The Sun.
London, England, 1853-08-13 00:00:00

THE REVIEW OF THE FLEET.

While the impression, produced by this remarkable
spectacle is still fresh upon the public mind, it may be
well to direct attention to some facts connected with it
which seem worthy of being recorded. That such an
event should have taken place with so complete an im-
munity from accidents under circumstances so entirely
favourable, and with such liberal and excellent arrange-
ments for the gratification of all who witnessed it, may
be regarded as scarcely less interesting and important
than the brilliant success of the display itself. In former
times sightseeing was encompassed by many risks, and its
pleasures were not unfrequently damped by serious and
distressing casualties. But now, with a vast extension of
occasions calculated to excite it, we enjoy a comparative
safety and comfort quiteunprecedend ed. A naval review is,
of all spectacles, probably that which involves those who
assemble to witness it in the greatest risk. Taking place
on so grand a scale as that of Thursday, the fact of no
serious accident having occurred is highly gratifying. It is
computed that the event added about 100,000 strangers
to the ordinary population of the vicinity in which it
occurred, and that during its progress upwards of 1,000
steamers, yachts, and craft of all kinds were afloat, in
attendance on the evolutions of the fleet. The public
have therefore a debt of gratitude to acknowledge for
the arrangements by which they were enabled to witness
so magnificent a spectacle with so few drawbacks to the
pleasure which it was calculated to inspire. Its thanks are
in the first place, and most prominently, due to the Ad-
miralty, for the liberal spirit in which they have acted,
for the opportunity which they have afforded the coun-
try of appreciating the efficiency of its navy, and for the
accommodation which they provided for all who had a
claim to be present. The representatives of the press
are under special obligations to them—to Admiral Sir
T. Cochrane, to Mr. Triphook, his secretary, and, in-
deed, to all the heads of departments—for the facilities
afforded to them in the discharge of their arduous duties.
The officers and men of the_ different ships composing
the fleet, or attending it, are next entitled to thanks for
the hospitality and good feeling displayed by them to-
wards guests on the occasion. Preoccupied as they were
by the business of the review, they had still time to
spare for acts of courtesy and kindness. Most of the
men-of-war had parties of civilians on board, all of whom
received the greatest attention. It is expected that a
brevet promotion will gracefully mark the Queen's ap-
probation of what she witnessed.
Next to the authorities of the Admiralty and the offi-
cers and men of the fleet, the exertions of the different
steam-packet companies must be acknowledged. The
facilities which they afforded were undeniably great, and
tended very much, not only to the convenience of the
public, but to the effect of the review. They had it in
their power to cause vast confusion and inconvenience ;
but, with a very few exceptions, they adhered very
laudably to the prescrib, d order of sailing ; and probably
the most flagrant breach of rule throughout the day was
committed by the members of the Legislature who broke
through the line of the fleetandtook up amidway position
at the moment when the action was about to commence.
The railway company also exerted themselves creditably in
providing forthe accommodation of the public, but with a
considerable difference as to the result. From the want
of a proper staff great delay and confusion took place
on the South-Western line. The subordinates did their
utmost, and 13,000 passengers were conveyed to Ports-
mouth from the Waterloo station, but the directors
seem unable to understand that, upon an emer-
gency, they ought to meet the increased demands
of their traffic. The Brighton and South Coast line
has the advantage of a far more effective manage-
ment, and in consequenee by that a roundabout
route passengers were able to reach the metropo-
lis with much less delay. The whole question,
however, of railway accommodation on occasions of this
sort ought to be revised. Having seen a good deal of
the inconvenience which the public suffers when events
of interest concentrate them upon a particular point,
we feel satisfied that there ought to be some understand-
ing among companies to meet the difficulty. The pres-
sure which has this year been cast upon the ordinary
resources of the South-Western Company may next be
the fate of any other line, for in this country we are
every day becoming more gregarious, and already the
resources of the locomotive and the rail are taxed to the
uttermost to meet the usual exigencies of their passen-
ger traffic.
A good deal has been said about the exactions prac-
tised upon strangers on occasions of this sort, but Ports-
mouth is like the rest of the world, and yields implicitly
to the ordinary market law of supply and demand.
Flooded with visitors, the charges for accommodation of
every kind rose accordingly, but the George, the Port-
land, and other leading hotels, maintained under the
circumstances a moderate scale of charges, and, if all the
world wants to go to a certain point at a particular time,
it must makeup its mind to pay smartly for what it gets.
It is confidently asserted that the town never witnessed
such an influx of visitors, and great difficulty was expe-
rienced in supplying for them a suitable commissariat.
Altogether the review will insure for the Royal Navy
a large measure of those benefits which in this free
country invariably flow from publicity. The attention
which it fixes upon particular ships tends to strengthen
the recent regulations, by which the mischievous system
of paying off crews when they had been brought into a
state of complete efficiency is put a stop to. The Duke
of Wellington, the Agamemnon, the Imperieuse, and
other war steamers in the fleet will not now be lost sight
of. A spirit akin to that which actuates our finest
regiments, and which spreads through every branch of
national industry, will be diffused among the ships' coin.
parries of our navy, and the great principle for which Sir
Baldwin Walker contended throughout the recent dock-
yard inquiry will gradually be extended over the whole
service.

