The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-06 00:00:00

" I have now fully stated in what spirit and with what
intentions the Vienna Note was framed ; but, in inter-
preting it as Count Nesselrode has done, by his objections
to the modifications, his Excellency not only does not prove,
but he does not even advert to, any obligation by which
the Porte is bound to make concessions utterly irrecon-
cileable with its independence. But her Majesty's Govern-
ment are compelled to consider that the claims put forward
by Russia are equally irreconcileable with the assurance
that no extended power or influence is sought in Turkey.
They deeplyregret that such claims should have been made ;
for, even were they successful, they would be useless to
Russia if she sincerely desires the independence of the Otto-
man empire ; but, under any circumstances, they must
produce feelings of suspicion and distrust on the part of
the Porte ; and differences between the two powers will
thus in future, as of late, be a source of anxiety to Europe,
and expose the general peace to constant danger of distur-
bance.

" You will communicate this despatch to Count Nessel-
rode, or to M. de Seniavine, should Count Nesselrode be
still absent, and also give him a copy .—I am, &c.,
" CLARENDON."

RUSSIA, BY THE MANCHESTER MANU

FACT URER.

(Front the Weekly Dispatch.)

The events of every day demonstrate more clearly
the wisdom as well as humanity of the policy pur-
sued by the Earl of Aberdeen in reference to the
Eastern question. Austria, Prussia, and the other
Western Powers, the Italian States the outlying
tributary provinces of Turkey, the Northern Powers
—all these have a direct interest, or a disposition,
to interfere in the diplomacy of this embroglio.
They have all wavered in reference to the course
they should pursue. Russia has made tempting
offers, used golden arguments to each. The Czar
has poured into the willing ear of hereditary dynas-
ties and absolute despots the leprous distilment of
his charges against France and England. He has
proclaimed himself the bulwark of legitimacy, and
rock around which break harmless the surge of re-
volution and the thunders of democracy. He calls
to them to-join him in defending a cause common
to them all against English Propagandism and
French Republicanism. He points to Poland, to
Hungary, to Italy, to Scily, ripe for insurrection,
unless kept down by his cohorts. One false step
on our part would have set the whole of Europe in
opposition to our ally and ourselves. One word of
anger or overbearing petulance, one peremp-
tory demand, one high-handed ultimatum, would
have turned the middle and higher classes of
continental Europe against us. The peoples of
Europe would have mingled their patriotism in the
conflict, and backed up the hostility of their rulers
with the enthusiasm of their own nationality and pride
of country. It is very easy, indeed, to say that if
Ministers had, at the first, accepted the crossing of
the Pruth as a casus belli, the Czar would have re-
tired with an apology on his lips and a flea in his
ear. But our own policy had accustomed Europe
to think that Russia might go into Servia, Cir-
cassia, the Danubian Principalities, and into the
southern provinces, which she has already wrested
from Turkey, without our taking any offence.
Lord Palmerston had led the world to think by
our action at Acre and Navarino, and our inaction
in Hungary, when held for Austria by Russia, that
we were not so very straitlaced in respect to the
aggressions of Turkey. Any hasty or domineering
requisition, therefore on our part, would have had
no other effect than to induce the absolute Sove-
reigns of the continent, with the cordial sympathy
of their subjects, to join the Northern Autocrat,
not only with the bayonets of their soldiers, but the
good wishes and the patriotic spirit of the masses.
In Russia, there are two parties—that of the Em-
peror, and of the nobles and merchants. Any
abrupt dictation to their Sovereign, whom many
look up to as a tutelary deity, would have at once
left but one party in the empire, and called out all
the enthusiastic patriotism of the Sclavonic race, to
avenge a national insult. The sober temper,
the extreme forbearance, the calm and pa-
tient reasoning out of the whole subject,
in which the question has been treated by
our Ministers, has deprived the Czar of the sym-
pathy of his subjects. They only know that he
sacrifices all their trade and commerce to his own
imperiousness, that he seizes upon the funds of
every society or company to carry on a war which
he may avoid by a word, that he embezzles the
national revenue, and throws the public finances
into confusion—tears sons, husbands and fathers
from their homes to minister to his insane pride,
and that he quarrels with' the customers to whom
chiefly his nobles owe their revenues. The existence
of a totally opposite class of objectors to the views
of the Premier is, perhaps, another proof that he
has chosen the golden mean betwixt the rampant
war spirit, and the mere mystical fanaticism of the
peace party. Mr. Cobden, at Manchester, has again
taken occasion to reason out his principles, with
his usual ability, but, in our apprehension, with
the mistake of many who delude themselves with
the idea that mere logical congruity is practical
wisdom and broad reason : could we grant him his
chief postulate, which has been only too readily con-
ceded, we might have less hesitation in arrtivdingthae
his corollary—but in the taking for gran
mere assumption with which he sets out, rests the
whole success of his fallacy, even to his own mind.
.
" Barbarianism," he observes, " not overturn
civilisation in these days. After the improvements in
machinery, and the discovery o.f gunpowder, there
never will be another irruption of the Goths."
Prove that proposition, and we are prepared to
throw up the case.
But it is directly in the teeth
of the whole facts of history. The most polished,
wealthy, and commercial nations of the world have
invariably sunk, at their very zenith, before the
hardy virtues of the barbarous invader. Assyria,
Egypt, Greece, Rome, all rose to greatness by the
aggressive spirit of rude strength and courage, and
were destroyed by their peace and civilisation.
The horde of Roman robbers over-ran the world by
despising industry, commerce, and art. Whenever
they became civilised, they fell before the barbarian.
The nation of shopkeepers could barely hold their
own through the late war ; while the "barbarian-
ism," that is, the warlike spirit of France, carried
her in victory over Europe. Is it by the arts of
peace that we have acquired India, the Cape, Aus-
tralia, and a footing in China ? Even now and
here, is it to our peaceful attributes, or to our bar-
baric tendencies, that we owe our power and
strength ? It is not to our wealth and intelligence,
our civilisation, but to our gunpowder, bayonets,
and artillery, to our soldiers and sailors,
the least polished of our population, that we
must attribute our security, our might, and
victories. The Russians are not Goths and
Vandals in the science of martial dynamics. They
have their machinery, their gunpowder, their latest
new improvements in the enginery of destruction,
their military strategy, their practices of war, as
far advanced as our own. They have their great
fleets and vast armies. If they choose, as the
Romans did, to devote themselves entirely to con-
quest; and to make the conquered their tributaries,