The Sun.
London, England, 1854-03-04 00:00:00

POSTPONEMENT OF THE REFORM BILL

On proceeding to.read-the orders of the day,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose and said—Sir, in rising to
ask that an order of the' day should be read for the pur-
pose of postponing it, I am about to take the unusual
course of making some explanation to the house of the rea-
son why I propose to take this step. I think such a course
is due to the house after what has passed on the subject of
the bill for the amendment of the representation of the
people in England and Wales ; and it is especially due to
those hon. members of the house who are earnestly desirous
of a further amendment of that representation, to explain
the reason why I propose to postpone that bill to another
day, to be named by me. The house will recollect that
when Parliament assembled it was considered most pro-
probable that we might soon be involved in hostilities, but
no statement upon that subject could then be made with
certainty. Her Majesty was pleased, in addressing this
house, to recommend to our consideration a further amend-
mendment of the state of the representation of the people
in Parliament, and was graciously pleased, in recommend-
ing the subject to our consideration, to say, " In recom-
mending this subject to your consideration, my desire is to
every cause of jnst complaint, to increase general
confidence in the Legislature, and to give additional sta
bility to the settled institutions of the State." It was in
conformity with that recommendation of her Majesty that
upon the 13th of February I proposed to bring in a bill for
the purpose of so amending the representation. I will not
now enter—it is no part of the subject of to-day—into the
merits of the bill ; but I may say that, having introduced
the bill, I fixed a day for its second reading, after an inter-
val in which I thought the house would be able to give
its attention to the subject. I did not, however, say that,
that was positively fixed, and I of course reserved to my-
self the discretion of naming any other day. But, how-
ever, soon after that day was fixed, the hon. baronet the
member for East Kent gave notice of a motion, as an
amendment to the second reading, to the effect that in the
present state of our foreign relations, the proceeding with
that bill for the amendment of the representation would be
inopportune. I do not know what was the object of the
hon. baronet in giving that early notice, but it certainly
seems as if his notice was rather one of hostility to the
Government than of hostility to the measure proposed, as
there is nothing in the amendment which at all implies any
disapprobation of the bill itself. When, however, some
time had elapsed, her Majesty's Government had to consider
what their own course should be, and whether it would be
convenient to the house to proceed with th 3 bill upon that
day which I had named. Now there are two points to be
considered upon this subject, to which I bag to call the at-
tention of the house. One is, the state of public business ;
the other, the state of our foreign relations at this moment,
With respect to the public business I conceive that it is
the duty of her Majesty's Government after the announce-
ment we have made, and in the state of cur foreign rela-
tions, as shown by the despatches laid upon the table of the
house, to ask, in the first place, for all the supplies which
we might think necessary for the public service at the pre-
sent time, and in the second, to obtain those " ways and
means" by which we should be able to ascertain how we
defray the additional expenditure required. With respect
to the first of these requisites, the house has shown such a
willingness to vote the supplies which were required, and
such devotion to the public service, that there has not
arisen any difficulty upon that point, and no time has been
taken up greater than necessary for the purpose. With
reference to the second subject, we have yet to ascertain—
and it will only be on Monday next that my right
hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer will state the
views which the Government entertain of the present state
of the finances of the country, and the measures which we
think are necessary for the public service and the mainte-
nance of public credit. Stroh, therefore, will be, in the
course of the next week, the state of the public business ;
and it seems to imply that the bill for the amendment of
the representation could hardly come on that week, con-
sistently with the object of obtaining both the supplies
necessary for the public service and the " ways and means"
necessary to defray the increased expenditure. But, al-
though the bill might not come on upon that day—the 13th
of March—it would certainly have been in our power to fix
a somewhat later day upon which the second reading might
be preceded with, But here I have to ask the attention
of the house to that which will in all probability be our
position with respect to our foreign relations when that
later day should arrive. I can hardly say that I am reveal-
ing any secret to the house, for it has been announced in
the public papers for the last two or three days, that at
the end of the last month a messenger was sent with de-
spatches from the Governments of England and France to
St. Petersburgh, with respect to the occupation of Mol-
davia and Wallachia by the Russians. For a very long
time that occupation baa been acquiesced in with the view
of carrying on negotiations by which their evacuation
might be made a stipulation in any treaty. These nego-
tiations have, unfortunately, after a very long time during.