of knowing that my successor in office—one of the most nean, possessing two closed seas—the Sea of Marmora and your lordships for the indulgence which you have shown
eminent members of the present Government—cordially the Euxine Sea—and a flourishing capital, and if that me in listening to the remarks which I have felt it my duty
and generously declared in the House of Commons that in power joined with one of the other two it would be per- to make. ttiten..) I feel most strongly the importance of
my policy towards France I had maintained the dignity of fectly impossible for the remaining power to maintain its the subject, but nothieg• could have induced me—although
my country. It was not, however, on account of any per- position in the Mediterranean. I am myself at a loss to there may be
e are.: dent for it—to make any factious
sonal feeling I viewed with regret the attacks which were conceive any point of foreign policy of more vital cense- motion a•sainst the Government on the question of their
directed against my policy towards France, but because I quence to this country than the maintenance of the integ- foreign policy. The present question is not only a matter
knew that foreign countries do not understand—as we in i rity and independence of Turkey ; and I can hardly ima- of importance as regards the stake at issue, but the honour
England do—that certain journals belong to one party and ' gine a sacrifice too great to insure that independence, for of England is completely involved in the result ; and Ido
certain others to another, and that whoever may happen it would not only be for the interests of this country, but think that it is the duty of her Majesty's Government to
to be Minister is certain of being constantly and vigorously for the interests of peace, and the maintenance of the ter- furnish the country with some information on the subject,
abused by the newspapers in the interest of the party op- ritorial distribution of Europe, as arranged by treaty. My to state what line of policy they have adopted, and with
posed to him. (Laughter) I regretted the attacks which 1 lords, it has been said by many persons in this country what results, and to declare witltwhat anidnue they entered
were directed against our close alliance with France, be- I that the Turkish empire is in a state of decay, and that into the affair ; and lam firmly persuaded that they might
cause I feared they would not be estimated abroad at their the most prudent course to adopt with regard to it would safely have done this without in the least degree impeding
real value, but might be construed to indicate that the be, laying aside all treaties and obligations, to come for- or hindering the negotiations which were going on. They
majority of the people of this country were either averse ward and make a partition of Turkey, or establish there , might have answered publicly the manifestoes of Russia,
from or indifferent to the French alliance. I cannot help some independent government more suited to the state of which were no doubt intended to be read by Englishmen
thinking that the language of the press in this direction, European policy. That is a theory, to my mind, at least, as well as any one else ; and the effect of not answering
during eleven months, must have made a strong impression as absurd and ruinous as the one to which I have already those manifestoes has been certainly unfavourable to the
on foreign courts, and, among others, on the court of referred. It is absurd to suppose that a government so es- , Government, as far as the public is concerned. lam well
Russia. If such an impression did exist—and I know, as tablished, whatever might be its form, whether a federal aware that certain dispatches are necessarily kept secret,
a fact, that it did—it must have been considerably strength- government, an eiepire, or a monarchy, could be really in- but I think that the Government have rendered themselves
ened, if not changed into almost positive conviction, by the dependent, or that it would not be under the control and . liable to injurious suppositions, from their having given
circumstances which followed. Lord Derby resigned on direction of Russia and Austria. It is impossible that such the house and the public no information on an affair so
the 2d of December, and was succeeded by the present a government could in any way maintain the equilibrium closely affecting the honour of the country. ,The French
Government. Your lordships know that the eyes of all of power which now exists in Europe, but which would Government published their munifesto, relative to which
Europe are especially fixed on the foreign policy of a new bid fair to be subverted unless the Ottoman empire be there never was any difference between the Governments
Government, and the line which it will probably take maintained in all its integrity. My lords, I for one do not of France and England. You appear to have thought
is anxiously discussed at foreign courts. Now I say that agree with the statement which has been made, that the I that France was too bold, and ran too much risk of offend-
foreign courts—which were then labouring under the im- Turkish empire is in a state of caducity. It has no debt, 1 ing the Emperor of Russia. These suspicions arose from
pression created by the language of the Opposition press and its commerce has of late years much increased, I your silence, but there was no reason to justify your
during the time we were in office—had their attention and Ido not believe, although it may perhaps be less concealment. lam certain that the document sent in
at this particular moment attracted to two remarkable civilised as regards its domestic affairs than other countries reply by her Majesty's Government would have done that
speeches made by the membersof the t Government. of Europe, that that circumstance renders it a bit the less Government honour. I should not suspect the Govern
resent
The noble lord opposite (Clarendon) will not, of course, formidable to its enemies, or that the axiom is true that in ' ment of not having answered the Russian circular in fitting
suppose I am making any attack on him, for he was not all cases civilisation makes a country more powerful in re- terms, and I think it was a grievous mistake not to pu b-
then in office. As little can the noble lord's eminent col- sisting the attack of an invading enemy. The Turkish army lish hat answer. Wherever Igo I hear it repeatedly re-
league who succeeded me in office suppose I intend to at- I believe to be in a better condition and more efficient than marked that it is humiliating to England to see her For• • ~.
tack him ; nor can the noble earl at the head of the Govern- it used to be . the commerce of the country has considerably Minister appear as if he could not answer Count Nessel-
ment, who, lam sure, must have deplored the speeches I increased ; the policy of Turkey to foreigners is an im- rode's circular. If you had taken this line, instead of
have referred to as much as I did. One of the speeehes in proving policy, and I know no country so liberal to all re- being embarrassed in this house, I think you would have
question was made by the First Lord of the Admiralty— ligious denominations. (Hear, hear.) lam unable to see found what you have always found, and will find if these
'one of the most able and experienced members of the Cabi- any symptoms of decay in the points to which I have important events are not settled, that Parliament will
net—and the other by the President of the Board of Con- called your lordships attention. An argument has been support you in any difficulty which concerns the interests
trol. In these speeches the speakers did not hesitate urged in support of the alleged caducity of the Ottoman em- of our common country, and you will see, what I should
openly to condemn the conduct of the French people in pire to which I must beg your lordships' attention. It like to show to foreign nations and foreign Governments,
their choice of a ruler, and the only inference to be drawn has been said that the fact of 'the proportion of the that in this country, not only have we not degenerated
from these speeches—which I need not take the trouble of Greek subjects of the Sultan being larger than that of the from our predecessors, because we have grown richer in
quoting—was, that the members of the Government by Mussulman population is a symptom of the cudacity of the peace and have advanced in civilization, but also that even
whom they were delivered were actuated by a hostile feel- Turkish empire. Now, that is an argument which might that spirit which is inseparable from free institutions—the
ing towards the people and tne Prince of the country of with equal, if not greater cogency, be applied to our Indian spirit of party- -would have been sacrificed whenever the
which they spoke. It cannot be supposed possessions. The excess of the Greek subjects over the common interests of our common country and the honour
made by two such distinguished indieidualiti taken in con- Mussulmans in the Ottoman empire is nothing compared of the Crown were at stake. (Hear, hear.)
