The Sun.
London, England, 1854-03-04 00:00:00

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imagined more fatal to that cause than if the question had
been forced upon an unwilling House of Commons, and an
unwilling public, by the noble lord on the present occa-
sion. Sir, the people of this country are desirous at the
present moment of uniting heart and hand in prosecuting
a far greater war than any in which England has yet been
engaged; and I must add, that I believe this house, faith-
fully representing the feelings of this country, is not dis-
posed to seek for occasions of party differences ; and does
not desire to see matters of party struggle brought forward
but at the outset of this formidable contest is inclined to
believe that the duty devolves upon it of presenting a
united aspect and serried front to the nations of Europe,
which are closely watching our actions. (Hear, hear.) I
have seen it stated in the newspapers that, in conversation
upon one occasion, the Emperor of Russia said he had no
fear for the peace of Europe, because he believed that,
what he was pleased to call a " bourgeoise" House of Com-
mon!, would never support the Government in a great and
patriotic course of action in foreign policy. I think the
demeanour of this house and the country will soon con-
vince him of his mistake. (Cheers.) Sir, upon that ground
I heartily rejoice at the course which the Government have
pursued. I think they are right not only to postpone the
bill upon the present occasion, but I think they would act
extremely wrong if they pledged themselves to bring it for-
ward at any time—(laughter from the Opposition benches)
—or under any circumstances, when their sense of public
duty may tell them that, as conscientious men, they are
not discharging their duty to the Crown and to the country
by introducing it to Parliament and I hope that no taunt
or sneer will drive them from that which I hold to be the
course of public duty—namely, not for any minor conside-
ration—not for any consideration of an unworthy descrip-
tion in the least to waver from the position of judging of
events as they arise, and not to commit themselves prema-
turely to any course which, when the time came, might
be contrary to their sense of public duty. We are told
we are on the eve of a war. It is true there is yet a pos-
sibility that war may be avoided, and if so, one or two
months hence, may be a very proper time to consider the
Reform Bill ; but my anticipation is very different. lam
afraid that before the 27th of April we shall be involved
in an arduous and severe contest, and therefore my opinion
is that it would be a most unwise course to urge the Go -
vernment to introduce the bill at that time. (Hear, hear.)
One word more and I have done. The hon. baronet, the
member for Westminster seemed to call upon the country
to agitate upon this question. My belief is that the coun-
try is too sensible and patriotic to adopt that policy. Sir,
this not a time for internal dissentions of any kind, and I
will say that, although I believe there is a great body who
would like to see a practical and well devised scheme for
improving the representation of the people, yet this house
as at present composed is, I believe, in the opinion of the
country fully able to represent it, and to conduct its affairs
either in peace or in war. (Hear, hear.) There is, there-
fore, no reason whatever why we should, at all costs and
hazards, urge upon Govornment this question of Parlia-
mentary reform. I will conclude, sir, by saying that I
for one am content to leave the question with entire con-
fidence in the hands of the noble lord the member for the
city of London. I think the course he has recommended
is a wise and patriotic course ; and I hope that neither
he nor any other member of the Government will be in-
duced to give a pledge of any kind which may in the
slightest degree embarrass that free action and that liberty
to judge of events as they arise which Ministers of the
Crown ought always to possess, but especially at such a
time as the present. (Cheers.)
Colonel SIBTHORP said the course pursued by the
noble lord was no more than what he expected from the
beginning. (A laugh.) He had witnessed so much vacil-
lation on the part of the noble lord, particularly of late
years, that he had no doubt, though the noble lord would
not own it, that the whole thing had been planned on the
first day. The noble lord had produced a variety of
things, but had done nothing, and it might safely be pre-
dicted that the house had seen the last of the new Reform
Bill.

Mr. PHINN observed that, though he represented a
constituency which had always stood boldly forward in
the cause of reform, he could not but tender to the noble
lord his mead of approval for the course which he had
taken, (Hear, hear.) The honourable member for West-
minster—perhaps he did not intend it—had used language
of a somewhat ungenerous character—(hear, hear)—and
which he could not help thinking must have occasioned
pain to the noble lord, as it had unquestionably done to
those who had always looked to him as one in whom the
reformers of the country confided. (Hear, hear.) No one
could have heard the statement of the noble lord without
seeing most clearly that there was a great struggle in his
mind between his sense of what was due to himself, to his
personal honour, and to the pledges he had given to the
house and the country., and what it was necessary to yield
to a stern sense of public duty. (Hear, hear.) The noble
lord, however, must see at the present moment that, what-
ever pledges he might have given, he could not control
the force of circumstances, nor urge public opinion beyond
a certain given point. For his own part, he confessed
he was very much of the opinion of the honourable mem-
ber for East Kent, though, had the Government in spite
of all resistance resolved to carry the bill through the house,
he should have given them his humble but earnest support.
Unless, however, they were prepared to say that the ques-
tion of reform could be disussed without injury to our fo-
reign policy, he would not advise them to proceed with the
bill ; for, most unquestionably, if affairs had arrived at
such a crisis that the united energies of the four Powers
were required to bridle the ambition of Russia, the first
thing which this country bad to do was to bring the war
to a speedy termination, and then it might turn its atten-
tion to internal organic reform.

