The Sun.
London, England, 1853-09-28 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 28, 1853.

ALISON'S HISTORY OF EUROPE.
VOLUME SECOND of the PEOPLE'S
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BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE,
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CONTENTS.

Uncle Tom's Cabin.
Right Divine.
Lady Lee's Widowhood. Part X.
New Readings in Shakespeare.—No.
Rail and Saddie in Sprin.
The Wanderer.
Thackeray's Le?tures—Swift. .
Note to the Article on the New Rea lin,gs in Shakespeare.
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LORD PALMERSTON AT PERTH.

On Monday afternoon the freedom of the city of
Perth was conferred upon Lord Palmerston in the
City-hall. The noble Lord arrived from Rossie
Priory, where he had been the guest of Lord Kin-
naird, at 12 o'clock, and was received at the rail-
way station by the Provost and magistrates of the
city, and escorted to the City-hall. The station
was profusely decked with flowers ; the entrance
to the hall was lined with officials, and the splendid
building was filled by about 2,00 D people, the gal-
lery being occupied by elegantly dressed ladies.
Lord Palmerston, on entering the hall, was re-
ceived with the greatest enthusiasm, and took his
seat by the Provost, supported by the magistrates
and council, Lord Kinnaird, the Provost of Dun-
dee, the Hon. Arthur Kinnaird, M.P., and several
other distinguished strangers.
The PROVOST requested the Town-clerk to read
the resolution of the Council to confer the freedom
on the noble lord, and then invested him with the
usual insignia of office. The resolution was to this
effect :
"At Perth, and within the Town-hall thereof, Monday,
the 26th day of September, 1853, at half-past 11
o'clock, forenoon,
" Sederunt in Council, that the Right Hon. Henry
John, Viscount Palmerston, is at present in this neigh-
bourhood, and is expected to be in Perth about noon to-
day, unanimously resolve to take that opportunity of
presenting his lordship Ivith the freedom of the city, this
being the highest compliment the Council have it in their
power to bestow, and which they feel to be eminently
due to one who has so long held a prominent place in
ser-
vices as a statesman, and 'hill liberality as a politician,
n,
hasthe earned
foof for himself
S ms
seolfvetrheeig and who, by his great
lasting
gratitude
of
his
try,

