The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-15 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, J UNE 15, 1854.

MR. ALBERT SMITH'S MONT BLANC,
including the BERNESE OBERLAND and the SIMPLON,
THIS EVENING, and Every Evening at Eight o'Clock, (except
Saturday) ; and Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday Mornings, at Three.
Stkils, 3s. (which can be taken at the box• otlic every day from I i
till 4 ; area, 2s. ; gallery, la.—Egyptian Hall, Piccadilly.

GREAT GLOBE, LEICESTER-SQUARE,—SEAT
of WAR.—TURKEY in EUROPE.—LECTURES on the
Geography. of Turkey in Europe and Asia, and the Baltic, and tte
surrounding countries of.Ru.iela and Persia.—Open fro.n. 10 a.m. to
0 p.m.—Adnal6sion is. ; schools half price. .

LAURENT'S CASINO, ARGYLE Rooms,
(Lessee, CHAS. C. LAI7RENT, Onslow-house, Fulham-road),
—The above Rooms are now OPEN FOR TdE SEASON.
and will continue open every evening, with LAURENT'S
CELEBRATED BAND. Constantinople Quadrille, Sultan Polka,
Fair Star Waltz, and Overland Mail Galop, by D'Albert; also, by 11.
Laurent , the following IValtzes - La belle Francais°, Leonora, Villi-
kins and his Dinah, Admission, Is. Doors open at half-past 8.
Dancing to-'conamence at 9 o'clock, and terminate at half-past 11.

FASHIONABLE CHIT-CHAT.
Pol tical, Theatrical, Legal, or Court Fashionable News, sup-
plied by a London Correspondent•—Address, D. Z. A., by letter, No.
3, Ra,hbone-place, Oxford-street,

MR. MECHI'S ASSISTANTS at the
CRYSTAL PALACE will attend constantly to receive
Orders and dispose of his Manufactures there.
4, Leadenhall-street, June 10, 1854.

MR. MEOHI having had the honour of supply-
ing the Crystal Palace Company with Table Knives of a
novel and pleasing form, begs to state that in future he will name them
the 'CRYSTAL PALACE TABLE KNIVES," and supply them to the
public, of a similar quality, in fine ivory, 30s. per dozen ; transparent
ivory, 425. per dozen. Mr. Medd charges the same prices for his
Manufactures, when disposed of at the Crystal Palace, as he does at
his establishment in Leadenhall-street.

Owners of merchant-steamers, hotel-keepers, and all public estab-
lishments, wdl find these knives far more economical and durable
than the usual sort, being on an entirely new construction, and not
affected by Immersion in hot water.
4, Leadenh all- stre et.

CITY OP LONDON ELECTION.

Yesterday the electors of the city of London were
convened in their ancient Guildhall, for the purpose of
choosing a member to fill up the vacancy occasioned in
the City representation by Lord John Russell's accept-
ance of the office of Lord President of her Majesty's
Privy Council. Two o'clock was fixed upon for com-
mencing the proceedings, but the hall doors were thrown
open an hour before, when an instantaneous ru-h took
placa on the part of the crowd, who had previously col-
lected outside the building, to obtain the best positions
for hearing the speakers. The Ball was speedily filled,
with the exception of' that parYief it which is farthest
from the platform, and from which oftenest proceed the
vain and hopeless cries of " Spy.* out I" Sharp upon
two o'clock, Lord John RussellNhe candidate who ap-
peared to solicit re-election, apperfired upon the platform,
accompanied by the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs, and other
corporate dignitaries, in their civ robes and official in-
signia, and his lordship was receibed with a burst of loud
and general cheering. In a moment or two afterwards
the presence of Mr. Urquhart, the rival candidate, if
such he could seriously be eonsidered, became known to
a portion of the occupants of the platform ; but the hon.
gentleman's appearance did not elicit any manifestation
of feeling whatever—favourable or otherwise—from the
body of the meeting, probably becrilise the great bulk
of the auditory were unable to distinguish him from
the gentlemen in his immediate Vicinity. The honour-
able gentleman—wiei',came arramk,Britlvopies of the
Blue-books—seemed to stand in'the game solitary and
unbefriended condition which he occupied on Mon-
day last, when he first presented himself to harangue
the livery. Among the leading persons present we no-
ticed Mr. Thomson Hankey, M.P. ; Mr. J. A. Smith,
M.P.; Mr. Wilkinson, M.P.; Mr. Oliveira, M.P.; Mr.
J. Dillon, Mr. Crawford, Mr. Alderman Salomons, Mr.
Alderman Humphery, Mr. H. J. Prescott, Mr. VT. F.
A. Delane. &c. The small galleries were occupied by
ladies of distinction.