Sir J. P.A.KINGTON—Sir, I do not object to the post-
ponement of this Reform Bill. (A. laugh from the Minis-
terial benches.) In my opinion, to have preserved in that
bill at the present juncture would have been dangerous
and unwise. But Ido object to a course of conduct on

the part of her Majesty's Government by which the country
has been excited and misled. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I think
that the explanation we have this evening heard from the
noble lord is humiliating and discreditable to her Ma-
jesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the noble lord
has said nothing which, in my mind, can save himself or
the Government from this censure—namely, that if the
Reform Bill ought not to be persevered in, it ought not to
have been introduced. (Cheers.) You have laid on the
table a bill which has excited the hopes and the fears of
large classes of the people, and I hold that you are not jus-
tified as a Government in so submitting that bill to Parlia-
ment unless you are prepared to press it forward with all
the might and with all the influence which the Govern-
ment of the Crown can use. (Continued cheering from the
Opposition benches.) Sir, the noble lord has told us to-
night that he postpones this bill on account of a message
which has been sent to the Emperor of Russia. Will the
noble lord tell the house that on the day when he moved for
leave to introduce this bill he did not contemplate sending
that message to the Emperor of Russia ? (Cheers ) Is
there any one respect in which the position of Parliament,
the position of the Government, or the position of the coun -
try is different to-day from what it was on the day upon
which this bill was introduced ? (Cheers.) Sir, the noble lord
has said that this bill ought not to go forward, because we
are on the point of war. Has the noble lord forgotten what
he himself said on a former evening upon this very subject.
(Hear, hear.) Has he forgotten that he told the house that
the very fact of an approaching war would involve in-
creased taxation—that increased taxation required increased
confidence on the part of the people towards their repre-
sentatives—and that, therefore, this was the time above
all others preeminently fitted for a reform bill? (Hear,
hear.) How does the noble lord reconcile the language of
that day with the language which we have now heard ? Sirs
I am sorry to say that I think the conduct of Government
has been such as greatly to impair the position in the eyes
of the country which it is most desirable they should oc-
cupy at such a moment of public excitement and national
importance. By the vasillating conduct of the Govern.
ment they have involved us in a war with Russia. (Cries
of " no, no" and cheers.) Sir, I will not shrink from
adopting the opinion which I believe can be demonstrated
and proved, that the timidity and vacillation of the Go-
vernment have mainly led to the war with Russia. (Hear.)
That is proved by the papers which you have shown us ;
but the Government must admit—the noble lord himself
has this night admitted—that we who dissent from the
policy of the Government have met them in a patriotic
spirit. We think them right in the vigour at which they
have at last arrived, and we are willing unanimously to
support them in the war they are about to enter on. But,
sir, this policy requires unanimity, and makes it most im-
portant and desirable that we should act as one man in facing
our enemies ; and I think it renders the conduct of the Go-
vernment gravely reprehensible that they endeavour to agi-
tate the country and Parliament by a measure upon which
they know it is impossible for unanimity to exist. (Hear.)
Sir, the Government have only proposed to us two measures
of importance this year. One of these measures they have
now postponed, and with the other it appears they dare not
proceed. The one is a bill to amend the representation of
the people, and the other a bill affecting deeply some of the'
most grave constitutional questions and some of the most
important constitutional guarantees for the religious liber-
ties of this country. Such is the present position of the
Government. I repeat I do not object to the postponement I
of this bill ; on the contrary, I think the Government
would have been deeply reprehensible had this bill been
persevered in ; but I cannot refrain from expressing my i
strong and emphatic condemnation of their conduct in
bringing forward a measure which, if it ought not to be j
proceeded with, ought never to have been introduced.
(Cheers from the Opposition benches.)
Mr. HUME—Sir, I fur one have heard, undoubtedly
with deep regret, the determination of the Government to

postpone this bill, because I fear it may excite in the
minds of the people a suspicion that they wish to give up
the measure altogether. Now, sir, I have sufficient confi-
dence in the noble lord and the Government to which he

belongs, to think that they cannot be guilty of that which
is charged against them. I believe they are sincere, and it
is because I believe theyare sincere that I have given them
my hearty support in the measure they have introduced. I
will not say that the reasoens beenth sufficient ; but I am have urged for post-
poning this bill appear to have
not on that account to declare that theyare not justified in
extending the period for considering the bill, provided they
allow plenty of time, in dealing
with it before the end of
the session. It was to be expected that hon. gentlemen
on the Opposition side should rise and say they approved
of the postponement of the bill ; but for progressive re-
formers—for those who desire to see the grounds of dis-
content removed from among the people of this country
—for such men to throw doubts into the public mind
with regard to the intentions of Government is
really too bad. (Cheers.) The honourable baronet the
member for Westminster speaks of the reformers of Eng-
land. What does he know of the reformers of England ?
(Cheers.) I think I kno vas much of them as he does ;
and I can only say that every communication I have had
from the country speaks favourably of the bill as a whole.
(Hear.) There may be points which, when it comes into
committee, might be modified ; but looking to it as a mea-
sure which gives a share of representation to large classes
of the people, which—bringing them within the pale of
the constitution, tends to remove discontent—l say, this
appears to me to be a large and comprehensive measure.
Every man who sits here as a reformer ought to embracH,
and not find fault with it. I will not form so base an opi-
nion of the Government as to think they will not apply
their whole force to carry it through a second reading. I
agree with the right hon. baronet opposite (Sir J. Pakin,g-
ton), that if they were not determined to go through with
it, they ought not to have introduced it. Having intro-
duced it, with all the obligations which the Government
have incurred, and after the speech of the noble lord upon
that occasion, I never can form such a base opinion of
them as seems to have been formed by some who call them-
selves reformers. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I advise all
such men to pass from the ranks. (Laughter.) I can
guard against those who call themselves my enemies, but
not against those who oall themselves my friends. (Cheers.)
Though it should be lost—though the Government should
be placed in a minority upon this question—it would only
tend to rouse the spirit of the country in its favour. I
want no agitation. The people have perfect confidence in