The Sun.
London, England, 1853-06-27 00:00:00

DAILY WEATHER TABLE.

MONDAY, JUNE 27, 1853.
state of the wind and weather at each of the following
places at nine o'clock on Saturday morning. The stations
are arranged in order of latitude.
LIMERICK—S.,. calm—overcast.
MllLLlNGAR—E.,calm—rain.
SOUTHAMPTON—S.W., gentle breeze—rain.
FOLKESTONE—S.W., strong breeze—rain.
GREENWICH—S.W., gentle breeze—rain.
STROOD—S.W., gentle breeze—heavy rain.
SWINDON—S.. fresh breeze—rain.
CAMBRIDGE—S.W., gentle breeze—cloudy.
YARMOUTH—N., gentle breeze—heavy rain.
The returns from the following places indicate the state
of the weather on Friday morning at nine o'clock
SOUTHAMPTON—S.W., gentle breeze—cloudless.
FOLKESTONE—S.W., gentle breeze—overcast.
TUNBRIDGE—W. calm—cloudless.
GREENWICH—S.W., gentle breeze—cloudless.
STROOD—S.W. gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
CAMBRIDGE—g., gentle breeze—partially cloudy.
Yeumouni—S.W., gentle breeze—cloudless.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. •
Tina DAT —Morning 18 min. after 6 I Livening 44 min.aft. 6
Teatemow—Morning main,after 7 Evening 36 mht.aft. 7

THE WEATHER.—Sox OFFICE, JUNE 26.
THERMOMETER, IN TYE SHADE.
70—highest since noon yesterday.
61—lowest this morning and during the night.
65 this day at noon.

BAROMETER, 29'80.
WIND, W. to W.N.W.—Dull, rainy weather.

JUNE 27.
65—highest since noon yesterday.
59—lowest this morning and during the night.
70—this day, at noon.

BAROMETER, 29'72.
WIND, S.W.—Fine breeze, and sunshiny weather.

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LONDON, MONDAY, JUNE 27, 1853.

When we examine closely and attentively the
arguments put forward by Mr. MACAULAY, in his
brilliant and effective oration on the India Bill,'
we find that although nominally in favour of the
measure, they afford the strongest reasons for the
adoption of Lord STANLEY'S amendment, for ob-
taining further information, before we venture
upon the task of permanent legislation. The
Right Hon. Gentleman has clearly and distinctly
shown the impossibility of arriving at a final and
satisfactory settlement of the question, and has thus
established, beyond the possibility of doubt, do pro-
priety and expediency oflegislatiug fora limited time,
so as to insure a periodical inquiry and discussion
at no very distant intervals. There could scarc*y
have been a stronger condemnation of the exist-
ing system, a more cutting exposure of the evils
incidental to the divided and irresponsible Govern-
ment which it was intended to perpetuate. It
is true that he considered the constitution of the
Home Government of comparatively trivial im-
portance, but still he proved it to be the worst
that could be devised, and he distributes his
blows with equal vigour against both the Boards,
one of which is but partially changed, while
the other remains wholly unaltered. How
graphically has he touched upon the points
relating to the election of Directors, and
the interest felt therein not merely by the
proprietors of East India Stock, but by all per-
sons who can by any possibility influence a vote,
and thus establish a claim upon the gratitude of
the anvious candidate. What picture can be
more accurate than this—" We all know some-
thing about India-House politics. A man must
have led a very secluded life indeed who has not
come across a canvas for a seat in the direction.
* * * * If not Stockholders ourselves, at
all events we may be asked to speak to another
gentleman, to ask him to speak to a lady, to ask
her to speak to a proprietor, to secure the
promise of his vote, if not for this or the next
time, at least for the time AFTER." This,
then, is the ordeal to which men of honour and
integrity, of experience and ability, are to subject
themselves before they can hope to attain the ob-
ject of their ambition—this bowing and scraping,
this paltry and cringing importunity, is the sole
qualification required for an office of such vast
importance, and rewarded with such extensive
patronage.
And how is that patronage exer-
cised? Let Mr.
MACAULAY bear witness—" When
a director is elected—he having solicited for our
solicit him for
vote and interest during his canvas—we begin to
writerships. Some of us he
obliges, and some he disobliges ; but it is
on account of these circumstances that we all
know something of the Home Government . all watch its operations, and therefore the pro-
We
posed change excites a strong feeling, and has
given rise to a controversy which really seems to
be altogether disproportionate to the magnitude
of the subject ! .
1" Why, what a confession is
here. What are the Dockyard exposures—the
revelations respecting electioneering proceedings
Canterbury, or Chatham to
at St. Albans, or
t contented with the
this ? The corruption tha

