The Sun.
London, England, 1838-04-04 00:00:00

TY a

WITH WHICH
" THE TRUE SUN" IS NOW

INCORPORATED.

LONDON :
WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1838.

The Marquis of CHANDOS, last night, moved a series o
resolutions, touching the expense of Lord DURHAM'S mis-
sion to Canada, recommending economy, and declaring
that the expense of his mission ought not to exceed that of
Lord GOSFORD'S. After an animated debate, which, as
was to be expected, took rather a personal turn, the motion
was lost by the small majority of 2, in a House of 318
Members. A motion to enforce economy of any kind came
appropriately after the debate in the early part of the even-
ing on the Soap duties, the smallest reduction in which
was resisted on the ground, that the revenue raised from
that premium for dirt and disease could not be spared.
We have no doubt, therefore, that Mr. GILLON'S motion
-swelled the minority. Many of the Members, we be-
lieve, were atarmed,by the representations of the CHAN-
CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER in the early part of the
evening, and were terrified into voting for economy.
'But the principal source of the largeness of the minority
'was the trick played by Lord CHANDOS, who gave notice
that he meant only to call attention to the subject, and
then moved resolutions. The debate did not come
on till past eleven o'clock, when a considerable num-
ber of Liberal Members had left the House, hav-
ing given up the idea of a division and could
not subsequently be brought hack. Not a little
of misrepresentation, too, was used to affect them. The
'expense of the additional Commissioners, and the more
extensive duties which Lord DURHAM will have to perform
than Lord GOSFORD, were kept out of sight. All
special missions arc despatched leaving the consi-
'aeration of expense to be determined by the events ;
and if the Marquis of CHANDOS and his friends
wished to take the case of Lord DURHAM out of the rule,
their proper course was to move a vote of censure on his
appointment, rather than a vote of limitation on his means
eaf effecting his object. But that would hardly have com-
ported with Sir ROBERT PEEL'S professed notions of re-
spect for the prerogative, though his vote and his argument
were as near an infringement on it as could well be, not to
be in direct violation of his own principle. Trick, misre-
presentation, and unscrupulous arguments were the chief
sources of the Tories making such a large show, last
Eight, on a question of economy. Be the source, how-
ever, of the large minority what it may, the public
cannot be otherwise than gratified to see the admirers
of economy so much increased. Up to this time the
Wh gs an 1 the Radicals of ly were the friends of retrench-
ment, and the advocates of curtailing public expense last night
added all the Tories to their ranks. Though the Ministers
thought, and the public will probably think, that it is wiser
and better not to fetter Lord DURHAM as to expending a few
pounds, after investing him with extraordinary powers over
the liberties of the people, and not to cripple him in his
arduous undertaking by refusing him an Aide-de-camp, the
Ministers must still be regarded as pledged to economy ;
and by the vote of last night we have the whole House,
Tories and all, pledged to the same principle. The Tories
are at length beaten into virtue. They can no longer bat-
ten on the public purse, and they have become its guar-
dians. Lord DURHAM will not take one of them, and they
bravely resolve that he shall take as few Whigs as possible.
Never were the advantages of adversity more strikingly ex-
emplified ; and by keeping the Tories out of office some
time longer, we shall convert them into patriots.
There is good reason, we think, to congratulate
these Statesmen themselves on their conversion, for
Government, generally, has now very little to recom-
mend it to the world, and a continuation of the old sys-
tem of extravagance would infallibly ruin it. Generally it
is commended as good, or denounced as bad, by the re-
duction or increase of its expenditure. For a Government
to be popular it must reduce the public burdens. The
Tories might have played any pranks they pleased if they
could have found ameans of raising the wind without dipping
deep into the pockets of the public. Men in general care
nothing about the abstract doctrines of freedom ; and even
the unreformed Parliament would have been tolerated, had
it not male the national burdens almost unbearable.
Heavy taxation was the flail with which the Whigs in op-
position thrashed the Tories. We must say, therefore,
that we are extremely sorry to learn that the Government
cannot spare the Soap duty, because in giving up reduction
it lets go its hold of the lever which raised the Ministers to
power. With Mr. Hawes we had hoped that the policy
pursued towards Ireland would have presented to the
public—that only tangible test of its goodness—a reduction
of expense. But Lord AIULGRAVE, under the influence of
Tory sneers and taunts, is still too tenacious about maintain-
ing the barbarous law. He is eager to protect the tithe•
exacting Priests, who are obtruded on the people, and the
public must continue to pay an enormous sum to enable
rebellion-ruffians to enforce Exchequer processes in
Ireland. It was, in fact, boasted only a few
months ago, that Lord Meecenve had executed the law
with great rigour ; and the palpable fruit of that—for the
law of Ireland is only a scheme of fraud and extortion—is
great expense ; so that the people must remain unwashed,
and exposed to disease, that the Irish Church may securely
levy its tithes on those it insults. When the public is
continually made aware that it is grievously taxed for such
purposes as this, Statesmen cannot be surprised that it
should look on taxation alone as the true test of their po-
licy. On this account, we congratulate the Tories them-
selves on their conversion to the principles of economy, for
that will be an additional motive for avoiding costly oppres-
sion, and so, preserving the power of the Government.

We wish to say two words more on controverted Elec-
tions. Both Sir ROBERT PEEL and Lord STANLEY ex-
pect much from an Act declaratory of the law ; that is an
Act not to make a new law, but to declare what the law
of controverted Elections is. Now this law consists almost
wholly of decisions of the House of Commons, and they
are based on party motives and express party views. They
are vitiated in their origin ; and much as we desire to see,
as the only remedy for the disgraceful and demoralizing
evils of controverted Elections, a definite and distinct code
of laws, a mere declaratory Act, founded on such viciou
decisions as already exist, can never establish such a codes
Lord STANLEY and Sir ROBERT PEEL begin at the wrong.
end.

Another point, worth one sentence, is that some Elec-
tions have, in former times, as the celebrated Middlesex
Election, been set aside on account of the character of the
person elected disqualifying him, in the opinion of the
House, to hold a seat. While we insist on the propriety
of wholly removing the jurisdiction from the House of
Commons, as far as it concerns law, and treat with great
contempt all the peurile schemes we have yet seen for
forming an impartial tribunal out of that assembly of
avowed
struggling and ambitious politicians—while we
insist on the absolute necessity for the satisfaction of

the public of allowing only the judges to decide ques-
tions of law, we have no wish to remove the jurisdic-
tion from the House of Commons, so far as the charac-
ter and conduct of its own Members are concerned. We
draw attention to this distinction, because we believe that
the necessity of preserving the jurisdiction of the House
over character is the chief source of the desire to retain
it over the law and over facts.

