The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-20 00:00:00

WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBIIIII 901

that that is an error—that the English recruit is a boy—
that the difficulty is not to make him a soldier but to con-
vert him into a man—and that the German is not a boy, but
a soldier and a man. (Cheers.) I have no doubt that in
the course of a few years you might raise up a great army.
You might do so if you were to stand on the dfensive for
four or five years. But we want to operate before that
time. (Cheers.) Are you propel el to wait until these lads
have become men ? We ward to do that now which you
wish to have done when it may be too late. That is what
we propose to do by this bill. (Cheers.) I do not pretend to
say what number of men will come to our assistance ; but
we shall he culpable if we neglect the opportunity of aet-
ting every man we can. (Cheers.) The right honourablee:
gentleman says you have no right to complain, because you
have got as your ally the most powerful military elation in
Europe, and therefore you need not make any great effort
to secure men to be produced at the shortest notice.
Franco, as the right honourable gentleman justly says, is a
very powerful military nation, but it is not the most power-
ful military nation in point f numbers, because, as far as
numbers are concerned, Russia is the most powerful state
in Christendom. But you must take into consideration not
merely numbers. We will take the French army at 400,000
men. But does France consider a foreign legion such an
unnecessary thing ? Does France acknowledge the supe-
riority of Russia, and her own weakness, in admitting foreign
legions into her service ? France from the earliest days has
been in the habit of employing foreign troops, and in the
days of Turenne she employed Irish, Scotch, and Swiss
regiments. France has now in her pay a legion composed
of foreigners as an auxiliary to her troops. The right hon.
gentleman spoke of the march of civilisation, but I confess
that my views of the march of civilisation are not com-
patible with the system that is proposed, of neglecting the
means of effectually carrying out our views against that
Power which does its utmost to prevent the march of civi-
lisation. I ask those hon. members who consider that we
can raise any number of troops, and render them effec-
tive in a moment, to answer me this question—What is the
number of British troops, ho they 150,000 or 200,000, or
bo they more, which would not be stronger or better for
the addition of 50,000, 40,000, or 30,000 foreign troops ?
(Cheers.) Success in war, after all, is in a great degree,
after skill is considered, a question of numbers, and
therefore, if you wish for success in this war, you
must not neglect any means at your disposal to
swell your battalions against the troops of Russia.(Cheers )
Stone persons say yeti have got the Turks at your disposal.
I know we have, and they are troops who fight extremely
well under certain circumstances. The Tarks fought very
gallantly at Silistria. (Cheers.) I wish those gentlemen
who talk of the use of mercenaries to recollect how many
mercenaries, and German mercenaries, are engaged in the
present contest. Who was it that organised the army of
Silistria ? A Prussian officer. Who organized the whole
Turkish artillery force ? Prussian officers. What has
become of them ? Have their Governments recalled them
to their service ? Not at all. Who is Omer Pacha himself ?
Omer Packs is of Austrian extraction. (Oh, oh.) He cer-
tainly is not a Turk.' In the Russian army there are many
German officers. I mention these facts to show that we
are not introducing a new system, but acting upon one
which is in existence at this very moment. But you
ask, how do these Turks behave ? What is said of the
Turkish army ? It is said of the Turkish army that
it is an army which fights very well beleind walls. Now,
what is the meaning of the expression, " fighting well be-
hind walls ?" Why, it is a cautious method of saying that
it is an army which will not fight except behind walls.
And, therefore, if you wish to strengthen your army, you
must strengthen it by men upon whom you can depend.
Now, I have a thorough conviction of the gallantry of the
German nation, and I deeply regret to hear them spoken of
as the scum of Europe. (Hear, hoar, and no, no.) These
are not terms which ought to be used to a nation which is
manifesting the greatest sympathy with us, and which
must ultimately join us. a Depend upon it this great war
cannot be carried on without the intervention of auxilia-
ries. Whatever may be your dislike to a bill which has
excited the prejudices of many gentlemen,we must beware
how we attempt to fight the whole battle by ourselves—
how we use language and express opinions which may
deter other nations from coming to our assistance. (Hear,
hear.) This is a Europe= quarrel. Those who talk lightly,
about the German nations forget that they are in c!ose proxi-
mity to Russia. We may have taken the most generous
course, and may have been the first on the field ; but
they must be forced into the field, and it does not become
us to disparage them. (Cheers.) I have endeavoured to
explain why we want assistance—l have endeavoured to
show that, although we can get men, we cannot produce
them in an effective state. I have shown that the assis-
tance of these German soldiers would be invaluable. I ask
honourable gentlemen to vote for this measure upon its
merits. lam not afraid of their decision. I tell you you
have a right to vote for it. Each member has a right to
vote for it, according to his own impression of its merits.
All I claim for the Government is, that if you entrust us
with the duty of carrying on the war, you will net censure
us if we use our best efforts to do so effectually. You will
not say, "We chain you to the oar—we do not care what is
your opinion of what is right—we are the best and only
judges, and it is for you to follow our behests with obe-
dience." That is a position which no Government can be
placed in, and if any Government would consent to accept
such a position it would forfeit all public confidence. We
have explained our objects. We think that this bill is
necessary. It may fail, but if it fails we cannot reproach
' ourselves, as you will not be able to reproach us. If it
succeeds, it will be of incalculable assistance to us ; and
believing that to be the case, we urge it upon the house as
a measure which is necessary to the publicintorests. (Loud
cheers.)
Lord STANLEY said—l am generally unwilling to ad-
dress the house, and to-night I should be glad to leave the
question under our consideration in the hands of the hon.
baronet near me, whose speech was one worthy of his
literary eminence. and of the cause which he undertook to
advocate. I came up to this meeting of Parliameat, as I
believe'almost every gentleman upon this side of the house
slid, with the sincere hope that we should separate for the
Christmas holidays without the occurrart,s of any circum-
stance which could tend to disturb the unanimity which at
the present moment it is so desirable should prevail. No
man who has the interest of the country at heart, or
who possesses one particle of public spirit, can desire, at a
period of groat public emergency such ae this, to throw
any impediment in the way of Government. It is per-
-1 fectly obvious that any one who in such a crisis finds fault
with any measure of a military character, whether offen-
sive or defensive, which her Majesty's Ministers may pro-
pose, does not merely expose himself to the customary
and inevitable attacks of those who are the supporters of
Government, but, what is of infinitely more importance,
that he runs no slight risk of being misapprehended and
misunderstood by the public at large. (Hear, hear.)
There is therefore good reason why we should enter into
this discussion with every feeling of reluctance and regret.
(Hear, hear.) For myself, at all events, I may say that
there is scarcely any measure connected with the conduct
of the war, except that under our notice, which I should
not have been nio t willing to pass over in silence. Mea-
sures might have been brought forward which wo could
not have thought judicious, which we couhl not have
thought the best calculated to secure the objects for which
they had been framed; and under ordinary circumstances
we might have been willing to content ourselves with pro-
testing against suck measures, with fixing the responsibi-
lity of their adoption on the Government, and with that
protest we might have suffered them to pass without any
further opposition. Bnt in this instance the act of the
Government precludes that unanimity which we desire.
(Hear.) It would seem as if, after all their professions of
the necessity of union in the great struggle in which
WO are now engaged, they wished to secure a victory over
' their political opponents by compelling their opponents to
surrender at discretion to their commands. That is the
only hypothesis on which I can explain the policy which
her Majesty's Ministers have here thought proper to pur-
sue. They are anxious to show that they have such a
superabundance of strength that they can afford to pro-
voke the universal hostility of the country. (Hear, hear.)
In their endeavours to accomplish that object, they have
originated a measuro which, among all the multitudes of
military projects dieocussed in the course of this year, had
:icie
under which this bill is brought
before
hear, and a laugh.) But what
never, I believe, been suggested in any quarter—they have
originated a measure of which the originality is certainly
are beyondorteh dispute.eus Icircumstances
is certainly somewhat singular that,
sum-
moned as we were to consider measures connected with the
war, and summoned, as were, for the purpose only, we
ttohatbrlS.;2egeecfhorwwaasrdnostucfihllead with allusions to
have not received i n the Speech from the Throne the
slightest intimation of in intention on the part of the
measure as this.
aGomr
(Hear.)tedrn
and to one subject
only, did it contain allay reference; and
her Majesty's Mi-
natueYdneettee topics ;4
the
eo one subject,
not
lusters have introduce's)? two bills only for our considera-
ihfiacsatecuhabrrancutgehrt of the
considera-
tion before we are to separate for the Christmas recess.
One of these bills was alluded to in the Speech
from the Throne ; e,
founded or unfounded—that
absolute was passed ever in silence. 'When one
the less im-
portant,
measure, and the
the notice of Parliament, one is tempted to entertain a
recollects the by
suspicion—just
the bill
your object was to smia gglo hastily through the
Legislature before the country. at large could have had
time to take into consid eratiou—(cheers)—and so to extort
• • 'mit or unkust,
. front Parliament in a moment—I will not say of panic, but
ninoociesir which hiinchgigint
in a moment of emergen ey—a sanction. to its provisions,
• which-the deliberate jut figment of the nation must have
refused. (Hear.) But what is the reasoning by which
this measure is defend° I ? I listened to the noble lord
while submitting it to the favourable consideration of the
house with that respe, etful attention which he is always
sure to command, and, I certainly thought—and I was not
I believe, the only per -son who thought—that he argued
like one who was pert orining a distasteful duty. But what
are the grounds on wl tich this bill is defended ? Is it that
you have not men eno ugh in this country ? Is it that you
cannot got men in time I Is it that the men you do get
are not of an eligible class ? Or is it that, all these con-
siderations apart, yos t consider the measure necessary
on some general gre ands of policy ? The noble lord
says that there is now a pressure on this country, and that
that pressure is alwa: Ts felt by us at the commencement of
a war. I have no don bt that such a pressure must exist
whenever, in the mi dst of profound peace, a nation is
called upon without warning to engage in a great war.
But what Was yot it case ? Had you no warning
(Loud cries of " heal e hoar.") For upwards of a year
—I will not say beter e any hostilities broke out—but for
upwards of a year 'before any hostilities broke out in which
you were engaged, was it not—l will not say certain —but
was it not more -than probable that the English army
would have to cute or the field ? (Hoar.) And if that wore
the ease—if you w ere not taken by surprise—if the severe
pressure of which we hear so much ought to have been
mitigated by more. than a year allowed for preparation,
and if of that time :for preparation you did not adequately
avail yourselves, th are aro but two possible explanations
of your policy—__
y eitl ler—which I believe to be the case—
either the GovernnA ant voluntarily declined to employ the
resources which thi , public placed, or were ready to place,
at their disposal ; ,or else (that which no one asserts -that
which no one conk suds for) there was a deficiency of zeal
on the part of the country. Has there been the slightest
backwardness may rife td s a by the public to prosecute the
war with vigour— has there been the slightest indication
of a want of enthusiasm on their parts? (Hear, hear.)
I thiuk that to Veat question there will be no difficulty in
findiug at ones an answer. We arc all aware—what I
never for amo meet, doubted to be the case—that there
w sin this coilintry a vast amount of latent public spirit
ready to hu c Wes i forth whenever the emergency of the
moment might re quire it ; but I confess I did not antici-
pate the general- —the snore than general—the universal
enthusiasm with which this war has been taken up by every
class of the pew/ he. (Hear.) When we read such stories
as that which L saw only the Other day in the newspapers
—when we 11)&1_ of poor labouring men coming forward and
contributing Vete carefully-hoarded savings of years to the
Patriotic Fun ii— (cheers)—when we know, as I know of
my own Persent4l knowledge, that operatives in Lanca-
shire, a portion of our people certainly not the most
disposed to warlike pursuits, not boys, but men, earning
255. or 30s. sa week in the manufacturing towns of that
county, harts left their homes to share' in the ill-requited
porils and latig cies of a soldier's life in the Crimea—l
think wa. IA v,l3 5
ufacient evidence—if evidence were