The business of the day was opened by
Mr. Alderman and Sheriff WIRE advancing to the
rostrum and announcing that the electors were assem-
bled there that day, in obedience to the writ of her Ma-
jesty, to choose a fit and proper person to represent that
great City in Parliament, in the loom of the Righ Hon.
Lord John Russell, who had accepted the office of Lord
President of her Majesty's Privy Council. He (the
Sheriff) had no doubt that the citizens of London would
on that occasion exercise the right vested in them in their
usual discreet manner; and all that the Sheriffs had to
require of them was that they should patiently hear
every person who might be entitled to address them.
The Town Crier then read the Queen's writ, and also
the act against bribery—the conclusion of the latter,
somewhat lengthy, formality being hailed with cheers
and hearty hurrahs.
Mr. HENRY JAMES PRESCOTT then stood forward to
nominate Lord John Russell. He said—The accept-
ance of office under the Crown by the noble lord
having created a vacancy in the representation of the
City, his lordship now offered himself to them as a
candidate for re-election. The duty of proposing the
noble lord had been entrusted to him, and in. the
performance of that duty he should occupy but a very
small portion of thei? time. It would indeed be idle in
him to dwell upon the past career of Lord John Russell.
There now existed no public man in this country--and
he ventured to say there had existed no public man
during the last quarter of a century--whose name was
more completely identified with the history of his
country than that of the noble lord. (Cheers.) They
had seen him in opposition and in office—they had seen
him the highest in the councils of his Sovereign--and
in all these characters he had been conspicuous as the
advocate and promoter of civil and religious liberty, of
education, of commercial freedom, and of a variety of
other measures, calculated to extend civilization, or to
raise his country in the scale of nations. (Hear, hear.)
That, in the multiplicity of his public acts, the noble
lord might not have sometimes been wrong, he was not
prepared to maintain—on the contrary, it had occasion.
ally been his lot to differ from the noble lord in opi-
nion ; and there was one important subject on which he
essentially differed with him, and ,that was with regard
to the ballot. (Cheers.) He, however, would not dwell
on that question ; and he was prepared to assert that
they owed a deep debt of gratitude to his lordship for
what he had done,eand what he had laboured to do, for
his country and for mankind. (Hear, hear.) The ffice
to which the noble lord had just been appointed would
afford a special field for his talents and his patriotism.
It would be his particular duty and province to attend to
the educational wants of the people—(hear)—a task
which, while it was one of the loftiest and most important,
was at the same time one of the most difficult and delicate
that could fail to a eitatesman in this country at the pre-
sent day. All admitted the impcirtanee of education,
and all right minded men desired to see its blessings
extended to every class of society ; but, unfortunately,
as to the particular mode of supplying its advantages
there did not exist the same concurrence of opinion.
Let them hope, however, that the noble lord, in his new
office, might be able to reconcile conflicting views on
this question, and to devise some means by which, with-
out offending the conscientious scruples of any class or
sect; he might effect the general diffusion of a sound
and sufficient system of national education. (Hear,
hear.) But whilst they might hope that such subjects
as that of popular education might continue to attract
the attention of her Majesty's Government, there was
unhappily another question which must at the present
moment engross not only their attention, or at least a
large portion of it, but that of the public. He alluded
to the war in which they were at present engaged.
—(hear, hear)—a war commenced by the Russian Go-
vernment seemingly upon the most frivolous pretext,
but in reality from motives of the most greedy and
selfish ambition. (Cheers.) That the aggressions of the
Emperor of Russia would result only in his own discom-
fiture, and in the misery and distress of his own unhappy
subjects, he thought the Czar himself must, by this time,
, be nearly convinced. The promptness and energy dis-
played by the allied powers, and the vigorous measures
they had taken—. (Loud cries of "oh ! oh !" and inter-
ruption, which drowned the remainder of the speaker's
sentence.) It had been truly observed by the noble lord,
in his address to the electors of London, that we all