nection with the language so long ,at the speeches
used bythe Opposition with that of the Pagans over the Christians in our Indian The Earl of CLARENDON—My lords, I certainly was
press, made no impression on the mind c the Emperor territories, and yet it can hardly be said that that vast em-
not prepared, when my noble friend gave me notice of
he was going to put, for so long a speech,
whether of Russia, at that moment, perhaps, imitating as to pire is in a state of caducity. My lords, before I sit down, the question
whether he should yield to the temptations of his position. I must beg your lordships to follow me in a short statement
Do you not suppose that his impression, it common with which I wish to make of the affairs of Turkey during the'very interesting certainly, but still so long, and consisting
that of other powers, must have been that it was impos- last four or five months. The unfortunate question of the of so many narratives as my noble friend has given. There
sible any cordial understanding could prevail between Holy Places having been brought forward in February, I are parts of his speech which I hope he will not think me
France and England ? Not only is it material to suppose Prince Menschikoff was dispatched to Constantinople. He discourteous if I decline to follow. 'My noble friend has
,
that that must have been the case, but I bow that it was arrived there, certainly, as I believe, with no distinct in- ,down various propositions which no one would think
.laid
the case. I know that this was the impreaion made, and tention of adopting any particular course. His language was of di sputi and he has also made allusions and statements
the conviction felt in the minds of all ruing persons in haughty and his mien arrogant, while the first act he corn-
ng,
every Court in Europe. This, I say, was an addi- mitted after his arrival at Constantinople was to insist upon which, in the present state of affairs, I think it my public
tional temptation to Russia, because, if England and the immediate dismissal of the then Secretary for Foreign duty not to notice for the same reason that I have hereto-
France did not hold together to resist aggression on Affairs. He then refused to hold any communication with fore refused to answer them ; and I assure my noble friend
Turkey, she must, doubtless, fall. Afer this there the Minister, and insisted upon communicatingdirectly with
that it is very painful to me to have to give the same
came another reason for doubting the anxiety of our the Sovereign. My lords, at that time he did not, how-
Government to defend the freedom ,and independence ever, make the proposition which has since become famous ; answers to questions over and over again, and to decline
of the Sovereign of Turkey,--1 a,lnicle b the occasion that proposition was not put forward for six weeks after his to lay before your lordships all the information that your
when Prince Leiningen was sent to male demands on arrival ; and I must beg leave to point out to your lordships lordships and the country have the right to expect, to
the part of Austria, when we failed to shcw that activity what was in reality the purport—what the meaning of that remove the state of anxious suspense that has so long lasted,
in supporting our ancient ally which world have been proposal. It insisted that the Turkish Government should which interferes with all the business transactions of the
(Hear,
the wisest as it was the most honourable eolicy. grant- to its Greek subjects for a perpetuity all those
heat) I think that when Prince Iseiningefs mission took "urivileees which they had enjoyed by successive firmans country, and which has led to feelings of impatience and
place our Government evinced great supineness in respect irom the Sultan—that is to say, privileges which they had indignation. And I assure my noble friend that it is with
to the language and demands of Austria When we enjoyed at the will and pleasure of their Sovereign. It great reluctance, and from nothing but a sense of public
allowed Austria to insist on the Sultan abstaining from was proposed to the Sultan, under fear of Russia, to bind
duty, that I still adhere to that principle which has been
further coercing his own subjects—the relellious Monte- himself to grant privileges to his own subjects. The pro- .
the principle of all former Governments of this country, and
negrins—we ought at least to have securedfor the Turkish posal was analogous to a foreign power insisting upon the
army a safe and peaceable retreat from the rough and d„.. Queen of this country securing for ever by an act of her has• been sanctioned by Parliament—namely, that of not
gerous country in which they were employed. I know of own those privileges to her Roman Catholic subjects which making communications whilenegotiations are pending,and
no previous instance in which an army evacuating, by
were conferred upon them in 1829. It was a matter of of not laying before Parliament separate dispatches or por-
treaty, a hostile country, has not been protected from perfect impossibility that such a demand could be con- . tions of dispatches. But with respect to the answer to that
molestation during its retreat. In this, however, I believe plied with. The Turkish Government could not have
circular to which my noble friend has again alluded, I as
no stipulation in favour of the Turkish army was made by acceded to it, even if they had not been backed by their
England or France, and the consequence was, that from old allies, but stood alone in the quarrel. Be that as it sure him that it is in argument the same, and in tone not
1,500 to 2,000 Turkish soldiers were destroyed. This, and may, the proposal was refused. We are not in the posses- less firm and moderate than the note of the French Geyer/t-
-ether circumstances connected with Prime Leiningee's sion of official papers relating to this affair, as none have ment, of which he has expressed his satisfaction. And it is,
mission, must have tended to impress Bassi" with the idea been laid upon the table of your lordships' house, but the
as I have said, nothing but a sense of duty that prevents
that, happen what might, we were not disposed to draw public are in possession of correspondence on the subject,
the sword in defence of our ancient ally. What happened which there is no reason to believe to be at all incorrect. me giving myself the satisfaction of laying that answer
on anothe- occesion could not fail to strengtaen the impres. The Turkish Government replied, with much dignity, that on your lordships' table. But her Majesty's Government
sten thus created at the Court of Russia, as I know it did it was impossible to comply with so unreasonable a pro- are anxious to do and say nothing that can impede the
that prevailing at other Courts of Europe, I refer now to position. The Russian envoy then gave notice that he
what occurred after Prince Menschikoff's arrival at Con- should quit Constantinople, and retire to Odessa, but peaceful solution of this embarrassing question, for
stantinople, and before he made his famous demands in fa- before doing so he wrote a note to the Turkish Govern- our object—and it must be that of your lordships—is the
your of the 'Greek population. At that period we had at ment—extraordinary, from its unprovoked insolence— maintenance of peace; but peace, as I havesaid before, con
Constantinople a Charge d'Affaires of consilerable expert- (hear, hear)—and which, if it be authentic, is unsurpassed sistent with the national honour and the national faith, and
once, he had obtained a high character when employed by by any letter to any civilised Government in the history therefore For, my
Lord Palmerston, and I can speak only in his praise when of the world. I must beg to road to your lordships that with the national interests. (Hear.)
