The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-19 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, OCTOBEII 193 1853.

THE EASTERN QUESTION.

(From the Times.)

The manifesto of the Sublime Porte, which we
yesterday published, is, in some respects, one of
the strongest and most unanswerable State papers
which have been issued during the present century.
Such a case does it establish against Russian vio-
lence, that a reader unacquainted with the broad
bearings of the question and the peculiar relations
of the two Governments would conceive that
Turkey had been absolutely faultless in the trans-
actions which created the quarrel. And this,
indeed, as far as the present embroilment is con-:
corned, is little more than the truth. The Porte
has given Russia no cause of complaint whatever ;
it has endured great provocation with much for-
bearance, and, with an obvious desire to avoid a
rupture, it has risen at last only against continued
aggression, and the casus belli now accepted is a
true case, and constituted solely by the acts of its
enemy. The only weakness of the document lies
below its surface, and beside the point immediately
at issue. The Sultan is not justified in assuming
that the Christian subjects of the Porte have
always been treated with perfect consideration,
irrespectively of any protectorate extrinsically
exerted ; and, though the Ottoman Cabinet has an
undoubted case of war against Russia, it might.
have been more prudent, and more becoming, in a
State notoriously relying on external protection to
guide itself at so arduous a crisis by the advice of
its protectors.
Nothing, however, can exceed the moderation
and truthfulness of the manifesto in its exposition
of the rupture itself. In the dispute about the
Holy Places, which introduced the more serious
requisitions of Russia, perhaps, in,
some degree, erred, but the duplicity of its policy
—we use the term in its' least unfavourable

senso was almost a necessary incident of
its political impotence and anomalous position.
Two powerful Governments were contending for
prerogatives within the Turkish dominions. 'France
applied first, and the Porte yielded to the applica-
tion. Russia applied next, and alleged that the con-
cession made in favour of France derogated from

concessions made previously in favour of herself.
The Porte would willingly have obliged both par-
ties, but this, as each desired a pre-eminence over
the other, was impracticable, and the Government

of the Sultan therefore played fast and loose with
the two suitors in turn, for the simple reason that,
while it could not satisfy both, it was reluctant to
offend either. In such behaviour there was evi-

den tly little to, be severe upon, and, even if Russia
had experienced any slight in the course of the
transaction, the 'injury, by her own a,cknewiedg-
men t, had been fully repaired,' nor-did it furnish
the smallest warrant for her subsequent demands.
This is a point to which it is extremely desirable to
attend, for the claims put forth by Prince Mens-
chikoff's Note have been sometimes referred to the
previous difference about the Holy Places, as if a
general understanding had been rendered necessary
by the state of things thus disclosed. This argu-
ment, however, is wholly destitute of foundation.
The demands of the Czar which occasioned the
present opposition were in no degree connected
with the competition of Greeks and Latins respect-
ing the Holy Shrines ; they had reference exclu-
sively to the dependence of the Greek Christians
upon himself, as head of the Greek Church; to the
prejudice not only of the Sultan, but of the Patri-
arch of Constantinople as well. Tbey evinced, as
both Turkey and Europe discerned, not a mere de-
sire for the precedence of Greeks over Latins, but
a deliberate intention of transferring insensibly to
St. Petersburg the allegiance owned by four-fifths
of the Sultan's European subjects.
While it is thus evident, both from the facts of
the case and the concurrence of European Cabinets
in the conclusion, that the demands of Russia were
unjustifiable in themselves, it is also incontestable,
as the Turkish manifesto is at pains to show, that
the invasion of the Principalities was such an ag-
gression upon the Porte as to constitute a veritable
casus belli. This also is a point deserving some
attention, for, although to English eyes it may
seem to admit of no apology, foreign publicists have
been found to argue against the deduction thus
maintained. It is quite true that the Danubian
Principalities stand in a peculiar and anomalous
relationship to the Porte, nor can the pretensions
of the manifesto, in describing them, as "integral
portions of the Ottoman Empire," be sustained
without material qualification. Nevertheless,
whatever the Sultan may have lost or the Czar ac-
quired with respect to these territories, the rights
of each are specially defined by a treaty as recent
as 1849, and this instrument, while specifying in
what cases Russia may occupy the Principalities,
does certainly not provide for an occupation like
the present ; so that a valid treaty between Russia
and Turkey has been violated by the former. We
can dispose, however, of the entire argument in a
very few lines. The occupation of the Danubian
provinces by the Czar must be an unlawful and
aggressive act, for otherwise, by his Majesty's own
statement, it is an act of no import at all. It was
first distinctly held out as a menace, and then
carried into execution avowedly as a measure of
coercion. If it was not an act of aggression,
or, in other words, if no force was put upon
Turkey by the proceeding, how could it aid
the Czar in the promotion of his designs, and
where was the "material guarantee" which the
seizure was declared to convey ? If Russia, in
crossing the Pruth, was doing no more than she
was entitled to do, the act loses its significance
altogether. Coercion applied by one State to
another State necessarily implies aggression or
force on the part of the State coercing. In times
past this country, when embroiled with France,
has dispatched expeditions to occupy Belle Isle,
but the points in dispute would have been very
little forwarded if we had merely sent them to
occupy Jersey.
There can be no doubt at all that Russia has
given Turkey ample cause for a declaration of war,
and the Czar is no more entitled to take offence at
such a proceeding than a man who sends a chal-
lenge can complain if his challenge is accepted.
The whole rupture, with all its consequences, lies
at the door of the Emperor Nicholas alone. If he
himself, without putting his battalions in motion,
or threatening any resort to force, had been con-
tent to refer his demands to the representatives of
Europe, he might then, with some reason, have
deprecated an appeal to arms on the part of the
Porte. As it is, he would have no ground of
remonstrance if Omer Pasha crossed the Danube
and fell upon his forces without leave or warning
given. No restraints whatever rest upon the
Porte with regard to Russia ; its obligations in
this respect were due only to those European
Powers on whose assistance it must ultimately
rely. Besides this, it cannot be forgotten that the
remote subject of the dispute—that is to say, the
dominion of a Moslem Sultan over millions of
Christians on Christian ground, cannot be con-