Tanted—that the country is willing and ready to devote
its best energies to the successful prosecution of this mo-
mentous contest. (Hear.) If we wish for documentary

evidence upon the subject, we have only to look at the
statement made by the noble duke the Secretary of War
in another place. According to that statement, as soon
as it appeared evident that the siege of Sebastopol was
likely to be protracted, and that the undertaking was likely
to be one of greater hazard than had at first been sup-
posed--from that moment the number of our recruits had
.one on increasing week by week until the last week, when
it, had more than doubled that of any preceding week since
the commencement of the war, and when we had enrolled
six or seven fold the number of men we had enrolled six or
seven weeks ago. (Cheers.) That is the evidence we have
with regard to the state of public feeling upon this sub-
ject. I say, that looking at these facts, you need not fear
but that you will be able, in the long run, to obtain in this
country ample supplies of men for your armies. The
noble lord spoke of the drain on the population of
28,000,000 to keep up an army of 200,000 men ! (Cheers.)
I believe there are not at this moment in the United King-
dom less than 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 of male adults—that
is to say, of men above 21 years of age. But will it be said
that, large ,as that number is, you are withdrawing men
from other occupations in which they might be more ad-
vantageously employed? Well, I meet that argument by
a reference to a simple and notorious fact which the noble
lord—not accidentally, I think—overlooked. I meet it
by a reference to the reports of the emigration commission-
ers. You tell me of German emigrants—well, I tell you of
English emigrants. (Hear.) -It is argued that there are
many thousands of- able-bodied persons passing through
this country every year whom it is desirable that we
should employ in prosecuting the war; but I say, on
the other hand, , that this very year, and up to this
very time, you have bad not thousands, but hun-
dreds of thousands of able-bodied Englishmen and Irish-
men emigrating from our shores. (Hear, hear.) I deny,
then, that we have any insufficiency of men, or that by
recruiting among our own labouring population
you would necessarily be diverting to military pursuits
men who would otherwise be more advantageously em-
ployed. But then it is said, that although we do not
want a sufficient number of men, it is impossible for us to
get our men ready in time. Now, upon that subject there
is, I think, a little discrepancy in the various statements
we have hoard from the supporters of this measure. We
first heard from an hon. and gallant member opposite a
good deal about the time necessary to make a soldier. But
the right hon. gentleman the Secretary at War set aside
that argument, and told us that it was an antiquated
superstition to suppose that one year or two years were
required to make a soldier. According to the right hen.
gentleman three or four months would be sufficient for
that purpose. We have here a high authority upon such
a point. But that authority does not stand alone. Two
years ago our militia were embodied, and before
they were embodied they were drilled for 28 days ; and at
the expiration of that period of drilling a military instruc-
tor, who went about to examine and report on the state of
the militia regiments, complimented them on being almost
equal in efficiency to troops of the line. Here we must no
doubt make some allowance for the language of compli-
ment, but still it could not have been so exaggerated that
those men must not be supposed to have acquired a cam-
sidorable amount of military discipline. But I am in-
formed, on good authority. that if you bring your soldiers
from abroad yon will not save as much time as you seem to
anticipate. I pass over that question of the enlistment of
intending emigrants passing through this country, because,
after all, the depth of winter is not the time at which
emigrants leave their homes. lam much mistaken if, at
this particular period, we have among us any very large
number of foreigners who- pr6pose to emigrate to 801110
more distant land. (Hear, hear.) I assume, then,
that you will have to send over to the Continent for the
foreigneis whom you propose to employ in your Majesty's
service. You will have to recruit these men, you will have
to bring them here, and large bodies are not to be so
brought in a day, and even when all that shall have been
done, it is evident that the Government do not rely on
securing the service of trained soldiers, because they insist
on having a further period—a period unlimited in point of
time—during which they are to drill and train those men
in this country. (Hear, hear.) The question then arises
whether the rawness of the English labourer, unfamilia-
rised as he has been with the use of arms, will be produc-
tive of more delay in preparing him for foreign service
than the delay which you must have to incur in the case
of a foreigner, who must be brought here from Germany,
and who, after having been brought here, must undergo
a certain amount of drilling and training. That brings me
to the next argument employed by the right lion. gentle-
man thst Secretary at War, when ho said that the question
was not- so much as to the number of men whom you
could &attire or the length cf time that would be required
for preptiiing them to take the field, as the amount of
hardihooctivhtch they might possess for enduring the la-
bours of a campaign. Now, I speak with diffidence on
military matters ; but it does not seem a very recondite
solution of the problem thus put before us, if your rules
for enlisting are such that you cannot take men beyond a
certain age—it does not seem a very recondite solution of
the problem that you should for the moment relax these
rules. (Rear, hear.) Why should you not admit men
into your army of semewhat more advanced years? Why
should you not admit men who, I quite agree with the right
hon. gentleman the Secretary at War, will gain in point of
endurance more than they can lose in point of activity ?
Relax your rules and the difficulty of which you now com-
plain will disappear. There is another statement of the
right honourable gentleman which I venture to dispute,
although I must dispute it with some distrust in my own
knowledge. He spoke of the landwehr system, with
which we are all acquainted ; and I understood him to
state, with sufficient ,distinctness, that the foreigners
whom the Government proposed to employ were men
who had gone t'irough their term of service abroad, and
who were no longer liable to be called into the field
in their-own country; that was to say, you wore to
select as recruits expressly on the ground of superior eligi-
bility the very men whom their own government reject—
not absolutely, but as. less fitted than younger men for
military service—(hear, hear)—not as unfit for service—l
do not wish to indulge in any exaggeration—but as being
past that age at which men are considered to make tho
most efficient soldiers. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman
spoke of the age of those men as.being about 2 i 0r27 ; but
I can state on high authority—l may say on high diplo-
matic authority—that instead of 26 or 27, the average age
of those men is about 33 or 34 (hoar, hear)—or very
nearly the age at which the English soldier retires from
active service. (Hear.) It has been carefully impressed
on us that this was merely a provisional measure, intended
to guard against a temporary emergency. But if you want
to meet such an emergency, I think you have resources at
home of which you have not yet availed yourself. Ido not
admire the system of subsidies. I can very well under-
stand that it would be very unpleasant—that it would be
injurious to our national honour to be taking into our pay
the troops of France; but if this is really a question of
10,000 men for a few months, I ask what possible objection
can you have to call for that number of troops from the
French Government, which, by your own admission, will
be perfectly ready to grant them? (Hear.) It may, per-
haps, be urged that the French Government is not able to
spare that number of men, or would refuse to send them ;
but the noble lord himself said that the only difficulty
the Allies experienced was the difficulty of conveying men
out to the seat of war. If that is the case, however, I
would ask whether it would- be less difficult to send out
Germans than to send eut Frenchmen ? And I would
-further ask her Majesty's Government why they have not
long since applied to that great ally who has, with so
much cordiality and sincerity, supported us throughout
the whole of those proceedings ? (Hear.) Why have they
not applied to him for temporary assistance in order to
meet a temporary emergency? Why have they not
addressed to him a demand, which would have been
granted without the slightest injury to our national
honour, and which it, would be perfectly easy for them to
repay at some future time in one form or another ? This
question has not been argued as a question of cheapness,
for no one asserts that the employment of foreign troops
would be more economical than the employment of our own
troops. I• believe we are all prepared to admit that in a
great undertaking there would be no real economy in em-
ploying second-rate materials. (Hear, hear.) After all,
the pay which you give to your own soldiers is hardly more
than. sufficient to supply them with the necessaries of life ;
and you could not offer a lower suns to foreigners, to whom
even that sum could afford no great inducement to enter
your service, and whom it would be your interest
to place as much as possible on an equality with the
troops of this country. Nothing, therefore, can be gained
by this measure in the way of economy. Then comes the
question of the military capacity of the foreigners whom
you would enlist in the Queen's service. Upon that point
we are still at a loss to arrive at any very definite conclu-
sion, notwithstanding the admissions of the right hon.
gentleman the Secretary-at-War. Her Majesty's Minis-
ters were asked in another place where the new troops were
to come from, and to that question the only answer which
they gave was, that the Emperor of Russia would be very
much obliged to any one who would furnish him with that
information. But I confess that that statement appears
to me a very insufficient answer. Speaking from conjecture
I must say that I imagine you are prepared to treat, not
with individuals, but with some foreign government. In
considering that question it is impossible wholly to lose
sight of the Polish question ; but that question is a very
grave one, and I perceive that no member of her Majesty's
Government has shown any inclination to introduce it into
this discussion. I believe that to expect that we could
afford any effectual aid to Polpnd by employing in our ser-
vice Poles who have for the last 20 years been exiles from
their native country, would be one of the wildest dreams
that ever entered into the head of man. If yoa wish
to restore the nationality of Poland, you must adopt a
policy of a character far more decisive—you must adopt a
policy in which you cannot but expect the sympathy of the
most powerful of your present allies ; and, above all, you
must adopt a policy from which there will be no receding.
I confess, therefore, that I shall be glad to find that that
question is not introduced into the present debate. Is it,
then, Swiss or Germans which you mean to employ? lam
given to understand that in Switzerland you will not at
present find any large supply of men prepared to enter your
service, for there is at present a considerable demand for
labourers in that country; and I believe, besides, that the
Swiss Government has of late years passed a law, not pro-
hibiting altogether, but in many ways restricting, the en-
listment of their people in foreign armies. With respect
to Germany, I must observe that I do not wish to enter
into a discussion of that most invidious topic—the military
character of the people of that country. But this 'I must
observe, that 40 years have elapsed since the Germans have
had any practical experience of war, and that the events
of the years 1813, 1814, 1815 can hardly afford a fair trial
of their military character. Throughout that period they
unquestionably displayed great national enthusiasm in the
prosecution of the war which they waged against the Em-
peror Napoleon. But in that war they had to fight, for
the most part, against raw levies, and they possessed in
general au immense superiority in numbers over the
. enemy. And yet, notwithstanding these advantages, they
were not uniformly or even generally successful ; and no-
thing can bo snore striking than the contrast afforded by
their chequered fortunes and the splendid career of the
Duke of Wellington throughout the same period at the
head of the Engesh and Spanish army. All he contended
for was that they could not answer for the conduct in the
field of these German troops (we understood). But the ques-
tion was, What would bo the moral effect of this measure ?
The noble lord at the beginning of the debate said, no doubt
it would be a lamentable thing if they depended wholly
on foreign mercenary troops; but, he added,
that the
number asked for was so small that no injurious effects
could be produced. But then he (Lord Stanleye)
asked, 'What effect would this measnre have on _
th
public mind? He would consider what would be said here
if a similar step was taken by the enemy. If the Emperor
of Jimmie was at this moment advertising for soldiers in
every European enarket,what would be the result? He the
dhe
have every newspaper and every public man say that
Was beaten that his cause was unpopular,n that he was
driven to his last resource. (Hear.) What he thought
would be said and not untruly, in the present case, was,
that we were only able to bring into the field a small army
—efficient in conduct and capable of doing its duty—
but that as the army wss but small the genius of the
country was not for war, and we had no 1110a118—Or no

16164.