he was employed by me. I refer to Colonel Rose. That letter. I take it from one of the daily journals, which lords, lam sure her Majesty's Government would ill repro-
gentleman thought that events were pending which made states that— sent the feelings of the country, and they could not rely-
it desirable that the English and French fleets should ap- " Prince Menschikoff, on taking his departure from this upon any support from your lordships or from the public, if
preach nearer to Constantinople—in short, ite wished them place, having failed in intimidating or seducing the Porte peace were purchased on any other terms. In one portion
to make a demonstration in the eastern part of the Mediter- into the most dangerous concessions, addressed the follow- of my noble friend's speech, with reference to the alliance
ranean. It seems that Admiral Dundas took a different ing note to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, which has
view of the case, and exercising his discretion, did not been communicated to the Legations of England, France,
with France, he has reviewed the circumstances that might
comply with Colonel Rose's demand It appears, further, Austria, and Prussia : have influenced, and next the reasons that may have in-
that the government approved Admiral Dundas's decision, " Bujukdere, May 9 (21). duced the Emperor of Russia to take the course he did.
and took a different view of the necessity of the case from "At the moment of departure from Constantinople the My noble friend began with a full review of his policy
that entertained by Colonel Rose. Ido not pretend to say undersigned, Ambassador of Russia, has learnt that the during
I think it desirable that on that occasion the English and Sublime Porte manifested its intention to proclaim a the time he was himself in office, against which I
am not prepared to say anything. He has alluded to
French fleets should have repaired to Besiks Bay, or even guarantee for the exercise of the spiritual rights vested in
to Smyrna, but Ido think it of immense importance that the clergy of the Eastern church, which in fact renders the abuse which has been directed against himself
at that crisis everything which bore the slightest ap- doubtful the maintenance of the other privileges which by the press. I think it is a little out of time and place in
pearance of want of cordiality between the fleets, or of that church enjoys. him to allude to such matters on this occasion—(hear,
unity of policy between the two Governments, should " ' Whatever may be the motive of this determination,
any-
have been carefully avoided. But what happened ? The the undersigned is under the necessity of informing his hear)—but lam sure he will acquit me of having had
French Government, taking alarm at Colonel Rose's sum- Highness the Minister of Foreign Affairs, that a declare- thing to do with these attack (" Hear, hear," from the
mons, in two or three days sent their fleet into the Greek tion or any other act which, although it may preserve the Earl of Malmesbury.) I can only say I very much regret
water ; while our fleet—in defiance of the urgent request many of those attacks made against my noble friend. I
integrity of the purely spiritual rights of the orthodox
of our Charge de'Atiaires, remained at Malta. This cir- Eastern Church, tends to invalidate the other rights, pri- believed them to be unjust at the time, and I have found
cunestance naturally inspired the Courts of Europe with vileges, and immunities accorded to her religion and them to be unjust since ,• and I entirely agree in the state-
the idea that the two Governments had adopted different clergy from the most ancient times, and which they enjoy moats of my noble friend in the other house, that there
lines of policy; and nothing, in my opinion, could have at the present moment, will be considered by the Imperial was nothing in the relations between my noble friend and
tended more than this unfortunate circumstance to encour- Cabinet as an act of hostility to Russia and her religion. the French Government that was inconsistent with the
age Russia to make the demands which she subsequently " ' The undersigned begs, &c., dignity and honour of this country. But I cannot admit
preferred. If the two fleets had proceeded together in the that my noble friend is entitled to claim the. entire credit
direction pointed out by Colonel Rose, the act would have ,' 'His Highness Redschid Pasha, ``Minister3lENSCHIKOFF
• of having established these friendly relations with the
French Government. He has talked as if between this
made such an impression on Russia, that she would have of Foreign Affairs."
stopped there, anti Prince Menschikoff would never have I cannot conceive, my lords, how the Sultan's refusal to Government kat I. that of France thereti hatadusi,elwizs
had first
a
made the demands which he subsequently advanced. In grant privileges to his own subjects—privileges in perpe- state of hositility, if not more, and h
making these observations, I have no intention to attack tufty—could possibly be conceived an act of hostility to struck him that it would be very desirable to_ ;tit an endlrs
to the strife between the two countries. Now, in the
the Queen's Government. My object is solely to direct at- Russia. (Hear.) Ican conceive no proceeding so aptly
tention to the unfortunate circumstances which I haveexpression " • would
first place, I remind my noble friend—and I am in
referred to—namely, the abuse directed against Lord described by the trite trying to pick a quar-
our lordships' recollection-- what has been the policy of
Derby's foreign policy by the Oppositon ; the impression, the demand and the subsequent letter of Prince y
lete"nasechiikoff I ean hardly conceive, my lords, that the this country with France. The relations existing between us
were of a nature so friendly and intimate that they formed
nay, the conviction produced in the minds of foreign Go- Ri • n Government could be cognisant of such a proceed-
the subject of congratulation in the speech from the Throne.
vernments by the language of Sir James Graham and Sir iSSini
that they could support it. After having despatched
Charles Wood ;and finally, by the wantof 'slutaction on ing, n Princeni h•off left C nstantinople and retired
j the note, ensc is o He might have seen, and lam sure when in office he must
have seen, ample evidence of the design of this country to
the part of two fleets. Your lordships know that Lord to Odessa, and shortly afterwards Count Nesselrode sent a
Derby's Government valued highly the French alliance, dispatch to the Turkish Government, stating that if the be on the most friendly terms with France, whatever the
and made its maintenance one of the 1 points, of
principal terms demanded by his Sovereign were not acceded to he government of that country—whether it was a limited
their foreign policy: It appeared to us that it was time to should at once cross the Pruth and invade the principalities. monarchy, are public, or the Imperial form under which
they now live. There always has been exactly the same
discard the old prejudices which had for centuries pre- Now, my lords, I must beg your lordships' attention to
veiled between the two countries, and tended to check the another point. It seems, from the documents which have feeling, and Ido not say it to the credit of any one Govern-
ment more than another, but it was the duty of every
progress of civilisation. A long succession of wars has re- appeared, peered, taking for granted that they were authentic, that
Government, because it was the manifest interest of this
suited in showing that neither of these two great coon- Countp Nesselrode founded his claim upon the treaty of
country, to maintain the most friendly, cordial, and in-
tries is able to subjugate the other, but that each is caps- Kainardji, and said that the Emperor asked for nothing
timate relations with France. That the attacks of certain
ble of maintaining its own independence. We thought more than the observance of that treaty, which, in reality,
newspapers—because I do not apprehend they all joined in
that two such great nations, united in amity, had a glom- gave all the privileges demanded. Now, mylords, I can con-
such attacks—but that the attacks of certain newspapers
ous mission to fulfil, in spreading a civilisation over every ceive no object in asking for a treaty to guarantee rights
upon my noble friend for having laboured to maintain
part of the world, and maintaining peace, founded on the guaranteed already by a treaty in existence, and if the treaty those relations have produced any effect in the manner he
present territorial division of Europe. When we came into of Kainardji in 1774 guaranteed the rights and privileges
the • lof the
supposes on mint
office, the French people had recently ratified the change demanded by the Emperor, what was the use of a new
really cannot believe, any more than I can believe that his
of government effected by the present Emperor. It was treaty in 1853? (Hear, hear.) But does the treaty of
mind has been influenced, or that his policy towards
evident that the Prince contemplated restoring the Kainardji guarantee the privileges demanded by the Ent-
Turkey has been guided by the two speeches to which my
dynasty of his uncle. It was felt to be of great con- prior in 1853? The seventh article of that treaty
noble friend, I am sorry to say, has again alluded. I
sequence at that time that this country should stand " Promises to protect constantly the Christian religionallusion was perfectly unnecessary.