We are glad to find that the parish of St. Bride has
finally come to the determination of adopting the New
Poor-law. There has been considerable opposition to the
introduction of the new system excited in that parish, and
carried to such a height that on Friday last the inhabi-

tants were convened, in pursuance of a previous notice, to
discuss the question, whether a resolution of Vestry, passed
about a year ago, approving of the introduction of the new
Poor-law into the City of London, and claiming the benefit
of it for the parish of St. Bride, should not be rescinded
A stormy debate took place, and a poll having been resorted
to, the result, which was declared on Monday morning, ex-
hibited a considerable majority in favour of the new law.
In the parish of St. Martin's-in-the-fields, too, Poor-law
agitation gets on rather awkwardly. Here it seems
to march crab fashion, retrograding two steps for every one
it advances. Some little time ago two resolutions were
passed at a meeting, professing to be a Vestry meeting
of this parish, to the effect-Ist " That the new Poor-
law Amendment Act be abolished
.in the management of
the affairs of this parish ;" 2d, " That no further disburse-
ment of the parish money take place without the orders
of the Vestry." It is sometimes easier to pass resolutions
than to enforce them when passed—so it has happened in
this instance. Notice was given in due form that a public
meeting of the inhabitants of St. Martin's-in-the-Fields would
be held on the 23d inst., at the British Coffee-house, Cock-
spur-street, to take measures for carrying the resolutions
into effect ; and to give the greater eclat to the affair, the
Hon. Member for Finsbury was invited to take the chair
Mr. WAKLEY is not a bad Chairman, when he has more
than a dozen persons to preside over. In this case,
however, it was feared, even after he arrived, that he
would decline the honour of keeping order among empty
benches. The Hon. Gentleman was at last prevailed upon
to go through the formalities, and after a good deal of dis-
cussion, counter resolutions were moved and passed, to
the discomfiture of the agitators and Stanhopites. Mr.
SIMPSON and Mr. POUNCEY addressed some very sensible
observations to the few persons who felt sufficient interest
in the question to attend the meeting. The former gentle.
man remarked that when he saw the paupers well taken
care of, no destitution, and the rates reduced from 57,000/.
to 20,000/., he thought it cruel—who does not think so?—
to censure the administrators of the law. The truth is, that
the more the actual working of the New Poor-law is inves-
tigated and becomes known, the feebler becomes the oppo-
tion to it—an opposition which has never had any other foun-
dation than the misrepresentations of some discontented
officials, who were, or apprehended that they would be,
shorn of their parochial dignity, influence, and emoluments,
by the change of the system—which misrepresentations have
been taken up and circulated by a factious portion of the
press, entirely from party motives.

The Paris Journals of Monday contain no news of any
interest except the following fragment of a telegraphic des-
patch which appears in the official columns of the Moni-
teur :

" TOULON, APRIL 1, HALF-PAST 5 O'CLOCK, P.M.
" ALGIERS, MARCH 29.
" MARSHAL VALLEE, TO THE MINISTER OF

WAR.

" Coleah was occupied on the 26th. The inhabitants came
to meet me, and [ have continued in their functions the chiefs
(magistrates) of the city. A camp of four battalions of in-
fantry, four pieces of cannon, and fifty hurse . . . •" (In-
terrupted by nightfall.)

The advices from Madrid are of the 25th ult. In the en-
gagement of the 22d, between General LATRE and the
Carlist Chief NEGRI, the former is reported to have
700 of his men made prisoners, and to have lost
eighty waggons laden with provisions and stores, and
15,000 franks in ready money. The Carlist Chief BA-
Stu°, at the head of 800 horse and 4,000 foot, was tra-
versing the mountains of Toledo, but watched by a superior
Christino force, so stationed, as to prevent a junction with
any of the other Carlist bands on the southern side of the
Ebro. A report was in circulation, that the Spanish Go-
vernment intended to summon ESPARTERO to the capital
to answer a charge of having seized upon the Provinci it
revenue under the plea of subsisting the army, without
the consent of the Cortes. General ORA A, who has imi-
tated the conduct of his Chief, in seizing upon the revenues
of Valencia and Alicant, will, it is expected, receive
a similar summons from the Minister at War. To this
plundering propensity in the QUEEN'S Generals, and in
every man in any office in Spain, may be traced one great
cause of the long continuance of the civil war. They all
thrive upon the ruin of their country, and therefore they
are more intent upon prolong'..-Ig than abbreviating the
period of the commotions, which are hurrying Spain into
a state of anarchy the most deplorable. TORENO was a
beggar when the civil war commenced ; he is now rich
enough to become a loan contractor. TOREN() is but one
of a thousand officials who have been equally prosperous
within the last seven years.
The following are extracts from the Journals:—

The Mode has again been seized to-day. A Commissary
of Police, who was the bearer of an order of M. Zangiaconri.
seized the Numbers of that Journal of 24th and 31st March,
which hail been published at the same time. The grounds of
this new act of rigour are unknown.
On the 28th March a courier passed through Bayonne, said
to be the bearer of despatches relative to the loan which the
Spanish Government desire to contract. The conditions pro-
posed by M. Aguado are said to have been accepted, and 500
millions of reals, it is stated, are to be given for the aliena-
tion of the mines of Almada, at a certain rate. We have the
more reason to hesitate in giving credit to this news, as our
Correspondent writes to us that the proposals of M. Aguado,
presented to the Cortes on the 24th, were not of a nature to
he accepted without modifications. It is probable that these
modifications were decided in the same sitting, and that they
are the subject of the despatches from the Government at
Madrid.—Sentinelle des Pyrenees, March 29.
The following extract of a letter from Algiers, dated
2d March has been communicated to us. We believe that
the statements it contains are derived from good authority :
" Ben Aissa is still here, treating at the same time on his
own account and that of Achmcd.

