The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-12 00:00:00

sion, that it was based upon wrong principle, that it was
carried to too great an extent, or that its provisions were
not adapted to reform to conserve, which I have always
considered ought to be the objects kept in view in a rnea.-
sure of this kind. (Cheers.) At the time that her Majesty
declared, in her speech from the Throne, that such a mea-
sure would be proposed, and at the time when I brought
forward the measure in this house, there was great proba-
bility of a war with Russia, although no rupture had ac-
tually taken place, and it was still probable that the nego-
tiations might be terminated by pacific arrangements.
Unfortunately that was not the case. But while these
questions were still pending, and I proposed the adjourn-
ment of the second reading of this bill until the period
which is now in questiOn, namely, the 27th of April, I did
so on the ground that very important questions were then
before the house, relating either immediately to the pre-
paration of forces for the war, or to the supply of the
means for the payment of those forces. I stated then, as
I had stated on a previous occasion, that I did not consider
that, abstractedly, a state of war was a sufficient ground
for not proposing a measure of Parliamentary reform. I
stated that there might be circumstances, such as those
which occurred at the commencement of the war in 1803,
which might so occupy the attention of every man that it
would be impossible to propose any measure of that kind ;
but I stated that I did not think the general fact that this
nation was engaged in a war with Russia to be sufficient
reason
for not proposing during the such a measure of
internal reform and internal .
ptr,ovwemartent as I had intro-
duced. Sir, I see no reasonlm
(Hear, hear.) Ido not th cetheor anyLatactthatone leineeinor:
will differ from that statement, or consider that it) is im-
possible or inexpedient during a state
forward measures of internal
I imavrovement and reform, in-
cluding such a measure as
amentor J. I
.att,,ated
likewise that I thought that during
necessary to impose great burdens n trenco try,warnid that
if there were classes which were fitted to have the elective
franchise, and which had it not—which were entitled to it
but did not enjoy it—that if they were to bear these
bur-
dens, it was far from being unfitting to admit them to this
franchise. (Cheers.) Sir, from neither of these opinions
do I see any reason to recede ; but when war was declared
it was to be considered by the Government whether or no
at this particular time we should proceed with the second
reading of the Reform Bill. Now, sir, it is not to be dis-
guised that a Reform Bill of any extensive nature what-
ever attacks many interests, wounds many prejudices loses
many friends ; if the stream of reform is sluggish, the
weeds of self-interest and prejudice embarrass and com-
pletely choke it. (Cheers.) Now, sir, we have bad to look
at the prospect of our being able to carry the Reform Bill
in the present state of public opinion both in this house and
in the country. I think it will be generally owned that,
while there has been an indisposition in the members of
this house, so far as I could collect their opinions, on what-
ever side of the house they sat, to undertake the considera-
tion of this question, there has been in the country, not
disapprobation of the measure that we proposed, but an
indifference as to its being immediately urged forward. I
collect this fact, first from the absorbing interest which it
is evident the people of this country take in the war that
has now begun—an interest which is quickened by their
feeling in favour of the power attacked, and against the ag-
gressor in this war. I collect it, secondly, from the absence
of manifestations in favour of reform by petitions pre-
sented to this house. I think there have not been more
than eleven petitions of the kind presented to the house,
and not more than four are in favour of the measure that is
before the house. Now, sir, as I have said, Ido not think
this is to be attributed to disapprobation of the measure
of the Government. (Cheers.) So far as I can learn, ap-
plying and asking in many quarters, the judgment passed
on that measure is one of approbation. It has been con-
sidered that it extends very largely, but not unduly, the
franchise to the people, and it has also been considered
that, with regard to any penalties of disfranchisement it
may contain, whether that disfranchisement is carried too
far, or not far enough, or whatever may be the measure of
it, it has at least been applied fairly, without any regard
to party interests or feelings ; and that therefore the Go-
vernment measure is at least worthy of commendation in
that respect. Whether or not its particular provisions are
all well woven together, or whether every one of its clauses
is to be approved—upor4that I think neither the house nor
the country is at present able to give an opinion, from
that want of attention to its details which I have already
mentioned, and that absorbing interest in the war to
which I have already alluded. Sir, I cannot but think,