think that I
this
well with the new Government, and we were pleased to
and its churches, and also permits to the Ministers of the do not think that those speeches have led to any results
find the head of that Government as anxious as ourselves • 1 Court R •make representations in
Impena of Russia to
to establish relations of amity between the two nations. It
of thechurch Constantinople,' • to
new at promisingtake and I cannot congratulate my noble friend upon hay-
was not by words alone the Emperor of the French mani- • made by •neighbouringand •
them in consideration as a -
,ing again brought it forward. Those speeches, my lords,
felted his anxietyon this point. He proved it hearts during
cerely friendly power." I am certainly not here to defend. One of them, as my
the whole course of our administration. He proved it at
the time when., being about to advance an army upon Your lordships can, I think, hardly fail to perceive the noble friend knows, was delivered at a public meeting,
Switzerland, he accepted our good offices to mediate be- great distinction between promising to protect the Chris- without any reference to France, and as an illustration
tween him and the Helvetic Republic. He proved it by tian religion and granting in perpetuity certain privileges how universal suffrage might lead to results different from
SC . tine in concert with ,use, in averting the danger of war to the subjects of the Sultan who professed the religion of those attributed to it, without any thought of the French
arising out of the case of Cuba. He showed it when he sent the Greek Church. That is one of the misrepresentations I Emperor or the French empire. The other speech was de-
an amassador to Buenos Ayres at the same time that we of the Russian Government, and upon that misrepresents- I livered at a mere private meeting,e qually without thought
did, when matters assumed a threatening aspect on the tion they founded certain demands, at the same time or reflection of the feeling that it might create. At the
South American continent. Still more did he prove it threatening that if those demands were not acceded to they ' meeting of Parliament this session the matter was brought
whendissension unfortunately arose between the Sultan and would send an army across the Prath and occupy the prin- by the noble marquis (Clanricarde) under the attention of
the Pasha of Egypt in consequence of the firman, when the cipalities. My lords, I must say that I consider sending an ' this house. It was then fully explained by the noble earl
Sultan endeavoured to force the tanzimat code on his vas- army across the Pruth to be nothing more nor less than an at the head of the Government in this house, and equally
sal. This case was very remarkable, because we know the invasion, (Hear, hear.) I have heard the occupation of the , satisfactorily explained, and I may say apologised for, in
feeling with which France has always regarded English in- principalities defended on the ground that by certain ' the other house of Parliament. I believe that my noble
fluence in Egypt. Your lordships are aware that the tra- treaties the Emperor of Russia has a right to send his friend (the Marquis of Clanricarde) expressed himself satis-
ditional policy of France has always been to thwart English troops into those provinces, but under circumstances totally tied with the explanation then given, and I know that the
interests and agents in Egypt. It used to be supposed im- different from the present state of affairs. In the first same feeling existed in the other house. And I may say,
possible for English and French agents to act together in place, there can be no doubt as to the nationality of those to the credit of the Emperor of France, that if ever he had
that country. When war between the sultan and his vassal provinces. The treaty of Adrianople and the treaty of any such feeling as the noble earl imagines, he at once
was imminent, and we appealed to the great Powers to as- Akermann, in 1826, declared that the Pruth was accepted those explanations given by hon. gentleman under
sist in averting it, we found none so anxious to effect that the boundary between the territory of Russia and the accidental circumstances, as I may call them, in which
object as France. Considering what has always been the the Ottoman empire. Subsequent treaties also speak of they were spoken, and the thing was treated as Thee-aneless.
policy of France in respect to Egypt, the cordial action of those two provinces as belonging to the Turkish empire, And Ido not think that my noble friend will find many to
the French Government in this matter is no slander test of and therefore there cannot be the slightest possible doubt share his opinion, expressed in bringing these speeches for-
its sincerity. Then, again, upon the question of the political as to which country those two provinces belong ward, that they had anything to do with the notion that
refugees in this country—a question deeplyaffecting France to. On the sth of July the Russians crossed the Pruth England and France would not act together, and that it
on account of her proximity to our shores--we found the and usurped the government of those provinces—the col- would therefore be safe for the Emperor of Russia to pur-
FrenchGovernmentexhibing no nervousor irritable feeling. lection of the revenue, the management of the post-office, sue his own policy. I have, my lords,. on more than one
lam goad that our anxiety to follow out the policy which and in short all those departments which form the civil go- occasion, stated to your lordships how intimate and cordial
we had thought it expedient to adopt with respect to that vernment—and it is even said that they went further still, I the alliance between France and England has been. I re-
great country was not in any way discouraged by the abuse and enlisted some of the natives of those provinces into I joice on this as on every other opportunity to repeat it, and
which was showered by the daily press of this country upon their own army. I consider, my lords, 'that the Russians to assure your lordships that there has been throughout the
that policy. My lords, when I have said so much, I must by thus crossing the Pruth and invading the Principalities I whole of this Eastern question the most intimate and cor-
also add that our course of policy with regard to France, have violated the treaty of Adrianople, for the present oe- dial, I may almost say daily, communication between the
and the desire we evinced of establishing relations of amity cupation is very unlike any former occupation. The for- I two Governments. On every important proceeding there
with that country, did not in any respect stand in the way mer occupations of the Principalities have been either to has never existed any material difference of opinion. They
of our alliance with other nations continuing on the same secure the payment of a debt which the Ottoman Empire took the same view of the policy to be adopted, and there
terms of cordiality and amity which had happily existed did not abjure, or have taken place at the wish of the has been complete unity of action between them in the
between them and the „ Government whi„ch, preceded us. Turkish Government to put an end to disturbances, as was course that has been pursued. With those assurances that
The language we used to all nations,„, was
.i a"Ke, for we said, the case in the year 1848. There is not the slightest sow have been givene .to the public of both countries, and with
that while England would not willingly become the adver- logy between those occupations and the present one. The those manifestations which have also been given of this
sary of any nation, at the same time any act of aggression present one has taken place, not only without the consent, unaniniLlye d ,faenr
thespiteexpe-
Emperor of Russia, if his policy in thee
landmarks or territorial arrangement now settled, or which dite the payment of a debt, but to compel the fulfilment of
land—itEa shd an reference to the affiance of France and Eng
infringed any existing treaty, would meet resistance and a demand made to the Turkish Government in the form
30must have been impossible for him to believe that-
that
discouragement at our hands. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I an ultimatum, and in direct violation of existing treaties ; . alliance did not exist, and was not sincere, and
think that the present Government, when they came into and I can only look upon it as an act of aggression.
