The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-14 00:00:00

(From the Morning Herald.).

Most of our readers will remember Blackwood's admirable
series of papers, entitled, " First and Last." To this series
Lord John Russell contributed another specimen last night.
We had then, in a weary task of about an hour and twenty
minutes, the First and Last appearance of a third Reform Bill.
The latest specimen of the kind in 1852 was sentenced as soon
as seen, and the present one is several degrees worse than
that. We have not the slightest idea that we shall ever again
look upon " the Reform Bill of 1854." Lord John went
through his task with the air of a man who knew that the
whole affair was a farce, and who could not, for the life of
him, even put on the semblance of feeling any interest in it.
Scarcely a cheer of the least warmth greeted him during his
course; he sat down in nearly total silence, and in ten minutes
afterwards not fifty members were left on the Ministerial
benches. The whole affair was seen to be a sham ; and honest
men disliked to appear to have anything to do with it. As
Lord John entertains not the slightest idea of proceeding with
the measure, he is naturally careless what party he insults by
it. The first half of the measure is a downright affront to
the Radicals—the latter half is just as disgusting to the Con-
servatives. Together, the bill is such a monstrosity, that it
is difficult to believe that Lord John would be willing to pass
his own bill into a law, if be were able to do so to-morrow.
First, as to the Radicals. They have been insisting upon it,
for some months past, that seats taken from towns must be
given to towns; that, if thirty boroughs are disfranchised,
thirty now boroughs must he created. Now, how does Lord
John deal with this claim ? By disfranchisement of boroughs
he finds 66 seats at his disposal. All these are claimed by the
Radical party for towns. Lord John apportions them thus—
Counties ..................... ,
............................. 49
London University ......... , .............................
Inns of Court ............................................ 2
Chelsea
Largetowns

Total ....................................... 66
More utter disregard of the pretensions of the Radical party
could hardly be shown. A second affront is inflicted upon
them by one of the many " crotchets" whidh are introduced
into this precious production. Lord John gives in to the
novel idea of giving some representation to minorities. He
adopts the plan of a late pamphleteer, of giving three mem-
bers to a large town, or division of a county, but allowing no
elector to give more than two votes. In this way 5000 elec-
tors would return the first two on the poll, but a minority of
4000 would return the third. This is an idea particularly
abhorrent to the Radicals, who enjoy nothing better than to
triumph over the Conservatives, when they can, by mere
brute force. But having in this way shown his disregard of
the wishes and feelings of his Radical allies, Lord John next
turns to the Conservatives, and does his best to render the
measure loathsome to them. Half-a-dozen crotchets
of the most absurd kind are introduced, any one
of which ought to condemn the measure. Take
an instance : that the metropolitan boroughs are
low enough, Radical enough, and have enough of King
Mobinthem, is a fact which even the Times itself has fre-
quently asserted. Yet Lord John proposes to make them
much worse. "Is it possible ?" some of our readers will ex-
claim. Oh, yes ! quite possible. As the law now stands,
every voter in a metropolitan borough must have paid some
rates and taxes. Lord John gravely proposes to sweep away
every regulation of the kind. A man is (we suppose) merely
to be rated ; though why even this formality should be de-
manded, if the payment of rates isto excuse him, we know not.
What rational motive can be assigned for this change ? Has any
one ventured to surmise that the constituencies of the metropo-
litan boroughs are not low enough, but that they would be im-
proved by a larger infusion of the democracy? The " crotchets"
of this bill are too many to be enumerated. One member is to
be given to the " London University," which is not, we believe,
Stinkomalee" itself, but a still More modern invention,
which at present is to be found in lodgings, up two pair of
stairs, somewhere about Somerset House, All people having
salaries of 100/. a-year are to have votes. Are the clerks of
a Lombard-street banker, or of Messrs. Morrison and Dillon,
in Fore-street, more independent of their employers than the
farmers of Sir Thomas Acland or Sir John Yarde Buller? Yet,
when the farm tenants were enfranchised by the Chandos
clause, the Whigs and Radicals told us that we were only
making some thousands of dependent and servile voters."
For our part, though we hate all shams, we must admit that
the present is a case in which the Government cannot do any-
thing else. To act with truth and honesty is more than they
can venture to do. To be in earnest, they must pledge office,
and power, and everything upon the carrying this measure.
But this they cannot do, and do not mean to do. They have
not the slightest intention of either dissolving or resigning.
In short, the bill is only " brought in" to be taken out again.
It is a mere waste of time ; in short, a farce

(From the Morning Chronicle.)
Lord John Russell was fully justified in stating last night,
at the conclusion of his able, comprehensive, and statesman-
like speech, that the provisions of the new Reform Bill had
not been suggested by any party motive. Not only is the
measure marked, at every point, by an earnest and single-
minded desire to improve the constitution of the House of
Commons, but the changes which it proposes are so various in
their character, as well as so considerable in number and im-
portance, that it will not be easy, without elaborate calcula-
tions, to estimate their probable erect on the balance of poli-
tical power. The counties are to receive a considerable addi-
tion of representatives, but the county constituency Is to
embrace a new class of voters from the smaller towns in the
district ; and it will consequently, as Lord John Russell
pointed out, no longer present that " special character "
which has operated so injuriously on national interests. In
the larger counties and towns, the minority is to be furnished
with the means of securing a share in the representation ; and,
consequently, there may not improbably be a Ministerial
member for Manchester, and a Liberal member for Dorset-
shire. Mr. Drummond himself might have allowed that the
franchise given to clerks and salaried officers will tend to
raise the character of ordinary constituencies ; and it is certain
that the Inns of Court will never return a member
holding opinions so dangerous as to be incompatible with
a seat on the bench or with the office of Solicitor-
General. In a word, the measure presents little
scope for that narrow and vulgar criticism which can only
judge of political changes as they may affect the petty in-
terests of faction. It must be estimated as a whole, with
reference to its collective and ultimate effect on the character
of the constituencies and of the House of Commons ; and
thus regarded, it will, unless we are greatly mistaken, be cor-
dially welcomed by the country as a scheme, alike honestly
intended, judiciously conceived, and ably constructed, for