The Sun.
London, England, 1838-01-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The trial of the Glasgow cotton spinners, before the
Court of Justiciary at Edinburgh, which has lasted an un-
precedented number of days, and which has excited the
greatest interest in all classes, has at length terminated.
The jury have found the main charge not proven against
theprisoners, who have only been sentenced to transporta-
tir,n for seven years. The general opinion in Edinburgh
`was that the verdict would be more unfavourable to the
prisoners. But though there may have been difficulty in
bringing directly home to the prisoners the murder of
Smith, or the other heinous acts charged in the indictment,
it has been but too satisfactorily proved that there has
long existed among the trades in Scotland a secret
machinery for the horrid purpose of murder, mutila-
tion, arson, &c. We say in Scotland, but it has
been shown by Mr. O'Connell that a machinery for
assassination also existed in the trades of Ire-
land. We abstain from saying anything of England,
ljwhere the system of Trades' Unions exists as well as in
Scotland and Ireland, because we would not wish to hazard
anything lightly on so awful a subject ; and we do not
know how far the murder at Ashton-under-Line, some
years ago, was traced to a secret machinery similar to that
in Scotland. In the evidence, necessarily published in a
condensed form in the Chronicle of this day, various de-
tails are given respecting this diabolical machinery. In
another column we give a brief history of it, supplied to
us by a Scotch Correspondent ; and we transcribe from
the Glasgow Courier, a Tory Paper, the following start-
ling account of the system
" Within the last four months three murders of a most
diabolical description have been perpetrated in the heart of
this great city ; and at this moment outrages against person
and property are so common in the immediate neighbourhood
that additional protection has been required, and will be im-
mediately procured.
" At the late trial several witnesses were prepared to state
to the Court the facts connected with the ergaelzation and
objects of what the conspirators called The Secret Set
Committee ;' but as the information offeered by theta persons
was not direct, but only obtained rem individuals who had
served as members of this dreadful tribunal, the Judges were
"rally divided as to the competency of receiving such evi-
enee. Under these circ'emstancee, the Crown Counsel did
tot press the point. `.-fe now proceed to fill up the blank in
the testimony caweee by this accident.
" The Se(:eet Select Committee' was formed in this
way. A eved was left at each spinning-factory or shop, as it
is called, desiring the parties working there to send a dele-
gate 1.4.'a certain day to the central committee-rooms, at the
13, I:A Boy Tavern in the Gellowgate. It was perfectly un-
caerstood by the association what the object of thie SUMMONS
Was, and persons suited to the required work "I'ere accordingly
returned. These delegates, who were Nay-eight in num-
ber, then nominated a sub-committee of twelve from amongst
themselves. With this body T'Aided the power of appointing
the ' Secret Select Cereenittee,' which they did in the fol-
lowing ominou: manner. They met in a darkened room in
the Black --eoe tavern, each man bringing with him the name
of the rs'erson whom he had chosen written on a slip of paper.
Thtee slips were put into a hat, and given to Peter Hackett,
the treasurer, who withdrew and examined them. The Secret
Select Committee' consisted of but three persons, and the
first three names which this functionary took out of the hat
were, according te rule, the parties upon whom the choice of
the bod 7 fell. Having satisfied himself upon this point, he
burnt eel the slips, and then returning to the room where
the sub- Committee were assembled, ho dissolved the
Committee without uttering one word as to whom
the lot had fallen upon. These persons were 'pri-
vately informed of the result, and this drene, the
Secret Select Committee were duly constituted, The objects
of this Committee were nakedly and literally murder, maiming,
assault, or wilful fire-raising ;it wee likewise enjoined to
suborn witnesses, that an alibi re:ight be attempted to be
proved, If necessary ; and the reward for these crimes was
graduated by a fixed scale. 'calculated, no doubt, according to
the notions entertained of their relative importance. Thus,
20/. were given for a innrder or for gre-raising, and 101. or
er breaking el' limbs. It does not appear, however, that any
of the three who constituted the Select Committee' were
inecessreilly the executioners of this new system of Thuggery—
they might be to, but they had higher duties to perform
—tisey were the executive council of this body of patriots,
and had, nobler functions assigned to them. Their proper
office was, to hire assassins, or incendiaries, to do the job,'
and to arrange with the persons so employed as to the
price they were to receive, ' No. 60' was the well-known
expression among these people for the loose hands who
were ready for this work, and there are various entries
is the books of large sums—in one instance of 24/. 16s.
—as paid to tide cabalistic number. There was also a
peculiarity about the mode of payment, which strikingly
marks the beastly nature of the whole transaction. When
Mei job' was done the perpetrator did not receive any money
from the ' Secret Select Committee,' though they were his