may. t
i_ would not be brought to act in any way in which that
those
office, must have been sensible of the happy results of the lords, I must say, with regard to the conduct o Governments might determine. (Hear.) The
next point
course of foreign policy which we thought it our duty to jesty's Government, that unless they have had some good to which my noble. friend alluded as having
t have found
adopt, and, at all events, they must Shave the ad- reason, unknown to the people of tis d for t-
h country, adop Emperor of Russia
of
think they AI influenced the
a was the little care and interest which
vantage of the intimate reliance which existed between ing the course they have adopted, I
e nrudent thin at I key ajesty's Government appeared to show towards
Tur-
this country and France ; for I say that if it be true—and have acted wisely. I think that it. was a p . g y during the mission of Prince Leiningen.
Turkey •
I sincerely hope that it may be tree—that is saved ' the outset to place the fleet of this country, in conjunc- i has also been
• hin the reach of the amebas- ' .the This question
brought forward, and I have explanations at
from Russian aggression and Russian appropriation, it is tion with the French fleet, witl e time, which your lordships thought satisfactory.ewe
I also think that when the
to England and to France that such a result is entirely seders of either count 7, but were in communication with the Austrian o
th the moment had ar- the au • Government on
•and the late Government laid the foundations, of Russian army crossed the Pru ,
instructions subject. We did not fail
owing ; and to give to relative to ask for full explanations
that alliance which has now brought forth fruits which rived to go a step further, to the mission of Prince Lei 'which 1
the Dardanelles. I
none must be so ready to acknowledge as her Majesty's the allied fleets to enter consider nations, I must say, there na.ngeu, . exp a-
+ have notacted
CrOveramen,
nt Government. My lords, it is hardly necessary for that Her Majesty's The Austrian was no disinclination to give.
preseinstructions, and, my fiords I firmly Government said that the expedition to
me to point out to your lordships the enormous importance not issuing such Montenegro was carried
con-
of maintaining the independence and integrity of Turkey ; believe that, had the fleet entered the Dardanelles, to the on upon a very large scale,
Constan-
and, indeed, I should not touch . .
upon the subject at all if Iwe should be in a • more eposadvantag position than at re- t• trary advice given by the allied powers at P
inople, so as to endanger
were not aware that there is a certain have been the rof this section of politicians sent. It ought to o icy
without hesita- advance step by step with Russia, and retreat in a similar of the Austrian empire—that she had every
—a small one, happily—who openly, and. .
another reason h it reason to apprehend
declare that the maintenance of the independence and manner. There is
don,
is a matter which signifies ' that the fleets should enter the Dardanelles. Your lord-
integrity of the Turkish empire . these circumstances Austriasentmission to the Porte,
be that there •
and when these persons are . ships may not aware exists considerable ex- to r , a
very little to this country ; should be
of Turkey
be main- citement at Constantinople among the Turkish population, re that this expedition of Omer Pasha .
shown that, unless the independencealthough she did not
able tomaintain the road and therefore there is a second danger. There put an end to, and to represent, that
tained, this country will not be . is the danger mean to dispute the authority of the Sultan over the
ofthe R •proceeding in
as say that even in such an event
to India, they go so far to .which his antho-
great calamity. and there is the danger of the Turkish population- ion, Montenegrins, but merely the manner in . .
as that, there is, in their opinion, no very . . . forcing rity was exercised, yet that such a contest going on in the
I am well aware that it is scarcely worth
.the Government • to
while to answer in measures which might expedite was dangerous to her-
such politicians, but I must beg your lordships to recollect actually bring on a war ; and if the united fl. tor territory of a neighbouring power
Turkisharmy, I
ee s were in self. With respect to the retreat of the
..
independence of Turkey is:just now. the Dardanelles the danger would
of what importance the so imminent. am not aware that any stipulations were violated. All
d between Englandand The appearance of the combined fleets would be
the tra e e s would afterwards cat-
My lords, at this moment have removed I found was, that 1,500 or 2,000 men were afterwards
w., .
than that between England all susicion from the minds of the
Turkey is better by two-thirdsbeing the fact that our and would have afforded decisive Sultan and the people, tuned, even after the Sultan had given ord f . li.
proof that tl • rce•Hutt n Government w ere in
and Russia. (Hear.) This, then,
important by two-thirds than and France would stand by the Ottoman • this country drawing his fo .• . Austria to insure the full
trade with Turkey is more
e will imme la e y perceive have been useful also in case
• d' t lt' s that no injury
that with Russia, your lordships the Sultan should require as- completion of the terms of the stipule ion
t emporium of Turkish sistance against the violence it . I have reason
that if Constantinople, the giTa dismemberment and excitement of his d to the Turkish author it
division an of 1 I must repeat, my lords, that subjects. should be one were carried out, and
commerce, should, by the• unless the Government have to believe that those stipulations
the hands of R • three ' had
fall into mom, good reason, unknown to us, •made by the Austrian Government in that
the empire of Turkey, .
possession of the Mediterranean ' adopted, I cannot but think for the policy they liavei 'that the efforts
The nextint to which
great powers would be
in of, as at present, grave error. H • sthat they have committed tt direction were quite satisfactory.