desired a solid, a durable, and an honourable peace
—(hear, hear)—and by union, firmness, and energy
on the part of the allied Governments, and by these
qualities alone he (Mr. Prescott) felt sure that we should
be able to obtain so desirable a result. If her Majesty's
Government continued to display those qualities, he was
satisfied that they would receive the cordial support of
the people of this country, and on that ground he asked
them to re-elect Lord John Russell to the post of one of
their representatives. (Cheers.)
Mr. JOHN Dieeoer said he appeared before them to
second the nomination of Lord John Russell, whose ad-
dress to the constituency he held in his hand. Many
measure of great importance bad been deferred and post-
poned for the consideration of the all-absorbing and pa-
ramount question of the war in which we were involved,
and of the best means to bring that war to a successful,
an honourable, and a permanent termination. (Hear.)
There were many different opinions even on the subject
of the war. There were parties who disputed and dif-
fered as to the means of carrying it on—as to the allies
with whom we should be connected—(hear, hear)—and
as to the character and the intentions of the statesmen
collectively in the Cabinet, and their previous conduct
with respect to the Eastern question. Yet there was but
one opinion among thinking men as to the honourable,
the bold, and manly conduct of Lord John Russell.
(Loud cheers, accompanied by the waving of hats.) He
appealed to the noble lord's language, not used within
these few days past, but used at a very early stage in
the discussion of this question—ay, he could appeal
even to vet earlier language, adopted by him in the
brief but honourable correspondence which he sent to
Sir Hamilton Seymour, and in which he maintained
the character of an English gentlemen as well as of an
English statesman. (Hear.) In his published address to
the constituency, the noble lord had very justly stated
that we were engaged in a war which would be carried
on until we obtain a solid, a durable, and an honourable
peace. Well, let them mark the noble lord's words—let
them bind him to that declaration—for it was the decla-
ration which an English statesman ought to make, and
which the people of this country ought to applaud and
reward. (Hear, hear.) They were told, and would be
told again, it might be at some length, that the war in
which we were engaged was but a " sham" war. (A. cry
of " hear, hear.") Now, he feared that the noble lord
would find, from the strenuous efforts that he would have
to make, and to support others in making, that it was a
very real war. (Hear, and a laugh.) They were told, and
very truly as he thought, that the fate of the present Ad-
ministration depended upon that election, and that the
Cabinet would fall to pieces if the noble lord was not re-
elected. Well, let them remember that, and vote for
Lord John Russell accordingly. (Hear.) But thera was
another question that might have occurred to them, and
it was, " Who were to succeed the present Administra-
tion ?—(laughter)—who would the Queen have to send
for ?" He wished to speak with all respect of gentlemen,
present or absent, but he put it to them seriously, who-
ther they were prepared for the wisdom and the
power of an Urquhart Administration. (Cheering,
laughter, and hisses.) And now a word, before con-
cluding, as to that great Power Russia, with which we
were at war, and to which, in more respects than a
martial point of view,we stood opposed. The noble lord
in his address spoke of Russia as a mighty military
power, and so no doubt it was, and perhaps (it might
I be as the consequence of the other) it was a mighty
despotic power as will. It was opposed to all improve-
ment at home, and lent its aid and support abroad to
check the advance of auy other country which medi-
tated its own improvement and reform. It was a bar-
barous power as well as a despotic power, threatening
the civilization of mankind as well as the liberties of
Inations. (A. Voice—What about Austria ?) The best
way of destroying all that was bad in Austria was to de-
feat Russia—(cheers)—which had always been a repres-
sive and inert power, ready at all times to support
oppression and despotism ; and the best and most effec-
tual course; and ultimately also the course most merciful
and beneficial as regarded herself and thelinhabitants of
ber country, for us to adopt, would be to punish them
and educating them, and thus to introduce civilization
among a people who would then no longer stand as Huns
land Goths, menacing modern civihzation. (Cheers.)
#0 would only now nolt them to roplAco in the douse of

