The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-18 00:00:00

PAPE R
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condition to
that a word fl
may destroy JAW _ _
Yet, it is this AuAta wittis;ltice Government of
mighty England is so anxitift to mbine her policy in
the East ; it is this Austria which led England passively
in all the negotiations hitherto carried on ; which have
resulted in Russia's taking possessien of the two Turkish
provinces, important in themselves, but more important
yet as a strategical basis for further encroachments, and
affording the sinews of war to Russia against the legiti-
mate suzerain of those same provinces.
Why, Sir, the most untrained novice in diplomacy
might have understood, that if Austria agrees to do
something conjointly with England in regard to Russia,
it is quite as much as if England acted conjointly with
Russia herself, because Austria only can dare to do
what Russia wills. If, therefore, in the resolutions to
be submitted to your meeting, something might have
slipped in by not taking into sufficient consideration the
above-mentioned views, from which your Government,
though professing to agree with your ultimate aim,
might have derived a new pretext for persisting in its
injurious and impracticable " coquetterie" with Austria,
I, being present, should have found myself under the
disagreeable necessity of raising my humble voice against
it. Hence it is that, being unacquainted with the con-
tents of the resolutions, I could not accept your invi-
tation.

hatred

le is well aware
her in 1849,

Nevertheless, I cannot forbear from expressing the
high gratification I feel in seeing the citizens of Stafford
resolved to claim the constitutional privilege of express-
ing the public opinion of the people of England upon
the policy of the Government ; whereby if past mis-
chief cannot be cured, at least its future increase may
be prevented.

Popular manifestations are, in my humble opinion,
the more appropriate now, as Parliament is not sitting
to express the will of the nation, and therefore the silence
of the people might be used as an excuse for acting in a
manner adverse to the people's wishes.
I certainly never could understand how it is possible
that the people of England—proud as they are of their
constitutional rights, that is to say, of direct share in
the management of public interests—could so readily
submit to have almost no share at all in the direction of
the foreign policy of the country. In home affairs mis-
takes of legislation may be cured by modifying or re-
versing them, and still the people would not endure the
slightest measure to be introduced without its consent.
But in foreign politics, where a single mistake may en-
gender irreparable mischief, the people are satisfied. to
hear that it is incompatible with public interest to let
the people know how its dearestinterests are disposed of.
If your age, sir, claims the credit of civilisation and
progress, it should not submit to imposition of worn-
out prejudices, the toleration of which can be only ex-
cused by the undeveloped condition of the popular in-
tellect. Amongst these prejudices there is none fraught
with more mischievous results to all humanity than
secrecy of diplomacy. Conspirators, Sir, may want
secrecy, and weak nations may be excused for creeping
by stealth into positions which openly they could not
claim. But, be sure of it, Sir, that, with a powerful
nation, which should never claim but what is just and
right, and which has the power to enforce its claims, the
keeping secret the management of its national interests
is the surest indication of there being " something rotten
in the state of Denmark;" and that there must be ele-
ments in operation which are likely, if not to betray, at
least to compromise, public weal.

The practice of secret management engenders care-
lessness towards the most important political problems,
in the solution of which a mighty nation has to claim a
share, and that carelessness is always followed by popular
ignorance of all the matters connected with foreign policy.
It is upon such foundation that statesmen of high stand-
ing can dare to impose upon public credulity, by asser-
tions which history contradicts. Thus, it is possible that
the English people have to hear Francis Joseph of
Austria praised as the hope of the nations whom he op-
presses ; thus, it is possible that another statesman
flatters the English people with the high sounding state-
ment that this country has stood forward many times
" to maintain the independence of weaker nations, and to
preserve to the general family of nations that freedom,
that power of governing thenzselves, of which others sought
to tltprive them ;" whereas, so far as history is the re-
cord of facts, scarcely a single instance is known of
England's Government having used its interference for
the triumph of popular rights. Certainly not in our
age, and, least of all, in the case of Hungary, though
that neglect was fraught with all the mischief which, if
God and the people of Turkey will not prevent it, is
just about to overwhelm the world. Thus it is pos-
sible that while, one day, one Minister of the Crown
pledges his word that the immediate and complete eva•
cuation of the Danubian Principalities is a condition
tine qua non of any settlement; another day another
Minister of the Crown reduces this condition, sine
qua non, to the expectation that the " magnani-
mous Czar" will feel inclined to do so spontaneously.
Thus it is possible, that while England's moral dignity is
engaged in the support of Turkey, because it is England
which advised Turkey not to yield to the arrogant dic-
tates of Prince Menschikoff—it is England which presses
upon Turkey to sign conditions which, though more
mildly styled in form, are the same in essence. And thus
we come to the point that we may be doomed to see the
boasted friendship of England for the Porte coming to
the issue that England may interfere in Turkey ju as
Russia di just d interfere in Hungary, and fight the Turkish
people for daring to resent the encroachments of Russia
upon the honour of the Sultan, and the independence of
his empire. _