which they were carried on, led to no result ; and the con-
ference at Vienna has positively declined the only terms
upon which the Emperor of Russia declared himself ready
to treat. We could, therefore, no longer permit this
wrongful occupation of the territories of Turkey ; and the
Governments of England and France have, therefore,
signified to the Emperor of Russia that they should
consider his continued occupation of the Principalities,
beyond a certain time necessary for carrying their eva-
cuation into effect, as equivalent to a declaration of war.
(Hear, hear.) Calculating the time which is necessary
for the transmission of these despatches to St. Peters-
burgh, and supposing that the Emperor of Russia—as has
already occurred-will listen to no terms other than those
which he has himself proposed, the negative answer of
the Emperor will reach this country in about twenty-five
days from the time when the message was sent ; and
therefore towards the end of this month it will be the duty
of the Ministers of the Crown to bring down a message
from her Majesty to the two houses of Parliament, declar-
ing, in the usual terms, that the relations between this
country and Russia no longer exist. If such be the proba-
ble and, I am afraid I must say, the almost certain course
which events will then take, I think the Government can•
not be wrong in deciding that that particular moment,
when such a message may be either upon the eve of being
brought down, or may be under discussion, or may be ac-
tually delivered, would hardly be the time to deliberate
with duo consideration upon a question of such grave im-
portance as that of the state of the representation of the
people. I cannot but think that, such being the case, it
will be better to postpone the consideration of the Reform
Bill to a future day. But when I say a future day, I may
here entertain the hope that when that day comes which I
shall propose to fix, there may then exist such a state of
affairs as will enable the house calmly and deliberately to
consider that bill. Upon the other hand, it would be the
eight of imprudeno, if j were to PT that upon that par'

ticular day which I shall name, the izetiiness must infalli-
-bir tome a ; and that that state of things might not arise,
which would make it necessary again to postpone it to a
1 future day. I can therefore only ask the house t o agree
that I should have the power to defer the day uport which
I shall proceed with the bill to a later period ; and it will
then be in the power of the hon. baronet the member for
East Kent, or any other hon. member, when that time
comes, to interpose any objection which he may think
proper to its further progress. The postponement which
I shall propose will enable the Government to:mature
1 and introduce the bias with respect to the repr esenta-
-1 teflon of Scotland and Ireland, before the second reading
of the bill for England. The day on 'Which I shall propose
to proceed with the latter measure is the day immediately
following the Easter holidays—Thursday, the 27th day of
April. I do not propOse an earlier day, because it would
be obviously inconvenient to the house to enter upon the
discussion of a bill of this sort a few days before the Easter
holidays, and then to be obliged to adjourn it till a future
period. (Hear, hear.)
Sir J. SHELLEY, who on rising to address the house
was received with cries of "oh. oh," expressed his deep re-
gret at the course which her Majesty's Ministers had
thought proper to pursue upon the present occasion. He
thought it was right the house and the country should
know the precise position in which they stood with re.
spect to this great question. The house would recollect
that upon a former occasion the noble lord stated that the
best time for introducing a measure to amend the represen-
tation of the people was when the public mind was quiet,
and not agitated upon the subject ; but in his speech on
introducing the bill, in answer to what fell from the lion.
member for Liverpool, the noble lord declared that there
was nothing in the present state of public affairs, even
supposing we were at war, which should serve as a reason
for postponing a measure of this kind. But that was not
all ; last year the noble lord pledged his word that her
Majesty's Ministers, in,the course of 'the present session,
would introduce a bill for the reform of the representation
of the people. That promise coming as it did- from a
man of character and consistency, was believed and con-
fided in by the country ; but now the noble lord came for-
ward at the last moment, within seven days of the time
fixed for the second reading of the measure, and announced
his intention to postpone the bill, or rather to do that
which really amounted to a virtual abandonment of it.