—France, Russia, and England—instead Having made these observations I will sa Tbut my noble fth t the Fre h and
friend alluded, as a proo a nc
England and France. Your lordships will perceive that little more, but I must apologise' - English Governments were not acting cordially together,
I • to your lordships before i
rr -
if another great power gained possession of the Medite a , sit down for the time I have taken up, and I roust thank! a
an that this again must have influenced the Russian Go-

vernment, was, that at the time the English fleet wa s
sent for by Colonel Rose the French fleet sailed from
Toulon, while ours did not leave Malta. I have said
before that Colonel Rose did write to Admiral Dundas
under the first impression and excitement produced by
Prince Menschikoff's arrival- attended by certain circum-
stances to which my noble friend has alluded, although not
correctly. Prince Menschikoff did not ask for the dismissal
of the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs. He did
nothing more than has been announced by the Russian Go.
vernment. He sent in a note, saying that the late Minister
having been the instrument by whose conduct the viola-
tion of the promises given by the Sultan to the Emperor
had occurred, he was determined not to intrust any nego-
tiations through that channel. When Prince Menschikoff
went to the Sultan, therefore, he requested that the corres-
pondence should be sent through the Grand Vizier, or any
other Minister. Prince Menschikoff did not call upon Fuad
Effendi, and he was dismissed ; but his dismissal was not
asked by the Russian Government. Still, Prince Mens-
chikoff's arrival under the circumstances did produce a
great deal of excitement in the minds of the Turkish Go-
vernment, and Colonel Rose did write to Admiral Dundas,
not exactly to come to Constintinople, but stating that he
understood the fleet were about to take their summer
cruise to the East, and recommending- that his departure
from Malta should be hastened by eight or nine days. Ad-
miral Dundas did not comply with that request, and when,
a few days after, things became peaceable, Col
expre,sed his satisfaction that the fleet had not come, Rose
and.o
hisebneldi etfhtahtatthe blaenogreostaialttsiownsoutitillohn baveicnfoglloonwiTedied hado
ni twdone
thsoe Russian ambassador might have taken a hostile course.
On the news of the English fleet balms sent for by Colonel
Rose reaching Paris by the telegraph, orders wore given for
the French fleet to go to Salamis. This was done without
consultation with our Government. It was done on the
spur of the moment, the French. Government believing that
*he danger was imminent. However, the order was given,
and when the French Government communicated this
order, we frankly told them that the danger did not appear
to us to be so imminent, and that at that moment we did
not think it necessary that our fleet should leave Malta.
But the French Government said that under the circum-
stances—and it made no difference in our relations—Toulon
being further west than Malta, if danger did occur, and
the two fleets were wanted, they would be in a line, and
more handy for action and better able to arrive at Con-
stantinople together, and to act in combination, if one
were at Salamis and the other at Malta. We entirely
agreed in this, and the circumstance did not for one mo-
ment throw a single shade of difference over our relations.
Her Majesty's Government were entirely satisfied that the
French fleet should be so muchth ahead
of th
the flee Engliets weresh fleet,
and when
pto
wanted roveßesika Bay, instructions were
the
to result has
proceed
agreed upon on the same day at Paris and in London, and
dispatched by the same telegraph, and within a few hours
of each other the fleets arrived at Besika Bay, which
could not have been the case if one fleet had been at
Toulon and the other at Malta. That circumstance never
produced the slightest difference, or shade of difference,
between the two Governments. My noble friend says
there certainly was a difference between the two Governs
ments that influenced the Emperor of Russia in the policy
he pursued towards Turkey. I cannot dive into the mind
of any man further than my noble, friend, but I will merely
say that the assurances that were given to us were the
same as those given to my noble friend, although they went
further, because the Russian Government gave us general
assurances, and also more particular assurances as to the
objects sought by Russia in the East. No Sovereign could
have given more solemn or more sacred assurances of re-
spect for existing treaties, and for the territorial arrange-
ments of Europe, The Emperor of Russia never hesitated
forma(H (Hear.)
thatempireanr t
.a asn
purposei, athheger
Russiane at
independenceph r ioncGip wouldolvee Government
to say that he considered the maintenance of the Turkish
ande
eldnEuropean
to
has,n
integrityon imn policy, adesirelid t o that
occasion, agreed with her Majesty's GovernmeronefttthThaurantkotenhyee.
dismemberment of the Turkish Government would be a
great European calamity, that it would lead unquestion-
ably to war, and that it could not be settled without great
disturbance to the existence balance of power in Europe.
Under these circumstances the Russian Government sent
Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople, not as my noble
friend says, when the question of the Holy Places was
settled, because it was not settled. It may have been
settled in the French sense, but that makes all the dif-
fel once ; and it was on that account that the Emperor of
Russia resisted the settlement. He said that those privi-
leges had been transferred to the Latins which heretofore
had been given to the Greeks—that this was a violation
of solemn promises made to himself ; that it was impair-
ing his moral influence, occupying as he does a high and
elevated position in the Greek Church; and that it not
only impaired his influence over those who professed the
Greek faith in the Turkish dominions, but that it reacttd
prejudicially upon himself over his subjects in his own do-
minions. He therefore considered that it was absolutely
necessary that the question should be set right. ' I must
say that from first to last, acting with great respect towards
the French Government he said he would not seek to de-
prive the Latins of the advantages theythus gained, although
at his own expense, but that he would seek fromthe Turk-
ish Government some equivalent, and he should require
that that equivalent should be secured to them, 'lot as be-
fore, under a firman, which experience had shown him
*mild be violated, but by some explanatory act of a more
binding character which should prevent future disturb-
ance. Therefore, my lords, this mission was undertaken,
not, as my noble friend says, after the question was
settled, but it was undertaken for the purpose of settling
the question, and it was not at first so very easily settled.