templatod by Christian States as a dominion essen-
tially meriting their countenance or support. This
is the weak point of the Turkish case. The Otto-

man Government has been unjustly attacked, as
its manifesto shows, but it is a Governmeat of such
a character that, though brought to a depend-
ence on foreign protection, it can never be sin-
cerely approved by its protectors, or long main-
tained oven by all their efforts.

FORTUNATE ESCAPE OF A RIVER STEAMER FROM DE-
STRUCTION.—Yesterday afternoon the "Bee," one of the
halfpenny boats which ply between Dyers'-hall Wharf,
London-bridge, and the Adelphi, narrowly escaped an
accident, which would in all probability have led to its
destruction and to the sacrifice of a vast number of lives,
there being upwards of 100 passengers on board. The
two boats, the " Ant " and the "Bee," which carry the
half-penny passengers, have a rudder at both ends, so
that they never turn, the only precaution to be taken
before leaving either of the piers, being that the rudder
at the head of the vessel shall be so secured that it may
not counteract the other. This was carefully done, and
the "Bee" left Dyers'-hall Wharf in the usual manner.
It proceeded, with the tide, at a rapid rate, and had got
some distance on its way, when the man at the helm
found, that although he was steering in the usual man-
ner, his rudder would not act, and that the vessel was
at the mercy of the tide. This was immediately com-
municated to the captain, who instantly ordered the
machinery to be stopped, and on making an investiga-
tion, ascertained that a boy wearing the uniform of the
Submarine Telegraph Company, with some other lads,
had loosened the ropes by which the rudder at the head
of the vessel was secured. Had this taken place a few
yards nearer Southwark-bridge than it did, the vessej
would in all probability have been dashed against one of
the piers, as the tide w9,s running up very strong, leading
to results fearful to contemplate.
ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF LONDON.—Dr. Wilhelm
Freund, who left London last spring for the purpose of
collecting facts bearing upon the ethnology of the ancient
inhabitants of the Tyrol and the Grisous, has just re-
turned to this country, and is expected to lay before the
Ethnological Society of London the results of his lite-
rary researches in this interesting part of Europe. His
journey thither was undertaken under the direction of
the Prussian Government, on account of his fitness for
L this object, as evidenced in an elaborate paper read before
the Ethnological Society, on the ancient dialects and
philology of the inhabitants a these districts,

VIE BUSSO-TURKISH QUESTION.