real employers. He was referred to the treasurer, the afore-
rnentioned Master Hackett, who met him in the house of one
Christie, a publican. The room where these worthies en-
countered each other was, as usual, dark, and Peter having
laid a sum upon the table, the jobber' was directed to grope
for it--to take all be could get, and then to depart. In th;s
way the persons who employed him did not pay him, and the
person who paid had no direct concern in his employment.
Such was the ' Secret Select Committee'—its composition, and
its uses; and we question whether the annals of crime can fur-
nish any parallel to this dark and infamous combination against
human life, liberty, and happiness. So complete was its or-
ganization, and so merciless its vengeance, that it both baffled
and paralysed the arm of justice. No witness dared give
evidence against it, except at the risk of being shot, or
drenched with vitriol, or assaulted, or burnt out of his house.
This terrible power was: everywhere ; and unseen, and irre-
sponsible, it dealt its savage blows upon the old and the
young, upon man and upon woman. To prove this it is only
necessary to state that, when the witnesses for the trial were
precognosced, the utmost caution was found to be indispen-
sably necessary. Not one of them would go near the public
offices, but met the legal authorities at night, and by stealth,
in remote and different parts of the city ; and when their de-
clarations were deemed material, they were conveyed, at their
own request, to gaol, as to a place of safety—and there they
have remained ever since."
So ranch for this fearful system as it exists in Scotland.
Mr. O'Connell, to his honour be it spoken, has been man-
fully exerting himself to put down this horrid system as it
exists in Ireland. At the meeting of the Trades, which
we have already noticed in this paper, the following state-
ment was made :
" Mr. Connery, master painter, then rose to address the
meeting. He said—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, an attack
has been made upon me by Mr. M'Donough, a man whom I
never knew. He has been informed, he says, and that by per-
sons of my own train, and be has been hallooed on by a gentle.
man on my left, that when a journeyman I was one of the
greatest sticklers for high wages and combination in the trade.
Yes, I was a stickler, but if I was, it was a stickler for the
good of the trade. I was a stickler when I opposed the sys-
tem of taking oaths upon admission into the body, and when I
succeeded in abolishing that practice. I was in the trade
when a person belonging to it brought in a motion for esta-
blishing the system of slating.—( Hear, bear, No, no.) I
was a stickler then, and I opposed that motion as strenuously
as I could. I raised my voice against it, but all my exertions
were unavailing ; for I was the only person, with the exception
of one other peen, that dared to raise my voice against the
adoption of this horrid system in an assembly of eighty per-
sons. If that other man be in this room, he will vouch for
tho truth of what I say. At that very time money was bor.
rowed from other trades to carry on that system.—( Hear,
hear.) 30/. was borrowed from one trade and 101. were bor.
rowed from another—( Hear)—and every man in the trade,
with the two same exceptions, paid the suns of 3s. 3d. a week
to assist paying ruffians for beating and perhaps murdering
their fellow-citizens.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Oh, oh.")
I stood alone in opposition to this murderous system. I op-
posed it with all my force, and the consequence was that I was
fixed on to be slated myself. . . . . .
Mr M'Donough calls me a stickler. Yes I was a stickler in
snore instances than I have 'mentioned. I was a stickler, and
a successful one, when the system of slating was about being
revived in the trade. At that time I was a stickler for the
separation of the good men in the trade from the slaters,
who were chiefly confined to Mr. Boylan's establishment, and
I succeeded. For nine years we were separated, and dur-
ing that time the slating system continued in part of the
trade ; but within the year we have been united, and we still
Continue so.
" Mr. O'CoNesere—You are stating facts of the very great-
st importance, and I here solemnly ;all upon you Mr Con-
nerry, to retract every word you have said, if you are not able
to substantiate your statements on oath.
" Mr. CONNERY—I can prove on oath all that I said
—( Cries of " Oh, ten 1" and confusion.) I can tell
you more on one subject. I boast of being a stick-
ier. Yes, I am one who have always opposed the mur-
derous 'system, I can prove for a long time existed in
our trade, of beating and butchering those who offended
against the society, and destroying their property. I re-
'member the morning that a parcel of slaters broke into
Mr. Vero's shop, in Bridge-street, and destroyed 2001.
worth of property. These men were a parcel of tailors, who
*ere paid by the painters for this purpose.—( Hisses and great
disapprobation.) I happened to meet with these men on their
return from doing their work of mischief, and they would have
/dated me only I promised to become a member of the body.__
1( Groans, and cries of Drop it t') I promised to become a
member of' the body, and pay 3s. ed. a-week like the other
members, and this alone saved me."
At the meeting at the Corn Exchange, and the St.
Nicholas Charity dinner on Tuesday last, Mr. O'Connell
strongly denounced this atrocious system. At the latter he
said—