and the Government have come to the same conclusion,
that it would be unwise in us, whether as regards the
general interests of the country, or whether as regards the
interests of reform, on the part of those who wish to see
the promotion of reform, if we were to press the second
reading of this bill. (Hear.) I feel and every one, I think,
must feel, that there is great force in an observation
which was made by the right hon. gentleman opposite, the
member for Buckinghamshire, that it is highly inconve-
nient that there should be a billbefore the house containing
provisions for the disfranchisement of seats for which
members aro present in this house, and who are con-
stantly voting, and that there should be no decision come
to by the house whether that proposed disfranchisement
should be approved or disapproved—whether it should be
carried into effect or be rejected. lam not at all disposed
to diminish the weight of that objection to any postpone-
ment of this measure. I think likewise that it is a great
disadvantage that her Majesty should have been twice ad-
vised—and must confess that I myself have been one of
the advisers in both instances—that her Majesty should
have been advised to propose to her Parliament that mea-
sures for the improvement of the representation should be
considered by Parliament, and that in neither instance in
the session in which that proposal is made it should be
taken seriously into consideration by Parliament. And I
own that I cannot accept an excuse which has been made
for the course that I am now declaring myself ready to
adopt on the part of her Majesty's Government, namely,
that the Government having matured a measure—having
prepared its details, and laid it upon the table of the house
their part is accomplished, and their pledge has been ful-
filled. I cannot but think that in all ordinary circum-
stances, having proposed such a measure, the Government
would be bound, not only to lay it on the table, but to do
their utmost to carry it—(hear, hear)—and, therefore, I
should be sorry if it were supposed that we evaded any
pledge that we have made upon that or any similar ground.
But great as those inconveniences are, I must say that I
think any other course would have been attended with
greater evils, and with more palpable difficulties. (Hear,
hear, hear.) We could hardly propose the second
reading of the Reform Bill at this time without declaring
our intention if defeated upon that measure, either
to resign our offices at once or to advise the Crown to
proceed to an immediate dissolution of Parliament.
But I cannot but think that either of these courses
would at the present moment be attended with great
danger. (Hear.) Well, sir, but then it may be said that
it follows—and certainly under ordinary circumstances it
would follow—that " Here is a Government proposing a
measure which they think of essential importance—a mea-
sure which affects the representation of the country at
large—in which great issues are involved ; and they admit
themselves that they are obliged not to go to a division in
the course of the present session upon that measure. Their
duty in all consistency should be to retire from the posi-
tion which they occupy." But here, again, a great duty
intervenes. The Ministers of the Crown have lately brought
down messages to both houses of Parliament from the
Crown, asking for the support of Parliament to the Crown
at the commencement of an arduous and, it may be, a
very protracted struggle. It would hardly be compatible
with our duty—l may say it would not be compatible with
our duty—without a case of the greatest necessity, to
shrink from the posts which we occupy—(hear)—and to
decline that responsibility which belongs to the war in
which we have engaged, and to the manner of carrying it
on upon which we have deliberated. Such, then, being
the case as regards this Reform Bill, and as regards the
position of the Government, I may be asked and I au
quite ready to give my answer to that question—" How
stands the cause of reform itself, after what you have now
stated ?" Sir, the first thing I should say is, that the Go-
vernment of Lord Aberdeen adopted the pledge which
they gave in all sincerity—(hear)—that they are ready to
abide by that pledge, and that they hold themselves as
bound to the principles of a reform in the representation as
upon the first day when they entered office. (Hear.) With
regard to any more specific pledge, I can only say that the
Cabinet which adopted this reform measure see no reason
to change their opinion with regard to the principles in-
volved in that measure, with regard to the general scope
and object which it has in view—that they consider them-
selves, in fact, as much approving of this measure as when
they first brought it forward. They can, therefore, only
say, when the opportunity presents itself, which they
would be most willing to embrace, of again bringing for-
ward a bill for the reform of the representation ofsthe
people—when Parliament can properly attend to the sub-
ject, that they will be ready to bring it forward with all
the weight of a Government, and endeavour to pass it.
