The Sun.
London, England, 1854-10-25 00:00:00

'LONDON, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 25, 1854,

On Saturday we announced the arrival at Mar-
seilles, on the previous day, of the City of Lon-
don, transport ship, bringing advices from Con-
stantinople of the 13th, and from B tlaklava,
including official despatches from Lord RAGLAN,
to the 10th instant. These despatches were most
anxiously looked for. The preceding had only
been carried on to the 28th ultimo, at which time
the English commander had established himself
at Balaklava, and was making the moat energetic
preparations for the siege, which it was generally
supposed would be commenced within less than a
week. Twelve days had, however, elapsed previ-
ous to the sailing of the City. of London, and
some explanations were doubtless offered as to
the reason for the extraordinary delay, and as to
the probable time when the bombardment of the
beleaguered town would really begin. Lieutenant
KIRBY, the bearer of these important documents,
arrived in London on Sunday evening,
and forthwith delivered his interesting charge
at the War-office. We had every reason to
suppose that they would hare been given to the
public on the following day, in pursuance cf the
-voluntary promise of the Duke of NEWCASTLIL
Monday, however, passed over without any
notice.; Tuesday passed in like manner ; and
even the Gazette was published without any
allusion whatsoever. We trust that some expla-
nation will be afforded on this matter, to show
why it was that the salutary precedent should be
disregarded, which led to the publication of a
Gazette Extraordinary on the Bth inst., when the
despatches of Lord RAGLAN and Admiral DUNDAS
were published. Notwithstanding their arrival
on a Sunday, and also the additional despatches
to the 28th ult., which appeared in the Gazette
of the 10th, there was then no such vexatious
procrastinations as in the present instance, and it
is only fair that any cause which prevents the
allaying of the public anxiety for such a time
should be made known,
so that the blame should
be removed from the quarter on which it now.
rests. We have already pointed out the evil con-
sequences of permitting the unchecked circulation
of false or exaggerated reports. The " cooked
accounts of the AUTOCRAT are suffered to go forth
to the world without contradiction; designing men
are permitted to influence the Price of the national
securities ; persons desirous of making bona fide
investments are discouraged ; and all in conse-
quence of the observance of some ridiculous eti-
quette or red-tapist absurdity. Should any rule
exist preventing the immediate publication of au-
thentic intelligence we have no doubt that it
would, under the present exciting circumstances,
be completely abolished or materially modified.
It is now announced in the Moniteur " that the
trenches were opened on the night of the 9th,
that the Allies were within seven hundred
metres of Sebastopol, that earthworks were
still (on the 13th) being thrown lip, and that
it was thought the firing would commence
on the 15th !" It was also added that "the
Itue.siang continued to fire without effect, and that
they had attempted various sorties without re-
sult," " The Vienna Lloyd," contained similar ,

accounts to the same day (the 13th), with the ad-
dition that "the English batteries were ready,
though still masked, as the French were not suf-
ficiently advanced." It also stated that "it was
not for a moment doubted that Sebastopol must
fall l" We believe that there cannot be much
difficulty on the subject. The only questions
arise from the tardiness and apathy of our own
Government, which seems as if its Councils were
still influenced by a faithful friend of the CZAR,
anxious to let him off as easily as possible under
the peculiar circumstances of the case. These
may serve to encourage the foe, and to dispirit
our own countrymen ; but they cannot affect the
ultimate fate of the town, which, humanly speaking,

appears certain.
But what is to be done with it when captured ?
When thiii stronghold, with all its stores and
the remnant of the Russian navy, are actually in
our hands—we cannot relinquish the prize so
dearly purchased—we cannot be contented with
the destruction of these fortifications. If the
CZAR should be permitted, under any circum-
stances, to retain possession of the Crimea, we
should again, and probably at no very distant
date, have the work again to do. We could not
prevent him from rebuilding these threatening
fortifications, from renewing his navy. He is
now actuated by even stronger motives than
ambition or cupidity. He is possessed by a
deadly hatred of those by whom his pride was so
deeply humiliated and his power depreciated.
Now that the tables have been so completely
turned, we have his own example to refer to,
and none can object to .our right to demand ma-
terial guarantees for the permanent tranquillity
of Europe. He must never again be permitted
to menace Constantinople, or to hold possession
of any stronghold on the Euxine. The indepen-
dence of Georgia and Circassia must be main-
tained, for it was to the gallant and protracted
struggle iof the Caucasian warriors, under their
ProphetiChief SCHAMYL, that we have been in-
debted for being saved from many serious com-
plications.