~.,.,

means to a large extent—of repairing our losses by war
without the aid of foreign mercenaries. With regard to
the general question of employing mercenaries, he approved
of the principle of allowing the war to go on with as little
interference with commerce as possible. We had a good
cause; we wore embarked iu war for the noblest objects,
but it would be a degradation if we made war on trade (we
understood.) He would not press that argument ;ho
would content himself with saying that we ought to be
the last to restore that system which Europe was fast
abandoning. Then came the question as to German neu-
tralities. What was proposed by the measure? Was it
intended to make foreign alliances by its aid ? Should
foreign Governments object, even though foreign soldiers
might be willing to enlist, he was very much mistaken if
Government would obtain any largo number of soldiers
from foreign states. But was this the way to carry on the
1 war? Suppose the case of a small state, who might sym-
pathise with us and who might at the same time be afraid
of the power of Russia—what would become of its nen-
trality ? If there was any hazard in incurring the hostility
of Russia, why, that hostility would be incurred as much
by allowing the enlistment of soldiers as by declaring war
against Russia. (Hear.) What he suggested was that
we should not refuse foreign troops if offered, but if
this offer was made by independent states it
should be made without aid or assistance from us, and
foreign states should do this at their own expense, and
share the honour and danger with us. (Hoar, hear.) But
this measure appeared to him nothing less than the revival'
of practices during the American war, when foreign cut-
throats were sent to our colonies. It was impossible to
expect by this measure to cement a union with Germany.
And if the foreign troops should not be found equal to
French or English troops their contempt would be added
to the existing odium. He must object to the measure on
several other grounds, and on the ground especially of
public morality, and because sufficient necessity for it had
not been shown. They were told if the measure wore not
passed Government would not retain office. He would say
one word on that. He never doubted the noble lord's sin=
cority ; but duriug the period he had been in that house
ho never recollected any Ministerial measure of importance
being threatened with defeat that that probability of de-
feat had not been met with a menace of resignation or a
threat of dissolution. (Hear.) Now, in his opinion, this
did not appear to him a question on which, if Ministers
were defeated, they ought to have a dissolution ; nor did
a defeat necessarily call for a resignation. For he recalled
to mind what had happened last session. In the Queen's
Speech, promises of Parliamentary reform, and public
education, and other reforms, were made, in all of which
Government failed, without considering it necessary to re-
sign ; but now it was declared that, if 10,000 German
mercenaries were refused, Ministers would resign. (Hear,
hear.) He had no wish to embarrass Government by any
vote he might give—they had the conduct of the war in
their own hands, and it was better there should he no
divided responsibility, and that Government should be
allowed to carry on the war. But if the right hon. gen-
tleman, the Secretary at War, claimed the right to resign,
if defeated, he must have a word to say to the right
honourable gentleman on that subject. He did not doubt
or dispute the right of any man to guard his own honour,
but was it a patriotic or public-spirited course for Minis-
ters to say, if you assort we have made a mistake, it you
do not admit our infallibility in every respect, we will
embarrass the country by resigning. (Hear, hear.) He
recollected something of the circumstances under which that
political party now at the head of affairs came into office.
They laid down the principle with great eloquence, and
thereby they gained no small share of public applause,
• that when any national difficulty or important public mea-
sure required any sacrifice of individual opinion—he did
not say of political character—that it was not only lawful,
but necessary in a moment of national embarrassment to
make that sacrifice in consideration of national interests.
(Hear.) All he would say was, if they were in earnest in
the avowal of their principles, now was the time to prove
it. They had made a mistake. Their own organs of the
press said so, and so did their own supporters in private
circles. If they persevered they wouldrousea feeling which
would, doubtless, be fatal to their tenure of power, and
prove dangerous to the country. Admit for once they were
wrong, and in the frankness and honesty of that atonement
the people would forget the folly of the design. (Cheers.)
Sir J. FITZGERALD, in a few words, justified the
wisdom and expediency of the measure from his own ex-
perience in the Peninsular war, and on the ground that
the Emperor of Russia was already having recourse to a
similar step in raising an auxiliary force.
Lord PALMERSTON and Mr. DRITMMOND rose to-
gether, but though there were loud calls from the Opposi-
tion for the latter, he gave way. The noble lord said—Mr.
Speaker, I confess I never. was • more disappointed, and, I
way say, surprised, when I learnt the course which the
party opposite had thought it their duty to pursue with
regard to the present measure. Wo have had from them
the most unreserved, and, I will do them the justice to
believe, the most sincere declaration that they admit to
the fullest extent not only the importance of the object
for which the present war was begun, but the justice and
the necessity of that war. (Hear, hear.) The Govern-
ment has been reproached by their organ, and frequently
by members of their party, of not having conducted
the war with sufficient energy and vigour (loud
ironical cheerS from the Opposition)—of not having
employed all the means they might have employed for that
purpose—(renewed Opposition cheers)—and then, sir,
when the Government comes to this house, and, for the
first time--(prolonged cheers from the Ministerial side of
the house)—asks this house to relieve the Government
from the difficulties which prevents us employing those
means of vigour to which we attach importance, they favour
us with disquisitions on what the consider constitutional
principle, with the reproduction of antiquated arguments
belonging to ages gone by—(cheers)—and we are refused the
power to employ an instrument which we think—and with
reason and justice—conducive to carrying on the war with
vigour and success. (Continued cheering.) • Now, sir, if
what we ask were something altogether new and unheard-
' of ; if the measure we propose for the purpose of adding to
our resources for conducting the war were such as had
never been practised by any Government or nation before,
I could understand that objections would be raised by
gentlemen astonished, for the first time, by a proposition
which was likely to serve the purposes of their opposition,
and that they might object to the bill on the ground of its
novelty ; but, so far from this measure which we now
propose to Parliament being a novelty, it is a matter which
has been practised, not only by all former Governments
in this country, for the purposes of war' but practised by
almost every other nation when engages' in a great and
arduous'struggle. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the con-
duct of this country, it is a matter of perfect notoriety, am
has been explained in detail this evening by my noble
friend the President of the Council, and my right hon.
friend the Secretary at War, that the Government of Eng-
land, with the consent of Parliament, in the great'war in
which we were engaged with France, employed a great
number and variety of foreign troops in aid of, or as auxili-
aries of the British troops. We had the German Legion,
we had the BrunswickiansAwelhad: Portuguese, we had
Spaniards, wo had the Corsican Rangers, we had Sicilians,
and we had the Chasseurs d'ltalie. I saw, myself, num-
bers of the latter in British uniforms descending the
southern slopes of the Alps, at the conclusion of the peace,
on their way to their Italian homes. Sir, these men ac-
quired credit and distinction in conjunction with the Bri-
tish troops. anti their services were duly acknowledged by
the Governnient in whose cause they had fought. But,
sir, the French at the present moment, as has been well
stated, have foreign troops in their service. What was
even the practice of that great commander Napoleon, who
had command over all the resources of the French nation,
which was devoted to his cause, and ready to support
him in all the wars in which he was engaged ; who had
the power of conscription to draw from every province of
France any men he chose to have? Why, his army was
full of foreigners, fighting side by side with his own legions.
(Cheers.) Could it 'be said he was degraded by such em-
ployment of those foreigners ? (Cheers.) Why, sir, there
is no reason why England should not adopt this system, and
obtain supplies of foreign troops in the beginning of the
war. Foreign Governments differed from us in the prac-
tice they adopted in an important matter with regard to
this subject. In the first Dlace they maintained large mi
litary establishments in a time of peace—they are prepared
when war breaks out with adequate forces to meet the
first exigencies of the public. In England, on the con-
trary—and I do not dispute tho wisdom of the practice—
Parliament insists, on the conclusion of a war, on a reduc-
tion of our military forces to the lowest amount consistent
with the duties and exigencies of a peace. War, therefore,
finds us with a peace establishment—with an establishment
calculated, not, as in continental countries, on the chances
of war. Then, the noble lord who spoke on the other side
of the house said, that as we had foreseen the war, we
ought to have been prepared to meet it. Why, sir, if,
when negotiations were going on which might have led
to an amicable settlement, the Government had come
down to Parliament and proposed a war augmenta-
tation of the army, what would Parliament have said to
such a proposal? (Cheers.) Well, sir, in another respect
also foreign Governments stand in a different situa-
tion from us. They have the power of conscription—they
can issue an edict for any given number of troops—these
troops must come within a specified period—they must be
of the ages and description which the Governments choose
to direct ; and, in this way, these foreign Governments
have this the power to make an augmentation of their
armies within the shortest possible period. We, on the
contrary, wisely, and advantageously in the end, I think,
because it makes our army of infinitely better stuff than
an army composed of conscripts— (Opposition cheers)—we
trust to voluntary enlistment when we want to increase
the number of our forces. (Renewed cheers from the Op-
position benches.) But, sir, that advantage must be ob-
tained at a certain sacrifice, of time. (Cries of " No, no.")
Wo go into the labour market to compete against the in-
dustry of the country. We have been just told that shave
a population of 26,000,000 to 28,000,000. It is known that
ono-fourth, on a general statistical calculation of the popu-
lation, are males, fit and able to bear arms ; and you say
to us, " Why don't you get 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 of men
o
of an age. fit for military duty? Why not at once send...,
the Crimea any number of men whom you may wi,i4l,tetse
enter the service?" Why, sir, my answer is.thisr: :—'These
men service
men who are of an ago andeonhition fit for
of
are employed in all the various branches industrya in the
take out of the mar e , it
whe
cteotuluntertyry.,
sYhdouevhearvyelt,oooogo to market ark.et and compete with that
enlist into the army,the supply ; and there-
ford the ero.ice of labour, because it
increases the demand by
process voluntary enlistment,e.
foro it is obvious that the iyee soldier
i::tesinder more slow and Urn
narlyunan
armyg
• f whichlwhile it gives you an iis
get him, must necessarily
thmeenntlatsiaoyn
tohfist
practice
anniayyghreeatre
by the example of all
'cmonajynne'catyio;n with your
em-
ploying foreign troops own, is a
practice consecra e .
ciatuadrods.utdalvdenienlllau
this in country, and adopted by the
Governments Governments
11.
ts of our a les. (Hear, hear.) But it is said,
Governmen
very good thing, but
that may be a , you should keep for
it cued of the war. (Hoer, hear.) New,
if ever there was
rose
„nee of putting the cart before the horse, that is
au
surely it. (Laughter and cheers from the Government
supporters.) Why, sir, it is in the beginning of a war,
when WO are starting with a a peace establishment, and
saving with that peace establishment to provide for the
exigencies of a large great and arduous campaign, that
you want a sufficient force, and not after the lapse of a
certain number of years, when
youhave, by voluntary
enlistment, recruited your ranks and are able to oppose
an army of your own equal to the demands of the service
to be performed. (Hear.) It is true that one of these
acts was passed at a la- ter period of the war, but it
was when the war assumed a new development and required
all of a sudden a greater augmentation of the means by
which it was carried on. Now we are toid, "Oh, this
mountain has brought forth but a mouse; you make a
great figure of this measure, and you only ask for 10,000
men, and you seem willing even to take a smaller amount
if the house should refuse that number." Why, that is a
perfect misrepresentation of the measure we propose. All
who aro versed in the constitution and the laws of the
country, know that the Crown wants no authority from
L'arliament to employ any number of foreign troops out of

r

e#4l
the kingdom. The Crown has power to do that wither
any newlaw. All we alk of Parliament is that whichiJ
constitution requires Parliament should sanction—the
troduction of foreign troops into the kingdom, because it
is contrary to the law and constitution—(hear, hear, iron
the Opppsition)—without the approval of the Legislature.
Well, than, gentlemen, by tho most extraordinary cc nfu-
sion of mind, say that, because the introduction of foi
troops without the consent of Parliament is contrary to
the constitution, therefore their introduction is evidently
unconstitutional without such consent of Parliament—

(~liniaterial cheers)-and therefore the bill is a violation
of the constitution, as it permits something which is not
allowed by the constitution. (Cheers and counter
cheers.) Well, then, it is-said my right hon. friend has
shown the greater value of the recruits that will be
obtained from Germany in consequence of being men
of well-formed constitution, and in a manner capable
of supporting those fatigues and exposures which
are necessarily incidental to carrying on the war. But
gentlemen turn round and add—" Why, if these men are
such as you describe, and are trained soldiers, do you
want power to bring them into this country to train them?"
(bar.) It is then observed, " They are already trained."
(Rear.) Now, that is a very good civilian argument—
(laughter)—but military men, like my gallant and learned
friend who has just spoken (Mr. Watson) knew very well

that if we get a great number of drilled men, they require
being organised or formed into regiments, made acquainted
with their officers, clothed, equipped, and armed, and that
this force is essentially necessary to convert a number of
tredve, however well trained they may be, into regiments
fit for service, which must be performed somewhere, and
to perform it anywhere but here is a matter ofimpossibility. ,
But although you limit the number to 100 00 in this
bill, the number of the troop engaged on the field is only
limited by what may be sanctioned by Parliament in the
estimates when they are presented by my right hon. friend
There is no limit in this bill except as respects those
foreign troops that shall at the same time be within the
United Kingdom. But you say, " You don't tell us where
you mean to get the men." (Hear, hear.") You have e
great curiosity to know that. There is some mystery in
all that. (Hear.) Why. sir, my right hon. friend has well
stated that, until the Government knew whether
Parliament would permit them—(cries of oh, oh)—eve
could not engage in negotiation with foreign governments
for the raising of these troops. (Derisive cheers.) I should
like to know *hat those great constitution reverencers—
(a laugh)—would say if they were able to get up and ex-
tract from Government that we had been in negotiation
with foreign governments for the levying of these men -
(Ministerial cheers)—previously to the sanction of Parlia-
ment being obtained for the purpose ? Those who com-
plain now would, in that case, have had goodright to com-
plain of our having violated the principles of the constitu-
tion, and they might then have adopted, if they chose,
the doctrine of the noble lord ; they might have punished
the Government as he proposed to punish us—(a laugh)—
which was not exactly in the manner of the volunteer who
wished that Divine justice, if resolved on visiting the Go-
vernment with vengeance, might punish us, not by send
ing us to the infernal regions, but by keeping us to our
posts. (Laughter, and cries of oh, oh.) I say, sir, then
we have no other course to pursue. Mystery there is none
with us, except what you only are able to solve ; how it
happens that those who are the first to taunt the Govern-
went with deficiency of vigour in carrying on the war,
should object to the measures for giving us ampler means
for prosecuting that war. (Cheers and counter cheers.)
That is a mystery on the other side, and not on this,
and, therefore, I hand it over again to you. (Cheers
and laughter.) I say again, sir, that this proposed -ad-
dition of Germans, or whatever ether nation it may
be (for I shall preserve that mystery)-,-(a laugh)— (to
leave the Government in the most perfect freedom to
get good soldiers wherever they can), 'it is obvious to
any one who dispassionately applies his mind to the
matter, that the acquisition of 10,000, 20,000, 30,000 or
40,000 well-disciplined and trained Germans or other: fo-
reigners, or whatever number which the Parliament, upon
the estimates being shown them, may be pleased to sanc-
tion, such an addition would be of the utmost value to
our countrymen now engaged in that arduous service.
(Cheers.) I think it is due to them to give them that as-
sistance. (Renewed cheers.) Deeds. have been performed
not only, by our troops, but by the Allied army—for I
speak of the French and of the English as equal in distinc-
tion, each running to the assistance of the other—each (at-
rivalling the other -I say, sir, their deeds, their gallantrY,
their bravery, the achievements of the Allied army, surpass
anything which we read of either in history or in romance.
(Loud cheering.) But, then, these brave men deserve
something at our hands. (Loud and continued cheering
from all parts of the house.) Aye, they have shown, as
has been well stated by the right hon member for Bucks
on a former occasion, that the increasing progtess of civi-
lisation, the augmentatioi of wealth, everything which
conduces to the progress of a country, and the long con-
tinuance of peace, does not enervate the .Britirth-nation,
butelike a field that has lain fallow, has only rendered it
more fruitful of the qualities which distinguish a nation
in the pursuits of war. (Great cheering.) So many of
the highest rank and the most ample fortunes, with every
inducement which could detain them at home, derived
from the adVantages of birth, of wealth, and of
rank, have abandoned all under a sense of Ohne
duty to their country in the field. (Hear, hear, hear.)
We have seen the humbler classes rivalling the chivalry of
those who led them. (Cheers.) We have seen such hon-
ourable emulation, as made it impossible, to say whether
the leader or the led most deserves the applause and the
gratitude of the country. (Cheers.) Well, sir, I say again
that these brave men deserve that we should do whatever
we can to assist them. What'is the enemy with whom we
have to contend ? It is a Sovereign who has, comparatively
speaking, unlimited means of filling the rattles of his array.
We have seen the blue-eyed children of the North, along
the Baltic coast, coming, division after division, to swell
his army is the field.; and are we to allow the limited
means of England and of France, pitted against these in-
, creasing numbers, to remain unassisted, when we can send
them men to their assistance. I say it would be a cruel
mockery to pursue that course; it would be an abandon-
ment of our duty, a violation of what we owe the country,
if we tie up the hands of the Government from furnishing
our fellow-countrymen with the means of rendering their
services with more vigour. I say, therefore, if there be in
the house any who have friends and relations exposed to
the dangers and fatigues of this war—l say if there be any
who mourn friends and relations who have fallen victims to
their duty, that they should not allow these friends
and relations to have shed their blood in vain, or to
have sacrificed their lives to no advantage. (Cries of "oh,
oh," from the Opposition, and cheers.) I say, that those
who entertain a due sense of what is owing to the national
glory will not refuse their sanction to this measure for
carrying on the war with more vigour And greater chance
of success. But you say to us, " Why did we go to Sebes..
topol Why go to Sebastopol ! Because Sebastopol was
the central point of Russia on those waters where wo want
to defy his encroachments. If, instead of going to Sebas-
topol, we had given battle in the plains of central Russia.
we must have fallen into a great mistake. But why not
wait a year or two ? Why, if we had waited but one year,
we never should have taken Sebastopol. Any delay in
that expedition would have frustrated the object which we
had in view, and that object, if it is to be gained, requires
a sufficiency of means. I say again, sir,
we have engaged
in a peat war with a great power for great objects—(hear,
hear)—and it is not becoming this country, it is not
suited to the interests or the honour of this country, that
this war should end in small and insignificant results.
(Hear, hear.) To obtain results adequate to the contest,
and eonformably to the interests and honour of the
country, recourse must be had to great efforts. (Cheers.)
Let not the house deceive itself ; it is not by small de-
tachments and insignificant forces. (Great cheering from
the Opposition.) If that cheer means anything, you will
vote in conformity with your cheer. (Counter cheering.)
But I say that the results which alone befit the eiresun-
stances in which the country is placed require gre it and
continued efforts. We are making those efforts at home;
we shall add to our great army in the East every rein-
forcement which—having, as I will yet say we have, *
noble reserve in the British nation—the people will afterd
as in sufficient numbers and condition to be effectual on
the field. But in a case of this sort, every effort, every
addition which can be made to our available means, it is
the duty of Government to make, if Parliament will give
them the power ; and I should be sorry to think, in the
present condition of this country, in the circumstances in
which we are placed, of a Government that would shrink
from proposing to Parliament and from asking such means
as they should think, upon their responsibility, necessary
to the vigour of the operations of the war. • But, sorry ne
I would bo to belong to a Government that would abstain
from that duty, still more sorry should I be to belong to
majority of Parliament who would refuse the Mali of
carrying out the very principles which that majority ad-
vocated. (Prolonged cheering.)
Mr. DISRAELI—The noble lord the Secretary of S' $)
for the Home Department, in a tone of bantering which he
well knows how to assume when he has a very bad cause,
has commenced a -reply to the very grave and wellecon-
siderecl arguments made use of by •my noble friend the
Member for Lynn in terms of good-natured abuse, and
am only surprised that the noble lord, in alluding to the
arguments made use of on that side of the house did not
call them " antiquated imbecility." (Laughter and cheers
from the Opposition.) I agree, andl think every gentle-
man will agree, with the noble lord that the country is in a
position of extreme difficulty and danger, anti that it is
necessary that it shall snake exertions commensurate with
that position, but we are to decide to-night, not whether
England would wish the house to make efforts• equal to
the emergency, but whether the measures which the Go-
vernment have thought proper to introduce are such as to
merit its approbation. (Cheers.) .The noble lord, as well
as the Lord President of the Council, has unwisely entered
into the general conduct of the war. The noble lord, as
well as the Lord President of the Council, Las told us that
England is a great naval power, and that theirefforts must
oboe
odoetvr oyt eotol pt
hr ien
oc aa 10l y.
ot of me
oaoi lir
et ne nr
tthheeys
eulpi ruedme at coy of t t
ho i,
ohe
.
portant services of the Baltic fleet. (Laughter, and Oppo•
sition cheers.) The Secretary of State, having to defend
the proposal of the ministry for the levying of foreign
troops and the enlistment of foreign mercenaries. vindicates
the conduct of the Government in attacking Sebastopol. It
is therefore perfectly open to me to refer to such circum-
stances connected with that operation as I may wish to
dwell on, and I hope neither of those noble lords will
shrink from the discussion of the inerits of the questiou
which they have proposed. Well, sir, we are at, war with
a power which the ministers at length admit to be a mili-
tary power of great importance--(hear)—and I am bound
to say that, although that conviction seems to have reached
their minds somewhat late, they lose no opportunity of
imparting it to the country. I believe the great fault of
their conduct hitherto has been that they have been carry-
leg on the affairs of the country for a considerable period
in total ignorance of the circumstances with which they
have had to contend. (Laughter.) I shall say very littleof
the constitution further than to remark ;that the noblelord
the President of the Council seems to me to have
.spoken
with much less 'reverence of the constitution than is usual
agreeable to the country that foreign troop lion
of 10,000
listed and trained in this country to the.n
with him—(laughter)—but I will say that Ychheatilliebreitwins.
but by the feeling and wishes of the countryosident of the Colin-
uot suppose the noble lord the Lord be
Home Department
is a question to be decided, not by constttutToint:lellfrylerdso,
cif or the Secretary of State for the
len the people of this
o arrange-
country were c
would wish the time had arrived w
tell], nor would they wit-
scents contemplated in this
exaltation or satisfaction,
ness them with feelings
of swhich are calculated,in
for they are not eireumstanoce
cellos] upon witness th
excite such emotions Bed
a free country like this,
I shall not, therefore, dwell on that topic. Brit the
conscious-
noes of the great word:arbor -namely, that they are to conduct
greatest military Power much greeter'
of which he is a. me
noble lord the Secretary ohfeeSfetauteee,
twoitthhe
the S War • reseed
as ecre ary of as impressed
eithr England or France with whom eve
upon us, than' to
i h
are ellied--hae yet ask himself for the means byh-°
iaocronoitoetstofwiiitolthhoers,
they propose to attack the enemy. The noble lord=
a Government