Commons the distinguished le; ►dt ir of that assembly, and
to renew that mark of their c eafidence which they had
shown to him some months ago, and which he had done
nothing since to forfeit ; and 1 le trusted the noble lord
would return again to a Govern ment which ho believed
would be supported by the pe, )p;le of England as long as
they maintained the cause o f IFreedom, and upheld the
honour and interests of the country. (Cheers.) He
begged to second the nominat' 'or I of Lord J. Russell.
Mr. Sheriff Winn then as ke, l if any person present
had any other candidate to pr opose ?
A. brief pause then ensued, (hiring which no one ap-
peared to respond to the invitation of the Sheriff. Some
cries of " Urquhart" were i indeed raised, and in the
midst of the noise and confusi on that honourable gentle-
men was seen to beckon and 1 xeard to request some per-
son in the body of the hall to come forward and put him
in nomination, in order to ent ib le him to claim the right
of addressing the citizens. Tile whole assemblage, how-
ever, remained unmoved alike, I,y his entreaties and his
forlorn situation, when

Mr. Sheriff WIRE again stepped forward and pro-
claimed—Gentlemen of the liver y, the Right Honourable
Lord John Russell has been pro posed and seconded, and
no other candidate being either proposed or seconded, I
ask you whether you will elect', and have Lord John
Russell as your member? (Loud and prolonged cheer-
.ing, accompanied by the holding up of hands and the
waving of hats.) Gentlemen, I now put the question to
you, "On the contrary." (Not a hand was upraised
nor a hat displaced at this summons, whereupon the
worthy Sheriff concluded)—Gentlemen, I declare that
Lord John Russell has been duly elected by you to be
the citizen to represent you in the present Parliament.
(Vehement cheering.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then presented himself to the
meeting, which was the signal for the renewal of voci-
ferous and prolonged cheering. When silence was re-
stored, his lordship said :—Gentlemen, I understand
that an elector now present wishes to ask me a ques-
tion, and before I proceed with my address to you, I
wish the question to be put, that I may at once answer
it. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. POTTER (the elector alluded to) then said that he
had attended there that day to ask Lord John Russell a
question on the subject of church rates. (Hisses.) He
had not come there to speak about the war—he was
quite sure they could not have a better representative
than the noble lord ; but he claimed the right as an
elector to put these questions on a matter which the
noble lord, so engaged as he was with other great ques-
tions of state, might possibly have overlooked. (Cries of
" put your question.") He held in hand an act passed
two years ago, called the Metropolitan Burial Act, which
he considered to be a disgrace, and he wished to ask
whether the noble lord had anything to do with its pass-
ing—(a voice, "bosh," and laughter)—and whether he
was prepared, in the bill now before Parliament, to re-
peal the clause which gave to the clergy double the
amount of the church rates ? (Hisses and " question.")
Had the noble lord modified his views on church rates,
and would he support Sir William Clay's bill for the
total and unconditional repeal of that obnoxious impost ?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then said—The question that has
just been put to me, as I understand it, refers to a bill
with respect to burials in the metropolis, which was
passed on the Ist of July, 1852. Now, with regard to
that bill, I have only to say that I had nothing what-
ever to do with it ' • that it was introduced by a member
of Lord Derby's Government, which was in office at
that time, and was passed by means of the influence
that that Government possessed. (Hear, hear.) With