Such, at all events, was his opinion of the course which
the noble lord had pursued ; and he did think the house
and the country had some right to complain, and were
entitled to ask the noble lord whether it was really his in-
tention to take the sense of the house upon the bill in the
present session. Nobody seemed to object to the principles
of the measure. The'noble lord had very truly said that
the amendment of the hob. member for East Kent did not
refer to the merits of the bill itself, but merely set forth
that the present was not a proper time for going into the
question of Parliamentary reform. There could be only
one reason, therefore, for the refusal of the noble lord to
proceed with the bill, and that was, because he was afraid
of being placed in a minority in that house. (Cries of
"near, hear," from the Opposition benches.) Now, he
would take the liberty of saying that it was the duty of
the noble lord, after the pledges he had given, to proceed
with the bill, let the consequences be what they might;
but should the noble lord persist in breaking all the pro-
mises he had made to the house and the country, it would
be difficult to believe that the whole thing had not been a
sham from the beginning to the end, and that the reformers
of England had not been completely bamboozled by her
Majesty's Ministers. (Cheers and laughter from the Oppo-
sition.) There were principles in the bill which the refor-
' mers of the country had hailed with great satisfaction. It
did not go far enough for some of them—(a laugh)—but it
was, not a step, but a stride in the right direction, and
those who had advocated the cause of Parliamentary re-
form fer years, could scarcely, he thought, be satisfied with
what would be universally regarded as a virtual withdrawal
of the measure. When he was told that there had been
no excitement in favour of the bill, his reply was that the
excitement and agitation should have come from the other
side. If it was true, as avowed by boa. gentlemen oppo-
site, that a large portion of the nation objected to the prin-
ciples of the bill, why did they not pt up public meetings
against it ? He could tell them, that if they had done so,
there would have been plenty of excitement in favour of
the bill. It seemed to -him, however, that the country,
unlike the noble lord and her Majesty's Ministers, had pur-
sued a straightforward and dignified course. The people
had shown confidence in the Government, and bad never
doubted for one moment that the noble lord would fulfil
the pledges he had given. For his own part, up till yes-
terday he firmly believed that the noble lord would move
the second reading of the bill on the 13th inst., and he
never supposed for an instant that the noble lord, after all
that had occurred, would give up the measure, in order to
avoid being placed in a minority in that house. Did the
noble lord imagine that the country would be satisfied
with so trivial and paltry an excuse as that ? If the noble
lord was afraid of being placed in a minority by those
members whom the bill deprived of their seats, why did he
hesitate to appeal to the country, and ask their opinion
upon the subject? He was convinced that, if the noble
lord persevered in the course he was pursuing, the country
would lose confidence in every one who was placed in the
position of a Minister of the Crown. (A laugh.) He
should like to ask the noble lord, in the name of the re-
formers of England—(cries of "oh, oh !" and laughter)—
whether he really meant to proceed with the bill alter the
Easter holidays, or whether he would then come forward
with another excuse for a further postponement of the
measure? Upon the answer given to that question would
depend the confidence which was to be reposed in her Ma-
jesty's Ministers. (Laughter.)
Sir E. DERING—Sir, it was not at all my intention to
have trespassed upon the attention of the house, but I
must ask leave to make a few remarks, in lonsequence of
the observations which have fallen from the noble lord.