bribe of a few pounds, or an appointment as a
letter-carrier, or some other petty situation, is by
no means so dangerous, or so deep-seated as
that which requires the nomination to an
office that will constitute the relative of the
party bribed the " proconsul of a province,"
or the administrator of justice throughout an
extensive district, on whose conduct the happiness
and well-being of myriads of human beings
mainly depend ; and yet the Right Hon. Gentle-
man approves of a measure that would allow
twelve Directors out of eighteen to be elected in
this manner, and by such a constituency. Surely it
would be far better to place the nomination in
the hands of the Crown, or of any responsible
body ; or, if the principle of election was essen-
tial, why should not the franchise be extended,
aid the suffrage placed upon a sounder founda-
tion ? There would be a far better chance of
obtaining the services of duly qualified and
efficient Directors if the Minister of the depart-
ment were responsible for their competency,
than by permitting them to be elected by any
limited constituency, however pure and irre-
proachable ; and a fortiori than by suffering the
matter to remain in the hands of a body of irre-
sponsible electors, so notoriously exposed to the
operation of undue and demoralising influence as
the proprietors of East India Stock a body
which has no earthly claim to the continued en-
joyment of such important and valuable privi-
leges. If, then, the double Government be in-
dispensable--if the farce of having two distinct
Chambers, the one to paralyse the energies and
neutralise the action of the other—it is certain
that the Board of Directors should be
abolished, and another and a better con-
stituted body established in its place. The
addition of a few members nominated by the
Crown will [only have the effect of annihilating
the advantages (if any such there be) of the
present system, while all the evils will remain in
unabated force. A mixed body of this kind has
never acted harmoniously or efficiently. Jealousies
very natural, but at the same time very injurious
to the beneficial working of the machine, have in-
variably arisen between the nominated and the
elected members. The most factious and impro-
per means are but too frequently resorted to to
I thwart andannoyan opponent, which is regarded as
a matter of greater consequence than the well-
being and happiness of persons so far distant from
the scene, whose sufferings cannot come under the
cognisance or shock the sensibilities of their rulers.
But Mr. MACA ULAY has, although unintention-
ally, given equally conclusive testimony against
the retention of the complicated and useless ma-
chinery now in operation. He has truly stated
that " India is, and must be governed in India,"
that much time must necessarily be con-
sumed before intelligence can be received
from any of the, Presidencies, and instruc-
tions foundod thereon returned for the guidancce
of the officials, and the delay will be materially
enhanced by the communications and negotiations
between Cannon-row and the City, for it will be
universally admitted that " the double govern-
ment, whatever be its merits or demerits, is, un-
questionably not an expeditious Government."
The Right Honourable Gentleman spoke from
actual experience ; he testified to matters within
his own knowledge, when asserting that " every
day important measures were taken—indeed every
measure of which history will hereafter make
mention, was taken without any authority
whatever from the Home Government." And
as a further illustration of the advantages of
the system he added, " that almost every one
of those measures or acts was regarded with
disapprobation at home ; and yet not one of
them was rescinded or annulled." Is it not clear,
then, that measures should be taken to bring the
local Government—in which rests the real power
—under the direct control of Parliament, that
their offences of omission or commission may be
visited by something more than the querulous
grumblings of an effete and powerless body,
which, without being able to vindicate its own
authority, interposes a great impediment to the
more vigorous efforts of the Ministers of the
Crown ? India should render an undivided alle-
giance to Queen VioTonaa, and not be even
partially governed in the name of a once power-
ful trading corporation, whose senility is attended
with corresponding decrepitude.

After all the Chancellor of the Exchequer is
not infallible. The Right Hon. Gentleman has
deemed it expedient to amend the " SUPPLE-
MENTARY BUDGET," in one of its most important
features. He has not done this boldly and un-
equivocally, acknowledging the serious error into
which he had unadvisedly fallen, and the in-
jurious consequences that might result from the
adoption of his crude and hasty propositions.
He has not had the candour to confess his fault,
nor the fortitude to submit to the moral castiga-
tion that would probably be administered. He
has, therefore, contented himself with suggesting
that if (this " if" is a mighty peacemaker) the
Government were in a condition to dispense with
the money expected, " it might not be more expe-
dient, on the whole, to let the matter (i. e., the new
licensing duties) stand over until it could be con-
sidered in connexion with that which was the
great and capital item of our licensing system,
namely, the publicans' licences, and all the family
of licences, as he might call them, which belonged
to that class." As if, however, this statement,
with the qualification aforesaid, were not suffi-
ciently vague, the Right Hon. Gentleman went
further, by declaring that, "until he knew what
might be the decision of the House upon several
questions which were pending, and with regard to
which notice had been give by Hon. Gen-
tlemen, which would bear upon the sub-
ject, it would be impossible for him to
give any absolute pledge with respect to
these licences, and, therefore, the Government
had not come to i*iy absolute conclusion upon
that subject. He thought he might venture to
say, however, that, providing no other inroad was
made upon the funds available for public service,
it might be in their power to dispense altogether
with making any proposal with regard to licences,
and in that case no such proposal would be made."
There is certainly no want of caution exhibited in
this statement. There is nothing out of which it
is possible "to pick an assumpsit." No definite
promise or pledge of any kind, and yet it is nei-
ther more nor less than a virtual abandonment of
one of the most objectionable propositions in the
financial scheme, disarming the opposition that
would otherwise have been offered thereto ; and
at the same time acting as a direct incentive to
those who had given notice of amendments on
other portions of the Budget to withdraw their
propositions for the present session, in order to
avoid the unjust, impolitic, and anti-free-trade
object of the Right Hon. Gentleman, which, if
carried into practical execution, would not merely
have the effect of a new burden on indus-
try, acting as an income tax in its most
unequal and most oppressive form, but would
also create virtual monopolies in every trade
and calling, checking that "unrestricted com-
petition" which is so beneficial to the commu-

1 la.
•
nay at large. This object will, however, we trust,
be defeated. No person who has a grievance to
complain of should relinquish his intention on the

ground of such vague and indefinite intimations.
Let the licensing duties stand or fall on their own

merits, and let the Advertisement Duties and other

questions be decided on the same principle, and
not postponed, in the hope that by so doing an
important success would be accomplished. They
may be well assured that the contemplated licence
duties will not, under any circumstances, be
brought forward, more especially as the Right
Hon. Gentleman acknowledged that " very great
inconvenience, and even, in particular cases, what
might be called oppression, would be caused." A
revision was therefore rendered essential, the effect
whereof was " materially to reduce the proceeds
of any such scale." Mr. GLADSTONE is therefore,
for his own convenience, obliged to put off the
consideration of these new or revised duties, and
he should not attempt to obtain advantages in
return. At all events, Hon. Gentlemen should
not permit themselves to be taken by a trap so
obvious and ill concealed.
We have never concealed or !modified our