bae'r,e,.,Ve.e.*e'eeereteeee,tee.eeeee-e-eea!eeeeee'-ee""•,..eee-eeeeese-,0•.--e-eeee - - , -- -
1' I cannot dwell upon the mystery of where we are to oh- after the failure of the e—rp'edritie;t-o-ii;aleheven. The duke
tan those foreign troops which we propose to raise; all was then in a position of immense difficulty' at the head of a
s
we ask you is to allow her Majesty to have the power to force of only 20,000 nee in the Penin ul, , and a magnificent
raise foreign volunteers and enlist them in her service, and army, in consequence of an ill-conceived by the Eng-
you, as the representatives of the people, may take upon ' lish Ministry of the day, had been destroyed and wasted, not-
yourselves the power and the responsibility of limiting the withstanding their valour and discipline, in the expedition to
number of these foreign mereenariese, But, sir, when the Walcheren-(hoar, hear)-where 40,0)0 men had been put
noble lord impresses upon us the importance of the measure . hors de combat, whose , aid would have boon invaluable to
as one which we ought to adopt immediately, on the ' Wellesley, The Duke of Wellington wrote to Lord Bathurst,l
ground that we cannot carry on a war with an empire ; believe (I speak from memor • he said, " Let me give you some
which outrivals us in military resources, I do not agree 1 consolation for the deplorable consequences of the Walcherou
with the noble lord in the observation he has made, that ' expedition. If the 40,000 men had been sent to me, I
all her great commanders have adopted this system, and could not have received them ; 20,000 is as much as I can
that the plan proposed by the Government is one which manage in this country, with imperfect supplies, and the im-
has received the sanction of the highest authorities. It is mouse difficulties I have to meet." I would not have men-
nnnecessery for me to touch upon that part of the subject Coped it to any other minister but to the Secretary at War.
which has been so ably and completely treated by former I think that is a despatch which the right hon. gentleman
speakers-namely, that the foreign troops which have been may think it necessary to read before he again makes a simi-
levied were the troops of those with whom we were in al- far statement to that which he has made to-night. Now, sir,
liance ; it is unnecessary for me to refer to the German I have not dabbled at all in the constitutional objections -to
Legion, or the troops enlisted at Hanover under the reign this plan of the Government. I say that is for the sentiments
of a late King ; it is sufficient for me to say that such of the people of England to deal with, and all we, as their re-
troops were the servants of our Allies, or who from peen- presentatives, have to do is to see that there is nothing legally
liar feelings had sympathy with this country. (Hear, unconstitutional in any act to which we give our assent. I
hear.) It cannot be supposed that our soldiers would have think 'I have offered some facts for the consideration of the
any objection to be engaged side by side with foreigners house which will make it hesitate before adopting that esti-
who are bound by sympathy in the same cause ; but it mate of the value of the foreign legion which the noble lord
was, I admit, with feelings of great disappointment that I has indulged us with. I do not think the Secretary of State
heard the noble lord's obbservations• in which no mention is a very high authority on the subject of a foreign legion. I
was made of the enthusiasm. with which the soldiers think the Secretary of State's opinion of the militia is of more
of England would fight by the side of their folio w-coun- importance than upon the subject of the enlistment of foreign
trymen. (Cheers.) The noble lord alluded to the deeds troops. The noble lord greatly praised the foreign legion
of our armies under Marlborough, at a time when which served in Spain. Ido not think it resulted in any-
they were assisted by foreign troops, and'pointed to the thing creditable to British feeling, or in any advantage to the
battles of Blenheim, of Ilamillier and of Malplaquot, throne of Spain ; but when he rises to eulogise the merits of
which he ;n ye, were won not merel by British troops, the English militia, I think he has better cause to speak than
but by an army of 60,000 men, one•ty hird of whom were when we hear him praising foreign mercenaries. (Hear.)
foreigners ; but the noble lord failed to tell Us the history Now I come to the policy of this proposition. Under the
of the grand alliance in the time of William 111., or to present circumstances 1 think that, irrespectively of all other
deduce thence the not unnatural consequence that the considerations, looking merely to the merits of the proposi-
means which had been used in fighting the battles of the tion, I can prove that the measure the Government is propos-
Euglish nation under the circumstance of that grand alli- ing is one that will be fruitless and barren of the results which
ance Wont& be continued while those means were in exist- i desires from it. Let us look at the. policy of the measure.
mice: -(Cheers.) The whole argument of the noble lord Here we are engaged in a war which even the highest authority
to-night has been founded urea this fallacy-that we were now calls a great war. You, the ministers, omit no opportunity
objecting to the measure before the house because we had now of dwelling upon the magnitude of the peril, and of the
a prejudice against Englishmen fighting by the side of fo- greatness of the resources of the enemy with whom you are con-
reigners. But that fallacy of the noble lord's is very tri- tending. The country watches with anxiety the conduct of your
fling when compared with the gross, and I may say dange- army 3,000 miles from home. There is a solemn convict on in
roux error, which pervaded the rest of his argument. He the public mind that this is a crisis in the struggle between the
imputes to us that we object to our soldiers fighting by the Western Powers and Russia. Parliament is suddenly called
side of foreigners; our objection is simply to see them together-so suddenly that, even at the last moment, Minis-,,
fighting by the side of foreigners who are condottieri and teas as it were, changed their mind. - The attention of the
whole of Europe is attracted to the events of this important
mercenaries, but we have no objection to their fighting by
the side of foreigners who are allies. Wo admire the con- assembly, especially when it assembles under circumstances
queror of Blenheim and Ramillies just as much as if the
so remarkable. It is announced that we are assembled toge-
whole of his troops had been English. (Hear.) But tiler in order that her Majesty's Ministers might commuuie
throughout the whole of his speech the noble lord argued cafe to the Council of the nation for its adoption and sanction
just as if there was no such nation as the French -nation-
those great measures which the Government thinks adequate
Just as if there was no such army as the French army-
for the exigencies of the time. The noble lord the Secretary
(cheers)-and as if that intimate alliance between the Eng- of State, who has just sat down, has taunted this side of the
lish and French troops, and that cordial friendship between house with always pressing on the Government to take men-
the Generals, to which he adverted so gracefully but a few :sores equal to the exigencies of the moment, and, when the
evenings ago, were, in fact, dreams which he had forgotten first measure is proposed in that they cavil at and miticis it.
immediately after the night on which he proposed the That was not a generous taunt on the part of the noble lord-
thanks of this house to the French and English armies. (hear)-generosity may not be much valued in the House of
(Hear, hear.) If it be true, as the noble lord says,
Commons, though I hope truth.- may long linger among us;
•
that there is on the part of a large portion of this but, I venture to say that the- is not just, for the Go-
house- that is, of gentlemen who sit on this side of vernment has received no obstacle whatevera in the conduct
the house-and in the country generally, a great preju- of the war, from the Opposition. (Hear, hear.) There has
dice against Englishmen fighting by the side of foreigners, not been a vote proposed by them which has. not been cheer•
how can the noble lord account for the not merely fully acceded to them. The Ministers might have had any'
cordial sympathy and appreciation, but the absolute amount of money or of men for merely asking for it. They
enthusiasm with which the French and English alliance knew they might count upon us for a cordial, sincere, and
is now viewed, not only in this house, but in the coun- earnest support of their policy, and I say; sir, they received"
try? The noble lord says that hon. gentlemen must not it. -It is net, therefore, just on the part of the Secretary of
think because we have despatched 54,000 men already to State to rise now and, having entirely failed in defending a
the seat of war that force is sufficient to resist the power measure which lam bound to say lam not surprised that ho
f
of this great Emperor of Russia. Well, air, lam glad to failed to
.defend-for even his talents must be sometimes
hear that we have been able in the first year of the war to
baffled-he
treatafll by. casting reproaches iu the faces of the people of
e a-he was not justified in attempting to cover his re-
send out so many men, but I must remind the house that
we did not send out these 54,000 men to carry on a single- England and of the Opposition. (Hear.) The noble lord
handed contest with the Emperor of Reggie. We sent has attempted to convey that he aud his colleagues have
them out to be companions in arms and comrades in glory experienced from us a factious opposition ; that we have
of our great and gallant ally-(cheers)-who was, we were cavilled at their policy, taunted them into action, and at
always told, and whom we always believed to be, a first- the moment
-when they demand our support we refused
rate military power. (Hear.) Surely, the noble lord, it. It is a notorious fact-and no misrepresentation can
when he was calculating our resources to resist the Ein- disguise it from the people of this country-that, instead
peror of Russia-to use a word not very classical or ele- of taking advantage of the difficulties of the Government as
gent, but very commonly used of lato-ignored the exist- Oppositions before now have done. (Hear.) Instead of
once of the French nation and army, and he somewhat throwing obstacles in their way, we have said from the first,
forgot that we possessed a most powerful military ally. " Act with frankness and firmness, and you may count on the
(Hear.) I maintain that the noble lord, in taking that same support front us that you would expect from the
view of the case, misrepresented the spirit of this measure, adherents you most trust." From that line we have never
and conveyed to the house and the country a totally false deviated. I say, then, unaer these circumstances, I can con-
and fallacious view of the position which. we occupy with ceive nothing more impolitic than a minister coming down to
regard to the resources at our disposal for carrying on this Parliament, not asking to embody the national force, or for
war. (Hear.) Having vindicated the claims of the French very large votes, or for the grant of a great number of men,
allies to be remembered by the Ministers of the Crown in or for any other measure which shows a consciousness that
they are embarked in au almost internecine struggle ; but
calculating our resew cas, I will make this admission to the
noble lord and to the Secretary of • State, vho seems to they come forward with one only measure, which I have
think that he was to carry this measure with that good- shown from the records of experience to be of so imperfect
natured blustering which he so well knows how to employ and paltry a character. (Hear, hear.) I want to know what
-(a.laugh)-that in the course of the late war there wore effect the noble lord supposes it will have on European
instances-a few instances-in which forei troops were Cabinets and public opinion abroad ?' I will not quote au
gn p
enlisted in the service of the Sovereign of this country, authority similar to that which I hive already quoted,
which enlistment could not be vindicated by those legiti- which I did as a matter of fact, but I read to-day in an
mate principles which have been referred to in the course
organ which does exercise great influence in Europe, not un-
of this debate. I admit that in the last war there were friendly to the Western Powers, I believe, though it takes a
instances in which the policy of 1778, when the Hessians moderate and mitigated view of these important transactions
-a great continental authority-I read an article on the
were seat to America, was imitated. The circumstances of
that case I need not refer to ; they must be fresh -in the policy of the Government, concluding with the observation
historical memory of every hon. gentleman ; it is a shame-
"all we can deduce from the policy of the English Ministry
fill page in the history of England-and the saying of is that the recruiting powers of England are exhausted."
(Hear, hear.) I ask the noble- lord, and the President of the
Frederick the Groat, who, when he heard that the Elector
Council, or any gentleman in the house, is not that a fair
of Hesse and other petty German princes were thus bar-
inference and the only ono to draw ? (Hear.) Can any
taring the blood of their subjects, declared that as they
ono doubt that is the opinion which will affect the con-
passed through his dominions he would levy a toll upon
duct of public neon ' and nations ? It will affect the
them as upon so many cattle, was one of the most justly
conduct of these German Powers of which we have heard
severe observations which I have ever met with. (Hear.)
The noble lord the Secretary ol` State told us that the so much. Do you think that the Austrian treaty,
which we were called upon to congratulate the
greatest commanders, and Napoleon among others, had
Throne for-do you think the results of that are
had recourse to this measure to sustain their military
strength, and that they had always approved the system ; likely to be more important because of the impression
that the recruiting power of the country is eXhaisted ?
but in answer to the noble lord I will take the liberty ef
But, sir, if that is the effect upon foreign countries, is it
quoting the name of a commander not second even to the -passible to shut our eyes to what the elect may be on our
great Napoleon-I will quote the authority of the Duke
own country ? (Hear. hear.) Does anybody believe that the
of Wellington. (Hear.) The passage lam about to read is tendency of this important measure-impertant I mean as
an extract from a letter from the Duke of Wellington to
to the spirit in which it is conceived, and that of the measure
Lord Liverpool, dated the 19th of January, 1811, and it
Vamp
we deliberated upon yesterday, in any other than to
shows the value of those troops who do not joie our sten-
amp the readiness of the people of this country to rally
lard from any sympathy of political feeling of convictiou.
round the standard of the Sovereign ? I believe, sir, that
the Duke says,- that is the universal impression and the conviction which pre-,
" I am sorry to give you bad accounts of the Brunswick
wails in every class of the community. Well, I say, is this
Legion. They continue to desert in large numbers ; and on
the policy-ithis the conduct that wise, experienced; and
the night before last 14 deserted to go to the enemy; 11
responsible statesmen, the Minister of a country like England
were caught, 1 was shot while making the attempt, aud only
should pursue at this moment ? Tell me, as we have been told
2 got off." to-night, that we can only enlist boys, when the experience of
(Hear, hear.) Again, on the 23d of April, he writes to
every gentleman in this house convinces him of the fallacy of
General Graham (Lord Lynedoch) :- that obeervatiou-(hear)-aud. i
, if it be not fallacious, the ob-
" I attribute the disposition of all foreign recruits to desert
servation is only more unwise aud njurious. But to make
from our armies to the regularity of system and to the strict-
statements of this kind, which are not to be decided by the
ness of discipline which arises, and which must be upheld in
experience of any gentleman wherever ho sits, but by statisti-
order to keep a British army in the field in a state of offici-
cal documents and that body of information as to the resources
eney ; and their desertion is frequently very inconveniences,
of the country which is iu the possession of every well-in-
I am not desirous of increasing the number of foreign troops
formed person, is to me a most extraordinary proceeding.
with this army." , Why, the returns of the census contradict you-Livery public
(Cheers.) I recommend this last passage to the attention
of the Secretary-at-War, who seems to think that ne Ge- document of your own officers contradicts. your assertion. The
natal was ever yet known who was not desirous of increas- state of the population of the country is notsuch as that it
can only furnish for recruits' those who aro
.mere boys. It isd
ing his armies. (Hear.) This letter was written in Jan•
vary, 1811, and in June of the same year the Mike writes nut the. truth in theory-it is not the factlnd practice; ctic.e ;an
it is impossib e that the noble lord can rise au tell us in sober
thus to Lord Liverpool :- sadness that it is not in his power to-morrow, if he appeals to
" Since the commencement of the siege of Badajoz 52 of
parliament, to • e 100,000 who are not boys; it is im-
the Chasscurs Brittanique have deserted, though we have
with the army only a selection of that corps, 686, who are the sanction
he can make that statement and receive for it
suspected, being left at Lisbon." the sanction of the House. Well, if that be so, ought it to have
been made ? and is not the making of such statements as those
(Loud cheers, and laughter.) lam sure the house will ex-
of the noble lord and his colleagues calculated at this ma•
reuse me for reading these passages ;it is, indeed, like hay- tto paralyse the conduct Government,ofie and to l
ing the counsel and advice of the duke himself upon this
point. (Hear, hear.) On the 6th of May, 1812, the duke moot
lilt of the country; and, instead of bringing abopuatsay
successful and triumphant issue, rather to- will not say,
writes to General Cooke :- consummate the catastrophes that may be impending, but
" In regard to General Ross's complaint of the inclination
to preparel a future full of anxiety and gloom to this coun-
of Wattevills's Regiment to desert, all general officers who
try (Hoar.) We have been told in the comse. of this debate
have foreign troops under their command have the same
cause to complain. (Hear, hear.) In that part of the army -and it has -been mentioned very elaborately in the course of
this
.short
.session-that thecause of our inconvenient and
under my command called British there aro between 6,000
iti-ikijauti
the
es siCi on as a militarypower " nstate of
awar is,
and 7,000 of them who desert' whenever they cal get an country has resolvedalways toi amaintainpeace
opportunity." establishment, Now, sir, is that true ? Is that accusation
(Laughter.) Now, these are the free lances whom the Go-
against the House of Commons made by Ministers to-night,
vernment would have us have recourse to. I was deter-
and on other occasions, founded on fact ? I have had some
mined to meet the objections of these well-informed gen- . •
tlemen, her Majesty's Ministers, who get up and make fine nee in this house, and many hon. gentlemen around
statements about all foreign troops employed by the Crown aud before me have bad longer experience, and Ido not re-
beng bound to us by feelings of political sympathy, and so member any appeal made on the re.,ponsibility of a Govern-
on.. (Hear, hear.) There were many free lances of this meat in time of peace to the House of Commons for the in-
description in the Peninsular army, but I would not be crease of our establishment which has not been responded to
with a heart 3, and generous confidence. (Hear.) Why, what
understood as at all referring to the German Legion. Of
took place under the administration of Sir R. Peel? There
that corps I would speak with all the honour which it de-
were many circumstances at that time which, if not of a very
serves and which it has received. I say nothing of all those
alarming and perplexing character in our foreign relations,
troops who joined us because the interests of their country
were at least not such as could be placed before the country
were bound up with ours, who were either subjects of the
to agitate its spirit and excite its etthusiasni so. as to raise for
same Sovereign or subjects of Sovereigns for whose cause
the support of the Ministry that immense fund of public feel-
we were fighting, and who, I believe, behaved throughout
lug and sentiment which you have now the advantage to
the war with admirable fidelity, courage, and discipline.
command. But still they were grave aud serious matters,
(Hear, hear.) I confine myself to those free lances, to
causing to the distinguished Cabinet of which Sir R. Peel
those foreign mercenaries, to those condottieri, 'who were
was chief the utmost anxiety. They had considerably to
engaged in the cheapest market, and who had no political
increase the naval and military establishments of the
convetions or patriotic syml athies-who were purchased
country. Did this house then refuse to support Sir R. Peel,
by-the Power that paid them most, and whose achieve-
though he asked for au increased expenditure of several mil-
ments are immortalised by the passages I have read
lions? What happened in 1852, when you had a Whig Go-
from the pen of their illustrious commander. I have
vernment not supported by the majority of the House of Com-
read extracts from the Duke's letters in 1&11 and 1812, and and not only supported by such a majerityl but
now, if you will allow me, I will read you what he says in
molls,
which met us on every occasion by factious combination
1813. On the 25th of February, 1813, he thus writes to
and sinister intrigue ? What occurred then ? There were
General Campbell at Alicante :- circumstances which made it our duty even under such a state
" I have received your letter of the 12th, regarding theof things, to appeal to the House of Commons* for an increase
conduct of the 2d Italian Regiment, and I entirely concur
in
of our forces. Did that. House of Commons, anxious and
all the measures you have adopted, and applaud the decision
ready as it was to throw every impediment in our way--did
and firmness of your conduct. The foreign troops are s°
it, when the Ministry seriously appealed. to it, refuse its
much addicted to desertion that they assent to the proposition No. The Secretai ' at'
are very unfit for our War, on
armies-(hear, hear)-of which they necessarily form too
a this and another occasion, has dilated with Leh eagerness
large a proportion to the native troops. The evil is aggl-- on the difficulties of the position of the Government from the
voted by the practice which prevails of enlisting prisoners as
imperfect establishments which they had at their
well as deserters, and Frenchmen as well as other foreigners.
but has never bad the generosity to admit that, Lev' command,
masaonud;•
The consequence is, therefore, that a foi eign regiment cameo;
Government was, we increased the force of the army and also
that we created a Channel fleet and.put our Ar-
-be placed in a situation in which the soldiers can desert from
it that they do not go off it numbers, and in the Peninsula
tillery in au efficient state. I am not saying this in any spirit
they carry to the enemy the only intelligence which he canthe charge that has been
of the navy ;
acquire. (Hear.) With this knowledge, I seldom, if over,, e against this house. I say, both at the period of S" •It
of boastfulness, but in answer to
use the foreign British troops of this army on the duty of
outposts; and, whatever you may determine regarding the peel's
made
saministration, and at the period of the administrantion
2d Italian Regiment, I recommend the same practice to your of which I bad the honour to be a member, appeals were made
consideration." , . to the House of Commons, from the nature of affairs without
, (Loud laughter.) But, says the noble lord in the addressof this house, hand these appeals any communication of causes-appeals were made to the con-
were
which he has made to us to-night, this is the most absurd if that be true g sa
dd 1 y great
is
the
re-
opposition which has been suddenly raised ; it cannot he
oppce • responded to. Well,
Ministers who su en y acceding to office
- fidence and patriotism
tolerated for a moment ; it is against the spirit of the age sponsibility of those A
E eror of Russia had ro o d
and against every patriotic feeling, and we cannot canyon
a month bad
the war without this measure. Every nation, we are told, elapsed were aware Olaf the my
1 the partition of Turk°
even the French nation, is at this moment employingthat were necessar . Blunit,
foreign troops, and has a foreign legion. That is the stances make the preparations
y-who did not under thesepcirreise
p parations inytimes of
position of the noble lord. lam going now to quote , says the Secretary of State,
" Make
- retions were going on •
from a French newspaper ; it is from memory, but
,peeice -make preparatlo us when negotia
se such a thing.'
I pledge myself for the accuracy of my quoted us.
t'ons but undr
I would not quote from a French newspaper if it Why, when is a Government to make pr
- ' eParaAlll the re ara-
were before those exploits with regard to the press such circumstances and in such a position.? PP ..
. to which only one of her Majesty's Ministers tin ions made by your 50 years, pren-
predecessors for the last
were preparatiou
do justice-(laughter)-but I am quoting a de.ailed semi . =nary to war, or in confirmation of peace,
official statement it the Constitutionncl-a paper which ap• , made in this swine manner. You had your militia called out,
pears under the highest authority-and it is a statement with , and there was no declaration of war. It was no impediment
regard to the cause of the surprise which, to use the larg cage 'largelyto your uegociations if you had increased your forces very
of the Constitutionnel, caused the sliedd:ne of so much of the •.. instead of very slightly.' This Occurred in the year
best blood of the finest armies iu the world. According to 1653 ,hbut what did you do in 1854 -(licar, hear)-wlien you
the semi-official Constifutionnef, the members of the foreign , 'awl
Ise;have been conscious for a year that war was inevitable ?,
a you were on the •
' legion of Franco deserted to the enemy, the Emperor of i
of even d 1 • point, under certain contingencies,
Russia, whom the noble lord, the Secretary of State, is to ienc.i,tirieg war, which ultimately you did declare-s-
-1 when eve
defeat by the foreign legion ; they 'gave him, or rather his 1
calling i the previous autumn the nation was absolutelY
, generals, accurate information of all the weak points of our soraer oounryfret
to
atake decided measures and you did even
position, of those parts which had been unfortunately, but .
duct then ? fleet
outer the Black Sea-what was your con
position, The Constitutionnel , whenyou de • clued war, did you not take
perhaps inevitably neglected. those measures whichy would
deplores-this. It says there is not a braver body of men than
ferent position - whichwoaldhiave placed you in a very dif-
ferent
foreign legion in the service of Franco; their courage is
of
prevented great national
calamities, and the necessity:
• most undaunted, their achievements are the achievements of
to pass this bill ? (ilea lo - calling Parliament together
the most desperate valour ;but being foreigners, aud not aid-
conduct of thewhichr he And this loads me to the
the noble President of the Council
mated by the sarde feelings as' Frenchmen aud Englishmen,
has, I think, war,
unnecessarily brought und •our •
.giving information to the under consideration,
they took the first opportunity of aud which the I secretarythe
of State has ostentatiously brought
enemy, which has ,pread desolation through, every home in before
us, leave
Eo -noble lord to his eulogium of the pe-
this country. (Hear, hear.) And here, perhaps, I might re-
culiar naval power of uglaud, and of the magnificent achieve-
mind the Secretary at War, who said just now that there meats which i
never was a general who complained of having too many y under the well-cons dered expeditious of the
" G, overnment, have been accomplished in the Baltic. (A laugh.)
' troops ;I am surprised that he cannot recall one of the most
' But," says-the noble lord, the Secretary of State, "we are
interesting despatches from the Duke of Wellington, written

