ‘ee• edphiC(a)l
shouldos propose to
ytioorwi ninptehr se
upaos tni
eptlwacoeofitt,heitmno,ositillbineemntoalta:sveyneers-
in the country returned to this house ; and I believe,
while, of course, lawyers would have as good a chance as
any other candidates, if not a better, in boroughs in gene-
ral--(laughter)—that the lawyers who belong to the Inns
of Court would take a pride in choosing two of the most
eminent of their profession to represent them in this house.
I cannot but think, and lam sure the house will agree
with me, that it is a very great advantage to us to have
some most eminent lawyers to assist in our debates ; and,
if we are in any degree liable to be misled with regard to
legal doctrines by those who have not enjoyed so much ex-
perience and who have not attained the same eminence,
the opinions given by the first lawyers of the day are sure
to sway the house and to prevent its being led to adopt
erroneous views. Wo propose, therefore, to give two
members to the Inns of Court. We propose, likewise to
give one member to the University of London. (Hear,
hear.) Considering that the two great Universities—the
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge—are so much con-
nected with the church, I think it is only fair that a
University which opens its doors to the whole country
should have the power of sending a member t*this house.
(Hear, and cheers.) I will state more particularly after-
wards the counties and towns to which additional
members will be given ,• but I will now advert to what I
have before mentioned in this house, and what I think
a defect in the Reform Act which still remains to be
corrected. Hardly any variation took place from the
first proposal we made with respect to the disfranchise-
ment of boroughs under that act. In the first draught—
the rough draught—l sketched of the Reform Bill, I
proposed that 50 boroughs should be entirely disfran-
chised, and that 50 other boroughs should send only
one member each. (Hear.) That proposal was somewhat
varied, but in the end I think 56 boroughs were disfran-
chised, and it was provided that 30 should send only one
member each. The measure eventually adopted varied but
little from the original proposal I had made to the com-
mittee appointed by Lord Grey to consider the plan of the
Reform Bill ; but with
regard to the franchise to be given
a great deal of consideration took place. even after the
bill was brought into this house, before the Government
of the day finally made up their minds on the subject. It
was proposed that there should be a 101, rating ; it was
thought at ono time that the qualification should even be

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