" What I am about to tell you is really awful ; and, al-
though you must have heard it before, I will repeat it to you.
At the meeting on yesterday ono man attacked a Mr. Connery
for 5- which he had been formerly a
,ry said that he had given them
e had belonged, because it ex-
Inition called the slating rent,
3d. each per week, for a fund
to beat and murder the in.
to belong to their body._
hat he left their body because
him to accede t• that fright-
ientioned that the men who
anent continue to subscribe to
Id I do I represent a city where

men subscribe to an assassination fund? [Mr. O'Connell was
interrupted by a g^neral exclamation of horror.] But this is
a thing which must be sifted.—(Cheers.) There must be an
examination to ascertain who are the men who contributed to
that assassination fund."

It is not enough that a tradesman should himself pro-
fess a horror of murder.

" He should ask the question,' adds the Dublin Evening
Post, " What becomes of the money which, as a bodyman,
he deposits in the hands of the managing Committee, the
executive directory of the union? If this money is employed
in hiring bravoes, and ' Welters,' and ' Billy Smiths,' and
Slaters'—if there be a regular ' Slating Committee' in full
play and full operation, surely every bodyman must know that
he is a contributor, and, as a contributor, that he is aft acces-
sory before the fact. Any attorney's clerk tvia tell him, that
if a murder be committed, as in the case of Ganley, and that
the fact of his contribution could be brought home, he would
stand a chance of stanking in the dock on a chatge of mur-
der. But though be might escape capital punishment, does
not the moral guilt remain ? There is surely another' tribunal
besides this on earth,

The Dublin Evening Po.Ft of Thursday last hls an ex-
cellent article on this appalling subject, in which it observes,
" It must have struck the public, in reading the reports of
the several discussions on the subject with which the Dublin
Papers are filled, that all the workmen who spoke on the occa-
sion indignantly and repeatedlv repudiated any connection be-
tween the body' and the ' Johnny Smiths,' or Billy Wel-
ters,' as the assassins are called. We, for our own parts,
acquit the great body of the trades from any such foul com-
panionship. We do believe that nine-tenths of them shrink
with horror from such associations. But, then, it cannot be
denied that these 'Welters,' &c., are in existence—that they
are in active employment, and that they do their work with the
most frightful fidelity to their employers. Do they receive,
then, the price of blood ? Are they NW 9"
We have been thus copious in our extracts with resrafd
to this appalling systaT.Ti, because we deem it of tho utmost
importance that society should knots' what trains are laid
beneath .',3 surface ready to ba sprung at the mandate of
secret and irresponsible Committees. We trust in God that
in this Christian and civilized country a system of secret
assassination will not longer be suffered to exist. That it
has existed long and to a fearful extent, both in Scotland and
Ireland, is but too certain. It is an evil which, however,
must be seriously grappled with, if we would rescue our
country from certain perdition. Of all evils, that of al-
lowing men to familiarise themselves with deeds of blood,
and to consider them legitimate means of attaining their
purposes, is the greatest and most destructive to society.
The principle on which these Trades' Unions are founded
is destructive of all improvement in the arts, for it takes
from the good. workman all motive for distinguishing him-
self, and places the most bungling workman on a level with
the best. Were the system to be generally in operation,
and a minimum of wages established, mechanics would ne-
cessarily sink in time to the level of parish paupers. We
have seen how rapidly, under the allowance system, which
was a levelling system, the agricultural labourers of Eng-
land in many counties sunk in their condition and character ;
and were the Trades' Unions to succeed in establishing their
system of interference masters and men would equally suffer.
but we trust the operatives have themselves bocome
generally sensible of the ruinous effects of Trades'
Unions, and we have hoard that they have for some time
bees gradually witbdrawitg themselves from them. In Ire-
land trade has hen all but destroyed by the workmen ; for
who woul'a think of having work done in Dublin or Bel-
fast, at a higher rate than it can be obtained in this coun-
try? The effect •f all attempts to raise wages artificially
in one place, is to drive the trade from it to another ; and
all attempts to embrace within the machinery of a union all
the workmen throughout this great empire must necessa-
rily break down, except when the trade is confined to a
very small number of hands. London is filled with arti-
cles executed in places where wages are infinitely lower
than here, and where apprentices are taken without limit ;
and it is quite impossible by any unions to prevent such a
result, so long as all law and order are not trampled under
foot.—Morning Chronicle.