caned why wo went to gobastopol ?" Why I don't know that
anybody asked the noble lord that question_ (A laugh.) I
expect some day that he will rsk us that. I expect that the time
7111 conic when her Majesty's ministers will give an ample
information on that subject ; but I have not beard any ono
so presumptuous as to enter into any-criticism on the scheme
and conduct of these campaigns. I did hear a minister the
other night —the Secretary at War—offer an ingenious argu-
ment in vindication of the Government of which he is a mem-
ber for the military exploits of the campaign which they bad
recommended and achieved. The Secretary at War said that
the country insisted upon their going to Sebastopol. (Hear,
and a laugh.) Most extraordinary ! I always thought that
ministers were men of superior minds, with the advantage of
peculiar and exclusive information—that by that combivatiou
of intellect, experience, and knowledge they exhibited, they
did, upon all grave matters, follow the course which was for
the greatest advantage of the community whose affairs they
were called upon by their Sovereign to guide, and who acted
under a responsibility not merely to the present, but to the
future. Aro we, then, to believe that the present ministers
are men who undertook expeditions of the great importance
of this invasion of a province of the enemy only because
public opinion insisted upon their doing so.? (hear)—that
though they might be in complete ignorance of all those cir-
cumstances which should guide opinion—though it was a leap
iu the dark, they were prepared to take that leap because
public opinion goaded them to do it ? (Hear, hear.) Why,
Sir, if that be the state of affairs —if these are the rules that
regulate the conduct orprudeut men like the Ministers of the
Queen -I say, why are they Ministers of the Queen? Why
should they bo responsible if public opinion is to be the only
impulse to their actions, and they are to undertake the most
precipitate conduct against their own convictions, in violation
of the knowledge they possess, simply because public opinion
calls on them to achieve that which is rash and to accomplish
what is impossible. But the Secretary at War said something
more the other night. He seemed to say that it was not merely
the people out of doors, but people in doors—gentlemen on
this side of the house, and members of Parliament, whq had
urged the Government to take a decided course, and to at-
tack Sebastopol. I don't mean to say that upon that subject
members of Parliament have not given much, and perhaps very
foolisleadvice to her Majesty's Ministers ; but if they have
given it, there was no reason why her Majesty's Ministers
should adopt it. (Hear.) This, however, I will say, that no
gentleman on this side of the house has ever given that advice
to her. Majesty's Ministers—that no one sittingon this side of
the house ever said, " Invade the Russian empire, and attack
Sebastopol." On the contrary, Sebastopol was never men-
tioned on this side of the house but once, and then it was by
myself, in answer to the strange and startling speech of the
Lord President, in which I, is company with hundreds,
did understand in the month of July that he announced
to Europe and Asia that the British Government Thad re-
solved upon invading the Crimea and besieging Sebastopol.
(Hear, hoar, hear.) Then I did say—speaking, T am sure,
the opinion of my friends around me—that I had heard that
declaration, not only with surprise, but consternation, and
I think the noble lord the Secretary for War can hardly
pervert that speech into an encouragement to undertake
a siege. . (Cheers.) That there were appeals made by other
members of Parliament, the right faithful and trusty friends
of Government, I don't at all deny, but I am' not responsible
for the observations of those gentlemen. You share their
confidence, and they share yours. (" Hear," and cheers.)
But, if there must be a responsibility for your conduct
which I am not now at all entering into—if you persist in the
habit of attempting to shuffle off the responsibility of your
conduct on what is called the public, or members of Parlia-
ment, let it be clearly, understood that it was not the Censer-
vative portion which urged you to that course, and that we
reserved to ourselves the,cright opportunity to examine into
your policy, when the noble lord and yourselves would con-
' descend to give us the reasons for the course you had taken.
(Cheers.) Sir, I feel myself that this is a subject which we
should now treat with the utmost delicacy. lam not going,
in spite of the boastful speech of the Secretary-at-War, and
in spite of the assertions of the noble lord the Lord President
of the Council—l am not going to be drawn into a discussion
as to the conduct of the war as planned and . schemed by the
Government: I feel persuaded the time will come when this
house will expect that upon the policy of the Government
there should be a full and a complete discussion. (" Hear,
hear," and cheers.) 'The country knews now that one of the
greatest expeditions ever sent out by the energies of this
nation was ordered by her _ Majesty's Government to invade
the Crimea and to besiege Sebastopol. Since the expedition
against Sicily by the Athenians, I do not know that there
ever was au expedition from which so much was expected, or
upon which so much was at stake. (Hear, bear.) There is
unhappily in the commencement of both these expeditious
too much similarity. The schemers were arrogant, boastful,
and over-sanguine. There were too many Generals in the
Sicilian expedition ; there was..too little cavalry ; there was
a winter campaign, and there was uo reserve. (Hear.) When
hon. gentlemen go into the country iu a few days- I under-
stand they are.to be absent a month—there may bo moments
when the battue is exhausted, and when there may be a
frost. I recommend hon. gentlemen at such a time to re-
fresh their memories by turning to the pages of " Thucydides,"
and reading the despatch of Is icias to . the Athenians, espe-
cially where he says, " Meu of Athens, I know you do not
like to hear the truth ; but understand this—you sent mo
out to be a besieger ; :but, lo II am besieged." (Hear,
hear,"and cheers.) Now, s:r, we know what was the end
of the Sicilian expedition. May Divine Providence, guarding
over the expedition in which we have embarked, save us from
a similar conclusion, but at least let us do now what the
Athenians did even in their proud despair. They sacrified to
the gods and appealed.to the energies of their countrymen.
We, at a , moment not, I believe, of equal danger, are in a
situation which I pray may end in triumph, but still a situa-
tion of doubt, of peril, and of anxiety, if unwisely we bring
in a bill iu order to enlist foreign mercenaries to vindicate the
fortunes of England. (Loud cheers.)
Mr: MUNTZ said-he did not approve of foreign aid being
sought until the resources of our own country in providing
men for the army had been exhausted. He was decidedly of
opinion that if the Government gave a large bounty, and had
Englishmen instead of foreigners, they would Obtain as many
men as they wanted. What would have been the fate of the
army at Inkermau if we had had foreign troops to defend our
position instead of our Guards I (Opposition cheers.) Why,
the whole-army would have been driven into the sea. If they
were determined not to raise men in our own country, they
should at least take the next best step, and go to our allies.
(Cheers.) They could not find any such men as those of the
Emperor of Franco among their foreign auxiliaries. The
French had an army of 400,000 men, 100,000 of whom were
at Boulogne doing nothing. if they believol the Emperor of
France to be sincere, he (Mr, Muntz) thought it was the
bounden duty of the-Government to make an application to
him. (Hear.) One Frenchman would be worth half a dozen
of such refuse as they were about to pick up from all parts
of the world. (Hear, hear.) It was very clear that he (tho
hon. member) could not vote for this bill, Ho could not vote
from party spirit. (Hear, hear.) Somebody was certainly at
fault for the way in which the war had been carried one and
the Government bad not corrected that fault. Why did they
go to Sebastopol at such a seasou of the year, and with such
an inferior force.? The great Duke of Marlborough did not
attack a place in this way—he did not attack upon one side,
and leave the other open.' There had been a series of blun-
ders from beginning to end. He should like to be informed
who it was that made a treaty with Austria, and allowed
them to enter the Principalities, and thus permit the Russians
to march out and with all their generals and other troops in-
vest our army in the Crimea ? (Hear, hear.) He was most
anxious to give his support to any Government that wished
to carry on the war with spirit and energy, but he could
never vote for such a measure as the one now before the