Last night a densely crowded public meeting of the
inhabitants of Finsbury took place at the Music-hall,
Store-street, lsedford-square, for the purpose of calling
Upon her Majesty's Government to aid the Turks in
compelling the Russians to evacuate the Danubian prin-
cipalities.
Mr. T. S. DuNcomnE, M.P., having been voted to the
chair, prOceeded to open the business- of the meeting.
He said, that often as he had had the honour of meeting
in public assembly the electors of Finsbury, he could not
recall to his recollection any occasion upon which he had
the pleasure of meeting them which was so fraught with
grave consequences, or of so great importance, as the
cause for which they had that evening assembled. Look-
ing at the requisition which had called them together,

he found that it was for the purpose of calling upon her
Majesty's Government to assist by every means in their
power to expel the Russian troops from the Danubian
principalities, where they had committed a most un-
warrantable aggression upon an old ally, the Sultan.
Looking at that requisition, it was quite clear that if it
meant anything it meant war—(cheers)—and it was well
worth the consideration of the people of this country
whether they should or should not express, in terms
not to be misunderstood, how far they would sanction
the Government of the day in proceeding to extremities
of that description. They knew perfectly well that it
was one of the prerhgatives of the Crown to declare war
or to make peace ; but it was also one of the preroga-
tives of the people to call to account for their conduct
the Ministers who should advise to go to war, or it
might be to conclude a dishonourable peace. (Cheers.)
He corifessed.that he should like at this moment to have
seen some preparations made by the-Government for the
re-assembling of Parliament, so that the people of
this country, through their representatives, might be
enabled to express their opinion as to what ought to be
the conduct of England upon this occasion. That there
had been a most unwonted and unjustifiable aggression
upon the part of Russia no one could doubt, and that
every hour the Russians remained in the Danubian prin-
cipalities they committed not only a wrong towards Tur-
key, but an insult towards Europe at large. Every one
who had read the daily newspapers must be aware that
there was a difference of opinion in this country as to
what ought to be our course. They had doubtless read
the accounts of what was called the Peace Conference at
Edinburgh—(a laugh, and a voice, " Old women")—most
amiably and delicately conducted ; but he must say that,
looking at the materials with which we had to deal—the
Nicholases of the north—he did not believe that that
conference would make much impression upon those
autocrats. In our negotiations with them he believed
meantthat, unless we meant gunpowder and nothing but gun-
powder, they would not attend to us at all. They would
snap their fingers, and we might just as well whistle to
the winds as talk about amicable relations with persons
so determined to do wrong if they had the power. Still,
if the people of this country were for war, let them know
what that war was to be for, and what it would cost us.
They were aware that at the commencement of the last
century, before all those wars took place, which he might
almost say disgraced the close of it and the beginning of
the present century, the taxation of this country was
about 2, 000, 000/., and in 1815 it had risen to
70,000,0001., while the annual public expenditure, which
had been about 3,000,0001., rose in 1815 to 130,000,0001.
(Hear, hear.) Nevertheless, though those sums were
great and the sacrifices had been large, we must not
conclude a dishonourable peace or submit to any dis-
grace from the Autocrat of Russia. He was well
aware that in discussing this question they were doing
it under very great disadvantage in consequence of the
secret system of diplomacy which had been too long pur-
sued in this country, but which he hoped and trusted
was fast coming to a close. (Hear.) He did not know
that there was an instance in which secret diplomacy had
so completely failed, and the inconvenience had been so
great, as upon this occasion. There were six great
nations, including the belligerents themselves, who were
engaged in this affair between Russia and Turkey. Five
out of the six published the progress of events by circu-
lars, notes, and manifestoes ; but England published
nothing ; and when Parliament was sitting all they could
get from the Government was, "The negotiations are
not complete, and it would be inconvenient to divulge
what is at present going on." During the whole of that
time foreign Governments were divulging and publishing
the dispatches of our Ministers. (Cheers.) The Em-
peror of Russia, in his first manifesto, stated that which
was directly opposed to the truth, justifying the posses-