' The following are some particulars of the negotiations
entered into between him and Marshal Valee ; you may consi-
der them as certain Ben Aissa desired to be recognised as
Chief of the Kabyles of the province of Constantine, and pro-
mis?s in return the submission of all the tribes of the mountains.
Achmed, on his side, who has given full powers to his
former Lieut.-Governor, promises that if the Beylick of Con-
stantine i 3 restored to him, for which he would receive a new
investiture from France, he will make war with the utmost
vigour on Abd-el-Kader, whose power he engages to destroy.'
These proposals are favourably received by the Marshal,
because they coincide with his system, which is to combat the
Arabs by the Arabs. Accordingly, it is said that he urges
the Government to accept them.
The promises which Ben Aissa makes in his own name, are
in general believed to be more worthy of confidence than
those which he makes in the name of Achmet. In
fact, Ben Aissa, who is by birth a Kabyle, has great
influence among the people of the same origin as himself,
which gives more weight to his promises. As for those of
Achmet, they are but little credited, and still less approved. If
he is once put again in possession of Constantine, now ren-
dered almost impregnable by the works which we have exe-
cuted, it is asked what security we should have for his fidelity
to his engagements ; and, in case he failed in the per-
formance, how we should compel him to keep them.
Should we make a new expedition, which it would then be
necessary to undertake on a much larger scale than the
preceding to make the success certain, and again the
base idea of abandoning a conquest which has cost us
so dear, is revolting to any one who has a French heart.
But above all the execution of the conditions offered by the
above document is looked upon with general incredulity. It
is not believed that Achmet is capable of contending with the
Emir, even if he sincerely entered into the struggle with him,
the probable result of which would be to sanction the attempts
already made by Abd-el-Kader to get a footing in Constan-
tine, and perhaps in the end the strongest places in the whole
Regency of Algiers, to fall into his bands.--Le Commerce,
April 1.

FRENCH FUNDS.—PAgis, APRIL 2.
Five per Cents.. 1117 f. 95c. 108 f.
Four and a Half ner Cents. 103 f. 50c.
Four per Cents., 10If.
Three per Cents., SOf. 25c. 20c. 25c.
Bank Actions, 2,660 f.
Rente de Naples, 99f. 65c. 75c. rc.
Roman Five per Cents., 102 101 c 102.
Spanish Actives, 23% 24 23%.
Spanish Passives, 4% 5.
Belgian Loan, Five per Cents, 104%.
Belgian Bank, 1,450 f. 1,145 f.
Portuguese Loan, Three per Cents. 20574.
Haytian Loan, 480 f. 495 f. 4301.

EXCNANGE ON LONDON.
One month, paper, 25f. 50c.; money, 25f. 4734 c
Three months, paper, 25f. 37y4c. ; money, 25t. 35c.

LAST PRICES.
Five per Cents. 108 f.
Three per Cents., 80f. 25c.
Bank Actions, :26601.
Romans, 102.
Belgian Loan, 104%.
Belgian Bank, 1,445 f.
Portuguese Three per Cents., 21.
Haytian Loan, 490 f.
Spanish Actives, 23!4.
Spanish Passives, 5.

Lord Duncan paired off yesterday evening against
Lord Chandos' motion with the Hon. William A'Court Holmes.
Mr. T. B. Hobhouse paired off against the Marquis
of Chandos's motion on Tuesday night with Lord Eliot.
BERLIN, MARCH 24.—Dr. Ulrich, Secretary of
Legation to Dr. Bunsen, is preparing to set out for Rome, in
order, as we hear, to carry to the Ambassador the order for his
return. It seems that no Ambassador is at present fixed upon
to go to Rome instead of Dr. Bunsen.
SPEED.—On Wednesday, the Mercury steamer,
Captain Williamson, from Gainsborough to Hull, made no
less than three voyages in the course of twelve hours between
these two places, a distance of 136 miles, and averaging 13
miles per hour, at the same time taking and delivering at nine
different ferries each way.

ELECTION COMMITTEES.
(THIS DAY.)

HULL.

The Committee met this morning at ten o'clock.
Wm. Oliver, millright, was objected to by the petitioner.

John Headley deposed that Oliver was one of the persons in the first
list handed to him by Mr. Tall, and that during the week before the
election he was frequently at hia house drinking. The amount was put
down to the general bill.

Vote struck off.
John Newton, sailmaker, was objected to on the same ground. The
evidence was precisely similar to that given in Oliver's case.

On cross.examination, Headley said that he did not recollect the trade
of Oliver and a person named Ablett until last night, when he asked
Mr. Johnson, the agent, who told him what they were. He knew that
Oliver worked at a mill, but did not know his trade exactly. It was
after Mr. Johnson had told him that Oliver was a millwright that he
swore it.

Mr. LANGDALE here moved that the room should be cleared.

On oar readmission, the cross-examination was again proceeded with.
Witness swore that he was acquainted with the trade of Newton, and
(lid not ask Mr. Johnson about that.

The Committee struck off the vote.

KINSALE.

The Committee met at the usual hour, and proceeded with the case
of the Rev. Lawrence Callaghan, which was partly heard yesterday. The
arguments had not been concluded when our Reporter left.

LLOYD'S SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.)

DEAL, APRIL 3.—Wind, S.E., fine.—Came down from the River
and sailed the Canton, Melville, for Quebec ; Indus, Nichol, for ditto ;
Favourite, Brooks, for Cadiz ; Chicory, Halsey, for Charleston ; Lean-
der, White, for Bristol.
PORTSMOUTH, APRIL 3.—Wind light airs and fine.—Sailed
her Majesty's brig Nautilus, for Plymouth.
PLYMOITII, APRIL 2.—Wind N.W.—Arrived the Falmouth packet,
from St. libes; Agatha, Dick, for fit. Martin's. Sailed the Pursuit,
Bruce, for Rotterdam; Agnetha, Dannels, for Christiansand ; Castalia,
Barrett, for Prince Edward's Island; her Majesty's ship Inconstant, for
Portsmouth.