The noble lord, in the explanation which he has just of-
fered to the house, stated that he did not know what in-
tention I had in placing the resolution of which I
have given notice upon the paper. Now, sir, I am ex-
tremely anxious that the object of that resolution should
be clearly understood. So far from having any desire
to obstruct the progress of reform, there is no man in this
house who is more ready or more willing than myself,
at the proper time and opportunity— (hear, hear)—to
consider in a liberal spirit a largo and—provided it be
sound—l care not how comprehensive a measure of Par-
liamentary reform. (Cheers.) But, air, tie object of the
resolution of which I have given notice is this—to draw
the attention of the house to the time at which and the
circumstances under which that question is about to be
introduced to our notice. The objections which I enter-
tain to this bill would be equally applicable to any other
large measure, of whatever character, that should be likely
in its progress through the house to give rise to serious and
violent differences of opinion. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I shall
bring forward this resolution upon public grounds alone ;
and I wish it to be distinctly understood that I bring it
forward as an independent member, totally unconnected
with either of the great political parties in this house. I
may add, sir, that I feel greatly encouraged to persevere
in the course which I have considered it my duty to pur-
sue in consequence of having ascertained before hand that
that course is strictly in accordance—whatever my honour-
able friend the member for Westminster may say—with
the wars of public opinion both within and without the
walls of this house. (Hear, hear.) It may perhaps, sir,
be convenient to the house that I should take this oppor-
tunity of stating that, when the noble lord moves the second
reading of his bill, it is my intention to move as an amend-
ment a resolution to the same effect as that of which I
have already given notice. (Cheers.)
Lord A. LENNOX apprehended that the statement of
the noble lord the member for the city of London would
be received in the country with feelings of the liveliest
satisfaction, and that no considerable class of the commu-
nity would regret that they were to be spared that irrita-
tion and dissension which must necessarily have accom-
panied discussions upon so important a subject as Par-
liamentary reform. For, although he believed it was
fully admitted on both sides of the house that great
apathy existed upon this question, yet it was idle to sup-
pose that a subject involving so clearly the interests of
all classes could fail to produce that excitement which
they all professed so much to deprecate. He trusted the
Government, with all the dignity and responsibility which
ought to be attached to it, would not trifle with the
country and with Parliament in this matter ; because it
was needless to remark that an agitation caused by itine-
rant agitators was a very different thing from an agitation
with the Government at its head. He looked upon the
proposed reform as the result of a compromise of principles
which, in Government phraseology, was named coalition.
The tone of the speech of the noble lord in introducing the
bill was also that of a funeral oration. (A laugh.) The
bill had lain in state now for nearly three weeks—its obse-
quies had that night taken place—the noble lord the mem-
ber for the city of London had attended as chief mourner,
and probably the noble lord the member for Tiverton
would act as mute at the mournful ceremonial. (Great
laughter.) The only inference he could draw from this
new system of postponement was that the Government
were aware that, like a spinning-top, if they stood still
they would fall. (Continued laughter.) When he consi-
dered the nature of the measures which the Government
had introduced; and their manner of introducing them, he
did not wonder that in this proposed Reform bill her Ma-
jesty'i Ministers should have endeavoured to make their
appeals to their constituents few and far between, and
themselves as irresponsible as possible to public opinion.
(Cheers from the Opposition benches.)
Mr. LABOUCHERE—Sir, I am induced to trespass
upon the attention of the house for a few moments in con-
sequence of the speech which has been addressed to them
by the honourable baronet the member for Westminster.
Sir, I believe I have been a reformer quite as long as he.
I believe I have had opportunities for observing the con-
duct of the noble lord the member for the city of London
much more nearly, and much more closely than the hon.