Sir, nobody can charge me with having ever attempted,
whilst I enjoy the protection of English laws, to meddle
with any internal matter of your country. But the ques-
tion now pending in the East, is not a question belonging
to Englandalone ; it is a question of mankind, of liberty,
of civilisation, and particularly of the future of my coun-
try, and in such matters, I may well claim the right of
having an opinion, and of expressing it. I, therefore, con-
clude by saying, that it is with deep sorrow and in-
tense anxiety that I see the British Government taking
a principal share in a line of policy which the course of
events has already condemned, and which impartial his-
tory will undoubtedly pronounce to have been unbe-
coming the position of England, adverse to the interests
of Great Britain and of humanity; inefficacious to
achieve its declared design, inconsistent in its bearing,
compromising those it intended to help, and helping
those it professed to oppose.

I am, Sir, with particular regards,
Yours respectfully,
L. KOSSUTH.

William Peplow, Esq., Stafford.

WAGES IN NEW SOUTH WALES.

TO THE EDITOR OP THE .
Sir,—l send you an abstract of thesum different rates of
wages given at the Sydney branch of this establishmen t
up to the 30th of June last :
Agricultural labourers, 251. to 301. per annum, and
rations.
Bullock-drivers 301. to 401. per annum, and rations.
Shepherds (single) 251. to 301. per annum, and rations.
Shepherds (married) where wife acts as domestic ser-
vant, or hut-keeper, 251. to 401. per annum, and
double rations.
Shepherds, with families of an age to shepherd and
watch two flocks, 451. to 601. per annum, and three
rations.
Gardeners, 30/. to 401. per annum, and single ration.
Married couples, as house servants, 40/. to 50/. per
annum, and board and lodging.
Married couples, as farm servants, dairy servants,
&c., 351. to 40/. per annum, and üble rations.
Coachmen and grooms, 261. to 401. per annum, and
board and' lodging.
00IINTEY MECHANICS.
klacksmiths' 501. to 781. per annum, and rations or
board and lodging.
Bricklayers, 551. to 80/. per annum, and rations e r
board and lodging.
Carpenters, 50,:. to 65'. per annum, and rations or
board and lodging.
Wheelwrights, 50/. to 65/. per annum, and rations or
board and lodging.
Masons, 52/. to 65/. per annum. and rations or boar d
and lodging.
Millers, 50:. to SO'. per annum, and rations or board
and lodging.

TOWN MECHANICS.
Black and white smiths, bricklayers, carpenters,
masons, and the other trades connected with the
building branches, 98. 6d. to 12s. per day.
Brassfounders, ironfounders, and tinplate workers,
10s. to 12s. 6d. per day.
French polishers, cabinet-makers, and upholsterers,
9s. to 12s. per day. (As much of the work in
these trades is performed as piece-work, a sober
and industrious man can add greatly to his pay
by working additional hours.)
Butchers and bakers, 9s. to 12s. per day ; or by the
• year, 521. to 801., and board and lodging.
WOMEN.
Cooks, 201. to 401. per annum, and board and lodging.
Farm and dairy servants, 151. to 181. per annum, and
board and lodging.
General house servants, 151. 12s. to 311. 4s. per an-
num, and board and lodging.
Housemaids, 141. to 201. per annum, and board and
lodging.
Ritchenmaids, 161. to 201. 16s. per annum, and board
and lodging.
Ladies' maids-not wanted as such.
Laundresses, 201. to 311. 4s. per annum.
Nurses and plain needlewomen, 151. to 201. per annum,
and board and lodging.
Good needlewomen, 1/. to 1/. ss. per week, and board
and lodging.
A few ladies capable of teaching the accomplishments,
particularly music, of which the "currency lasses" are
devotedly fond, would meet with ready engagements,
at salaries varying from 351. to 521. ; but they should
e:ther go out under the protection of their friends or ob-
tain introductions to some of the numerous families of
respectability in the colony.
Much has been said and written against the desira-
bility of New South Wales as a field for the emigration
of women, whether of humble or patrician birth, but a
lengthened reside nee there has enabled me to affirm, that
in no portion of the world is a well-conducted woman
treated with greater respect, a virtuous woman more
secure, snore highly thought of, or her advancement more
certain, than in Now South Wales.

I am, sir, yours most obediently,
J. FREDERICK JOHNSON.
New South Wales Labour Office,
28, Bridge-house-place, Southwark, Oct. 17.

THE LONG VACATION.—On Monday next the long
vacation will terminate, when pleadings in actions in
the superior courts will be resumed. The Common
Law Procedure Act has diminished the force of the
vacation.