FaLmotrit, APRIL 2.—Wind E.S.E. to N., fresh breezes and fine.—
Arrived Robert and William, Doig, from Maranham ; Liberty, \Verge,
from Longsound. Arrived off port the Pettus, Trip, from Batavia ;
Oliver van Noord, De Jong, from ditto. Sailed the City of London-
derry, Ingledue, for Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Cadiz, and Gibraltar; Caesar,
Dubois, for Havre de Grace; City of Exeter, Downe, for ditto.
LIVERPOOL, APRIL 3.—Wind variable and light thick weather.—Ar.
rived the Castlereagh, Kelly, from St. Michael's. Arrived off port the
Jamaica, --, from Bahia; Buoyant, —, from Gibraltar. Sailed
the Renfrewshire, Hutchinson, for Quebec; Westmoreland, Brigstock,
for New South Wales; Henriette, --, for Antwerp; Pactolus,
Harding, for Charleston; C. R. C., Briard, for Bay Chaleur ; Bashaw,
Bourne, for New Orleans; South America, Barston, for New Fork;
and Ringnaalion Castle, —, for Trinidad.
PENZANCE, APRIL 2.—Arrived off port the Minerva, --, from
Charleston; and Mary, Williamson, from Constantinople.
GUERNSEY, APRIL I.—Arrived the Isabel, Hendricksen, from
Gottenburg h.
BRISTOL, APRIL 3. Arrived the Redcliffe, Vivian, from Palermo.
DUBLIN, APRIL I.—Arrived the Elizabeth, Winter, from London;
Yanden, Lowther, from London; and Royal William, steamer, London.
CORK, APRIL I.—Arrived the Sirius, steamer, from London.

HULL, APRIL 3.—Arrived the Sea Horse, steamer, from Rotterdam.

HAVRE, APRIL I.—The Francois the First, packet, for New York, is
now on shore in the canal of our port, there not being sufficient water
for her to leave.

MARKETS.-(THIS DAY).

CORN EXCHANGE.

This week there is a good arrival of both Grain and Flour, and there
is very little disposition in the buyers to make purchases to-day. A
few sales of Wheat have been made at the terms of Monday, but several
parcels of middling and inferior quality are neglected. Oats and Beans
maintain their value, and in other sorts of Corn there is no variation.
There is a very limited demand for Flour this week, at former prices.
ARRIVALS.

Wheat. I Barley. Oats. Flour
English
I ish
Foreign - -

LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, Aran, 3
A fair portion of business was transacted in Cotton at this day's market,
and in all instances full prices were realized. The sales were princi-
pally confined to American sorts, 3,850 having been sold at 54d. to
Aid., and 150 Egyptian 84d. to 9 id., making the total sales 4,000 bags.

LIVERPOOL CORN MARKET, APRIL 3.
We have again to report limited supplies of Grain generally, but
Oatmeal and Flour continue to arrive in large quantities per steamer
from Ireland. There was a thin attendance of country dealers and mil-
lers at our Market this morning, and some qualities of Wheat (being
rather anxiously pressed for sale), were the turn cheaper, but superior
samples still ob'ain our last quotations. Oatmeal was in excellent de-
mand, and Oats also met with a good inquiry at Friday's currency.
Flour was likewise in better consumption, and fine sorts were somewhat
dearer. In every other article we have nothing of importance to note.

MONEY AND COMMERCIAL NEWS.

CITY (THIS DAY,, TWELVE O'CLOCK.

The only arrival this morning is the French Mail, and that is void
of interest, with the exception of an improvement of Spanish Active
Stock at Paris, which reached 24 and closed at 23/.
To the present hour the Paris price has had but little effect. Spanish
Active, which closed yesterday at 211, may be quoted at present, 21i 1.
The above Stock is the only speculation in the Foreign Market as
yet, and the other prices of Foreign Securities may be quoted at the
leaving off prices of yesterday. Portuguese, 301; Three per Cents ,
201 ; Brazilian, 761 77 ex-Dividend; Mexican, 271 ; Colombian,
; Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents, were done yesterday as low
as 5'2 , but rather improved—closed at 53t a-at present may b 4
quoted 53i A.
Up to the present hour we are dull in the City, no new or any reports.
The Batavier has just arrived, bringing the Dutch Papers of the ad
inst. In the States-General on the 2d inst., the Speaker of the House
announced to the Representatives that he was empowered by his Ma-
' jesty's Government to make known to them, that in a private sitting—
the termination of the Conference of the Great Powers in London
respecting the acceptance of the '24 Articles by his Majesty the King of
Holland—one of the Members asked if the details would not be al-
lowed to be made public ? To which the Speaker replied, that he was
only empowered to make the above announcement. Last prices, Two-
and.a-Half per Cents., 544 ; Five per Cents., 101 15-16 ; Spanish, 19,1.

- - .
_
PRICES OF STOCKS THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK.
Bank Stock (mint Stock
3 per Cebt. Red. - `•
3 per Cent. Cons 93IAN S'uth Sen Stock ......... .. ......
3'4 Per Con* Old. Annuities —. ...... ...... ......

..... ...........
Ditto Red.
New 36 per Cent lOl 1001 16
New 5 per Cent. •. ....... ••
43 snk LongAnnuiticstoexpire
Jan. 5, 1580...
Oct. 10, 1850
Jan. 5, 1380,,......10! 1-1 G 3-16
Jan. 5, ......
April 5,
Jar:. 5,
PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS
Austrian flonls
Be;gian 13,nds
Ditto Account....
Brazilian donds
Ditto Account
Jr!...ns Ayres Bonds .....«..« —
Ditto Account .........
hit! e Romig ................«.
litto Account
donds .„.- .......
Ditto Account ......
3lotribian Ronda, :82;
(A, to Account
1)!-.1sh Ron.la

N. w Ditto
i Fer Cent. Annuities, 1751._
Exch. Bills, -CLOW ......... 64 61 or
Oitto 501'......... 64 66 pm.
Date .... ......... 64 66 pm
?Ditto Commercial ......... pm.
Ditto Adverti5ed............ pm
Baak Stdck for Account... 2 0 9 10
India stock for Acc0unt.........
Con wile for Acc,innt ............ 9314
THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLOCo..
'Peruvian Bonds ............. --
Ditto Account..—.« ...........
Portuguese Bonds... ..... . ......
Ditto Account ....... .........
Ditto New Bonds ..............
Dato Account .. . ............ 301,
D.tto, 3 per cent.... ...........
lisnds ..................
Russian Bonds, 18'29 ...... 111-
Ditto Account ... ............
......... ......
Spanish Bonds... ..................
Ditto Account ..............
Ditto Bonds 18.31...........