(Hear.) Of course, I do not mean that the observations
which have been made upon the measure that we have
brought forward should not receive our attention—that
the modification of details should not be duly considered,
before that measure is again introduced. (Hear.) It
would be wrong to preclude the Cabinet from that conside-
ration. I think we shall ill represent the people at large,
and not pay due deference to public opinion, if we do not
adopt such a course. (Cheers.) But to the principle of
this measure we are ready to bind ourselves, and the Go-
vernment remains as when it was first constituted—a
Government based upon the proposal of a reform in the
representation. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the circumstances are
new—they are unprecedented. A Government entering
upon a war of the magnitude of that into which we have
just entered, and at the same time proposing a measure as
large as we have proposed for amending the representation
of the people, I believe, is a case that has not occurred in
the constitutional history of this country. We are bound to
that
few
pursuing. Now, sir, may Ibe permitted saymthent,but to my
words in reference, not only to the Government,
mraent in this h
own position as the organ of tehegroavvee
(Hear, hear.) The course that 1 h just Proposed ousel
of taunt and sarcasm which the
posed to all those weanena.
man " ;art Disraeli) whom I see opposite—
right hon.
(a laugh)—knows so 'well how to use. They are the fair
I have been long used to them—
(laughter)—and
weapons of opposition
that I should not complain if those
wieltdreadstS.vith even more than the skill
weapons were and
supporting
osrirtiniat
dexterity which wewhiathve
regard
to
thoseitri witnessed. ewdh. B
_arliaamreenatttawche. d
is a different thing
rnent,
earnestlt-
the present Goverin
tached, to reform r ith respect to them, I
while the statement that I have just made may
must say,
be open to suspicion, that that suspicion can hardly be
entertained without weakening, and in fine destroying, my
osition as the organ of the Government in this house. If
have done—[here the noble lord appeared to be overcome
with emotion, when loud and prolonged cheering arose
from all parts of the house. He at length proceeded, at
first with faltering accents] :—lf I have done anything for
the cause of reform, I trust that I may bo deserving of
some confidence. (Cheers.) At all events, I feel if I have
not that confidence that I can be of no use to the Crown
or to the country, and that I can no longer hold my pre-
sent position. (Renewed cheers.) Sir, these are times of
no ordinary importance ; and the questions which every
man has now to solve for himself are questions of the ut-
most difficulty and anxiety. (Hear, hear.) I have endea-
voured to arrive at that conclusion which I believe to be
the best for the interests of the Crown and of the country ;
and I trust that I shall be supported in the course which
I have taken. (Loud and continued cheers.) The noble
lord concluded by moving the adjournment of the house.
Sir E. DERING warmly thanked the noble lord for
having extricated the Reformers from the difficulty
which the bill had imposed upon them. (Hear, hear.)
The great moral courage which the noble lord had
displayed to-night was worthy of his high reputation, and
the noble lord might rest satisfied that the people of this
country, to whom he appealed, were too generous to accuse
him of insincerity on the subject of reform, or to ques-
tion the propriety of the decision which he seemed to
have so reluctantly come to. (Cheers.) No man
could foresee the end of the great struggle we , were
unfortunately embarked in, and although the question of
Parliamentary Reform might be very properly taken up
again when peace returned, this was not the proper time
for pressing it forward. (Hear, hear.) Se, therefore,
, again thanked the noble lord for the course be was taking,

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should admit of Parliamentary Reform. `llVal".4l'
Mr. HUME bad reluctantly arrived at the saneeSteon:'•'eea • %/
elusion as the noble lord ; but he thought there was no Ida n
ternative but to abandon this measure for the present: °"•4k 8
(Hear, hear.) It was for the interest of Reform that the
question should be postponed until the war was at an end,
and he therefore hoped his friends around him would
do honour to the reasonable feelings of the noble lord
on this subject rather than meet him with those unbecom-
ing taunts of which the noble lord appeared to be afraid.