respect to its provisions I can only say that in any mea-
sure regarding burials in the metropolis, I will carefully
consider the clause of the act which has been referred to,
to see whether any modification ought to be made in it.
Now, gentlemen, coming to the more important business
of this election, I have the honour to stand before you
now for the sixth time, after having received your suf-
frages as one of your representatives—(cheers)—and I
may say also that it is the third time that I have had that
honour within these two years; so that, with regard to
these two years past at least, a provision enacting annual
Parliaments would have given me rather fewer elections
than I have really undergone. (Laughter.) Now, gentle-
men, I have appealed to you at this election, having been
without office during the greater part of the existence of
the present Administration, but having again accepted
an office which connects me moreclosely than before with
that Administration. I do not mean to detain you with
any reference to measures of a domestic character to
which I have had frequently to recur on former occa-
sions. I have stated to you before now that, having
been long in public life—having, during that public life,
had occasion to form and mature my opinions, I could
only vote according to those opinions ; that they might
be wrong in some instances, and- right in others, but
that I trusted to your generous confidence to appre-
ciate the motives with which I have acted. (Hear,
hear.) And now, gentlemen, I shall proceed to that
which is the absorbing question of the present day
—so absorbing that measures which I had hoped
to forward for increasing and promoting the
civil and religious rights of large portions of our coun-
trymen havebeen rather neglected than considered— have
been withdrawn
.in deference to public opinion, rather
than opposed by parliamentary resistance. But, gentle-
men, that great question to which I wish to refer is the
war in which we are engaged. (Hear, hear.) I will not
now refer to that which has been discussed in debates
with which you are all, no doubt, familiar, namely, the
origin of that war. The present Government endeavoured
as long as they could to seek for terms of pacific arrange-
ment ; and, gentlemen, I believe that in so doing, we
were acting in accordance with the opinions of the people
of this country. (Hear, hear.) The blessings of peace,
which we had enjoyed for nearly 40 years, were not of
such trifling value that they were to be lightly thrown
away or precipitately abandoned. (Cheers.) It was
not, therefore, until we found that the ambition of the
Emperor of Russia was not to be satisfied with any
moderate concessions which the Sultan of Turkey was
prepared to make—that the Czar was determined, in op-
position to remonstrance, in opposition to proposals of
every kind, to retain and keep in his power the territory
of his neighbour, that we advised the Queen to declare
that she was obliged to take up arms in defence of the
ally thus unjustly attacked. (Cheers.) And, gentlemen,
in that declaration we had the co-operation and concert
of her Majesty's ally, the Emperor of the French—
(cheers)—and I trust that this concert upon a great
question will lead to a permanent alliance with that
great people, our neighbours. who, with ourselves,
form the most civilised and the most enlightended
nations of Europe. Gentlemen, we know by expe-
rience the courage and the skill of the French nation,
and they know ours ; and, as brethren in arms, I
trust we shall display those qualities which we have
hitherto displayed in conflict with each other. (Cheers.)
But, gentlemen, there were others who were as much
interested as England and France in preserving the in-
dependence of Europe against an ambitious power—l
mean the great States of Germany. I believe that while
the success of Russia—that while her conquest of Turkey