21.7%v
Ditto Accoara . .............. 4 /2
French, 5 per c•_nt..~........ —I —c•

4 per cent........... —c.
3 per cent. .......... —'f•
'Exchange . .......... —.
Dutch, ant

____ DAY. AT ONEad
---fis ii% per cent .... .. ..
_._
_:_,
D.tto Account ........... 5334 4 33ri
Ditto, ;. per cent-- ....... c)9,34 9,4
Ditto Account ............ .- •••99% %
"31414(1pCp13Ksh4
British Iron Company
Polberou Consols Mining Company lO 5344
Eastern Counties; Railway 5 5%
Great V esters Railway Company ... 65 10 1 2
grighton Railway Company" 8 ',-f 94
London and Blackwall Railway
27
f ondon and Southampton (New) Railway 5
31 ‘nchester and Birmingham Railway 7 It 1014 .
%
Northern and Eastern Railway Company
‘si
8 5
York and North Midland Railway Company l2 13
Asphalte, Claridge's Patent 2 14% 13%
Colonial Bank .. 25 26%
COURSE OF EXCHANGE YESTERDAY.
Amsterdam C.F. 12 6 Uihraitar 46
Ditto, at sight 32
....... ........... 12 4 Leghorn
"6 15
Ritterdam .U. 12 6 Genoa
Antwerp...
en
thmturg........ ........ M.B. 1314% Venice
38%
Altona
Paris, 3 days' sigh 25 70 Palermo per oz. 115%
Ditto 3 Ms. 15 95 Lisbon 53%
53.3 4
Marseilles.
28
Bourdeaux
Frankfort on Maine, Ex.M. ;54% Bahia 25
Petersbutgh, ruble 3 Us. 10 Buenos Ayres -
Berlin
Vienna, effective 6 2M.10 14 Cork.. 1%
-',Z

Trieste ditto lOlB
Madril .5
Cadiz..... 35
8i1b0a.... . 14

PRICE OF BULLION, PER O.
Portugal Gold, coin £3 15 0
Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9
New Doubloons .„,._ 0 0

New Dollars ......... 0 4 914
~. I Silver. bars. standard I) 411 Va
HALF-PAST ONE O'CLOCK.
The ship Jamaica, has arrived at Liverpool; left Bahia 23d January,
and Pernambuco, 11th February. We have seen letters which state,
that the Chiefs of the revolt at Bahia were losing their influence over
the lower orders; the black population, who were already armed, were
upon the point of taking the law in their own hands, by overthrowing
the usurped authority of the revolted Chiefs.
Consols which were in the morning 03ilt for the Account, may be
quoted at present, 93} y ; Money, 93h }. Exchequer Bills, 64 66 ;
India Bonds, 70.

Barcelona
S ♦ille

34

In the Foreign Market Dutch has been the chief speculation, b3l ;
Spanish Active 2 l ; Portuguese, 301,4 ; Three per Cents., 20k;
Brazil, 74 to 77 ex div. ; Mexican, 271. In Shares little doing, Cla-
ridge's Asphalte, I3i ; British Iron, 14.
THREE 0' CL 0 CK.

Consols for the Account, ,e to i.

DARING ROBBERY.—Last evening, between
twenty minutes before eight and a quarter before nine o'clock,
some person entered the house No. 37, Great James-street,
Bedford-row, and took away from the hall a gentleman's dark
brown great coat, with a velvet collar, an outside breast-pocket
on the left side, two side-pockets, lined with a sort of dark
serge, double-breasted, and considerably worn in the button-
holes ; a white mackintosh, very dirty ; and a blue cloth cloak,
with a brown fur collar, and partially lined with blue serge.
It is presumed the street-door must have been opened with a
latch-key. A stout and rather decently-dressed man was ob-
served loitering about the door at seven o'clock. The family
were quietly occupying tho two rooms adjoining the hall when
the robbery was committed, but were not disturbed by the
slightest noise, and only knew of the depredation when the
articles were missed.
A NEW RELIGION.—What is your religion ? in-
quired a passenger on one of the short stages from Norwood to
London of the coachman—are you a Catholic ?—No, sir, I'm
a Cockney !
DUKE OF WELLINGTON.—The Americans are
very nearly as proud of Waterloo as we are. No man in
England is looked at with so much interest by a travelling
American as the Duke of Wellington; and I do believe if his
Grace were to pay the States a visit, unfond of holidays though
they be, every city and town would make one to receive him.
Thomason's Residence in America.

NEGRO APPRENTICESHIP.
GREAT MEETING AT EXETER-
HALL.—(THIS DAY.)
In pursuance of the resolution to which the 370 delegates
from the friends of Negro Emancipation in all parts of the
United Kingdom came, on the morning after the abrupt divi-
sion of the House of Commons on Friday night last, a public
meeting was held this day at Exeter-hall. At ten o'clock
there were about twelve hundred most respectable persons
present, of whom (as is usual at meetings on this subject) a
large proportion consisted of ladies. The appearance of this
large assemblage, which in any other room in the metropolis
would have an imposing effect, and be considered a large
meeting, appeared somewhat scanty in this vast hail, and espe-
cially to those who witnessed the prodigious concourse which
crowded it to suffocation on the late occasion when Lord
Brougham presided.
After that hour, however, the attendance became gradually
more full, and at eleven o'clock, the time appointed for taking
the Chair, there were about two thousand persons present.
On the platform (or, as we should rather call it in this build-
ing, the stage, or orchestra, from its place and construction),
were the Marchioness of Sligo and the Ladies Brown (her
daughters), who were greeted, on their appearance, with most
enthusiastic cheering ; Sir C. Style, M. P. ; Charles Lush-
ington' Esq., M. P. ; J. A. Muskett, Esq., M. P. ; E. Baines,
Esq., M. P. ; Andrew White, Esq., M.P. ; the Rev. John
Burnet ; Joseph Sturge ; the Rev. Morgan ; Dr. Greville ;
Blair, Esq., late Mayor of Bath, and a number of the most
eminent Dissenting Clergymen, Members of the Society of
Friends, and other advocates of the Anti- Slavery cause.
In the course of the next hour, the meeting received a con-
siderable acoession of numbers, and the Hall was nearly full.
Before the proceedings commenced, we were favoured with
a copy of the following letter received last night from Lord
Brougham:—

