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London, England, 1854-04-18 00:00:00

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HOW TO CONDUCT THE','WAR

(From the Morning Advertiser.)

We yesterday reproduced an article from the .Examiner,
furnished by a correspondent, entitled " How to Con-
duct the War." The article is one which is well de-
serving of attention. It deals with the deplorable and
unquestionable fact, that, owing to the closeness of our
Parliamentary system, and the essentially red-taped
character of the majority of our men in office, the plans
of men of genius have no chance of being even taken
into' consideration, much less adopted. Our contempo-
rary's correspondent makes some observations on this
point which possess a peculiar force at the present time ;
for he assumes, and with too much reason, that owing to
the incapacity of the men now in power to form, any
great and masterly plan themselves for bringing the war
wd
hitenis any
nnf oerntue
on which we have entered to a speedy and
successful
termination, while they are too much shut up in their
own exclusiveness to consider the plans of others,
—that war has been begun without any definite
plan at all. " There is," says the correspondent of the
Examiner, 1" neither demand for nor appreciation of,
thoge qualities which alone constitute a statesman, nor
is
hap-
pens
generated in the narrow hot-bed of I,l—
who
eataseillyadi tYo men
.°--
aspire to nothing higher than getting through a session
their
to
nature
manifest
recognised
them
;with dexterity, who think of nothing beyond how best
' to handle the Parliamentary exigencies 'of the moment
—that those who may happen to take a wider view of
passing events and opportunities, have to submit their
conceptions." -
No one who has paid any attention to the, eubijer
will contradict the truth this. - -NOr any -%-
gent person withhold his assent to the justice of the 1.;
lowing observations :—" Most, people, under the influ.
once of Lord Derby's sinister prognostications, are verg-
ing to the'conclusion, that the war upon which we are
now entering will be of indefinite duration, and im-
mensely severe. This will ,indonbtedly be the caseif we
conduct it upon no definite plan, or upon a plan which,
however definite, is nevertheless incapable of paralysing
the enemy should it succeed. And I am sorry to say that I
not only perceive no indications of any plan, but am
quite convinced that our governors have no plan what-
ever—have not even thought of one. Their only notion is
to try a succession of topical military and maritime expe-
ditions, parts of nothing and ancillary to nothing. They
will certainly establish Lord Derby's reputation as a
prophet to the incalculable loss of England in blood and
treasure. But England, if she suffers this, will have de-
served it, for she teems with men who can sway the rod
of empire—with Washingtons and Cromwells, with
Clives and Hastings—with men who can conduct her to
triumph, and give her the victory over all her enemies ;
but I see nothing to indicate that men of this descrip-
tion are to be found in either house or at the Horse
Guards. To discover them and to bring them forward,
the public itself most first of all become sensible that it
wants such men— if it demands them; they will then
undoubtedly make themselves manifest. If the public
wishes to be well guided and governed, it must convince
those who feel in themselves not merely a willingness,
but a capacity well to govern and to guide, that their
fitness shall be encouraged and accepted. No such con-
viction can possibly be imparted so long as the public
tolerates in office that imbecility which alone involved
us in the shedding of blood, and is now, apparently, con-
ducting us to shed it unprofitably and perhaps dis-
gracefully."
_

The writer in the Examiner takes precisely the same
view as we have always done, relative to the course which
the Western Powers ought to adopt when the Czar has
been brought to his marrow bones, and is obliged to
become an humble suppliant for peace. If they hastily
conclude a peace with the Autocrat, leaving him in a
position substantially the same as at present—the last
error will be worse than the first. He will only, in
that case, be placed under' the necessity of postponing
his schemes of aggression and. aggrandisement, till a
future day. So far from abandoning his ambitious and
audacious designs, the,irritation and mortification con-
sequent on his present discomfiture will only have the
effect of inspiring him yet more with a determination to
be avenged on, France and England. With that view,
he will Ih ke preparations on a much more extensive
scale thadhe has done for the present conflict. He' will,
with all the inherent fox-like cunning of his nature,
watch for a favourable moment, and then embark in his
revengeful enterprise with energy of which we have had
no previous example. His opportunity will be a cool-
ness between the Western Powers, which will unfit
them for cordially co-operating together. And with
France and England disunited, there will be but too
much ground to fear the success of his schemes ; for in
the contingency of the Western Powers being at vari-
ance, there can be no doubt whatever that the Czar
could rely not only on the neutrality of Austria and
Prussia, but on their assistance.

