The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-15 00:00:00

not bound to exercise more discretion in his language to the
public than a person upon whom no such responsibility was
placed—(hear). Indeed, he thought it was the very reverse,
because upon many important occasions the views of the
Government upon coming events had been given to the
people of this country in the shape of addresses to electors.
It was impossible for any man to deny that in former and
even in later years, words dropped from the lips of Cabinet
Ministers had exercised a most important effect upon public
interests. No one could be conversant with the history of
the late war, its continuance, or partial cessation, without
understanding that expressions published in France and in
this country had had the greatest effect upon the continua-
tion of the war and the difficulty of its final settlement—
(hear). Their lordships could not but remember that only
last year, upon both sides of the house, great importance was
attached by leading men to articles in the newspapers, and to
phrases which were then said to have been most improper..
He contended, however, that articles which appeared in the
newspapers were entirely different from expressions ut-
tered with the responsibility of persons holding high posi-
tions in the Government of the country. It was impossible
for any Government of this country ever to be held respon-
sible for what might arise in that free discussion which,
thank God, they had ever been enabled to preserve—(hear,
hear). He had no wish to repeat the particular words of the
speech to which he had alluded, nor to inquire into the
justice of the strictures which might or might not have
been made. He wished, however, to know whether it was
with the sanction of the Government that any strictures
of the kind he had referred to had been made. If the
Government were anxious to maintain the dignity, the
honour, and the credit of their lordships' house, they must
take care that their own honour and dignity were kept un-
sullied. It was necessary that they should be cautious and
sincere in the professions which they held out to the world,
and that they should take care not to wound the dignity,
character, or feelings of those towards whom they professed
feelings of friendship and amity. (Hear, hear.) He be-
lieved that, so far as the personal feelings of the members
of the Government were concerned, there was a desire to
maintain feelings of amity towards the ruler and people of
France. (Hear, hear.) It was with the confident hope of
receiving an explanation of the opinions of the Government
that he had then ventured to bring the subject under the
notice of their lordships. With respect to the particular
papers for the production of which he asked, he appre-
hended there amid be no difficulty in laying them upon the
table. He was of course entirely in the hands of the Go-
vernment with reference to the matter. But, as the noble
earl who lately held the seals of the Foreign-office had in-
formed the house, early last December, that communica-
tions had been received from France with reference. to the
establishment of the French empire, and that her Majesty,
had speedily and without difficulty recognised the em-
pire, he presumed those communications had been reduced
to writing, either in the shape of notes between the two
Governments, or recorded in dispatches to or from the
British ambassador at Paris. If there were any reason why
any part of those dispatches, or the whole of them, should
not be produced, of course the noble earl at the head of the
Government would decline to produce them. If, however,
as he apprehended, those communications would be found
to exhibit merely expressions upon both sides or cordial
goodwill and good understanding, these could be no harm
in their being produced. He trusted, however, that their
lordships would receive an assurance from the Government
that nothing had occurred since that period to lead to a
cessation of that cordial and sincere alliance which the
noble earl informed the house then existed. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of ABERDEEN, in reply to the noble marquis,
said—l trust, my lords, that it is not necessary for me to
give an assurance of the earnest desire entertained by her
Majesty's Government to cultivate the most intimate rela-
tions of friendship and alliance with the French Govern-
ment, or to state our opinion that so long as the policy of
France is a policy of peace and friendship, neither we, nor
any other state, have any sort of right to interfere in the
internal concerns of that country—(hear)—with their form
of Government, or with the dynasty which the French peo-
ple may please to choose. (Hear.) I am happy, in answer to
' the question of the noble marquis, to assure your lordships
that the best possible understanding continues unbroken
between the Governments of the two countries, nor is
there anything which could appear in the least degree
likely to endanger or diminish the cordiality of that good
understanding, and I will venture to say that no person is
more eager to maintain this good understanding in its full
integrity than my right honourable friend to whose speech
Vie noble marquis has just alluded. The noble marquis
has neglected or omitted to describe the circumstances
under which that speech was delivered. It was a speech
made by the right hon. gentleman to his constituents, and
with a freedom of expression which, perhaps, might have
been employed inadvertantly, and in which he used terms
which he would not have employed had he been addressing
the House of Commons. lam sure the noble marquis will
recollect the circumstances under which these expressions
were used. The right honourable baronet was addressing
his constituents, and arguing against the wish which would
seem to have existed among some of them in favour of
universal suffrage and vote by ballot. In doing so he pointed
out—and had it not been for the freedom of expression which
I dare say he regrets as much as I must regret it—an argu-
ment, which, whether good or bad, was still a perfectly
legitimate one—that the existence of universal suffrage and
vote by ballot had not prevented a state of things, and a
state of law in France, especially as affecting the freedom
of the press, which we should very much deprecate seeing
established in this country. That is the substance of the
statement of the right hon. baronet. In that I see not
much to complain of, nor anything to which any man can
possibly object. With respect to the spirit in which the
right hon. baronet spoke, I am assured by him that he
" can state with the utmost sincerity that nothing could
be furtber from his intention than to use any word which
• could be considered as offensive to the Emperor, and re-
' grets that any expression should have fallen from him upon
that occasion upon which such an interpretation could
have been placed. (Hear.) Now, although I admit that
the expressions are not so respectful as might have been
used towards the sovereign of a friendly state, yet still the
substance of the argument was such as I have stated, and
which he was perfectly justified in using. The right hon.
baronet having expressed his regret that any interpretation
should have been placed upon expressions used inadver-
tently by him, upon such an occasion as that of addressing
his constituents, I think the noble marquis will agree with
me in the propriety of taking no further notice of the
matter. The more important part of the address of the
noble marquis was that in which he expressed an opinion
that the effect of the speech to which he had alluded had
been to throw some doubt upon the continuance of those
amicable relations with France which he wishes to see
continued. I hope I have upon that subject satisfied the
noble marquis, and completely set his mind at rest ; and
he may rest assured that nothing has occurred to interrupt
in the least degree the friendly relations of the two coun-
tries. (Hear, hear.) With reference to the production
of the correspondence on the recognition of the French
Government, I think, although there might be some por-
tions of that correspondence produced without objection,
that it would be inconvenient to lay so much before the
house as would be necessary to lead to a correct under-
standing of the subject. I think, therefore, that it will be
more expedient for the noble marquis not to press further
for the production of the papers in question.
The Marquis of CLANR:CARDE was understood to ex-
press his assent, and the subject chopped.
Lord REDESDALE having brought up some reports
on the subject of the standing orders, their lordships ad-
journed.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at 10 minutes to four
o'clock.