house.
Mr. DEEDES said he was one of many in that house, and
he doubted not, certainly, one of thousands out of it, who
had engaged:in this struggle those who were near and dear to
them. Tho noble lord (Lord J. Russell) in putting the ques.
ton, upon the ground of his desire to relieve the wants and'
sufferings of the army in the Crimea, had begged it altogether.
If there were no other means of sending relief to their troops,
it might be a question whether the priiate feelings of hon.
members would justify their giving a vote against their pub-
lic opinions; but he (Mr. Deedes) felt this was not the only
measure to which recourse might be had. Ho should vote
from a conviction that if ho supported the bill he should be
doing that which was not consonant with the feeling of the
country. (Hear, hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL Sir, the right hon. member for
Buckinghamshire has said that wo have endeavoured to
throw off from our own shoulders the expedition to the
Crimea, and to attribute it to public opinion and to the
statements of some members of this house. I beg
leave to say, on behalf of her Majesty's Government,
that they wish to throw off no part of the responsibility ; as
the Executive Government, it belonged to them to decide
whether such an expedition should be undertaken—they con-
sidered it very deeply, and in their opinion it was a measure
calculated to promote the success of the war. But with re-
gard to the measure now before the house the responsibility
will, not be that alone of the Executive Government; they
have brought it forward conceiving that it would tend to the
success of the war, and let us see what has been said in op-
position. The noble lord opposite said that he, with great
reluctance, came forward to oppose that which the Govern-
ment 'thought necessary to the conduct of the war; at, er
hon. gentlemen have stated the same reluctance, yet have not
fairly considered the present situation of Affairs, nor the re-
medies to be applied. Now, the state of affairs is this—you
have voted - and fairly and liberally voted—a large number
of men, but you have not by that vote obtained the number
of mou you wished to recruit, for no less than 20,000 men
have fallen short of the vote—(hear, hear)—besides , this,'
many of those who were reported were so young as to be
called, as they were—and properly so—by my noble friend,
mere boys. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman says
that it is not a fair statement, and that hon. members know
that it is not so; bat I will tell you that my Lord Raglan,
writing from the Crimea, complains that those , sent out to
him, and that were draughted to join the regiments,' were so
young, being below 18 years of age, that many went into the
hospital, and could not be introduced into his ranks. (Hear,
hear.) Then we are told in reply, that the whole country
is for carrying ou the war with vigour, and why not rely ou
the country ? These are grave but very vague' terms. No
doubt there are many landowners, and merchants, and others
who declare in favour of the war, who support the Patriotic
Fund, and who come forward liberally to supply the means;
but if you want soldiers they are not of the station or age to
enlist, and therefore all this enthusiasm, though good—(Oh
from the Opposition benches, and cheers)—does not give
the 10,001 men you are in want of. Some hon. gentleman,
had said—why not ask for snore men ? It would have had
a very great appearance to have come and asked for 50,000
men. We should have been much applauded for our vigour;
but, to have asked for additional men, with 20,000 short of
the last vote, would have been absurd. (Hear, hear.) Well,
then, it is said, lower the standard and increase the bounty.
(Opposition cheers.) The standard has been lowered, the
bounty has been increased, men have been allowed to enlist
up to 30 years of ago. You might say, allow men to enlist
at 35 years of age, but the number of men who would come
forward between 30 and 35 years of ago would be very small.
(" No, no.") For the number between these ages is not near
so great asdietween other periods. Such being the case, with
these very doubtful expedients suggested we have ventured
to propose, and conforming to the precedent of the last war,
that we should be enabled to get men from foreign countries.
It is said, " You may rely on the enthusiasm of the country,
and men will be forthcoming." You in'gh just as well say,
" Do not go to Liege for Millie rifles, for there is plenty of
ore and coal hi the country, and in time w: may obtain th:
rifles." So, in time, these men would become soldiers, but
the question is whether, within the next four months, we
'could obtain an additional supply. (Hear', hear.) The hon.
tueml er fur Birmingham says that we hail no such men as
these Germins at Inkernian ; but, if we had had sonic of
those men who fought with the Duke of Wellington in va-
rious battles, I should say that we had an' addition to our
brave iufautry which would have b en of great service, and
that the bloddslied on the part of our army would have been
mach less. The right hon, gentleman mentions various
occasions in which desertions of German soldiers have taken
place, but there was one thug he omitted, and • a very im-
portant one—viz., that there was a custom that the Ger-
man prisoners who were brought to this country were al-
lowed to go back and enter the German regiments; these
German prisoners having served in the French army, finding
the discipline of our army irksome to them, went back to
the French. It is not such a force that we propose to collect.
The right hon. gentleman read instances of 14 deserters, 11
of whom were caught, one shot, and two escaped, and there
ho ended ; but the letter to which he referred goes.en to say
that they were men who bad only joined the regiment two

~.