The course, therefore, which France and England
are hound to adopt, unless they are willing that the Czar
should suffer only a temporary defeat, will be so to
cripple him as to preclude the possibility of his ever
again disturbing the tranquillity of Europe. His power
must be destroyed. He must be crushed. The Northern
Bear must be chained. If he cannot be tamed, let loin
be at least caged in such a manner as will render his
ferocity harmless. That is the object which must be
accomplished. For anything short of that, it would be
criminal, as well as foolish, to waste the blood of her
Majesty's subjects, and to expend the treasures of the
country. But hear what the Examiaer's correspondent
says on this aspect of the subject :—"There is a weak
point in Russia's social system—in that fix the harpoon;
her own convulsive struggles for breath and space will
do all you want, until she flounders to your feet, ex-
hausted and . powerless. Triumphs at Cronstadt, at
Sebastopol, on the Danube, or in the Crimea may bring
about a peace; patched up by the intermediation of
Austria and Prussia, but Russia will be left with the
power to repair her losses, and to renew her attack in
a far years upon European civilisation and liberty.
Our object should be to break her to pieces for ever.
And this may certainly be done."
But how is it to be done ? Our contemporary's cor-
respondent answers the question. "It is perfectly
clear," says he, " that whoever holds the Bosphorus or
the Straits of the Dardanelles, may, on that side of
Europe, entirely imprison Russia. She never would be
able to send a merchantman, much less a ship of war,
into the Mediterranean, and so far there would be an
end of her as a first-rate Power. Exactly the same
thing may be done in the Baltic, if France and England
will only determine to act towards Sweden and Den-
mark in the manner requisite for obtaining their co-
operation. In order, then, speedily to terminate this
great war, of which the apprehended duration appals
' the imagination of Lord Derby, and which Lord
I Aberdeen is unceasingly praying Heaven to bring to a
close, and, in order to prevent its renewal at any time
hereafter, I propose that France and England, the guar-
dians of European civilisation, and perpetual allies, shall
decree that, henceforward, through all time to come, no
Russian* vessel shall ever be permitted to pass either the
Sound and Great Belt, or the Bosphorus and Dar-
danelles. The Turks may be safely trusted to guard the
latter, and the Danes and Swedes may be easily encou-
raged toguard the former, and if necessary even compelled
to do so by France and England. This method would
likewise have the effect of securing the instant obedience
of the King of Prussia. The combined fleets at Memel
and Dantzic, and French troops at Aix-la-Chapelle and
Cologne, would explain the will of France and England,
if he should have any difficulty in understanding it."
There is nothing theoretical in this. It bears on its
visage the impress of practicability. The writer justly
asks :—" What can be simpler than for England and
France to close the outlets of the Baltic and the Dar-
danelles for all time to come against Russia ? What
simpler than to inform Prussia that if she does not co-

operate she shall be similarly imprisoned ? What can
either of these powers do to defend itself against such a
blow ? How can it even retaliate ? Prussia will certainly
not venture to try retaliation on the Rhine ; and Russia,
against our joint alliance with Sweden and Denmark in
the Baltic, and with Turkey at Constantinople, would
not be a lion in the toils, but an ass in a mill-
The correspondent of our weekly conternporary adds,
in reference to his plan :—" It need not prevent Eng-
land and France from resisting the Turks to clear the
Principalities of the Russians, and from destroying any
Russian ships that they can attack at an advantage, and
it involves no perilous attacks on Sebastopol or Ci.on-
stadt, rife with unnecessary loss of blood and gold. We
can purchase what we want in greater completeness,
and at less cost, by refraining, at present, .from enter-
prises of this commonplace order. Whatever of this
sort is attempted should only be for the that it i
reason
an indispensable auxiliary to some comprehensive plan
which aims at giving to Russia a mortal blow. Als) toi
glory,,
'neither France nor England want to add to their
store.
It is high time that the Western Powers, now that
we are fairly embarked in a war, should come to some
definite understanding as to what ought to be done
when it is over, and whenitfhe Czar lies prostrate, as he
soon must, at their feet. they are satisfied with any-
thing short of the complete destruction of the power of
Russia, they will not only commit a colossal mistake,
but one of the gravest crimes of which a British Admi-
nistration were ever guilty.