"The Council further appoint the Lord Provost
and magistrates as a deputation to receive Lord Palmers-
ton on his arrival, and escort him to the City-hall, in
order that the freedom may be then and there presented
to him in the face of the assembled citizens."
The PROVOST, in addressing the noble lord, traced
his history as a statesman, and dwelt at some length
on the more prominent points of his public life. For
19 years the noble lord had held the office of Sec-
retary at. War to the satisfaction of the country,
and in time of peace, although educated in another
school, had devoted himself to the great question
of parliamentary reform, abandoning the party
whose policy was for " no reform," and joining him-
self to Earl Grey, whose motto was " Retrench-
ment, Reform, and Peace." (Cheers.) But it was
as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that Lord
Palmerston had most of all distinguished himself.
In that department of public service his admirable
diplomacy had secured the independence of Bel-
gium, checked the ambition of France, and, in re-
lation to Spain and Portugal, had supported the
cause of liberty against despotism, freedom of
thought against priestly power, and defended reli-
gious liberty agains-, the stratagems of the Jesuits
and the tyranny of ,he Pope. (Cheers.) Nor had
his lordship been less distinguished for his love of
humanity than his attachment to freedom, and pos-
terity would look back on his efforts to abolish
slavery with gratitude and pride. Under his com-
mands the barracoons of Africa had been thrown
open to the slave, and burnt to the ground. He
set the Africans free, and made a magnificent
bonfire of the infernal haunts of horrid cruelty
in which the slaves had been confined. But,
my lord, it is only one or two of your brilliant
deeds that I can advert to at present. During
the period you held the office of Foreign Secre-
retary, everynation in Europe was benefitted by the
wisdom of your counsels and the liberality of your
principles, while each and all of them were taught
to respect the country which you so admirably re-
presented, and Those honour and dignity you so
zealously and successfully maintained. At the pre-
sent hour, when Europe is in such a state of agita-
tion, and when the horrors of war are apparently
impending over it, such wisdom, and liberality,
and decision are urgently required ; and although,
my Lord, you are not in the Foreign-office for the
present, we rejoice that you are in the Cabinet,
and we trust that the rule which was once pro-
pounded to you will now be adopted and acted on
—viz., that no steps in our foreign relations should
taken 'until they had first been submitted to the
whole Cabinet, as well as to the Queen. (Cheers.)
And thus we may expect, that in the present emer-
gency your experience and advice will be available
' to the country and valued as coming from one of
unsurpassed wisdom and skill. (Cheers.)
Lord PALMERSTON, who was received with great
cheering, said—l can assure you, my Lord Provost
and gentlemen of the corporation, that I feel most
deeply sensible of the great honour which you have
just conferred on me. It is matter of great pride
and satisfaction to me to find myself thus, in some
degree, connected with this great and distinguished
body, the citizens of Perth. I have viewed with
the greatest admiration the magnificent country
which surrounds what I may venture to call your
capital—a country which, when I compare it with
the state in which I saw it—l will not say how
many years ago—when, as a young tourist, I
passed through it, excites my unbounded admira-
tion for the intelligence, the industry, and the skill
of the people who inhabit it. I may, indeed, say
that your country is a kind of emblem of your na-
tional character ; for while, on the one hand, it
presents those bold elevations which aro the gift of
nature, on the other hand it exhibits the highest cul-
tivation which human skill calaconfer. (Cheers.) My
birth and my interest lie, indeed, in other parts of the
United Kingdom ; but I may claim at least one
tie with Scotland. For what signifies it that a
man should be born, or of what practical value are
his interests, if he has not had the benefit of that
cultivation which education bestows ? and where-
ever any important part of a man's education has
been given him, to that place must his affections
recur during the whole course of his subsequent
life. Xow, gentlemen, it was my good fortune to
pass 'three years in Edinburgh, under the roof and
wilder the instruction of that great and good man,
Dugald Stewart—(cheers)—a man no less distin-
guished for the great capacity of his mind, for his
powers to rise to the highest summit of science,
and to penetrate the deepest mysteries of metaphy-
sics, than for those sterling qualities of heart and
of disposition which make talent practically useful,
and which add to the dignity of genius. (Applause.)
The Lord Provost has been kind enough to advert
to some passages in my public life. He but rightly
interpreted the sentiments which guided me when
he said that I embraced heartily and cordially
those principles of Parliamentary and municipal
reform, which however much they excited doubts
in the minds of many men at the time when they
were broached, have, I think, now gained univer-
sal concurrence by the practical experience of good
which they have conferred on all classes of this
great empire. (Cheers.) And whatever opinions
any man may have formed at the time when that
great battle was fought, there is not, I believe, a
person in the country who would now for an in-
stant contemplate any retrogression in regard to
these great measures. (Hear, and cheers.) Gentle-
men, it was, as the Lord Provost has been pleased
to say, my anxious desire, while the charge of our
foreign relations was committed to my hands, in
the first place, to maintain unimpaired the interests
and untarnished the honour and dignity of the
country. But beyond those interests and that
honour, there were certainly two objects which I held
constantly in view, and which to a great degree the
Government of which I-was a member succeeded
in accomplishing. The one was to encourage the
diffusion of the principles of constitutional govern-
ment throughout the countries of Europe. The
Lord Provost has justly said that our efforts suc-
ceeded in establishing that which I hold to be the
best system of constitutional government—l mean I
constitutional monarchy—in Belgium, and that
these principles of government were estab-
lished in Portugal and Spain. And we may look
now with satisfaction to the map of Europe, and
we may see that there are—l speak not of those
small unfortunate States of Middle and Southern
Italy—among the great States of Europe, but Aus-
tria and Russia, in which, in some form or other,
representative or constitutional government does
exist. (Cheers.) I know well that in many of
these countries it has for the moment been reduced
to a mere form; but, depend upon it, forms are
invaluable. As long as good forms of government
are maintained, no man need despair that the time
will come when, even withou'6 violence, and with-
out revolution, these forms may become real sub-
stance. (Loud cheers.) The next object was—l
won't say the next, because it was the first object—
the abolition, the suppression of the detestable
crime of slavery. (Hear, hear.) It was a difficult
task ; there were many resisting influences ; these
influences have been, I trust, almost entirely over-
come. We took a line which compelled that great
delinquent Brazil, practically to abandon its crime,
and although Spain still continues, unfortunately,
to a great degree—as far as her limited means are
concerned—to perpetrate this crime, yet I trust
that Cuba will soon follow the example of Brazil,
and that the much injured the race of Africa will
be now restored to the legitimate pursuits of
agriculture and commerce, and that the native
will no longer tremble at the eight of t white