Many persons have, since the receipt of the last advises
from Canada, been asking each other this question :—lf
the leaders of the traitorous rebellion in Canada are to
suffer the penalty of their crime, is it fitting, or consistent
with equal justice, that the persons at borne who have been
secretly prompting and counselling those rebels should
escape without judicial notice or inquiry ?" If the adviccs
we allude to are to be credited, the traitorous designs of
some at least of our home agitators hare not been confined
to speeches made in and out of Parliament, but consist also
of written recommendations to the very revolt which has
since broken out. If this be true, and that the letters of
one or more of such persons have been found ticketed, and
arranged in the official Cabinet of the traitor Papineau,
surely it behoves the Government to look at home as well
as abroad ; and not let the instigators of treason walk about
unscathed, while the traitors pay the forfeit of their crimes.
It is not impossible or at all improbable, but that the trea-
son being nipped in the bud and defeated, as we have now
some reason to hope is the case, the instigators at home
will abandon their dupes, and, in the language of Sempro-
nius, in Cate, exclaim—
__

" Villians, stand off( base grovelling worthless wretches,
Mongrels in faction, poor faint-hearted traitors l
Know—when such paltry slaves presume
To mix in treason, if the plot succeeds,
They're thrown neglected by ; but if it fails,
They're sure to die like dogs."
But this stoicism, though it may very well suit the cold-
blooded heartlessness of the modern radical, will meet with
no sympathy with a British or any other Christian com-
munity. However the recent out-burst in Canada may
end, there can be no doubt but that it ramifications, both
there and at home, must be sought out and fully investi-
gated ; and though we, in common with the enlightened
part of the community, have no wish to see traitors' heads
on Temple-bar, we do wish that if treason, or traitorous
designs can be brought home to any persons here, they will
not be allowed to escape from justice, but that the insti-
gator of rebellion, instead of being allowed to disseminate
mischief in safety, will find himself placed upen the same
level with the traitors themselves.—Murnin,g Herald.
We understand that Colonel EVBai'S published reasons
for not attending the Westminster meeting in favour of
Canadian rebellion having been found unsatisfactory by
many of those with whom he is in the habit of acting in
political matters, an investigation has taken place, and
other reasons, of admitted cogency, have been found out.
The brave and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel, having de-
voted himself with such remarkable gallantry and singular
success to the military aid of patriotism in Spain, could do
no less in the Canadian affair, if he stirred in the business
at all. He would be the more inevitably impelled to this
course from the circumstance that numbers of his renowned
Legion are at present in London, their breasts burning in
the cause of freedo-m, which they have found to be so ho-
nourable and profitable a service, and their grateful hearts
glowing with ardour to serve again under a commander
from whose leadership they have derived so much
dory. Under the circumstances, the Gallant Coloael
could scarcely have taken part in the Crown and
Anchor proceedings without .wing carried forward into mi-
litary achievemcatt in aid of those who resist their lawful
Sovereign in the sacred cause of liberality. But it is ex-
pedient that the revolted Canadians should themselves
possess the undivided glory of obtaining whatever shall be
obtained by their appeal to arais. The Gallant Colonel
feels that it would be scarcely becoming in him to eiagross
the liberal military renown of two hemispheres. It is
proper that he should restrain himself, but not being able
to aesater for the lengths to which ardour might have car-
ried hitn had he attended the Crown and Anehor meeting
he thought it more prudent to stay away. It is with plea-
sure we learn that this explanation has been found satis-
factory, and that Mr. Leader consents to recognise Colonel
Evans as his colleague in the representation of Westminster.
—Morning Post.