2,...THERTON. By Mary Russell Mitford, author of
Our Village," &c.— It is a long while since " Our Vil-
lage" saw the light, but though we regret to learn that
the physical strength of the amiable writer has felt the
effect of increasing years, there is b, consolation in seeing
that her mental endowments are as fresh and vigorous as
ever. " Atherton" is a performance of rare natural
sweetness and didactic power—a publication of exceeding
attraction, especially for female and family reading. The
story is of a dramatic kind, and distinguished rather by
the drawing of the dranzatis personce than by the com-
plication of the plot. The great and abiding charms of
Miss Mitford's productions are the most perfect simpli-
city, and a freshness of description which cannot be sur-
passed.—lllustrated News.
THE CHOLERA. AT LEEDE3.—The cholera still lingers in
Leeds, but does not assume an epidemic character.
Diarrhoea prevails to a large extent in certain districts of
the town, and shows a tendency to increase. There
has. been, since the present outbreak on the 22d of
February, 97 cases of cholera and 26 deaths, and 180
CMOS of diarrhce4 aud 5 death".

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THE NEW (LATE) REFORM BILL.
(From the Times.) '"
. _
Just after the Reform Bill has been definitively with-
drawn, the Quarterly Review produces a laboured and
bitter philippic against the measure. This is quite in
keeping with the feelings of the writer, who seems in-
capable of forgiving an old grudge, and who, taking his
stand on the now forgotten principles which prevailed
before the first Reform Bill, denounces with equal fury
the measure which has just disappeared and that of 1832.
This writer seems to be a man of partialities and anti-
pathies, actuated by something more than political ani-
mosity against Lord John Russell, and feeling a strong,
and we should think a perfect solitary admiration, for a
speech of Mr. Croker delivered in 1832, long consigned
to oblivion, together with much similar Parliamentary ,
rubbish. The point of view from which this mild and
judicious critic starts is, that in the first Reform Bill
the nation swallowed a slow poisbn, and that all that
remains for philosophers like himself is to watch her last
agonies and catch her dying words. It was, we sup-
pose, this foregone conclusion which prevented the writer
from making himself acquainted with the details of
the bill he sat down to criticise ; for to one who con-
siders the nation as already ruined, the mere subse-
quent stages by which the ruin is consummated must
appear trivial and insignificant. The writer has appa-
rently jumbled up in a brain none of the clearest the
propositions of individual writers with the recommen-
dations of the Government, and has thus obtained the
inestimable advantage of being able to revile them bit-
terly on the adoption of propositions which they have
rejected. He is very eloquent, for instance, on the ab-
surdity of giving three members to each of the Univer-
sities, although no such proposition is to be found in the
bill. A less slashing critic would have perused the
measure he denounced, but this would have implied a
degree of candour to which the Quarterly critic does
not even pretend to establish a claim. The grand pro-
position is, that this measure is framed with the express
purpose of giving the electoral superiority to mere num-
bers ; in fact, to physical force. This, we are told, is
the whole bill ; the rest is mere verbiage, useful for
the purpose of furnishing matter for abuse, but of little
consequence in any other point of view. At first
sight there seemed to be difficulties in the way of ,
this theory. The very moderate spirit in which the
enfranchising and disfranchising clauses are framed,
the great and striking inequalities which are still left,
and purposely left, in the population of electoral
districts, the greater -variety which is introduced into the
electoral franchise, the attempt to establish the county
franchise on a footing more permanent than its present
one, but one still very far removed from universal suf-
frage, the giving members to the London University and
the Inns of Court, and, most of all, the provision for •
the representation of minorities in large county districts
and considerable boroughs—all seem difficulties in the
way of this conclusion. But the writer in the Quarterly
has a short way with such puny obstacles, and this is tha
manner in which he goes to work :—ln the first place,
he assumes his proposition to be true, and, having done
so, employs ten pages in commenting on the effects of
universal suffrage in France and the United States, and
half as much more in showing that universal suffrage is
not the true principle of the English constitution. Hav-
ing waded through this dreary disquisition, apparently
introduced for no other purpose than that of familiariz-
ing the mind of the reader with the association between
the two ideas of universal suffrage and the late lYfinis;.
terial Reform Bill, we trust that we are approaching
the argument by which the proposition is to be estab-
lished. But we are mistaken. Instead of the proof
we require as to the measure of to-day, we are com-
pelled to assist at the disinterment of the discussions in
the House of Commons' committee of 1831,—t0 hear
bow Appleby fell unwept without a crime, how Malton
and Horsham survived, how Midhurst was saved, and
Morpeth rescued. These discussions seem but poor con-
firmations of the assertion that the first Reform Bill