With the Crimea, Bessarabia should be restored
to its ancient allegiance ; and, if NICHOLAS still
persists in refusing to accept the conditions which
we are entitled to dictate, the whole of Southern
Russia may be dealt with. In driving his troops
from these territories, we are only sending him
back to the original boundaries of his empire_.
depriving him of the unconscientious acquisitions
made by his predecessors. He will be still suf-
ficiently strongfor the protection of Russia Proper,
although no longer capable of terrifying his neigh-
bours or checking the progress of liberal opinions.
One wing will have been closely clipped—the
other, by which he is enabled to menace the
Baltic rowers, must share its fate. The various
provindes abutting on that sea, Finland,
Esthonia, Livonia, &c., offer fair marks for our
operatfons, when the possession of a suitable
armambnt of gun-boats enable our fleets to act
effectively against his strongholds in the Gulf of
Finland, against Sweaborg and Helsingfors, Revel
and Cronstadt, and possibly even St. Petersburg
itself. , We have learned that formidable blows
are to he inflicted, not against the centre but the
extremities of Russia, and we should profit by the
experience thus acquired.

We revert to the awful tragedy of the FBaNx-
LIN Vixpedition, consisting of 136 souls. A small
portidn only of the dreadful scene is before us.
A. mere moiety of the gallant band of adventurers
is accounted for. Point Sir Charles Ogle is the
restixg-place of some, and Montreal Island of
others. We refrain from harrowing the feelings
of our readers by repeating the condition in which
their honoured remains were found. We would
spare. them and their friends such a recital.
There is, however, a blood-stain somewhere. Has
every effort been made for the rescue of this noble
band, we ask ?—for let it be distinctly understood
that there were many noble souls involved in the
fate of FRANKLIN—CROZIER, FITZJAMES, STAN-
LEY, GOODSIR, are the names of officers well known
for their talents and acquirements. Many a tear
for years to come will be shed over the memory
of those brave men.

Even our own pen, stern as " Time" has made
us—for we were acquainted with some of the gal-
lant crew—loses somewhat of its steadiness as we
write. Peace, everlasting peace, to them ! Has
every effort, we repeat, been made for the rescue
of this noble band ? Too happy should we be to
answer yes ; but no. The authorities at home—
and by the authorities we mean not only the
Board of Admiralty, but the Colonial Board—
have sacrificed the FRANKLIN Expedition to a
perverse attachment to their own special views,
imbibed from one of the most prejudiced
of men, the late Sir JOHN BARROW. We have
several times warned the authorities against
large sea expeditions, and urged small land
journeys in the prosecution of Polar research.
Dr. KING, the accomplished Polar traveller, who
went down the Great Fish River in search of Sir
J. Ross, in 1833-4-5, published, at the time the
search for FRANKLIN was under consideration, a
pamphlet, entitled " Polar Sea Expeditions, and
Polar Land Journeys." Every newspaper in Eng-
land supported us in urging Dr. KING'S views of
a Polar Land Journey down the Great Fish River,
in lieu of FRANKLIN'S Polar Sea Expedition.
And when he found the Board of Admiralty were
determined to send out FRANKLIN by sea, he sub-
mitted to Lord STANLEY (now Lord DERBY), the
then Colonial Secretary, a plan for descending the
Great Fish River overland, so as to act in concert
with Sir J. FRANKLIN by sea.