Mr. BRIGHT was glad that this bill was not given up
as a sacrifice to the clamours of the Opposition ; it was
given up because the noble lord was now thoroughly
alive to the impossibility of making progress with a mea-
sure of Parliamentary Reform while a war was raging
around us. (Loud cheers.) The noble lord had been a
political Samson in his time, and had done much which
hereafter would be remembered to his honour, but it would
be impossible for the noble lord, or any other minister, to
get a Reform Bill passed while the war was going on.
(Cheers.) He had never doubted the sincerity of the
noble lord on the subject of Parliamentary reform ; nay,
he would go the length of saying, that the man who doubted
it would he either blind or stupid, but he blamed the
noble lord and his colleagues for having advocated
the policy which had led to the war. (Hear, hear.) The
house, however, had supported them in that policy, and
they could not, therefore, censure or taunt the noble lord
for the course he proposed to take with regard to this biil.
(Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman then proceeded to criti-
cise the now defunct Reform Bill, and to argue that it
conferred more advantages on the counties than on the
towns. He advised the noble lord not to give up the
idea of reform, which he had cherished so many years,
as the people were with him, and he hoped in happier times
the noble lord would be prepared with an improved bill
when he was convinced the country would be ready to slips
port him. (Cheers.)
Mr. LABOUCHERE believed the noble lord had acted
with his wonted integrity and courage in taking this course.
The noble lord would have seriously injured the cause of
reform if he had been actuated by any false shame, but
seeing that the attention of the people was wholly absorbed
in the war the noble lord had manifested a wise and pm-
dent feeling in consenting to postpone his bill to a future
period. (Cheers.)
Lord JOCELYN accorded his meed of praise to the
noble lord for the sacrifice of personal feeling which he
had made on this occasion, and expressed a hope that,
now that the reform difficulty was got rid of, the war
would be carried on with energy and vigour.
Lord H. VANE could not refrain from expressing his
high sense of the conduct of the noble lord on the present
occasion, entertaining as he did a very strong and decided
feeling that it was inexpedient in the present crisis of
offairs to press forward a Reform Bill attacking so many
interests, and which might lead to a dissolution of the Go-
vernment, and to consequences of the most disastrous
nature. He agreed very much in the principles contained
in the Reform Bill that had just been postponed, but
would by no
means pledge himself to every part of it.
(Hear, hear.) Approving entirely of the policy now pur-
sued, it being understood that on a future occasion a mea-
sure, if not identically the
esaarm, eh,eaatr.)least containing the
brought forward, he would not
sameprolong
ritnhcei pdl
ssc,
uws
soiuoloo.
m
Mr.
DISRAELI—I think her Majesty's Government
hare arrived at a sound and satisfactory conclusion in that
which they have communicated to the house to-night, and
I think the country is to be congratulated upon it. (Hear,
hear.) I am not, therefore, disposed to indulge in those
sarcasms—(a laugh)—which the noble lord anticipated on
this occasion ; and if the conduct of the Government with
fe en
lardg
respect to other measures which I shall also feel it to
be my duty to oppose be influenced by
Promise
the noble
e
same
and regulated by the same policy, Ipr
that he will experience from me an opposition as mitigated
as on the present occasion. (Hear.) But, although sitting
on this side of the house, I shall never shrink from exer-
cising my best efforts to vindicate the opinions of my,
friends—(cheers)—and to resist any measure I think ob-
noxious to the public welfare if brought forward by tlae noble
lord, I can assure the noble lord I am little disposed to-
night, after the address he has made, to view with any
spirit of acerbity the course of conduct he has adopted.