looked merely to numbers, since the very ground of com-
plaint is that in these instances numbers were not con-
sidered, and those very inequalities were perpetuated
upon which the writer thinks the British constitution
rests. The man who thinks that nomination boroughs
place in the hands of their patrons a "great and useful
power" ought not to quarrel with Malton for being under
the influence of Lord Fitzwilliam, or Morpeth under
that of the Earl of Carlisle ; and the man who pretends
to understand the new Reform Bill ought to have
known that neither Horsham, nor any other place
of a similar size, was intended to be restored by
that act to its full representation. Still, we have
not received the demonstration that the new Reform
Bill was based on physical force ; and, as this is all the
argument vouchsafed on the subject, we
.must leave the
proposition to commend itself by its own intrinsic truth
or probability. We next arrive at the representation of
counties, and we are told that the minority clause, un-
der a specious appearance of fairness, conceals a deep-
laid scheme for promoting Whig influence. Nothing
can be more shallow or more short-sighted than the
manner in which this subject is treated. It is assumed
that the 36 members who are to occupy the third seat for
as many county districts would all be Whigs, that the
eight members given to eight boroughs containing above
100,000 inhabitants each would all be Tories, and con-
sequently it appears by an easy process of subtraction
that this great change was introduced for no other pur-
puse than to give the Whigs twenty-eight more seats.
In order to make this statement even plausible, it was
necessary to keep out of sight the great reduction
of the county franchise proposed by the bill, and its
probable effect upon the representation. In many coun-
ties the introduction of large towns into the franchise
will take the representation out of the hands in which it
is now held, and the Conservatives, not the Liberals,
will get the advantage of the third seat. But it was
necessary to suppress this fact, and therefore we suppose
it is that in an essay professing thoroughly to examine
the principles of the late Reform Bill all mention of its

most important, provision—the reduction of the county
franchise—is studiously omitted. But why should the
writer in the Quarterly trouble himself with striking the
balance between the majorities and minorities, since he
has as little in common with the one as with the other ?
Of the Liberals he has nothing but evil to say. and of the
Conservatives he can say no good. The one aro bespat-
tered by his abuse, the other are not disgraced by hi. com-
mendation. The Conservatives have accepted the Reform
Bill of 1832, and that puts them out of the pale of the
constitution. We should have thought that a writer so
apprehensive of the influence of numbers, and who saw
the inequalities and corruptions in which he delights
gradually slipping from him year by year, would have
at least rejoiced in the proposition to respect the rights
of minorities, and to substitute a principle sound and
honest in theory, and easy in practice, for anomalies
against which the common sense and conscience of man-
kind are becoming year by year more and more rebel-
lious. The writer asks, in what imaginable state of so-
ciety you can preserve the influence both of majorities
and minorities ? He does not seem to see that the whole
machinery of nomination boroughs of which he is en-
amoured was a clumsy and discreditable attempt to do
this very thing which he declares to be impossible.
That even Gatton and Old Sarum were not utterly use-
less arose from the fact that they might afford a refuge
for men whom popular constituencies would not elect—
in other words, for the representatives of minorities.
How perverse must that view of politics be which can
repudiate this principle in its honest and natural shape,
and cling to it with desperate tenacity when associated
with practices utterly inimical to the theory and exer-
cise of popular election ! We commend the article in
the Quarterly to the perusal of our readers, on the
ground of its intrinsic demerits. It is fitting that the
present generation should know what were the feelings,
what the principles, what the power of reason, what the
fairness of statement possessed by the so-called Tory
statesmen of the last generation, that they may fully
understand from what the first Reform Bill has delivered
us in part, and the second would have emancipated us
altogether.

3i-ANNING THE NATE

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