" TO THE DELEGATES REPRESENTING THE PEOPLE OF ENG•

LAND ON THE QUESTION OF SLAVERY.
" Gentlemen,—Since I addressed the Delegates on Satur-
day, I have received the lists of the division, and I find much
reason to be satisfied, and to look for better things in the future
stages of this most important question.
But I already perceive attempts making by the emissaries
of the Government and the planters to sow dissensions among
us, and I warn you to be on your guard. The cause is safe
in your hands, unless you listen to the open :enemy, or to the
enemy in disguise. I know these men by experience. The
last time I went abroad, no sooner was my back turned than
all their virulence, constantly suppressed in my presence, was
let loose against me, and their houses in London and in its
neghbourhood became the receptacles of slanderers, who found
it now c .sy, and even safe, to carry on their traffic against
those who were not present to defend themselves. The last
papers that I saw before leaving Dover yesterday show that
the same despicable game is to be played now, and if you
suffer yourselves, or if the meeting on Wednesday shall suffer
itself to be the dupe of such arts, the enemy believes that
there will no longer exist that firm alliance between us, which,
being grounded in no sordid interest, but proceeding from
principle alone, he cannot ever believe possible.
" Against these vile artifices I again put you on your guard,
and I expect that while I am for a few weeks away from you,
my conduct and character will be safe in your hands, and that
the actions of six-and-thirty years in the same cause will be
accounted of more weight than any professions of recent
converts.

" I have the honour to be, your faithful servant,

" BROUGHAM."
" Calais, April 2, 1838."
At a few minutes after I I o'clock, the Marquis of Clanri-
carde appeared upon the platform, and was greeted with
hearty cheering.
Tl e Noble CHAIRMAN said—Ladies and Gentlemen, in con-
sequence of the honour conferred on me, I rise to open the
busiees: of this meeting. I assure that it is with great diffi-
dence I rise to address so highly respectable an assemblage, on
the subject which has brought us together in this place. But
fortunately for you and for nte, it is not necessary for me to
enlarge upon the subject upon which we are assembled, or to
trespsss at any length upon your time, in discussing the eman-
cipation of the negroes from their state apprenticeship, because
I s' al be followed by gentlemen who are better acquainted
with the subject than I am, end who will explain to you
the course which it is best to take in the situation in which
we are placed. They will propose to you the resolutions
which the Delegates, the representatives of the friends of
humanity, have thought it right to submit for your approval
- Applause.) Since last you were assembled here painful
circumstances have occurred, to which I think it right to call
your attention.—( Hear, hear.) I allude to the debate which
took place last week in the House of Commons-4 Hear, hear)
—and it is right to say, that at the first glance and view our de-
f.; at on that occasion seems to be a fatal blow and discourage-
ment to our hopes. But if you glance at the whole of that de-
bate, you will find that instead of holding out grounds of
despair and discouragement,:it holds out the confident hope
that cur object will be attaired, and attained with little delay.
- Hear, hear.) It concluded with a speech of great ability,
of great ingenuity, and of great plausibility.—( Hear, hear. )
That debate was prematurely terminated. —( Hear, hear, hear. )
Not only because individuals of great weight and authority had
not yet delivered their opinions, but because several of our
friends were prepared, if an opportunity offered, to confute
the arguments which had been offered against us. But
I think that we can draw some hope and satisfaction from
the course of the debate. I do not allude only to those
v, ho, on our side, made some speeches unanswerable,
but also to those who spoke against us, and especially to Lord
llowick.—( Hear, hear.) And I ask any man if that Noble
Lord did not prove to the conviction of every one of under-
• standing, that the apprenticeship is the most useless, the most
nonsensical, and the most mischievous scheme that ever was
adopted ?—( Hear, hear.) And can any one deny that Sir
Edward Sugden demonstrated the high degree of folly and
wickedness which was evinced in trusting to any parchment for
the amelioration, of the condition of the negro, as long as you
allowed him to remain under the despotic power and the cruel
practices of his inhuman masters ?—( Cheers.) Mr. Gladstone's
speech was characterised by great ingenuity, skill, and ability ;
but still I think it is easy to see, upon carefully and closely
examining it, how much it was founded upon false although
specious reasoning—how much of it was doubtful—and how
much of it referred to circumstances, to times, and to facts,
which were not applicable to the object we had in view. Al-
low me to say a few words as to the division. First, let us
consider as to what powerful arguments it affords to those of
whom I am not one—who are favourable to shortening the
duration of Parliaments.—(Lcud cheers.) I am not favour-
able to such a measure, but at the same time I must say that
no man can deny that if there was the slightess likelihood--
if there was the shadow of a probability—that an election
would take place before 1840—(Cheers)—the division would
have been of a different nature—and our cause would have
been successful.—( Loud cheers.) I do not speak merely
as to the result of the division, but as to the number of those
who voted on both sides : that number was 474, and you know
that only a few weeks before that, in a matter in which the
country did not feel half the interest which it feels in our
cause, but which was one in which only great party interests
were concerned, the number who voted was 629. A natural
question then occurs, what became of the remaining 200—
( Hear, hear)—of whom there is no account on this great
question ?—( Hear, hear.) When I consider these things, I
think I UM justified in saying that the decision of the House
of Commons was at variance with the feelings and opinions
of the country.—( Applause.) I think that the unfavour-
able manner in which the debate terminated was the result
of that which ought to be as a matter of pride and satisfaction
to us—that is, that we are not banded together for party pur-
poses—that our object is of a higher character than can belong
to any personal or party object.--( Hear, hear.) But it is hn-
pessible to deny that a compact party, well disciplined, can
have an advantage over us in commanding a majority in the
House of Commons.—( Cheers.) We have nothing to do with
party politics or partial interests in agitating this question.
—( Hear, hear.) We stand on holy ground—(hear)—on the
great principle of mercy and justice. Your call for the libera-
tion of the negro emanates from strong feelings of justice and
humanity. And your attachment to the principles of the Chris-
tian religion, and supported by those principles, and urged by
those feeling you cannot fail ultimately and speedily to succeed.
It is under these circumstances that the most eminent friends
of this great cause had thought it right to call this meeting.
Cheers.) You well know that " A word in season, how
good is it 1"—( Cheers I have no doubt that by renewed ex-
ertions and strenuous efforts we shall yet succeed.—( Cheers.)
We are fully justified, in my opinion, in endeavouring to im-
press our feelings and views upon the Legislature.—( Cheers. )
I will not detain you any longer, as you will hear the proposi-
tions submitted for your approval from far abler hands than
mine. The Noble Marquis concluded amid great cheering.
Sir CHARLES STYLE, M. P. for Scarborough, then came
forward to propose the first resolution. He said—Ladies and
Gentlemen, I respond very cordially to the call that has
been made upon me to propose this resolution ; in
doing so, I can assure this meeting that I will
trespass but very shortly indeed upon their attention, for it
would ill become me to interpose unnecessarily between this
meeting and those who are so much more capable by their
powerful eloquence, by their reasoning, and by their accurate
knowledge of the details of all the facts bearing upon this
great question, to do real justice to it.—( Cheers.) The reso-
lution which has been placed in my hands is to the following
effect :—" That in the judgment of this meeting the question
of Negro emancipation did not receive that full consideration
of the House of Commons, in their recent debate upon Sir
George Strickland's motion, inasmuch as that debate was
ab-
ruptly terminated when the arguments and speakers were
alike unexhausted, and that for this reason, connected with the
great moral principle of these proceedings, this meeting regards
it as a matter of great importance, that the public mind should
be without delay informed of the fallacious and delusive cha-
racter of the statements made in defence of the system of
Negro apprenticeship. "—(Cheers.) Although the recent de-
bate in the House of Commons was abruptly terminated, and
although much was left unsaid upon the all-important ques-
tion then under discussion, yet still I cannot refrain from con-
gratulating this meeting upon the progress which that ques-
tion has made out of Parliament on the public mind since the
first assembling of the delegates in the month of November
last.—( Cheers.) At that time public opinion may be said to
have been scarcely roused to a due consideration of the actual
condition of the Negro apprentices.—( Cheers.) Many, indeed,
even among those whose names and long-tried services had been
identified with the cause of negro emancipation, even yet felt
doubtful whether it was prudent to agitate the public mind on
this question ; but whatsoever doubts and apprehensions those
individuals then entertained, they have been dissipated, and
all now are prepared to act fully up to the spirit of that cele-
brated declaration of the Delegates of 1833, which said,
" That while slavery existed under any form, however modi-
fied or however sanctioned, they would never relax in their pur-
pose to exert that influence which they must individually and