N 0 Fq, N.O LI own° 14,_riv gnNri s r 3 Air )131 V iil 741 N eV111013141 E n
.-110, 1 0 64•

---- -
t
(Bear, hear.) The right imOn. gentleman found it convenient
wdaayss ;m1 etsbiartabilheeyZrZo'hiaa°vneelirtili a°t haardmbyeeenni iesnticidBt de de
s;ebrtut i
ers
wise, the right lieu.
.gerilite e
lie.mls antohkercaPia•essuaogt° twohqicnho,telik:_e-
to omit these pan ages."
"The desertion is terrible, and is quite inconceivable, parti-
cularly among the Britieh-troops;;Alun not astonished that
the foreigners should go—(Opposition chi ors)—as those *1
enlisted the foreigners for Government have taken -Cleat in
general from the prisons." (Loud counter cheers.) Such was
the ingenious way in which the right hon. gentleman read
extracts from these despatches; but we know very well that
the Duke of Wellington said, not only in 1852, but a'so in
repeated despatches, that he admired the courage of the Ger-
man troops. In one place he says —" I wish I had 3,000
cavalry, either British or German ;" and he placed, in fact,
the greatest reliance on those troops; and then the right hon.
gentleman gets up some case where German prisoners had
been enlisted, and chooses that as a fair-sample of the duke's
opinions. (Hear, hear.) We were told, not very long ago,
in the public papers, upon the authority of the hon. baronet
the member for Lincolnshire, that there was great enthusiasm
in Germany against-the. Russians, and in behalf of the Western
Powers, and we thought it was possible, seeing that such en-
thusia-m existed, to find a considerable body of men who,
having been already trained to arms, would be of use as au
addition to the force which is now serving in the Crimea
The hon, gentleman who spoke last referred to the French.
Undoubtedly, the Emperor of the French has said that what-
ever troops he had ready to go he should be ready to send to
the Crimea, but it would be 'just as if we 'sal& -•`r Know-
ing how ready an ally you are; we will ureic-nem exertions,
but we will rely entirely on the French army in order to in-
crease the forces in the Crimea:" (Hear.) The right hon. gen-
tleman has said that-1 referred to that campaign. Now, Ido
not wish to go into details respecting what has occurred since
the beginning of the war; but-I think, if hon, gentlemen will
look for a moment to results, they will find that there have
been few occasions in whicir this country, having been only
nine months at war, the results Were so considerable as those
which have now been obtained. At the end of the last war,
after various combats, we were exceedingly satisfied and
proud because we found ourselves complete masters of the
sea, and the enemy could not come out of their ports. Lord
Nelson and Lord Collingwood did not think of going and de-
stroying Cadiz ; it was never thought necessary that the
Channel gal-
epoomr ports
complete
of
e the
triumph French i
,1 ; b
the last war, and our
gal-
lant fleet which was always in theutnow it m
should
se e
s destroy
Bet
w
having obtained the complete mastership of the sea, and suc-
reosbt
taanindedot no her
ceeded.in enclosing the enemy in his harbours, is rather a
matter of reproach. Lbeg to submit to you the present posi-
tion of the Emperor of Russia. What is the situation of his
fleets ? Here is a great marine force, a fleet of 27 sail of the
line in one place, and. of 18-sail of the line in another place ;
in time of peace sailing about with great show and splendour,
but the moment war is declared, these fleets are shut up in
their harbours. Is that a very agreeable position ? Is it not
rather a very humiliatingipositiou for a naval Power? (Hear,
hear.) You speak of 'Ong, negotiations; but let us remember
what wore the pretensions of the Emperor of Russia at the
'commencement. The Emperor of Russia then pretended to
get the signature of a note from the Sultan, which the Sultan's
Ministers declared was entirely subversive of his independence.
Does he require that now ? He has entirely given up any pre-
tensions to it. The Emperor of Russia said, " Yes, I will
occupy the-principalities asa material guarantee." But does be
occupy them-now? (Cheers.) There were certain terms laid
down in protocols.at Vienna. The Emperor of Russia said,
" I will not accept them," but in a little time afterwards he
was quite ready to accept them. Time Allies have gone
on; and they agreed upon certain conditions with Austria, to
which they also obtained the assent of Prussia, unwilling as
Prussia is to do anythine, unpalatable at St. Petersburg before
they were sent to the Elperor of Russia, The Emperor of
Austria then sent these conditions to St. Petersburg. What
was the reply of the Emperor -of Russia 1 Ho sent, through
Count Nesselrode, a haughty and indignant reply, that these
conditions were destructive to the power of Russia, that they
were.such conditions as could only be agreed to after a long
and disastrous war, and that it would be humiliating in
Russia to agree to them. But what is the language of Russia
now? The Russian Minister declared at Vienna, only the
other day, that the Emperor is willing to accept these pro-
positions as the basis of the, conditions, which in August he
had rejected. (Hear.) Well, sir, is that a triumphant posi-
tion for Russia, or one that is humiliating for us? (Hoar.)
We are carrying on military operations of great hazard. I
was ono who believed that the facilities of attacking Sebasto-
pol were greater than they haver trtrued out to be, and, in
consequence, there has been a degree of privation and hard-
ship among our troops, and, at the same time, the necessity
for displaying a degree of courage which has hardly ever
beell'paralleled in the _history of the world.. (Cheers.) I ad-
mit I was mistaken, and high military and naval authorities
both of England and Prance were also mistaken in their esti-
ftgmoee
intleman tsrisl cheery)- aestsurdet
overlnlhgaett 1
tfth,htaleolpsfpvtreSoonesebtpciafectt
otpo
pages
gootefl
h.
s- hia.neoissu;-;
edoi
As disaster—(loud
Athenian
ese
it,—(h,aeTulhol
r the
do not envy him his •satisfaction. (Cheers.) I still trust
that the British army will remain to be victorious —that time
flags of England and France will float in triumph in the
Crimea--nail that these two great nations, fighting in the
cause of the, liberties of Europe and of European civilisation,
will still triumph over every obstacle that numbers and bar-
barism can boast. (Loud cheering.) •
' Colonel SIBTHORP had deeply felt the gross insult offered
to the body to which he belonged—the militia of the United
Kingdom. Ho firmly believed that almost any number
of good and true Englishmen could be obtained; and, as to
the noble lord's talk about 30 and 35 years of age, he had seen
devilish good soldiers much older than that. (Laughter.) He
was confident English soldiers could be hail, and that by their
condo t they would defy the aspersions of men who were uo
soldiers.t Ilse should with pleasure give a firm negative
against this measure of the Government, as well as any other
Measure of which they might be the forerunner. The conduct
of ministers was underhand, low, dll•ty,..mean, cowardly—
(laughter)—unworthy of Englishmen.. wits and except the
noble lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department
they bad no proper feeling. With that 'eteeption, the Lord
have mercy on such a set. (Laughter.).
The Marquis of BLA.NDFORD was met by loud calls for a
He observed that no one- who Ira heard the debate
could help feeling the deep solemnity and uncertainty of the
position in which they were placed. .had no intention to
diminish the responsibility of Goveriitn,:nt in this measure. Theirs was the reepOnsibility, and on them let it rest. (Hear.)
He wished to make ono appeal to the smile lord, connected
with the motion on the notice paper of the right hots, gentle-
man the Incinber for the University of Publimi. (Murmurs of
impatience.) lie would suggest that Government, should take
into its serious Consideration the propriety of preparing a
public form of prayer in time present emergency. t" No !"
and " hear.")

to let their subjects enter our nerd" no 6,30 eoto have ob.
jected to such a measure, nor would any one have required
to express limitation to the case of States actually at war.
Tina, hOWeier, is a very differat thing from coming before
`Parliament with a measure avowedly lot enlisting against
Russia men of all nations, at war with Russia or tot, threat-
ened by Russia or not, sympathisers, mercenaries, revolution-
ists, insurrectionists, incendiaries of all kinds, ready at every
call to lend a band towards severing the bonds between na-
tion and nation, or people and rulers.
On, the principles upon which the bill has been advocated
it would be-difficult to condemn what is called a War of
,priviciple, or a war of nationalities, dividing into opposite
sides the whole population of Europe, and, indeed, of the
world: .otrsuch principles we must give up the stern old maxim
that you may treat as a pirate, and hang without mercy,
every subject of a State with which you are not at war who
may venture individually to invade your territory or wage
war against your armies. It is said that Radetski made an
example of some Romans and Neapolitans whom he found in
Lombardy, yet no one can pretend that they had less justifica-
tion for attempting to drive the Austrians over the Alps than
the Sw!ss would now have fOr driving- the Russians
across the Pruth and destroying Sebastopol. So far, indeed,
as the precedent of the German Legion will really cover the
present measure, the Emperor of Russia cannot object to it,
inasmuch as the Russians fought side by side with that Legion
in the late war. We must, howev r, expect the Russian Gene-
rals and lawyers to scrutinise rather narrowly the application
of a precedent which is construed iut ) meauing that every mem-
ber of the whole human race may lawfully take up arms to-mor-
row against Russia simply for occupying so extensive a territory
and having so large an army. If report speaks true, we have
executed summary justice on the Russian Major who was
caught assassinating our won :fled men ; and Prince Afenschi-
koff, on being invited to sign the sentence, replied in a spirit
of cavil, which bodes ill for future controversies on interna-
tional law. Let us suppose the case of a Milanese orNeapolitan
gentleman found in the Crimea iu arms against Russia, but
pleading the commission of her Britannic Majesty. Should
the Russian-General pronounce him a bandit, and hang him
accordingly, we should certainly be in a very unpleasant case
unless we could cite chapter ant verse iu the law of natioas
in our favour, and have undeniable authority for protesting
against the act.
The second reading has been carried by a majority which
must be considered very slight, when we take into account
the almost entire unanimity which prevails as to the object and
general prosecution of the war. We cannot help thinking that
a little tact, or rather a little more simplicity and honesty,
would have procured the passing of the measure, as every
war measure ought to be passed, without a dissentient voice.
The public ought not to have been taken by surprise. Some
intimation of the bill- ought to have been given beforehand,
and it ought to have been alluded to in the Queen's Speech,
together with the bill enabling Government to send the Mi-
litia abroad. If one, why not the other 1 The measure is
introduced quietly and by stealth, and the very, looks and
movements of its advocates betray their own misgivings, slid
inform us that if we are conscientious, as they believe us to
be, we shall hesitate to comply with • their wishes. We are
now-informed that the bill has been in hand several mouths,
and that its speedy enactment is one of the chief objects of
this December sitting. If so, why not introduce so impor-
tant a measure into the Queen's Speech, which is not over-
charged with matter, and might have been even improved
by the introduction of something like a real announcement ?
Never was there a secret so wall kept, though we eannot see
why any measure necessary for the prosecution of a just and
popular war should-have been thought a fit subject for a close
conspiracy. lint, according to,Mr. Sidney Herbert, this con-
spiracy was as dark au affair to the conspirators themselves
as to the public at largo. None of them can pay how the
foreign legion is to work, whence it is to be levied, or where
it is to be posted. On this point all parties in the house con-
fess a delightful agreement ; and at this moment Mr. Sidney
Herbert would be very much obliged if anybody could tell
him where ho is to get the soldiers necessary for carrying out
which it
mystery,
the purposes of this bill. This is a very delightful state of
ignorance, and speaks wall for the: success of the measure.
allto thiseo e'rd
disturbance,
.ba secrecyaaa,
this continued uncertainty about a measure intended to be.
with
this
has Per Perhaps
it
matured. is
o nl
y a feint
Yet
only a return to the manners and customs of old English wars
Ministers at least deserve a fright, and a narrow escape.
They have obtained'both, and we trust they will learn a little
more wisdom or some other Christian grace' for the future.

- -
(From the Morning Pest.)
The Government have carried, and Parliament has passed
by a majority of thirty-nine, a measure to which, there can-
not be the slightest doubt, the opinion of the country at
large is decidedly and strongly opposed. 'By what impulse
the House of Commons has been induced to this unexpected
course—whether they have been driven by the threat, we
believe empty threat, of resignation, of late sn customarily,
and, we may venture to say, even unconstitutionally, used
by the existing Administration, or whether they have been
persuaded 'by the force of the .singular arguments used by
Lord Johu Russell, we know not ; but whether the one or the
other circumstance was the motive power, the conclusion to
which it has conducted ParliaMent is ono which we are con-
vinced will be regarded with strong feelings of discontent
and distrust, both by the country at largo, and by those
classes upon whom (luting the ensuing year wo must draw
for that supply of money and of man without which we can-
not hope to carry to, a successful issue the serious contest in
Which we are engaged.
It must be evident to every man anxious for the energetic
prosecution of the war by means in- accordance with the sym-
pathies of the country, that the advernmeet, with a fair field
before them, and with a course cleared' by anticipation of all
ordinary obstacles, should have gone• out of their way in so
singular and unaccountable a manner to build up a wall against
which to run their own heads and those of the people, who
permit themselves, by an unfounded belief in resignation and
au exaggerated view of its consequences, to be delivered over,
bound hand and foot, to their despotic

For the second reading ... •
Againstit ..........
Majority _20239
The announcement of tlie number wai received with loud
cheers from the ministerial sde of the, house.
. The bill was then read a second time,
Lord J. RUSSELL proposed going, into committee upon the
bill this day, but he thought it' would be convenient if the
right boa. gentleman opposite would state what course he in-
tended to pursue.