There is sometimes great force, great character, in a
single word. The forcible word that characterizes the
present Government, is the homely English adjective
" shabby." It was well applied to them by Sir James
Graham. It clings to them, and it marks them. There
may have been Ministers as weak, perhaps before the
Revolution ; there were even Ministers as wicked ; but
till our own time there never was a Government so
shabby. Other Administrations have bent to Monarchy,
to Aristocracy—hare dared an iniquitous war, or skulked
under a dishonourable peace—have smoothed their way to
power by irregular influence, or stormed it by stark prero-
gative ; but here are a set of men who truckle to the worst
passions of the lowest people, who, not content to wheedle
the mob, condescend to obey them—who eat to-day the big
words they spouted yesterday ; then, to-morrow, retract to-
day's retraction, and throw themselves upon the protection
of the country, whom it should have been theirs to protect.
Other Ministers have indulged the ambition of power—
these have but the craving of office. The passion for
power is a dignified vice—the lust of office is a shabby
one. Do these proud men—for they are among the
proudest of their generation, though it be a " pride that
licks the dust"-L-do they imagine that in all this great
country there is any constituency, or any society, we had
almost said any individual, by whom they are not under-
stood and scorned ? To be hated and feared has been, to
many, a tempting, though somewhat diabolical, lot ; but to
be hated and despised is a wish peculiar to Whigs. It is
fulfilled to their hearts' content—fulfilled unto the utter-
most parts of the kingdom—ay, of the earth itself. It was
necessary only that they should be understood, and time, as
it has discovered, has disgraced them. "I he people have
seen, year after year, measures originated, or distorted, or
sacrificed, to suit the one purpose of keeping in the Minis-
ters. They have begun to ask themselves what the Ministers
have done in return for being kept in so long ? And the an-
swer is, that Ministers have done their best to keep them-
selves in a little longer. No man can say that they are defi-
cient in singleness of purpose. They have but that one object,
and from it they never shrink, swerve, nor flinch. Consietent

in nothing else, they are eminently consistent in their shah-1
biness. When the Reform Bill was introduced, a great pr,r
portion of the peopie-believed that it was for the country 8
sake. Nothing, we fancy, can be further from the truth.
The Whigs had come into office with three watchwords
non-interference, retrenchment, and Reform. The situa-
tion of the Continent, unsettled by the Parisian rek.olution;
and by the contest between Holland and lielgintni mach;
non-interference impracticable ) cud the impracticability
of non-interference was necessarily a prohibition upon rt.;
trenchment, even if the Duke of Welliienti htkd not then
already pushed retrenchment pretty near to its furthest
limits, Two 6r their three staples failing; it boafiie
cessary to throw eVerything,Upon the third I Mid thus Re-
form was obliged OS do 'treble duty, and perform by itself
the whole leek *bleb had been intended "to be shared by
non-interfereoce and retrenchment. A treble at2'l° pf
Reform was accordingly adminittered, and the MIL-livers
were hailed As the Txio3t patriotic of men for introducing
a measure which they believed would answer the two-
fold purpose of concealing their deSciencies on the other
points of expectation, and fixing their party in office for
ever. They begin prosperously. The first Parliament
elected under the Reform Bill compromised a majority of
Wh;gs, strong enough to overbear the Conservatives and
disregard the Radicals. Then their natural pride took its
course, and they indulged it freely. 'Then Mr. O'Connell
was in their mouths very much what Mr. Papineau is now,
and Mr. Hume appeared to be at a discount. But an-
other Parliament brought another distribution of forces.
The Conservatives were almost 300 mcal. What was to
be done ? What, but to court the Radicals, and the Ant:-
Protestants, English and Irish--to hold out temptations
instead of threatening prosecutions, to give patronage
instead of punishment, to malign the Church and the
Clergy, to rob the Protestant faith of its support, and
the very edifice of its repairs—from time to time, to
hold out hopes of larger and still larger changes, and
dangle new baits at the Radicals, English and Irish.
Again the Parliament is dissolved as the Crown is demised,
and Conservatives increase their forces yet further. The
Radicals must have a check, but there must be a boon for
the* to. So the Ballot is peremptorily refused ; but a few
wretched hundreds, which the Ministers were a thousand