baronet ever had ; and if he will permit me to use the
privilege of age and experience in giving him any advice
upon the present occasion, I would say that, if he
values the cause of reform—if he really wishes practical suc-
cess to reform measures, and not merely to make them the
themes of declamation and agitation—if he wishes to see
those measures carried into effect, let him follow the guid-
ance of the noble lord the member for the city of London,
who has' been our captain, and has led us to victory in many
a well-fought field, and who I believe to be not wavering
or dissenting on the present occasion, but cautious and ju-
dicious. (Cheers.) I confess, for my own part, so far from
agreeing with the hon. baronet that the cause of Parlia-
mentary reform has suffered by the course intimated by
the noble lord, my belief is that no policy could have been
imagined more fatal to that cause than if the question had
been forced upon an unwilling House of Commons, and an
unwilling public, by the noble lord on the present occa-
sion. Sir, the people of this country are desirous at the
present moment of uniting heart and hand in prosecuting
a far greater war than any in which England has yet been
engaged; and I must add, that I believe this house, faith-
fully representing the feelings of this country, is not dis-
posed to seek for occasions of party differences ; and does
not desire to see matters of party struggle brought forward
but at the outset of this formidable contest is inclined to
believe that the duty devolves upon it of presenting a
united aspect and serried front to the nations of Europe I
coneveiiisaad
which are closely watching our actions. (Hear,
have seen it stated in the newspapers that, inhear)
ion
upon one occasion, the Emperor of Russia said h
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Cttioarant.,
mons, would never support the Government in a great and
I tshoionnkthe
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o f
this
ofhi actionhouse
con-
vince him of his mistake. (Cheers.) Sir, upon that ground
I heartily rejoice at the course which the Government have
pursued. I think they are right not only to postpone the
bill upon the present occasion, but I think they would act
extremely wrong if theypledged themselves to bring it for-
ward at any time—(laughter from the Opposition benches)
—or under any circumstances, when their sense of public
duty may tell them that, as conscientious men, they are
not discharging their duty to the Crown and to the country

by introducing it to Parliament : and I hope that nb taunt
or sneer will drive them from that which I hold to be the
course of public duty—namely, not for any minor conside-
ration—not for any consideration of an unworthy descrip-
tion in the least to waver from the position of judging of
events as they arise, and not to commit themselves prema-
turely to any course which, when the time came, might
be contrary to their sense of public duty. We are told
we are on the eve of a war. It is true there is yet a pos-
sibility that war may be avoided, and if so, one or two
months hence, may be a very proper time to consider the
Reform Bill ; but my anticipation is very different. lam
afraid that before the 27th of April we shall be involved
in an arduous and severe contest, and therefore my opinion
is that it would be a most unwise course to urge the Go •
vernment to introduce the bill at that time., (Hear, hear.)
One word more and I have done. The hon. baronet, the
member for Westminster seemed to call upon the country
to agitate upon this question. My belief is that the coun-
try is too sensible and patriotic to adopt that policy. Sir,
this not a time for internal dissentions of any kind, and I
will say that, although I believe there is a great body who
would like to see a practical and well devised scheme for
improving the representation of the people, yet this house
as at present composed is, I believe, in the opinion of the
country fully able to represent it, and to conduct its affairs
either in peace or in war. (Hear, hears) There is, there-
fore, no reason whatever why we should, at all costs and
hazards, urge upon Govornment this question of Parlia-
mentary reform. I will conclude, sir, by saying that I
for one am content to leave the question with entire con-
fidence in the hands of the noble lord the member for the
city of London. I think the course he has recommended
is a wise and patriotic course ; and I hope that neither
he nor any other member of the Government will be in-
duced to give a pledge of any kind which may in the
slightest degree embarrass that free action and that liberty
to judge of events as they arise which Ministers of the
Crown ought always to possess, but especially at such a
time as the present. .(Oheers.)
Colonel SIBTHORP'iraid the course pursued by the
noble lord was no more than what he expected from the
beginning. (A laugh.) He had witnessed so much vacil-
lation on the part of the noble lord, particularly of late
years, that he had no doubt, though the noble lord would
not awn it, that the whole thing had been planned on the
first day. The noble lord had produced a variety of
things, but had done nothing, and it might safely be pre-
dicted that the house had seen the last of the new Reform
Bill.
Mr. PHINN observed that, though he represented a
constituency which had always stood boldly forward in
the cause of reform, he could not but tender to the noble
lord his mead of approval for the course which he had
taken, (Hear, hear.) The honourable member for West-
minster—perhaps he did not intend it—had used language
of a somewhat ungenerous character—(hear, hear)—and
which he could not - help thinking must have occasioned
pain to the noble lord, as it had unquestionably done to
those who had always looked to him as one in whom the
reformers of the country confided. (Hear, hear.) No one
could have heard the statement of the noble lord without
seeing most clearly that there was a great struggle in his
mind between his sense of what was due to himself, to his
personal honour, -and to the pledges he had given to the
house and the country, and what it was necessary to yield
to a stern sense of public duty. (Hear, hear.) The noble
lord, however, must see at the present moment that, what-
ever pledges he might have given, he could not control
the force of circumstances,- nor urge public opinion beyond
a certain given point. For his own part, he confessed
he was very much of the opinion of the honourable mem-
ber for East Kent, though, had the Government in spite
of all resistance resolved to carry the bill through the house,
he should have given them his humble but earnest support.