man, fearing that he sees in him the repre-
sentative of all the miseries that can afflict
human nature. (Great applause.) Gentlemen, it
ought to be satisfactory to every Englishman to
know that the conduct of our foreign relations is
now in able hands—that Lord Clarendon, my noble
friend Lord Clarendon, who is now at the head of
that department, has penetration to see where the
interests, and the honour, and the safety of the
country are to be sought ; that he has sagacity to
discover the proper means for preserving and main-
taining those interests, and that he has firmness
and energy and perseverance to pursue the right
course to arrive at a successful and perfect result.
(Cheers.) If my noble friend. Lord Clarendon re-
ceives, as I am sure he will, the cordial, the gene-
rous support of the country, you may depend upon
it that he will not disappoint the just expectations
of his countrymen. (Loud cheering.) Gentlemen,
my duties now are of a different nature. The office
which I have the honour to hold places me more
in intimate and close relation with my fellow-
countrymen at home, and I trust that in the per-
formance of these duties I shall receive their cor-
dial and general support. A Minister of State,
gentlemen, has no better eyes, and can see no
further, than his neighbours. The probability is
that, after a very short time of reading bad hands
and pale ink, his physical eyes will be rather worse
than those of others. His ears are not those of
Dionysius the Sicilian, and they can hear but very
little of what comes from a distance from him ; but
his countrymen have eyes to see, and they have ears
to hear, and they have tongues to speak, and they
have pens to write ; and if those who see and hear
-things that are going wrong will have the goodness
to communicate to that officer whose duty it is,
and who may have the power of setting these things
right, I can assure my fellow-countrymen at large
that whoever does that will be conferring a
great favour on the man in office, and will be doing
a great benefit to the country at Large. (Applause.)
I know that among a great number of communica-
tions there may be many which are founded in
error, in mistake of facts, in misconception of
powers to remedy them. There may be a great deal
of chaff in that which is sent, but if in a bushel of
chaff the Minister shall find a pint of good corn,
that bushel of chaff will be well worth the winnow-
ing, and he can turn the pint of corn to good pur-
pose. (Applause.) Therefore, though many per-
sons may think that communications from indivi-
duals give trouble to those who are in office, never
mind that—l care not for it—the more trouble
that is given, if it is for a good purpose, the better,
for it is only by the assistance of the public at
large that men in office can adequately and satis-
factorily perform their duties. (Applause.) Gen-
tlemen, I can assure you that the course which the
Lord Provost and magistrates of your city have
this day pursued is that which, of all others, is best
calculated to promote the, public interest. I mean
that when public bodies like that of the city of
Perth see in the conduct of public men anything
which they are led to sanction and approve—
though in my case I feel that the approbation ex-
ceeds the merit which has called it forth,—wherever
public bodies like the great and respectable body of
this city see in the conduct of public men that
which they are pleased to approve, it is by a pub-
lic demonstration of that approval—it is by the
encouragement which those civic honours offer to
exertions in the public service—it is by these means
that cities can best contribute to stimulate public
men to the anxious and zealous performance of their
duty, and to encourage those who are entering into
public life to devote themselves zealously to the ac-
quiring that knowledge and to the practising those
exertions by means of which the public service of
this country will always be supplied with men cap-
able of fulfilling those duties, and equal to any
times and emergencies in which they may be called
upon to act. My Lord Provost and gentlemen, I
beg leave to return you my most sincere thanks
for the honour which you have done me ; and I
can assure you that I will preserve the testimony
of your approbation as one of the proudest posses-
sions which I may hope at any time to receive.
(Loud cheering.)
The Hon.ARTHUR KINNAIRD, M.P., in moving
a vote of thanks to the Provost, could not but re-
joice in that opportunity of testifying, from his
own personal knowledge, to the able and efficient
services which Lord Palmerston had rendered to
the cause of civil and religious freedom, and which
would only be fully known to the country when
they came to be related by the historian's pen.
(Cheers.) By his vigorous and enlightened admi-
nistration of foreign affairs the British name had
come to be honoured and respected in every part
of the world, and ho had the encouraging assurance
by his presence there that day, and the warm re-
ception he had there met with, that his conduct
had been of a character that could not but be ap-
proved by the nation at large. And while he said
this with reference to his more general administra-
tion of our foreign affairs, he believed that the
cheering reception he had met with there that day
was because the basis of his policy had been a right
and just indignation against tyranny of every kind,
both civil and ecclesiastical. (Cheers.)
Provost Timms, of Dundee, seconded the mo-
tion. Ho could say for the large and influential
town which he had the honour to represent on
that occasion, that they would yield to none in
admiration of the conduct and character of the