times sworn to defend, were placed at the mercy of a Par-
liamentary Committee to be taken from some two or three
miserable pensioners. Are those things wicked ? Yes,
notoriously : but it is not for this that we mention them,
not because they are so notoriously wicked, but because
they are so incomparably shabby. One leading feature of
the shabby policy is, that its administrators must be al-
ways changing it, whether, as in Ireland, they b, gin by
big words, or whether, as in Canada, they breathed
concession and compliance—for the two opposite policies
were simultaneously tried in these respective countrie•—still
there was a change to follow speedily. They were unable to
go on with the high tone in Ireland, because they could do no-
thing without Mr. O'Connell in the House of Commons. The
showy was checked by the shabby. They were unable to
go on with the conciliatory tone in Canada, because, after
having been repeatedly kicked and buffeted by their friends
for something more, as idols are beaten by their wor-
shippers, they came at length to a point at which they
feared the indignation of the mother country. And here
they are now overawed by Ireland to despoil a Church—
affronted by Canada to rescind a charter—dunned by Ame-
rica to extend a frontier—bullied for Ballot—coerced for
patronage—hating, fearing, doubting, shuffling, smiling,
crying—detested by the English Radicals, who openly ex-
pose and denounce, though they still vote with them—de-
tested equally by the Irish anti-Protestants, who hate and
vote with them, but do not so openly denounce or expose
—here they are, dependent yet unsteady, servile yet irrita-
ble, the creatural in public of men with whom in private
they shrink from even associating—rash and timid, over-
bearing and abject, proud and shabby, the slur, the shame,
and, if they last much longer, the curse of the country.—
Times.

Mr. Wallace has certainly, through his Parliamentary
labours, rendered very great service to the cause of Post-
office reform, and we think that all those who are in the
habit of receiving or transmitting letters, whether in con-
nection with commercial or professional pursuits, or as•
the medium of keeping alive the warmth of private
friendship, owe him a debt of gratitude for his exer-
tions in facilitating the transmission of epistolary corre-
spondence, which, at least, deserves the strongest expres-
sion of their thanks. Out of doors Mr. Wallace will have
to encounter a rival, or we should more properly say an
efficient auxiliary, in the person of Mr. Rowland Hill. Since
Mr. Hill took up the subject of Post-office Reform, he has
been eminently fortunate in arresting the attention of almost
every class of persons in a way commensurate with the
importance of the question. Month after month, and
even at lesser intervals, has Mr. Hill appeared in one shape
or another, either in pamphlet, newspaper letter, or Par-
liamentary petitions in all of which he brought the matter
before the public view, and invariably succeeded, by a
happy elucidation of the evils of ate existing system, and
by pointing out, without exaggeration or intemperance,
what he, upon deliberation, considered would be improve-
ments, in concestratin; a mass of opinion, which, at uo
distant day, must, by well-directed efforts, secure the adop-
tion of such changes as will give the community all the
advantages which the Post-office, as a groat national esta-
blishment, could reasonably be expected, under the best
possible management, to bestow. Mr. Hill, we observe, has
addressed a courteous communication to Lord Lichfield, in
which, after thanking his Lordship for the condescension with
which ho has invariably been in the habit of receiving his
suggestions, he announces his determination of publishing
a series of letters, in order to remove prejudice, combat by
argument false notions, and prove the utility of the plans
which he recommends. This is as it ought to be ; it is by
such a course of procedure, where no motives can exist for
the perpetuation of defects and abuses, save the misconcep-
tion of what is right, that the object will be best attained,
and the public interest niost efficiently served. In a late
article we entreated such persons as Mr. Wallace and Dir.
Rowland Hill, who are engaged in an impnrtantundertaking,
not by their ardour to he led into a discourteous or unfair
warfare with the officers of the Post-office establishment,
which could have no other effect than that of weakening
their position, and creating obstacles to the removal of
abuses which otherwise might not have existed. Of what
use in the world can it be, that because we may differ in
opinion from the views entertained by those who have
practical experience of those things which we are only ac-
quainted with in theory, we should all at once fly into a
passion and impute selfish and impure motives to them,
when we should coolly argue the business with them. As