Various conferences took place. ,The Russian Ambassador
and the French Ambassador -had to meet various times
upon it, and it was at. last mainly adjusted by the friendly
intervention of my noble friend her Majesty's Ambassador
at Constantinople, who, this country being uninterested in
the question, was enabled to act as amicus curia. By the
advice he gave the question was settled in a manner satis-
factory to all parties, and his services were acknowledged
by both the French, the Austaian, and the Russian Go-
vernments. It was only after this that, on the sth of May,
c srtain further propositions were made by the Russian
Government—propositions certainly of which we had,
until that time, no idea. We certainly did not know that
proposals which amounted at last to little less than a pro-
tectorate, that any such proposals would be made ; and we
not unnaturally supposed—having officially received the
assurance that Prince Menschikoff had a very wide lati-
tude in his instructions to conclude the matter in any way
be thought proper—l say, we not unnaturally supposed
that this first proposal of his was an attempt to gain as
much as he possibly could, with au intention to take less
if that was offered. And so it turned out, because this
conviction was objected to, and my noble friend the Bri-
tish Ambassador at Constantinople pointed out to him what
would be its practical operation supposing it to be agreed
to. Prince Menchikoff accordingly gave it up. He next
proposed another form— a served, which is equivalent to a
protocol. That also was objected to, although it was far
less objectionable than the first proposal ; and then the
Prince proposed lastly, a form of note, which the Sultan
objected to also, and which, too, was withdrawn. I must
say that throughout the whole of these negotiations it was
a matter of satisfaction to her Majesty's Government that
the combined fleets had not passed the Dardanelles, because
nobody could say that the Turks had not acted in a per-
fectly free and independent manner, guided only by what
they considered to be their own interest, and because all
pretexts were taken from any power to say that the Turks
acted under pressure from other Governments. On the
22d of May Prince Menschikoff left Constantinople. I have
no doubt that the passage read by noble friend from his
valedictory letter- (a laugh)—is correct, and I think, if
it is correct, my noble friend designated it rightly,
for such language as that is fortunately very rare in
diplomatic correspondence, and I hope it will long remain
au exception to the general rule. (Hear.) Your lordships
are also aware that after Prince Menschikoff had quitted
Constantinople a note was sent by Count Nesselrode to
Redschid Pasha, asking him to accept within eight days
the note of Prince Menschikoff. ltedschid Pasha declined,
although in the most courteous manner, and then, in pur-
suance, of the authority which that letter contained, the
principalities were occupied. I certainly have not the least
hesitation in saying we have looked upon that as a viola-
tion of existing treaties. (Hear.) Although, however, my
noble friend blamed the Government for the line of con-
duct Pursued by them upon the occupation of the princi-
palities, I do not intend now to enter upon a defence of
that part of our policy, for a sense of public duty does not
permit me to do so. We might certainly have recom-
mended the Sultan to have acted upon that which was un-
questionably a oct,s us belli. (Hear.) I have not the least
doubt that we might, if we had thought proper, advised
the Sultan to treat the occupation of the principalities as a
cams belli, to suspend existing treaties, and ask for our pro-
tection. We did not, however, think it advisable to do so
—not because we did not consider it to be a cases belli, but
because we thought it was incumbent upon us in the first
place to do all that iu us lay to avoid the chances 'of war— .'",
(hear) ;—and we thought, having to appeal to the people
of this country, that we should not come with a good grace
to them unless we could show that we had exercised and
rinchtihipseasleitigerso,uwnedsditdhanto,turpeoenomthmeenmdertoe
exhausted every effort to maintain an honourable peace.
occupationt(heoasru
ta I ttoowf
uponatsha
exercisel)
rightin th i
so of
m treatingust be thatgt o
saayalhaasti,tt-whraosu,
undoubted and unquestionable
ioifegtohteiaFtiroennsc,halGthoovuergnhinlendit,danomtuaslltugabhds
eeogaut
ontytaothchu.
your
oNW.ifoh
lordshipswionlater .
action And thet
understand that in nothing have we taken a step without
- consulting the French Government. (Hear.) There has
been negotiation almost daily ; by dispatches or by tele-
graph questions have been asked, and answers immediately
i
sent, n order that there should not exist any variation of
policy, and in nothing was the French Government more
united with us than in not considering this as a cases belli.
Moreover, we found that the instructions we sent to our
ambassador at Constantinople to this effect crossed the
dispatches which were soon afterwrads received from. my
noble friend, stating that such had been the view of the
torte, and that such haA been the advice he had given to
the Porte. (Hear, hear.) I certainly was not pre-
pared to enter into this question as fully as I have been
led to do by the speech of my noble friend (the Earl of
Malinesbury), but still I have been most desirous ton nut
your lordships as far as I can in possession of the inf , a
tion which both your lordships and the country
jantio,
axe
must be anxious to possess. Although
neg°tiratlordships
still pending, I will not hesitate to state to aura
ae
convinced,
hstaatgsetespusdtwhhosaet nisegtohteiiartiporenssohnatypeoasritriiovnenFauntdtihneimr
must be ate
which he has
bseyn
whenwt I do so, my noble friend
looking to the forbearance and moderation
in
of Ministerial responsi-
bility exercised, and bearing
from late experience of the extent _
say,
he will under-
bility in these matters—l am
.sure, 1
of such matters will not
mindthat he is aware
stand that a more full discussion
and after the princi-
rode had been rejected by the I'
that the opportunity seemed
occupied, . .
now be desirable. It was after_tohreten,ote of Count
panties had had been
then to have arisen
into a new phase. It had. then
when mutual friends might treat the
matter as having entered
certainly, by the occupation of this 1 ortion of tho Turkish
which imposed -
character, upon other Powers
territory and in contravention of existing treaties, assumed
a European
the necessity of interfering in some way or other to put an
end to such a state of things. The mediation of Austria
was offered. Whether it was asked for or not, or offered
without being asked for, I don't exactly know; I only know
it was acted upon. The Austrian Government made a
most fair and reasonable proposition, saying to the Porte,
,‘ You have rejected this note ; furnish us with such a
note as we may send to St. Petersburg—something which
shall be safe to you, and not unacceptable to the Emperor
of Russia. Furnish us with such a note as that, and we
will agree to send it to St. Petersburg, and support it when
there." A Ministerial crisis and other causes, which at this
moment I am unable to explain, caused delay at Constan-
tinople, and the Austrian Government, foreseeing the
very great dangers that would arise from delay, called to-
gether the representatives of the other Powers, the Minis-
ters of France, England, and Prussia, and proposed to
take as a basis the note which had originated with the
French Government, which, with some slight modifica-
tions, they proposed should be laid before the Goverment.
of the Emperor and of the Sultan as a means of settling
the differences. These modifications were, in the first