and her occupation of Constantinople=would have been
dangerous to England and to France, it would have been
absolute oppression to the people,of Germany ; and ac-
cordingly the people of Germany have felt that this is a
question which would not be indifferent to them. The
principal Sovereigns of Europe, the Emperor of Austria
and the King of Prussia, have sympathised with our
people ; and I trust that the war that we are about to
carry on will be a war, not of two powers, but of five
powers of Europe against the Emperor of Russia.
kCheers.) I know there were those who said, "De not
give assistance to the Turks." They said so on various
reasons and various pretences. Some said the Turks
were a people so barbarous and their Government so
bad that we ought not to aid them. Gentlemen, I have
heard such an argument used in former times, and I be-
lieve that the intention of that argument was, not to
blame the Turks, not to amend their Government, but
to abet the designs of the Emperor of Russia. (Loud
cheers.) It is easy to say, and it is not for me to
deny, the faults—nay, the mal-administration —and
in many instances, the cruelties which exist under the
Turkish rule. lot this was not a time to discuss
any improvement in those matters. The question
was, to resist the aggression of Ruisia ; and, I have
no doubt, if that aggression is successfully resisted,
that the improvement of Turkish institutions and the
happiness of the Christian people living under the Sul-
tan of Turkey will follow from that resistance, and that
success. (Cheers.) On the other hand, if the Emperor of
Russia were to succeed in his attack, we must recollect
that it would be the success of a Government which en-
deavours to suppress all freedom of thought, to which
neither political, or religious, nor any kind of liberty
can look for encouragement, and that there would be a
deadly power hanging over Europe, and at length at-
tacking even our own institutions as incompatible with
the existence of the monstrous tyranny which at present
prevails in that country. It has been said, that if the
Turks had been left alone it would have been better for
them. That is the very argument used by the Emperor
of Russia; he has constantly said, "This is no business
of yours : do not you interfere ; only let the Sultan
settle his own affairs with me ; let us have a friendly
conference together, and we shall no doubt come to a
very amicable determination." (Laughter and cheers.)
But, gentlemen, we thought—the Emperor of Russia
being much the stronger of the two—that that amicable
determination could not but be injurious to the Turks ;
and we now find that the Turkish Government has most
willingly accepted our aid, and that, in instances which
I could quote, that aid has been most efficient for that
purpose. Gentlemen, I now proceed then to the mode in
which this war is to be carried on. And let me remark,
in the first place, that it was observed by a member of the
House of Commons, and most truly, when we were em-
kingcboaurld ex
po
enetthtihsossvea ra,dtvhaantt iatg we
sa swnhoi
ct
ha
hwaadr
af rt m
tendedwhich
hwe er
ways, and that
andt.theTrinidad,conquests
ofciosulaldndns,otshuecha,
cfhoireviend
Jamaica -
stance, as amai
al
oi kf e
Russia, Russia.w
hli
crihd, e
iefd
t, h there
raer eo
ffne or ne
de
toof
themp oas soswi oenr
us, we should accept, and there arenonetn
whahichthlisa.m dis-
posedwe to covet. But there is more
have all venerated the glories of Nelson at St. Vincent
and of Duncan at Camperdown ; but the victories by
which they achieved their fame were victories achieved
against enemies who came out into the open sea—(loud
cheers)—who met them in a fair fight, and who in that
fair fight were encountered by the valour and the prowess
of our admirals and our sailors. We have now to deal
with an enemy who onoloseo his navy within walls of