Unless, however, they were prepared to say that the ques-
tion reform could be disussed without injury to our fo-
reign policy, he would not advise them to proceed with the
bill ; for, most unquestionably, if affairs had arrived at
such a crisis that the united energies of the four Powers
were required to bridle the ambition of Russia, the first
thing which this country bad to do was to bring the war
to a speedy termination, and then it might turn its atten-
tion to internal organic reform. Such was the universal
opinion out of doors.; and ha should consider himself false
and dishonest if he used, one language out of the house, and
then, for the sake of pandering to some low feeling, came
down to that house and used an opposite and contrary lan-
guage. It was all very right for hon. gentlemen to wish to
stand well in the opinion of their constituents, but they
had often a higher and nobler duty to perform ; and that
was to sacrifice some temporary popularity to what they
felt to be the great interests of the country. He hoped
the house would consider what was a very material point
in this matter. If the Reform Bill was to go on, they were
to ask certain hon. members to sacrifice themselves on the
altar of public duty; others were to be placed in a posi-
tion where one of two was to be thrown overboard ; while
a third section were to have each an additional bedfellow
on his couch of down. That was not a desirable situation
to place these hon. gentlemen or their constituents in, be-
cause, if the bill was to be urged through the house, what
acquiescence were they to expect on the part of the dis-
franchised, and under what circumstances of irritation and
discontent would a dissolution of Parliament be forced on
the country, not upon the question whether there should be
a'reform or not, but upon the mean and narrow question
whether this was a proper time to introduce such a mea-
sure. He would not trespass longer upon the attention
of the house, but would conclude by again expressing his
regret that the honourable member for Westminster had
permitted himself to use language which seemed to put an
ungenerous construction upon the conduct of the noble
lord. (Hear hear.)

Sir J. PAKINGTON—Sir, I do not object to the post-
ponement of this Reform Bill. (A. laugh from the Minis-
terial benches.) In my opinion, to have preserved in that
bill at the present juncture would have been dangerous
and unwise. But Ido object to a course of conduct on
the part of her Majesty's Government by which the country
has been excited and misled. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I think
that the explanation we have this evening heard from the
noble lord is humiliating and discreditable to her Ma-
jesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the noble lord
has said nothing which, in my mind, can save himself or
the Government from this censure—namely, that if the
Reform Bill ought not to be persevered in, it ought not to
have been introduced. (Cheers.) You have laid on the
table a bill which has excited the hopes and the fears of
large classes of the people, and I hold that you are not jus-
tified as a Government in so submitting that bill to Parlia-
ment unless you are prepared to press it forward with all
the might and with all the influence which the Govern-
ment of the Crown can use. (Continued cheering from the
Opposition benches.) Sir, the noble lord has told us to-
night that he postpones this bill on account of a message
vrbion boo boon cont to tha Emperor of Russia. Will the
noble lord tell the house that on the day when he moved for
leave to introduce this bill he did not contemplate sending
that message to the Emperor of Russia ? (Cheers) Is
there any one respect in which the position of Parliament,
the position of the Government, or the position of the coun-
try is different to-day from what it was on the day upon
which this bill was introduced ? (Cheers.) Sir, the noble lord
has said that this bill ought not to go forward, because we
are on the point of war. Has the noble lord forgotten what
he himself said on a former evening upon this very subject.
(Hear, hear.) Has he forgotten that he told the house that
the very fact of an approaching war would involve in-
creased taxation—that increased taxation required increased
confidence on the part of the people towards their repre-
sentatives—and that, therefore, this was the time above
all others preeminently fitted for a reform bill ? (Hear,
hear.) How does the noble lord reconcile the language of
that day with the language which we have now heard ? Sir,
I am sorry to say that I think the conduct of Government
has been such as greatly to impair the position in The eyes
of the country which it is most desirable they should oc-
cupy at such a moment of public excitement and national
importance. By the vasillating conduct of the Govern-
ment they have involved us in a war with Russia. (Cries
of " no, no" and cheers.) Sir, I will not shrink from
adopting the opinion which I believe can be demonstrated
and proved, that the timidity and vacillation of the Go-
vernment have mainly led to the war with Russia. (Hear.)