collectively have, in order to put an end to negro slavery in
whatsoever form it existed."—( Cheers.) And what has been
the first result of the public voice having been expressed, that
voice having spoken in language which no Government can
mistake—(Cheering)—and which I trust no Government will
long be able to withstand.—( Hear). The result has been that
no less than 217 Members of the House of Commons did the
other night record their votes in favour of the immadiate ter-
mination of the Apprenticeship system.—(Cheers.) Now,
although this is not certainly a victory in point of numbers,
yet it nevertheless is a great moral triumph.—(Cheers.)
Nor when we examine the names of those who voted in the
minority we shall there find the names of individuals who, up
to ab:ut the present time, have been decided opponents to the
emancipation of the negroes. Many among those, the owners of
slaves themselves, do not now hesitate to avow their full convic-
tion that not only is the negro fitted to discharge the several
duties which attach to a free citizen—( Cheers)--but the
placing him in that condition will be the means of conferring
pecuniary benefits upon the planter.--( Cheers.) And what
is the main ground of defence upon which the opponents of
the abolition of the apprenticeship system take up their stand
Why, it is the so often repeated cry, that you have entered
into a solemn compact, and it cannot be set aside.—( Cheers. )
Now, admitting for a moment that the compact was origi-
nally violated, amttting also that the Parliament of 1533 had
the power to tie up the Parliament of 1535, or to bind down
the Parliament of 1837, there is still the undeniable fact that
the compact has been flagrantly violated by both contracting
parties.—( Cheers.) There is the undeniable, the incon-
trovertible evidence that the negro planters have not
only violated the letter of the compact, but that they
have violated the entire spirit of the Act of 1833
—and the proof I would put forward of this is, not the evi-
dence taken before the Parliamentary Committee of 1833
no, no, nor even the official documentary evidence recorded
in the official papers—no, nor even the unimpeached and un-
impeachable testimony of our friend Joseph Sturge, and others
—( Cheers)—but I would rely for my proof of a violated com-
pact on that very Bill, which is now introduced into Parlia-
ment, for in every preamble to each enacting clause of that
Bill, there is a distinct averment that the Bill of 1833
that sacred compact as it has been called, has been
violated in every particular by these negro planters, and that
the negro himself has not been placed as that Act said he was
to be placed, in the full enjoyment of every right and privi-
lege attaching to a freeman, subject only to the necessity of
labouring a certain time for his employer.—( Hear.) Why, my
Lord, this Act sets forth that the time and labour which the
negro was to give to his employer has been greatly increased by
vexatious regulations—that the amount of his food and cloth-
ing has been curtailed—that the allowances and indulgences
accorded to him have been withdrawn—and that pregnant and
nursing women are forced into the fields to hard labour
(Hear, hear.) It appears also by this Bill that the corporal
punishment of females has been continued—that vexatious and
expensive actions have been instituted against the stipendiary
magistrates, in order to deter them from the proper discharge
of their duty—that there has been fraud exercised in the clas-
sification of the prwiial and the non-prmilial apprentices—
that the apprentices during the hours allotted to themselves
had been subjected to confinement in their respective planta-
tions, by means of withholding from them passes of liberty.—
( Hear.) Now, I would simply ask what better proof can
there be of the existence of these several violations of the Act
of 1833, than the necessity of introducing the present Bill
into Parliament, in order to endeavour to prevent their recur-
rence ?—( Cheers.) But, my Lord and Gentlemen, it would
be a waste of your time to continue this line of argument.
There are few indeed among those I have the honour
address, who admit for a single moment that the planter
had any•right whatever in the property of his fellow man after
he had received the twenty million of money, which was a
ran=om in full of all demands.—( Hear.) The indemnity of
tie planter was gold. The money was paid to him with an
unreluctant and and an unsparing hand by the people of this
country, and it extinguished at once and for ever whetever
claim the planter might have had before in the freedom, and
blood, and sinews, and labour of the negro population.—
( Cheers.) My Lord, I will not continue to trespass any
longer on the attention of the meeting, but merely beg to
propose the resolution which I have already read to the meet-