And when the fate of FRANKLIN became serious,
Dr. KING implored ! first the Colonial Board, and
then the Board of Admiralty, in the most forcible
language that man could pen, to allow him to go
by the Great Fish River to the rescue of the FRANK-
LIN party. He maintained from the moment
FRANKLIN started that he would be wrecked, where
in all probability he has been wrecked, on
the western land of North Somerset, and that
he would make for the Great Fish River,
in expectation of help from home. Poor creatures !
Help from home ! Only one polar friend held
out a helping hand. Earl GREY'S answer te Dr.
KING'S powerful appeal, as well as the appeal
itself, is on record. Admiration for the one and
condemnation for the other document, was the by-
word at the time of every well-thinking man ; but
now a blot is stamped upon the answer of Earl
GREY which he will never be able to efface.
The Board of Admiralty sheltered themselves
under the cloak of a council, called the " Arctic
Council," who were made, not only once, but
twice, to report the utter impossibility of FRANKLIN
being anywhere in the neighbourhood of the
Great Fish River. The refusal of Dr. KING'S
first offer bears date the 3d of March„ 1848, and
the second offer the 28th February, 1850. What
part did Sir JOE.N. FRANKLIN'S old companion, Sir
GEORGE BACK, take in this decision of the Arctic
Council, for he was one of its members I We
are acquainted with a print entitled the " Arctic
Council," portraits of the members of the
council called together under that name
—let each man now tell his own tale.
We cannot put a permanent value on that
council until we know this. What monster evil
haunts the imagination of Sir GEORGE BACK', that
he should ever and anon lead us from that mag-
nificent river, teeming with every kind of animal
life, even up to the great human family
We think we see the poor fellows at Point Sir
Charles Ogle and Montreal Island, daily looking
up the Great Fish River in expectation of
assistance. The spring of 1850 was not the first
spring journey they had made to the Great Fish
River. The spring of 1848, surely the spring
of 1849 also, found them on the -banks
of that stream. They were evidently on the look

out for assistance—some at Montreal Island, to I
watch for a searching party, in the direction of I
the Great Fish River, and others at Pcint Sir
Charles Ogle, in the direction of the Coppermine
River. FRANKLIN evidently followed out his in-
structions to the letter, and as evidently looked
for help in the direction it should have been
made. How strange, then—howutterly unaccount-
able—how perfectly inexplicable it is that the
" Effort in Search" should have been in every
direction but the right, and, more strange still,
mostly in the direction that it should not have
been. In fact, the " effort " has been made upon
the assumption he had gone contrary, and not
according, to orders. We conclude, not only with
the words of a contemporary—" Tuna have the
permanent officials of the Admiralty prevented
FRANKLIN from being saved—his blood, and the
blood of his brave companions is on their heads "
—but with the addition that just sl much must
be borne by Earl GREY as Colonial Secretary.

The next session is three good months distant
--even the press has not yet begun to speak of it ;
it is not to be wondered at, therefore, that states-
men should be chary of committing themselves.
The great Liberal Leader in the Cabinet has just
spoken at Bedford, but—made no sign ; and the
great Leader of the Commons Opposition has been
about as cautious. The former, indeed, asserted
the conservative value of religious and civil free-
dom, and the latter coquetted with—or, we should
rather say, did not repel—the advances of political
Protestantism ; but neither dropped a word which
could commit them. Some of our contemporaries
have indeed laughed or lectured, according to their
turn, over Mr. DISRABLI'S encouragement of
Protestantism, in the Exeter Hall or Orange sense
of the word. Except, however, as Protestantism
means the principle of private judgment, we
shall not easily believe that Mr. DISRAELI
will undertake its advocacy. He, of all our poli-
ticians, will never become the Parliamentary tool
of any bigotted. priesthood. If he could conde-
scend to that, we confess it would be a falsification
of his literary character, which we cannot think
he would be guilty of,—not even to be again
Chancellor of the Exchequer. If, however, he
did make use of any influential portion of the
Church of England as a means of obtaining poli-
tical power, few of his predecessors could throw
the first stone at him, the recent speaker at Bed-
ford least of all. No one has more inconsistently
canvassed for episcopal favour, or sacrificed poli-
tico-religious principles to ward off the opposition
of Churchmen than Lord JOHN RUSSELL. They,
however, have shown but little love in return.
They knew that they were more wanted than
liked, and they have given but cold support to the
great Whig Statesman.
At Bedford he was, for an advocate of religious
liberty, in rather a striking position. Having
gone the round of the ordinary causes of the fall
of states and empires, and showed that they did
not exist in our happy country, he laid much
stress upon freedom, and religious freedom espe-
cially, as the great security of national existence
and progress. The proximity of the site of JOHN
BUNYA N'S gaol reminded him of an "immortal
work," and the persecution amid which it was
penned. That was a Protestant persecution of
those who dissented more widely from Rome than
does the Church of the noble speaker. But a not
distant locality must have reminded him of an-
other persecution—of a persecution of Catholics
for adhering io the religious views of their fathers ;
and the monument of that persecution was still
remaining—a splendid Roman Catholic estate and
abbey, bestowed on the RUSSELLS who, at that
time, practised the religious liberty of rejecting
the creed from which Church estates were taken,
and of espousing that to which they were given.
Probably, however, his Lordship holds that
Church property is so truly the property of the
State, that to withdraw it, even in favour of in-
dividuals, is no attack on religious liberty.
Lord JOHN is, notwithstanding the breadth
of his views, fond rather of a crotchet and a
seeming inconsistency. We have sometimes
thought that he takes a real pleasure in making
his own friends feel the rein. A particular