Postmaster-General, we are bound to say, that Lord Lich-
field has not evinced any disposition to patronize a stand-
still policy, when it was found that a change might be be-
neficially- hazarded, and we aro sure that we but speak the
sentiments of the public when we avert that Col. Waberley
has not only exercised the important functions of his office
in a manner the most advatatasgeous to the community, but
has at all times been ready to profit. by the experience of
others rho have been in a condition to furnish him with
useful information. When we behold such individuals at
the head of the Post-office department, we cannot too
strongly reprehend any recourse having been had to petty
pesonal attacks, when facts and argum,:nis ought only to
be rued.—Monfing didvertiscr.

CATARACT.—Mr. Stevenson's popular work on
this frequent form of blindness announced in another part of
our impression in addition to the fullest information on ail
points connected selith the interesting subject, discloses the
author's mild and effectual method of mewling sight to the
greatest attainable perfection, not only Itt the very onset, but at
any subsequent stage of the disuse, whereby the patient is re-
leased from the terrors, delays, and dangers, inarable from
the operation of couch*.

Trials, have lately been made at Christiania, in Nor-
way of a new species of shell, which, although it weighs only
401b5., does as much damage in bursting as an ordinary shell
of 1501bs. It is the invention of Captain Frederiksez, of
the Norwegian navy, and M. E•mtrch, professor of natural
history and chemistry at the University of Christiania.
NAPLES, DEC. 19.—A droll adventure occurred
yesterday before the Cafe d'ltalia, near the Royal Palace.
An English sailor, animated by the juice of the grape, hap-
pened to run foul of a soldier, who in return began to abuse
him with all the usual invectives of a Neapolitan vocabulary.
A diabgue ensued, from which neither of the disputants de-
rived much edification, etch carrying it on in his own national
dialect. In a few minutes afterwards about half-a-dozen
other soldiers arrived from the neighbouring cavalry guard-
house, and joined their comrade. The sailor protested that
he had been quite innocent of any intention to give offence ;
but the soldiers, confident in their superior numbers, insisted
upon his going to the guard-house. After some further
altercation two of them attempted to lay hands upon him, when
Jack losing all patience, had his jacket off in a twinkling, and
challenged the whole set to come on, and show what they were
made of. Those who were nearest to him receives instant
proofs of the vigour of his arm, whereupon the whole set
scampered off in quick time, whilst Jack, after adjusting his
thehi
inmates, s
costume, walked leisurely away, but not without stopping to
discharge
h oawvolley ,
manifestedof oaths
intoth
ethe i at
er ds
t- ho u
wish
to renew thes e ; Oboe
altercation.—Allyenteine Zeitung

DIARY OF THE TIMES OF GEORGE IT WITH
ORIGINAL LETTERS OF QUEEN CAROLINE, &c.--This work
opens to our view the secret history of our Court and of our
Royal Family for more than half a century. We have enter-
taining narratives, amusing descriptions, spirited sketches, all
combining to constitute a most interesting work. A perusal
of these important volumes will not tend, however, to raise
either Courts or Royalty in the public estimation. A number
of the letters, anecdotcs,and private memoranda, written when
the unhappy Princess was in Italy, are very entertaining, and
are full of exposures of Foreign Counts, politicians, noblemen,
and intriguers of every description. We have not had for a
long time an opportunity of calling the attention of our read-
ers :to so excellent a work. To be justly appreciated it mul
be read continuously, and not in detached passages, —Dispatch.

for having dese'rtedjt-he ruless for
great stickler • and Mr. Conner;
up and left the body to which he
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