noble lord who had that day been made a burgess
of the city of Perth. In his judgment, the grand
feature by which he had been most of all distin-

guished was his love of peace, and when they con-
sidered that under his Foreign Ministry they had
now enjoyed a lengthened period of uninterrupted
peace, they could not but rejoice in his administra•
tion ; and, for his own part, he would say, and
that without the least insinuation in regard to the
distinguished nobleman who at present holds the
foreign seals, that the country will yet call the
noble lord Secretary of Foreign Affairs for Eng-
land. (Cheers.)
The meeting then separated.

FREEDOM OF THE GIIILDRY OF PERTH

TO LORD PALMERSTON.
The Guildry of Perth having also resolved to
make the noble lord a burgess of guild, that honour
was conferred in the Guildhall, in the presence of
a large number of the brethren, the Dean of Guild
presiding. The minute of the guildry recording
their resolution to invite the noble lord to accept
this honour bore that it was unanimously offered
in consideration of his "manly, firm, and indepen-
dent spirit and conduct" in the management of the
public affairs of the country to which he had been
called.

Lord PALMERSTON then received "stone and
lime" of the city, according to ancient usage, and,
having become " solemnly bound" to discharge
every civil and religious duty which the office legally
implies, said :—My Lord Dean of Guild,—l beg to
return you my most sincere thanks for having thus
completed my creation. (Applause and laughter.)
Imperfection is the lot of human nature, but to be
an imperfect citizen of Perth would indeed be a
great mortification to me, or anybody else who
esteems as highly as I do the people who inhabit
this most distinguished city. (Cheers.) I only
hope that I shall not be too hard pressed to fulfil
the declaration which I have just made, and that
the duties which I may be called upon to perform
may in some degree be measured out to me with
due consideration of the distance at which I have to
execute them. (Laughter.) With regard to the
topic which the Dean has just adverted to, I cer-
tainly think all parties who have concurred in the im-
provements-of our commercial system may be proud
of having done a good work, the results of which
will long, I trust, be felt for the benefit of the
whole country. And there is this remarkable cir-
cumstance in connexion with the carrying out of
these improvements—viz., that no question which
had so much divided the opinion of mankind, hair_
ing been carried one way, quickly made
converts of those who during the discussion held
an opposite and contrary opinion. (Hear, hear.)
For we are now all Free Traders—(cheers)—there
is no party in the country that now holds the prin-
ciples of free trade to be a mistake and an injury to
the country. I had, not very long ago, the good
fortune to meet with an old friend who had- been
for five or six years absent from the country in a
far distant situation, and who said that -he could
hardly believe that he was come back to the same
country from which he went ; he found such an
entire difference in the general feeling of every-
body with whom he came in contact. When he
went away people were complaining ,of this, and
finding fault with that, and grumbling with some-
thing else ; but now he found all classes admitting
that they were in a flourishing condition, and there
was a general feeling of contentment and satisfac-
tion wherever he went. (Cheers.) It is true that
national examples are slow of imitation. There is
in other countries that which existed here—namely,
private and particular interests which conflict with
the general good—honestly and sincerely often, as
well as sometimes founded in selfish motives. But
in the countries abroad there is, I am sorry to say,
still great prejudice against those principles of com-
mercial freedom which Wire hem eatablighed eo

r PRICE 51).

much to the advantage of this country. Yet, de-
; I pend upon it, the example of England will sooner
or later tell. People may at first be frightened at
the consequences of the perfect freedom of com-
merce which we have adopted, and, though they may
thus be slow to follow our example, depend upon
' it that example will, the longer we continue to pur-
sue it, and extend it, in as far as circumstances may
enable us, yet tell on every nation of the world.
(Cheers.) Sooner or later it will produce its fruit.
But even if it should net—even if they keep to their
restrictive system, we have already benefited, and
shall continue to benefit, ourselves, for under the
old system we bought dear—under the new we can
buy from them cheap. (Cheers.) It is no argu-
ment that we should not seek to maintain and ex-
tend this system of free trade because other nations
wont do it. It is for us to do justly and rightly,
and, if we continue to do so, we shall yet be able
to natio the shackles by which industty is bound,
and sooner or later unite in levelling all those bar-
riers which the prejudice and ignorance of mankind
have in former times established to resist and pre-
vent that intercourse between nation and nation
which not only tends to promote national prospe-
rity, but the progress of civilisation and the hap-
piness of the world. (Much cheering.)