'Mr. WILLIAM EWART, late M. P. for Liverpool, having
been called upon to second the resolution, could not for one
moment hesitate to do so, because its tenor was at once con-
sistent with his own feelings and with his experience of the
past. He had ever thought that that absurd system, com-
monly called the apprenticeship system, was a mere piece of
political ingenuity, far better deserving the name of state-
craft than statesmanship—( Cheers)—unsound in principle,
fatal to the freedom of the negro, and not advantageous to the
master who controled him.—Cheers.) He (Mr. Ewart) had
ever believed it to be a sort of compromise between light and
darkness—a kind of moral twilight, which withheld the bless-
ings of light, while it discontinued the certainty and
security which preceded it. They all recollected the time
that the Emancipation Act, as it had been called (though
in his (Mr. E.'s) opinion it was only a half emancipation
Act) had rassed—'hey would all remember the resistance that
had been made to the vote of twenty millions. For his own
part, he had ever thought that the gift which had been given by
tSat country for a great immoral act which had been perpe-
trated en an inoffending set of their fellow-creatures, was un-
just—that these persons had no strict right to compensation—
that they had far less strict right to it than those political mo-
nopolists who, when they had been excluded from that politi-
cal monopoly by the passing of the Reform Bill, had re-
ceived no compensation whatever.---( Hear, hear, hear.)
lie believed that, strictly and abstractedly speaking,
no better right of compensation existed in favour of the moral
than the political monopolists.—(Loud cheers.) But, waiving
that subject, the 20,000,000/. had been voted—that
20,000,0001. had cost them dear—it had been imposed by the
Government of that day, or rather by the Colonial Secretary;
but the Abolition Act was passed by the people. He (Mr. E.)
stood there before them not only as a seconder of a resolution,
but collaterally as a witness. His nearest and dearest relatives
in the world were possessed of property in the Island of An-
tigua ; and, he rejoiced to say, from all the testimony he had
ever heard from them, that that island had acted not only
upon the dictates of humanity, and the dictates of religion,
but the principles of sound policy, when they acted like Chris-
tian men, and emancipated their fellow-men at once.—( Hear.)
It might be said he appealed to an excepti m in favour of a
general rule, that in Antigua, the people were prepared for
emancipation, and that this was a solitary instance in favour
of a general position ; but the meeting would recollect the
predictions of the Antigua planters had ben falsified. These
planters prophesied all the evils that had been prophesied by
the Jamaica planters; yet their fellow-men had been emanci-
pated, and the Island was as prosperous and as happy as it
was in former and less liberal times.—(Cheers.) Allusion
had been made by the Hon. Member who proposed the reso-
lution to the debate in the House of Commons the other night.
It appeared to him—( Mr. Ewart) that all the argument, and
all the general principle of reasoning was in favour of the
immediate emancipation of the Negroes. To his simple un-
derstanding, it appeared all the special pleading and ingenious
sophistry was urged against emancipation, and in favour of a
continuance of the apprenticeship system.—( Hear, hear.)
The arguments in favour of emancipation came from philoso-
phy, human nature, and reason ; the arguments against it
came from the recesses of the Colonial Office.—(Cheers and
laughter. ) He would leave the decision of this question in
the hands of those much better able to undertake it—he would
leave it in the hands of one of the greatest advocates of free-
dom and religion—Mr. Thompson.—( Cheers.) His answer
would be sufficient to vindicate them, and to overturn all the
sophistry that had been advanced before the public. The de-
bate the other night was hastily closed before the subject was
exhausted. From his experience in the House of Commons
in past times, he could say that was not unfrcquently the case
with debates of paramount importance. Such was still the con-
stitution of that aristocratic assembly, that any person who had
attended the gallery knew that when a given signal was made,
those ominous sounds took place commonly called the sum-
mons of the whipper-in—( Laughter)—he regretted having to
use terms so technical and uncivil—gentlemen were brought
in froth all quarters, the debate was not conducted, but was
overpowered. They were answered, not by an argument, but
by a vote, and deliberate opinion was crushed at once by poli-
tical influence.—[Mr. O'Connell hero appeared on the plat-
form, and was greeted with enthusiastic cheering.] He was
speaking, when the Hon. Gentleman entered, upon the sub-
ject of an uninterrupted debate.—(Cheers and laughter.) He
heartily congratulated the meeting that their debate had been
thus interrupted. The opponents of sound argument in the House
of Commons escaped as the heroes in the " Iliad" of Flower
did, under a cloud ; and not being able to answer, they
crushed the arguments against them.—( Cheers.) He
thought it was the duty of the constituencies of this country to
look well to the conduct of their Members. It had been said
that if the magic sound of a distant election had then been
ringing in their ears, very different would have been their votes
and opinions.—( Hear.) He, however, meddled not with
such dangerous subjects. He was content to leave the con-
stituencies to watch over their own interest ; but they might
depend upon it that Members would not long withhold
accordance to their wishes if they brought against them a
political indictment charging them with acting without having
the fear of their constituents before their eyes.—( Hear, hear.)
He trusted they would do so. There was no use in talking of
the sympathies between a constituent and a representative,
unless the constituent urged his own moral and political feel-
ings upon the representative, and demanded from him a faith-
ful echo to those feelings and those sympathis.—( Hear, hear.)
They had all frequently heard of the famous term of " pressure
from without." He would not embark on this somewhat
hazardous subject, but if it were just that there should
on certain occasions he exerted political pressure from with-
out, certain he was that it was far more justifiable to exert
moral pressure from without. —( Hear, hear.) They were
called upon to give a great moral impulse to their represen-
tatives generally throughout the country, and he trusted in
God (bey would not be backward in doing so.—(Cheers.)
J. SCOBLE, Esq.—He did not stand before the meeting as
the representative of the people of England, nor as a man of
great wealth; he appeared there to sustain a character of
which the proudest Peer, or the wealthiest Commoner, might
be proud —as the advocate of the oppressed.----( Cheers.) He
stood there to repel the false and calumnious charges which
had been brought forward against their cause by persons both
in the House of Commons and out of it. They were fre-
quently designated as fanatics, who were actuated by a false
zeal and mistaken philanthropy. Sometimes it was said they
were slanderers ; but those persons who made such charges
knew not the men they were calumniating, or the principles
which regulated their conduct.—( Cheers.) They could afford
to let such abuse pass, giving to their prosecutors only their
pity and their prayers. Much stress had been laid by a very
talented Member of the House of Commons, upon what he
assumed to be a fact—that the charges made against the plan-
ters, rested_upon the testimony of anonymous slanderers and
exparte statements. What did the Hon. Gentleman mean a