That is proved by the papers which you have shown us ;
but the Government must admit—the noble lord himself
has this night admitted—that we who dissent from the
policy of the Government have met them in a patriotic
spirit. We think them right in the vigour at which they
have at last arrived, and we are willing unanimously to
support them in the war they are about to enter on. But,
sir, this policy requires unanimity, and makes ft most im-
portant and desirable that we should act as one man in facing
our enemies ; and I think it renders the conduct of the Go-
vernment gravely reprehensible that they endeavour to agi-
tate the country and Parliament by a measure upon which
they know it is impossible for unanimity to exist. (Hear.)
Sir, the Government have only proposed to us two measures
of importance this year. One of these measures they have
now postponed, and with the other it appears they dare not
proceed. The one is a bill to amend the representation of
the people, and the other a bill affecting deeply some of the
most grave constitutional questions and some of the most
important constitutional guarantees for the religious liber-
ties of this country. Such is the present position of the
Government. I repeat I do not object to the postponement
of this bill; on the contrary, I think the Government
would have been deeply reprehensible had this bill been
persevered in ; but I cannot refrain from expressing my
strong and emphatic condemnation of their conduct in
bringing forward a measure which, if it ought not to be
proceeded with, ought never to have been introduced.
(Cheers from the Opposition benches.)
Mr. HUME—Sir, I for one have heard, undoubtedly
with deep regret, the determination of the Government to
postpone this bill, because I fear it may excite in the
minds of the people a suspicion that they wish to give up
the measure altogether. Now, sir, I have sufficient confi-
dence in the noble lord and the Government to which he
belongs, to think that they cannot be guilty of that which
is charged against them. I believe they are sincere, and it
is because I believethey are sincere that I have given them
my hearty support in the measure they have introduce
will not say that the reasons they have urged for
post-
poning this bill appear to have been sufficient ; but I am
not on that account to declare that th_eyre n
extending the period for considering the abill,portojvui sdt dfi dt
hy
allow plenty of time, in dealing
owi
et with
that
obtehthefoor en tgheentelnedm
oonf
the session. It was to be_e_xpct
se
and say
seed
y app r
on the Opposition side should n
of the postponement of theo bill ; but for progressive re-
formers—for those who desire to see the grounds of dis-
content removed from among the people of this country
—for such men to throw doubts into the public mind
.
with regard to the intentions of Government is
bad. (Cheers.) The honourable baronet th
remeirlaybe forestkuinster speaks of the reformers of En;
land. What does he know of the reformers of England ?
(Cheers.) I think I kno vas much of them as he does ;
and I can only say that every communication I have had
from the country speaks favourably of the bill as a whole.
(Hear.) There may be points which, when it comes into
committee, might be modified; but looking to it as a mea-
sure which gives a share of representation to large classes
of the people, which—bringing them within the pale of
the constitution, tends to remove discontent—l say, this
appears to me to be a large and comprehensive measure.
Every man who sits here as a reformer ought to embrace,
and not find fault with it. I will not form so base an opi-
nion of the Government as to think they will not apply
their whole force to carry it through a second reading. I
agree with the right hon. baronet opposite (Sir J. Paking-
ton), that if they were not determined to go through with
it, they ought not to have introduced it. Having intro-
duced it, with all the obligations which the Government
have incurred, ano after the speech of the noble lord upon
that occasion, I never can form such a base opinion of
them as seems to have been formed by some who call them-
selves reformers. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I advise all
, such men to pass from the ranks. (Laughter.) I can
guard against those who call themselves my enemies, but
not against those who mill themselves my friends. (Cheers.)
I Though it should be lost—though the Government should
be placed in a minority upon this question—it would only
tend to rouse.the spirit of the country in its favour. I
'orant 49 petation, The people have perfect confidence in
• •