- Mr. DISRAELI said that the course he should prefer _would
be that the noble lord shquld postpone the committee until
after Christmas. The measure had not been long enough be
fore the country, and had been very quickly hurried through
he could only say that ho should be in his place, and
a second reading. With regard to the course he should pur-
sue,
would offer every opposition to the further progress of the

The committee Was then fixed fol. this day at 12 o'clock.
The house adjourned at 2) minutes before 2.

THE FOREIGN ENLISTMENT BILL.

Even more mischievous than the conclusion to which Par-
liament has been driven aro the bases upon which Govern-
ment, represented by the Lord President of the Council, has
placed it by his speech of last night, and by the language
which he is currently reported to have held to the various
political parties with whom ho is customarily in commu-
nication, in the ,event of such a party crisis" as that over
which the Cabinet has just tided, Lord Jo!in Rnsseli, speak-
ing in justification of the bill, assures the public that, but
for the strong conviction entort Lined by her Majesty's Minis-
ters that this country is quite incapable, even wit'i the alliance
and aid of nanco-zi7ul of Turkey, of waging war successfully
against Russia, the measure would never have been pressed
upon Parliament, When money only is in question, says the
noble lord the Leader of the House of Commons, the English
people do, indeed, shine with a brilliancy quite remarkable.
Start a Patriotic Fund, ask for blankets, demand jellies and
plum-puddings, t round a begging-box for flannels and
port wines, touch, in fine, only the po,:k.:.ts of the Eng-
lishman, and who can compare with him in the prompti-
tude and largeness of his answer to the appeal. His
pockets gape wide, as it were, by instinct, and his money
rolls out uncoulited in a stream inexhaustible. He may
be drawn upon in that line, says the noble lord, to
any extent, but you must not touch his person—you mus
not ask him to abandon his fireside, or to confront in his own
person the perils and discomforts of eampiigns. No. Pro-
digal of his money, he is careful of his limbs, and bent upon
commerce and thrift ;—absorbed in the fluctuations of Thre,
per Cents. and enamoured of the endearment of domesticity,
he abhors the tented field, and shut's his ears against the
drum that beats so loudly, and the voice of the cannon that
screams the wild halloo of death to struggling thousands.
The Englishman's nerves cannot stand all this, and in pure
pity Lord John suggests that he should stay at home and pay
out of his willing pockets his P.l-erman cousin to do all this
disagreeable work for him.
That an English Minister should have been permittml—
should have porm:tted himself, iudeed—to make to the Par-
liament, and to the country of Great Britain, 10 ridieteous
and so unfounded a statement, must be a matter of deep re-
gret—we had almost said of deep shame—to every British
subject. We will not believe that the majority of last night
was gained by faith in it. We will rather believe that it was
given to the Gwerument on ground less shameful, but equally
impolitic, as affecting the future government of the country,
that, its the event of the bill being rejected, Lord J. Russell
and his colleagees would leave in this great crisis England
without a responsible Executive Administration. We warn
Parliament, we warn the country, that, in yielding to this
tricky sort of coercion, they are periling very seriously that
important control over public affairs with which the constitu-
tion has invested them. The doctrine of expediency has been
now for many years in this kingdom the bane of wise and
complete legislation.

(Poyin, the Times.)
The argument for the 'Foreign Enlistment Bill deteriorates,
while the necessity,
as we are assured, increases. All official
people say in an under tone that we must have the bill, and
in exact proportion to the urgency and success of that
" must" the Parliamentary case assumes a reckless and almost
shameless character. In such au affair ono would think the
best course would be to say as little as possible. It is said of
a judge that his judgments would have commanded respect
had he not given his reasons,
and if her Majesty's present
Ministers had asked for a few foreign regiments without re-
quiring our assent, not only to the regiments, but also to
some very serious principles, we
might have been disposed to
acquiesce, simply as a matter of confidence. It is, in fact,
the reasons that we protest amainst. Wo felt it our duty to
repudiate the idea that what is asked is only the old expe-
dient, and that to employ against Russia 10,000 foreign-
ers from countries at peace with Russia is the same
thing as employing them against a common enemy.
Lord John i
Russell
has now imposed on us the neces-
sity of another protest. Assuming that we have gone to war
with Rtisaia to preserve the balance of power, and prevent,
any dangerous enlargement of the Russian empire, he main-
tains tha et. w
may, on that account alone, invite not only the
ries from other States. L't
hero are the words :—"Whenever any Power has
co-operation of other States but of volunteers and mercena-
es we should overstate the argu-
ment,attained A preponderant force in Europe, so as to threaten
the independence of
smaller States," we may then " use force
to obtain the adjustment of the balance ;" or, in other words,'
to maintain the independence of the smaller States of Europe.
William 111., he tl.eu tells us, went to war with Louis XIV.
because " ho perceived his power and preponderance to be
dangerous to the independeilce of Europe." Iu this and other
such instances the danger was common, and the cause there-
fore public. It was quite natural and right, Lord John argues,
to invite the co-operation of foreigners*
. The present is oulyan-
other instance of the same sort, and therefore, as heretofore,
we may once more have our Hanoverian regiments, our Hes-
sians, our Dutch, cur panes,' our Swiss, and even our
Spaniards and Portuguese. They are all threatened, and all
may come to the rescue, in order to save Europe from the
probable aggressions of au overweening Power. Such is the
theory to which we are suddenly invited to subscribe. The
unexpected nature of the demand, the mental operations of a
life to be gone through in a day, the violence offered to all
political purity, the enormous significance thus gratuitously
attached to a single vote in Parliament or a single line in
this paper, remind ones 9f the terribly abrupt and comprehen-
sive surrender of all liogeringdoubts and cherished convictions
occasionally demanded by your neighbour at a dinner-table.
An enlightened and energetic elderly lady all at once asks you to
close forher satisfaction a queition which has disturbed you
ever since you came to years of discretion. You feel as if you were
suddenly accosted -by a highwayman with the usual enema-
Care: In a tone something between that of a Strang-minded
woman and a prJfessional footpad, Lord John Russell calls on
the House of Commons to assent to the whole theory of the
balance of power, as the justification of another not less ques-
tionable doctrine—viz., the propriety of employing foreign
mercenaries, of any country whatever, so long as the State to
which they belong cm pretend a common interest in the pre-
servation of the balance of power.
As it happens, there is not the least occasion to talk of tl:e
balance of power, of preponderant force, aud, the threatened
independence of smaller States, inasmuch as Russia has
cflusunitted an overt act against the peace of nations by
ler invasion of the banabian provinces. - Indeed it is
new some comfort to rell ct that England hls no merely
speculative justification for the war. She is protect-
ing an old ally from the violent encroachments of a
neighb )nr. In this cause she lies invited the co operation of
the German States, treat and small ; and it does so happen
that Germany, besides being a collection of independent
States, is also, to some extent, a natural unity, included in
one circumference, having coranioa interests, a commou
language, common traditions, and, it C mint be entirely put
out of the question, certain common expectations. It cannot
be disguised that all Germany is in real jeopardy from the
designs of a neighbour not only ambitious —not only strong—
not only preponderating, dangerous. and threatening, but
actually offendiu,g, and bursting like a torrent of lava
from the walls of its crater. All Germany under such
circumstances has a right, and indeed a duty, to stay the
torrent of ambitious invasion. We are asking German States to
join us, and, should they consent, in that case the precedent
of the German Legion will strictly apply. We are willing to
admit that such a danger necessarily extends in a degree beyond
the adjacent countries, and it would not be easy to lay
down what' States may lawfully go to war with. Russia, and
what not. Had the present measure been demanded in order
to meet the case of States involved in the war, being ready

-17'.4-10:;44.11ENVARY DIVISION.

HOUSE OF COAL‘IONS.—DEo. 19.
ENLISTMENT OF FOREIGNERS BILL.

Order fur Seond Rea ling read ; Motion made, and Question
Proposed, " That the bill he uow read a second timo :"
Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and
at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this
day six months :'°--Question put, "That the word 'now'
stand part of the Question :"—The house divided; Ayes,
211 ;- hoes, 202.

' - .
AYES.-241.
Aclaisd, Sir T. Gladstone, W. Pechell, Sir G.
A'Court, C. . Glyn, G. Peel, Sir R.
Acton, J. Goodman, sir a. Peel, F.
Adair, R. Gordm, A. Peel, Col. J.
Adair, R. Gower, F. Pellatt, A.
Anderson, Sir-7. Grace, 0. Perry, Sir T.
Armesley; Earl of Graham, Sir J. Philipps' J.
Atherton, W.
Green, Capt John Phillimore, R. J.
Bagshaw, J. Greene, Thomas. Phinik,, p„
Baines, lit. Iron. M. Gregson, S. Pigott, P.
Ban, J. ' " Greaten, Chas. Pliklngton,.T.
Baring, Sir F. Gray, Sir G Pinney. W.
Baines, T. Grey, It. Pollard-Urquhart, W.
Bass, T. Grosvenor, DI. R. , Portman, W.
Berkeley, Admiral Grosvenor, Earl P fee, Sir It.
Berkeley, Hon. II Game, .1. ltainsden, Sir J,
Bethell, Sir It: Hall, Sir it. • Reed, J.
liiddu!ph, It. 31. Harkey, T. Ri:ardo, J.
Riggs, W. Harcourt, G. hicanlo, 0:
Blue:Jett, J. F. B, 11.trdinge, lion. C. Rich, U.
Bland, b. IL Hastle, Alex. R chardson, J.
Benham-Carter, J. Hastle, Archd. Robartes, T.
Bouverie, Hon. E. P. lleaclla r, T. Roebuck, J.
Brady, J. Ileathcoate, J. Rumboll, C.
Brainston, T. W. lleatheote, Sir G. Russell, Lard J.
Brand, H. B. W. Heatheote, G. Russell, F. C.
Brocklehurst J. Herbert, 11. Hassell, F. W.
Iteockman, E. D. Herbert, S. Si Heir, John
Itrotherton, J. liervey, Lord A. Sawle, C.
Brown, 11. Hogg, Sir J. W. Scholefleld, W.
Browne, W. Howard, C. Scobell,Capt. G.
isruce. Lord E. HowArd, Lord . -Scroll", G.
But'er, C. Hughes, W. . Snlly,F .
'Vag, G. Hutchins, E. SJully, F.
Cardwell, E. Hutt, ,W. Seymour, H.
Can't' _dd. Col .J. Ingham, R. • Seymour, W. '
Cavendish, C. Jackson, W. Shaft°, It.
Chambers, T. , Jenny,,, Earl Shelburne. Earl
Chaplin, W. Keat.ng, R. - Smith, J., A.
Cheetham, J. Keating, H. Smith, R.
Clay, air W. Bt. Keogh,- W. Smollett, A.
Clinton, Lord It. - Kershaw, J. Stafford, Marquis
Cockburn, Sir A. J. E. King, P. Steel J. J.
... .

!joint', W. Kinnaird. A. Stephenaon, R.
Cogan,.W. H. F. Labouchere,Rt.Hon.H Stirling. W.
Jollier, It. F. Laing, S. Strickland, Sir G.
Cowan, C. Lang ton, H. G. Sutton, J.
Cowper, W. F. Lee, W. Tancred. H.
Currie, Rarkes Lindsay, W. Thompson, G.
Dalkeith, Earl Locke, J. Thornely, T.
Dashwood, Sir G. H. Loveden, P. . Thornhill, W.
Davie, Sir IL R. F. Lowe, It. Townshend, Capt.J
Denison, J. E. Luce, 7', Tynte, Col. C.
Dive t, E. Mackinnon, W. A. llabr:dg e, Earl
Drutni ,nrig, pis. Macgregor, John Vernon, O.
huff, G. Mangles, it. I). Villiers, C.
Duke. Sir J. Manners, Lord U. Vivian, 11. IL '
Duncan, -Viscount Marjoribariks, D. ' Warner, E.
Duncan (I. Martin. J. . Waterpark, Lord ,
Dungat van, Viscount Massey, W. Watson, W.
'East, Sir J. - Mathison, Sir J. Wens, W.
Elcho, L-I'd ' Milligan, It. Whatman, J.
Ellice, E. - )Milner, W. Whitbread, 8. '
Elliot, J. Milnes, R. Wickham, 11. W.
Estnonle, J. Mitchell, T. - Wigram, Loftus T.
Ewart, W. Molesworth, 81r W. Wilkinson, W.
Fagan, W. ' Mon erieff, J. Wil,lam, M.
Feilden, AL - MOuseit, W. • Williams; W.
Fergus, J. 310313'n, E. Wilson, J.
Ferguson, C--I. Mulgrave, Earl of Winnington, Sir T.
Ferguson, sir R. North, P. - Wood, Sir C.
Ferguson, J. O'Brien, P. Wortley, J. A.
Fitztlerald, Sir J. O'Brien, J. • Wrightson, W.
Fitz Gerald, J; O'Connell, D. Wyndham, W.
Fitzroy, Hon. H. O'Connell, J. - Wyvil, M.
Fit. william, G. ' Osborne, R. 'Young, Sir J.
Forster, C. • Owen, Slr J. .
Fors"er, J. Paget, Lard A. .
For tescue, C. Palmerston, Viset.
Fox, W. Patten, J.
Freestun, Col. Paxton, Sir J.
Freslifield, J.

TELLERS,

Bayter, W.
Berkeley, a.