(Cheers.) Although it has been my fate to be always
opposite to the noble lord, I can say, most sincerely, there
is no one in this house has a more heartfelt respect for the
noble lord. (Cheers.) I think his character and career
are precious possessions of this House of Commons, and I
am sure that the members of the House of Commons will
always cherish them. (Cheers.) Wherever the noble lord
sits, I am sure he will be accompanied by the respect of
every member of the house ; and I think the manner in
which to-night ho has made what was evidently a painful
communication to the house, is in every way worthy of
the noble lord. (Cheers.) But, air, although I have felt
satisfied with the course which her Majesty's Ministers
have proposed to take with respect to this bill for Parlia-
mentary reform, and though the feelings which I have en-
deavoured imperfectly to express with regard to the noble
r lord are most sincere, I still feel it my duty to express my
conviction that ell that the noble lord has said to-night
has not really wet the real difficulty of his position. (Hear.)
All the influences which he has placed before us to-night,
and which have induced him to take a course so opposite to
that which he originally contemplated were in existence the
whole of the session ; and therefore I am obliged to ask the
noble lord how it was that, yielding now to those influences,
the noble lord and his colleagues felt themselves justified in
bringing forward this bill for parliamentary reform. (Hear.)
The noble lord has expressed to-night a variety of
causes which induced him to adopt this final course. Did
they not exist when Parliament met? (Hear, hoar.) Did
they not exist on the 13th of February, when the noble
lord in detail, in spite of every warning, notwithstanding
every rernocstrance, determined to place that measure be.
fore Parliament and the country? (Hear, hear.) Why,
on the very first night we assembled the noble lord was
met from this side of the house by appeals to him not to
pursue the course he then contemplated. He was told
that the state of war that then virtually existed was one
that rendered the period most inopportune for the discus-
sion of a proposal for organic changes in the constitution.
(Hear, hear.) The noble earl would not listen to the ap-
peals then made to him. The noble lord, with great inge-
nuity, maintained by instances and by arguments that a
period of war was particularly qualified and adapted for
tho discussion of such business ; that, the public mind
being distracted from the measure of Parliamentary re-
form, it was possible to devise a measure, without being
so much influenced by popular passion as in ordinary cir-
cumstances they might be, he attempted to lay down the
principle, that the fact of being in a state of war was any-
thing but objectionable. (Hear, hear, bear.) The noble
lord afterwards showed us that war with Russia was
a condition of things peculiarly favourable to the pro-
secution of a measure of this kind. The noble lord has
to-night observed that there is some force in the remark
that there is some inconvenience in laying a measure
upon the table, and not proceeding with it, which brands
almost a sixth of the members of the House of Commons.
(Hear, hear.) In a country like this, where much depends
upon this question, the noble lord must feel that at any
time for a Minister to bring forward a measure that shakes
the influence of prescription is a very hazardous enterprise.
It is certainly one that should not be hazarded, unless that
Minister has every prospect of succeeding with his mea-
sure, and of substituting for the power or influence which
he is going to destroy or abrogate that new power or in-
fluence which,'in his opinion, will more beneficially operate
upon the Government of the country. (Hear, hear.) A
measure for the reconstruction of Parliament is a measure
to affect and to change the principal depositary of power
in the State. A measure of Parliamentary reform is a
measure which virtually says to a large class of the
people, " You do not possess political power—you ought
to possess political power—and this is a measure to give
you political power." On the other, it says to another
class, " You possess political power—you ought not to
possess political power—and we are going to take the
political power you hold from you." A measure of
that kind, if introduced by an independent member, may
be looked on as a measure brought forward for discussion
in a debating society, through the ability of the indi-
vidual who introduced it, his knowledae of the subject, his
depth of reasoning, and eloquence of language may pro-
duce in the long run an amount of public opinion that
would support his views ; but when a measure of Parlia-
mentary reform is brought forward by a Minister of the
great reputation of the noble Lord, and when a man is told
that he does not possess political power, and ought to pos-
sess it, and the measure of the Government would give it
to him, from that moment that man feels himself as a per-
son aggrieved ; so that you are absolutely producing a dis-
affected class by the proposition of the Government (hear.)