LORD PALMERSTON IN GLASGOW.
GLASGOW, TUESDAY AFTERNOON.
This day the freedom of the city was conferred
on Lord Palmerston. The ceremony took place in
the City-hall, in the presence of 3,000 ladies and
gentlemen.
Lord Palmerston was accompanied on the plat-
forth by the Lord Provost and Magistrates, Mr.
Hastie, M.P. for Glasgow ; Sir James Anderson,
M.P. for Stirling ; and Mr. Hastie, M.P. for Pais-
ley. His reception was most enthusiastic.
The LORD PR,OVOST, after a brief speech, pre-
sented the burgess ticket; which was contained in
a valuable gold box, bearing the city arms.
Lord PALMERSTON returned thanks. He esti-
mated highly the honour of being enrolled as a
burgess of Glasgow ;• it was gratifying to him to be
told that the honour he had that day received had
also been conferred upon his friend and colleague,
Lord John Russell—a man whose name would
ever live in the grateful recollection of his fellow-
countrymen as the most energetic, the most con-
sistent, and the most persevering champion of the
cause of civil and religious liberty in every quarter
ot
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oven- gratifying nh g a
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endeavoured
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would say that he had endeavoured to do
hye.
to extend to all our fellow-countrymen in every
quarter, that protecting arm which their country
was enabled to extend, for they might depend upon
it that there was no country so remote, no Govern-
ment so undivided, apparently so unexposed to
external influences, that the power of England was
not there regarded when that power was exerted
in a just and holy cause. His lordship then
alluded to the African slave trade, and highly
complimented Lord Clarendon, who so ably per-
formed his duties of Foreign Minister, for his
efforts to abolish that odious traffic when he filled
the office of our representative in Spain. Brazil
had been compelled by the energy of the British
navy, which can accomplish everything within
human possibility, to put an end to that crime.
Spain still continued to a small degree to practise
that iniquity, but he trusted that Cuba would
soon be hermetically sealed against the importation
of slaves. Brazil had derived the greatest advan-
tage from the change. His lordship then referred
to the improvements which were everywhere to be
met with in Scotland, and concluded, after re-
ferring to the encouragement which such testi-
monials as lie hall that day received held out to
public men. His lordship did not make the
slightest allusion to the present state of our foreign
relations.

.3fEETING AT STAFFORD ON THE
EASTERN QUESTION.

On Monday night a crowded meeting of ths in-
habitants of Stafford, convened by public requi-
sition to the mayor, was held in the Lyceum,
for the purpose of memorialising the Queen on
the Russian invcsion of the Turkish provinces.
The hour fixed for the meeting was six o'clock,
but long before that time the place was filled in
every part by a numerous and enthusiastic audi-
ence. Among those present on the platform were
Mr. J. Turner, mayor of Stafford, Mr. David Ur-
quhart, Mr. Peplow, Mr. Owen, Mr. Martin, Mr.
Flint, &c., arc.
The Mayor, Mr. J. TURNER, having been called
to the chair.

Mr. OWEN moved the following resolutions :

" L. That the actual events in the East have
shown that the process at present adopted for
managing the intercourse of nations is injurious to
England and beneficial to Russia.

2. That by means of it the physical power of
Great Britain ceases to exist for the maintenance
of our interests and the protection of our honour,
and that, on the contrary it comes to be used for
ends injurious and fatal to the one and the other.

" 3. That such a state of things is not endurable,
and must be altered ; that while it endures, free-
dom is an empty word, Government is a mockery,
and peace or war alike dangerous.
"4. That this borough shall employ every
means within its reach to induce its representa-
tives to put an end to permanent embassies, to
secrecy in diplomatic business, and to compel a
return to the legal p-ractice of the constitution,
so as to prevent intercourse between the servant
of the Crown and the representative of a foreign
state, save under the warrant of the great seal
issued for that special purpose.
"5. That it will adhere to no projects of reform
in which this restoration is not included. And,
" Lastly. That it will use its best endeavours to
induce other constituencies of the kingdom to act
in like manner."