[PRICE SD.

granite-.-(laughter)—who places his ships behind stone
walls and batteries bristling with guns, and who never
venturea to meet Dundas or Napier in the open sea—
(cheers)--and if they did, no doubt these gallant admi-
rals would be able, in nautical phrase, "to give a good
account" of those Russian fleets. (Laughter and cheers.)
What they may be able to accomplish, as matters stand,
it is not for me, ncr for any of us, to' decide. All we
know is, that we have given those commands to gallant
and skilful admirals—that all that gallantry and skill
can do elicv will accomplish—that they will
prove them-
selvea to be worthy sons of England, and that we ought
to rest sasfied that that which can be accomplished
they will :accomplish, and that that which they will
leave undone could not be done by human courl,
or by human skill. (Loud cheers.) But, gentlemAe
we have done that which has not been usual in former
wars. We have, at the very commencement of the tvar,
sent a land army to the defence of our allies. We know
that our anilitary- means are far inferior to. those of the
great coe.tinental monarchies—we know that we do not
call out our 80,000 men or our 100,000 men by the con-
scription to swell the ranks of our armies, that our armies
are slowhy raised, raised from volunteers, raised by vo-
luntary enrolment, and therefore we never do send
armies, and I do not know that the lovers of the consti-
tution vr4 mid wish that we should send armies of 150,000
or 200,0110 men into the field. But even the army we
have sent has already been the meansof furnishing
troops to defend a Turkish fortress which was surren-
dered in the last war to the armies of Russia—l mean
the fortress of Varna—and hag'thus -enabled the brave
and able commander of the Turkish army, Omer Pacha
—(cheers )—to add a considerable reinforcement to his
army, wl Lich I trust will enable him to cope with the
Russians in the enterprise they are about to undertake.
(Renewed. cheers.) Well, now, I have said to you that
I think it s.liould be our endeavour to obtain " a durable,
a solid, a• ad an honourable peace." Now I should be
guilty of the greatest presumption—l should be guilty
of a brea ch of the most solemn duty—if I were to say
what are -the terms which, in the opinion of her Ma-
jesty's Government, would make that peace honourable,
solid, and. durable. That is a question not merely for
her Maki; sty's Government. It is to be decided along
with the ally of her Majesty, the Emperor of France ;
it is to be considered in conjunction with other powers,
if other powers should, as I hope, stand by our
side in this conflict for the independence of Europe,
But more thAn this. The exact terms of that peace must
depend r tpon the fortunes of war—must depend upon the
success v. rith which we encounter the embattled legions
of Russia t. My hope is, that that war will meet with
the success which, from its object and its motive, it de-
serves ; lDut this I will say, that no insufficient peace
ought to be, made ; that we ought not to lay down our
arms until we have obtained security for the future—
!
(prolonged cheering)—that, having made the great exer-
tions that; •we have done, that having our eyes open to the
designs of Russia, that other nations of Europe having
their eyes open likewise, we should be the most silly. of
mortals if' we were to sign an insecure peace, which
would leave) it to our present enemy to bide his time,
until by tho dissensions of other powers, until by the
weakness. of some of those powers, he should find a bet-
ter oppor tuz lay of accomplishing his design. (Cheers.)
Let us co naider for a moment what that design is. I
give it from no unfair interpretation of that which has
been said by the Emperor of Russia himself. It is, that
the principalities he occupies and Bulgaria should be
held under his protection ; it is that Constantinople
itself should not be occupied either by the present Go-
vernment or by any free Government, which should har-
bour those who might be considered his enemies. It is,
therefore, that Constantinople should be, like Cracow
or Warsax v, subject to Russian protection and Russian
influences,. I say that such a consummation would be
fatal to tl ie liberty of Europe. (Cheers.) I ask you to
oppose suck a consummation. I believe that British
hearts, British courage, British skill, and British power
are equal to achieve for us, in conjunction with our allies,
and in co; aj unction with the sympathies of Europe, and not
of Europe. only but of the whole world, that success ; and
I earnest'. y pray that God may give the victory to her
Majesty's arms for that purpose. (Loud and prolonged
cheers, amidst which the noble lord withdrew.)
On the naotion of Mr. Deputy LAKE, a vote of thanks
was accorded to the Sheriffs.
The Lord. Mayor and Sheriffs then withdrew, thereby
indicating that the business of the meeting was con-
cluded.

Mr. URQUHART, however, advanced to the front of the
platform said a perfect tumult of groans and hisses,
mingled vriain some faint cheering, which lasted for some
minutes. When the commotion had partially subsided
he said—E have only one word to say to you—will you
hear it (Shouts of " No, no.") You have carried your
election, read you have lost the chance of saving your
country. (Uproar and laughter.) The instruments of
Russia ar., the statesmen of the Cabinets of Europe; and
you have male another tool for the Emperor of Russia
in the per corn whom you have chosen as your representa-
tive. (R ene:wed confusion.) I know I have no right to
address y on, and I do not demand it ; but I give you
this warning, that you will live to regret your decision
of this d: ty.
The ho-a. gentleman then retired, and the assemblage
quietly le Et the hall.