otherOnbtyhesucha
nhetnand,lreev,eryevetrynanwhosefrancl iis is
threaten-
ed
corporation,
every
who is told that the Government are about to deprive him
of power that he and those who preceded him have long
exercised, though the Government do not proceed with the
measure, will look upon the Government as their enemy—
as persons who, when they have the power, would deprive
them of the rights and franchises which they so much value.
Therefore, it is clear, that when a Minister makes a propo-
sition of this nature, and does not proceed with it, he is
creating disaflectiou amongst sortie classes, and dislike
amongst others' (He'r. hear.) He is iu fact weakening
the constituted authorities of the country, and enfeebling
the established institutions of the laud. (Hear.) That, I
think, is a most unwise course, and it only proves that
no Minister should embark in an undertaking of suck a
nature as Parliamentary Reform without the necessity for
the change being clear, and his ability to accomplish
his purpose being most evident. (Hoar, hear, hear.) And.
going inanallgetl to
vcelena.cswos
:air a
shoulden
.ainnardge that it i
nnow we are told that we
we the Government e m
area l
gloithat
t theo
war, osnudl d ti dt
lillwanteandtaelryl eEyO
deve-
lopingu the sympathies of all 1 c asses of her Majesty's sub-
jects by telling some that they deserve to possess rights
which you will not give them, and telling others that they
exercise rights which you mean to take from them. (Hear,
hear.) Why, sir, the noble lord has iu the course of this
session expressed his opinion that a state of war, and espe-
cially a state of war with Russia, was no sufficient reason
for relinquishing the measure that has been recently under
our consideration, or rather proposed to us. (Hear, hear.)
The noble lord is not the only member of the Cabinet who
has expressed this opinion. The first Minister in another
place, and even very recently, expressed his opinion that
there was nothing in the state of our external relations
which would induce the Government not to proceed with
this measure—a measure which he believed had been re-
ceived with the utmost favour throughout the country-
(Hear, hear.) The noble lord seems to complain of the
apathy with which his measure was received by the cone-
try. But we have always been told by the noble lord and
his colleagues that we should legislate on this question
when there is no excitement and no passion ; that the
proper time for introducing these changes and making these
amendments in our representative system is the moment
the people are tranquil, and the public mind is not in-
flamed, or unduly attracted to the subject, so that the con-
templation of statesmen may be calm and undisturbed. And
therefore it is a new argument introduced into this debate
that the apathy of the public mind is a reason for not pro-
ceeding with this bill. Well, there is another reason which
has been urged by the noble lord, and which, I confess,
astonished me. I understood him .to complain of the oppo.
sition which this measure had received in the House of
Commons. Now, what I complain of is that no opportunity
has ever been given us for discussing this measure,
Lord J. RUSSELL--I said the house had shown indis-
position to consider this measure.
Mr. DISRAELI—But I cannot understand how the
noble lord arrives at the fact of this indisposition. The
noble lord in the first place advised the Sovereign to notify
in the speech from the throne, that the measure of Parlia-
mentary reform weal be brought forward. This, of course,
I is the solemn mode of introducing the subject to the consi-
deration of Parliament. Ido not suppose that on the first
night of the session, when her Majesty's .
gracious speech was
under consideration, that any one could complain that the
manner in which that announcement was received was dis-
couraging to the Minister. In appealwas made to him
not to bring forward the measure
exigent state of the country, but to this the Minister
would not listen, On the contrary, he brings forward
this measure, lays it on the table, and s" I deprecate
discussion now, but on say ,
this day fortnight, or some other
convenient day, yell will discuss the measure which in de.