Mr. PEPLow briefly seconded the resolutions,
which were then put and carried unanimously.
Mr. URQUHART then came forward and said,
that the time had at 'last come for proving that he
was right in opposing the Russian influences which
had been at work in this kingdom. In the reso-
lutions they had passed the people of Stafford had
said a great and mighty wrong had been done—a
wrong atrocious in its character and terrible in its
results. They said that wrong had been done—
not by the Emperor of Russia—a Way with Russia
—they had nothing to do with Russia—but they
had to do with the servants of the British Crown.
That wrong had been perpetrated by them, and by
them alone—not because the people had willed it,
or because the people had judged it, but in the
total absence of all will and of all judgment. It
was only in the midst of events of such gravity,
and of shame so deep, that they were at last
awakened to a knowledge of their position—and
here he was not speaking of a knowledge of events
in the East, for it was not Turkey, but England
that was at stake—they were awakened to a sense
of the position in which they had lain for so many
long years—namely, that of surrendering the
important affairs of a free state into the hands of
a secret club. That was their position—there was
the true evil. (Hoar.) That was the source of every
wrong and of every degradation. Tliey pointed
to that, and said their saw, not the Cabinet, not
the individuals, but the system. (Hear.) Now
that system was based—not on the power of
Russia, but on the character of those whom
he now saw around him. He estimated very largely
the success which the policy of Russia could have
in acquiring the possession of other countries, and
ultimately of overthrowing the dominion of Eng-
land, not merely in India, but in Europe, because,
unless they seized the present opportunity, he
could scarcely imagine a conjucture which could
give them such an opportunity of making a stand
again. The opportunity they now had depended
on the absence of passion. When they were plunged
in a'irar with France—for that was a part of the
Russian scheme as much as the advance on the
Danube—who then could attend to Russia and the
Czar—who then could attend to Turkey, or any-
thing else ? . Their passion would be gigantic in
comparison with their judgment and their brain,
and nothing wapld serve but long-range and Minie
rifles against their neighbours. At present, how -
ever, they were ail aware of the menacing aspect
of the future, and there Wl3 nothing to disturb
their iudginsait. The calculations he had made
rested upon the very malformation of the British
constitution that he had pointed out to them.
They depended ou this, that in a free country like
England, having withdrawn from the Crown the
power of nominating its servants, and Parliament
not venturing to interfere in diplomatic affairs, be•
cause they belonged to the prerogative of the Crown,
there actually remained no power to control diplo-
matic maAers. The consequence was, to place the
Cabinet, fur the time being, in ie hands of
the ablest diplomatic representatives of
_an7
other Power. Now, as Russia was the ablest
Power in that respect, as she had formed
her vat% with that very views 84 WA of

„”
tried capacity_ and long experience, and as they
e placed in all the capitals of Europe, there
was
an ticulation of influence which was permanent
and. changing in its effects, sending the shuttle
mr. its twisted thread, from Vienna to London,
w:sn
and so weaving its web of despotism all over
Europe. (Applause.) In that way every Govern-
ment was led to do what Russia required, just at
' the time she required it. That being so, it was
easy to foresee that such an event as that would
come off. (Hear, hear.) But they might say, if
diplomacy was so injurious to England, how did
Russia gain all her ends by diplomacy ? Why,
because her diplomacy was nothing but chicane,
and when honest men resorted to chicane, they
could only use it clumsily, and the clever rogue
outwitted them. Now, there were only two ways
for them to meet Russian diplomacy, either by op-
posing it with a great English diplomatist, or by
getting an English Minister to look a Russian am-
bassador in the face. He did not, however, pro-
mise them that they would be able to get either,
if they tried. How did Russia gain her power ?
By her knowledge of men and things ; not the ab-
stract knowledge gained in Cabinets,or the forensic
experience of debate, but the practical knowledge
of life. England did not organise men for that
purpose, and, therefore, they could not hope to
get men able to cope with a Russian ambassador.
But they had another resource—to withdraw.
They were not able to deal with Russia. That
was clear. There was no need of advantage in
their having tellers of lies in foreign Courts. (Hear,
hear.) The honourable gentleman then entered
into a history of the negotiations which had taken
place respecting the passage of the Pruth • after
which votes of thanks were passed to the Mayor
and Mr. Urquhart, the meeting separated.