demand of perhaps the largest portion of his
supporters may be pressed upon him. All con-
sistency, all fidelity to them would seem to require
him to comply, and gladly too. But, no ; this is
just the case for showing how he can do without
them. The Tories are sure to be with him when
he wants to snub his followers. They like, of
course, baulking the advanced Liberals, and espe-
cially through their own leader ; and like quite as
much the accumulating unpopularity which they
know will soon drive him from office.

The Ballot and Church Rates are just illustra-
tions of this crotchetiness or wilfulness. We hardly
know which to assign his conduct to. On the
former question a considerable majority of his
followers votes against him, and on the latter the
majority is overwhelming. Yet there be stands
in the House, coolly reiterating the oldest and
most hackneyed arguments, not deigning to enliven
his refusal by any show of mental vigour, seeming
rather to take a pleasure in refusing for refusal's
sake. Not all the freshness of illustration which
Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY contrived to bring to
the debate, not all the profound reasoning of Sir
W. MoLnswor.Ta.could move Lord JOHN to more
than the -.most igehalnnt"-commonplaces in op-
posing his own party. And so on the Church
Rate question—the entire Liberal majority of the
country, and all the better part of the Conserva-
tives, with Lord DERBY and his son at their head,
me anxious to abolish them—the division gave him
but a mere official majority. Yet what should
Lord JOHN do but coAly rake up High-Tory ar-
guments on the necessity of Church Rates to the
Church, of the Church to the Crown, and by such
logic the necessity of Church Rates to the very
existence of our glorious Constitution! He fought
for this remnant of ecclesiastical injustice as ♦igo-
rously as he did for an eight shilling duty, just
before he was compelled by the League to write
his well-known letter.

We said he made no sign. We know not that
we aro justified in regarding as such his
declaration that " the only true freedom
is that which is complete and universal."
Words these which give him as much
political scope as PEEL allowed himself
when lie proclaimed to the landlords who had just
put him in power, the right of every man to
buy in the cheapest market and to sell in the
dearest. Complete freedom would certainly in-
clude freedom from landlord intimidation and
mob intimidation, and therefore the Ballot. Uni-
versal freedom sounds very much like Universal
Suffrage, and would ill comport with another
Reform Bill which obstinately interposed every
obstacle to the acquisition of a vote by a working
man. We are hardly to suppose his Lordship
intended to justify his abortive effort of last ses-
sion, an effort which failed chiefly because it was
so incomplete as to leave the franchise a curse to
most rather than a boon, and so far from
universal, that it left out vast masses of
the people. Perhaps the Noble Lord's stan-
dard of liberty is peculiar. He declared,
for instance, that our religious institu-
tions leave entire freedom to conscience. His
lion. Friend, Jon BMGIIT, of Manchester, will
hardly agree with him. He does not think his
conscience quite free when, because he deems it
sinful to pay ecclesiastical taxes, his goods are dis-
trained for a twopenny Church Rate ; and JOHN,
the Quaker, has, too, more wh• think with him
than the Lord can boast. Lord JOHN cannot, of
course, mean that conscience is free because the
penalty cannot touch it---because the body, or the
property alone, aro touched. He would not have
mentioned JOHN BUNYAN, whose " immortal
work" showed the freedom of his conscience, if he

had not held that, suffering in person or proptrty
for conscieuce' sake, is the very notion of persecu-
tion. We shall, however, leave Lord JOHN and
JOHN BRIGHT to Settlo this next session.

A journal of a French officer at Balaklava states, under
date of Oct. 4, that a Zouave prisoner, escaped from
Sebastopol, reported that GO English and French pri-
soners, who had lagged behind to plunder after the
battle of Alma, and so been taken, had refused to work
at the fortifications, and had therefore been sent up the
tountry. A Russian officer, disguised as a Turk, had
been captured is the camp,