The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-06 00:00:00

headed Keiniglein of Prusssita: shaking in his
Auiehar-
ness, would beg the take him as a coad-
jutor to save him from the wrath of his subjects.
It would. then be for the latter to declare the re-
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the whole coat of sending back NICHOLAS to his
hereditary Tartar capital.
But the grand consideration for our representa-
tives is this—What ought, on the very principles
with which they and the country began this war, to
be its ultimate aim ? Happily, as indeed every be-
liever in public morality and a Supreme PROVI-
DMIC/C must be well assured, in this case duty and
policy are one. We began with justice for
Turkey, and safety for Turkey. This justifies all
we did, or rather endured, at Varna, and all we
have done, and are doing, in the Crimea. But
not only do the same moral principles apply to
Poland—nob. only is justice to her tenfold more
urgent in its claims, but if it be not demanded
and gained we might almost as well have thrown
all our labour to the winds, and our money
into the sea. Russia stript of her marine
fortresses, and compelled to seek vent from
her aggressive spirit through the one out-
let of Poland, would be more formidable to
Europe than ever. Resting on Warsaw, and
using all the fortresses of Germany as the
arms of an enormous military polypus, she would
seriously threaten France. Our Ally can least of
all dispense with a reconstituted. Poland, for Rus-
sia, when saved the expense of Cronstadt, Sebas-
topol, and her navies—at liberty therefore to spend
all her means on increasing her purely military
strength—could, if still possessed of Pcland, hold
all Germany completely at her mercy.. The
Rhine would, in fact, be her boundary. If now
Austria and Prussia, with 800,000 soldiers,
quail before her inland power, what would they
do if she were enabled to multiply that power at
least twofold ? We maintain that Austria and
Prussia are bound by every selfish considera-
tion, and. no other are they accessible to,
to reconstitute Poland ; that is, if the Allies, as
they fully intend to do, annihilate the naval power
of Russia. England and. France assuredly ought
to contemplate no other alternative. If they are
but thoroughly and manifestly determined, the
German trimmers will instantly follow in their
wake. If they wish to convince these wretched
potentates that they are in earnest, then immense
and adequate preparations are the only diplomacy
which will speak effectually at Vienna and Ber-
lin ; and if adequate preparations are to be made,
a loan is a necessity, and a very near one.
This, then, is, we hope, the view our Legisla-
tors will take. Cabinet journals may croak about
the numerous armies of Austria and Prussia, and
the danger of driving them over to Russia. The
danger is a bugbear. They dare not join Russia or
they would have done it long ago. To join Russia
would be to renew 1848, to shiver their despot-
isms for ever, and lucky for them if they escaped
this time with their heads on their shoulders. A
declaration of Polish rights, coupled with adequate
preparations, would compel the conceited waverers
of mid-Europe to join the cause of justice and of
Continental safety. Tenderness over brutal Austria
and imbecile Prussia will but waste our time, our
money, and our strength, in a vain attempt to
coax rogues into honesty. Let us understand
our work, and arm ourselves up to it, and all
will be right.

There can be but little doubt that if the na-
tional
resources be duly and properly developed
we shall be enabled to meet fairly not only every
just demand, but to carry on the War with so
much vigour and energy as to insure the success
which every true-hearted Englishman earnestly
desires. There is no reason whatsoever for
desponding, if we only determine to set cur
shoulder to the wheel ; and to prove that what-
ever may be the feeling of Ministers, the com-
munity at large, the PEOPLE of Great Britain, are
thoroughly in earnest. When we look to what
has been already accomplished by our fathers,
even within the recollection of many still living,
we should blush for ourselves if we gave way to
any craven fears or unmanly apprehensions, or
became—as it was prophesied we should be by
some would-be seers—disgusted with the War on
account of the severe burdens we had to sustain.

It is almost certain that with many of these poli-
tical prophets " the wish was father to the
thought ;" and we are by no means satisfied that
the abstraction of 8,000,000/. sterling from the
Exchequer on the eve of the War—which was
hailed as " a valuable financial demonstration" by
a Ministerial organ—as well as the determination
to provide for all the extra expenditure of the
War out of the current income of the country,
were not parts and parcel of the sane desire.

We know that in 1814, after almost uninter-
rupted hostilities for more than twenty years,
while the nation was sustaining the most onerous
burdens and engaged in a struggle for existence,
we were enabled to collect a revenue of no less

than 71,134,5031., while the expenditure ex-
ceeded 92,000,0001. sterling. But this gigantic
outlay was not in vain. Within another year
peace was restored, in consequence of the exer-

tion—a peace which lasted for thirty-nine years,
and which would have been distinguished by
unalloyed prosperity, but for the bullionist delu-
sions that prevailed throughout the entire period.
These delusions increased with the practical expe-
rience of the evils that resulted from their being
carried into practical operation, and a quarter of
a century later the climax was put to the " folly
of the day," by not merely insisting on a currency
convertible on demand, as provided by the Act of
1819, but restricted in amount, and so arranged
that the quantity should be diminished in the
inverse ratio of the exigencies of the people. This
was the impolitic and inequitable Act of 1844,
which has paralysed the efforts of the people, and
stagnated the life-blood in the veins of industry,
since it unfortunately received the Legislative
sanction.

Through its baleful operation the nation en-
dared. the most fearful trials. Although peace
and tranquillity prevailed throughout the entire
civilised world, it was subjected to burdens scarcely
less onerous than those sustained during the time
of actual war. Taxes were abolished or mitigated,
but the weight of those that remained became
even more intolerable in consequence of the in-
creased value of the pound sterling, or, what is a
convertible term, the diminished remuneration for
every description of labour—skilled or unskilled.
In 1814 we had a population of nearly NINETEEN
millions. They cheerfully and freely made up a
revenue of nearly 72,000,0001., or not far fr4om 41.
for every individual, male or female, adult or
infant, of the entire number. Since that time the
population has increased to nearly Twenty. nine
Millions, or rather more than 50 per cant. ! It
naturally follows that the revenue should have
unproved iu a similar ratio, and that (omitting
ifrom the calculation the increased intelligence of
which we are so fond of boasting) we should now
be enabled to obtain from revenue nearly
108,000,0001. sterling.ln
place of this wo can
t procure little more than
half the amount. The wenty-nine millions of
►the present day think they are doing a great deal