sion of Wallachia and Moldavia by the assertion, that
our vessels were anchored within sight of Constanti-
nople. That, however, was not the case. It used to
be said that, if truth and good faith were banished from
all the world, it ought still to be found in the hearts of
princes ; but it was not so now. What had happened I
France answered that circular, and England answered it ;
but we had never been able exactly to ascertain the terms
in which it had been answered by our Government. The
circular of France was a spirited reply, and it told Russia
in pretty plain terms that she had spoken a falsehood.
Lord J. Russell had stated that the letter from England
was very much to the same effect ; but, as garbled pas-
sages of that reply had been published in the foreign
newspapers, and misrepresentations took place, Lord
Clarendon bad been obliged to publish an official copy
of his answer, in order to set all matters right.
Lord Palmerston had been amusing the ladies and
gentlemen in the north, and had told them that the pre-
sent Government was going far beyond any Government
that had ever been seen before, and that it was only
necessary to point out any practical improvement to
them to have it carried into effect. This was all very
well if his Lordship were in earnest ; and if he were it
would not be very difficult perhaps to convince him of
the necessity of improving our system of secret diplomacy.
(Cheers.) It was not for him to anticipate the resolu-
tions which they would adopt, nor would it be becoming
of him to anticipate any of the sentiments they would
express ; but lie was satisfied that whatever resolutions
they should adopt, or whatever opinions they should ex-
press, they would be in accordance with those great and
liberal principles which he, as their humble representa-
tive in Parliament, had ever endeavoured to enforce.
(Loud cheers.)
Mr. SHAEN proposed the first resolution :
"That the invasion of the Turkish empire by Russia
is not only a wanton and unprovoked outrage, but a vio-
lation of international law, and we therefore call on the
Government to assist the Turks in compelling the
Russian army immediately to evacuate the Danubian
provinces."
After a long and elaborate summary of the course of
events in the East, Mr. Shaen proceeded to review the
recent speeches of Mr. Cobden at Edinburgh. He
described the speech of Mr. Cobden as enforced by five
arguments, which he thus not very flatteringly disposed
of. The first and second were beside the question, and
were what were popularly known as "tubs thrown to
the whale ;" the third was the argument of a coward ; the
fourth, the argument of a hypocrite; and the fifth the
argument of a demon.
Dr. EPrs seconded the resolution.
Mr. D. URQUHART, in speaking to it, impugned the
whole system of diplomacy pursued by this country. The
proposition which he wished to submit to the meeting was
that there would be no escape from a war with France if
we persisted in interrneddling with affairs in the East.
Turkey was not weak. Turkey was a strong and a
rising power, and within the last quarter of a century
she had exhibited a spectacle hitherto unseen in the his-
tory of the brightest progress of any nation of ancient or
modern times, having in that period quadrupled her
commerce and doubled her revenue. Turkey was in dan-
ger by her strength. If Turkey were weak and the pro-
vinces of Wallachia and Moldavia were occupied as they
had been 50 times before there would be no danger to
the Ottoman empire ; but, being full of strength and in-
dependence, she was now tortured by insult. Her con-
dition was that of steam held down until the boiler
burst, and it was our Government which had placed her
in that position ; for it was a " lie" to say that we had
ever interfered to save Turkey ; we had always interfered
to put her down ; and it was also a " lie" to say that we
had ever interfered to support any country whatever. In
conclusion, he had the gratifying intelligence to commu-
nicate to the meeting, which he had only heard within
the last two hours, that the Sultan had refused our offer
of protection. (Loud cheers, and, an enthusiastic indivi-
dual, "Three cheers for the Sultan." The call was im-
mediately responded to.)
Mr. Bronterre O'Brien then presented himself, and his
appearance was the signal for a tremendous uproar.
Some were for hearing him. Others were against his
being heard. After half an hour's interruption,
The CHAIRMAN put the question to the meeting,
whether Mr. O'Brien be heard or not, when the show of
hands appeared to be pretty equal.
Mr. O'Brien still held his position on the platform, and
essayed in vain to speak. An angry altercation took
place between the chairman and himself, but, at length
retiring from the front, Mr. O'Brien bawled, with sten-
torian voice, "If I am not to be heard, let no one else
speak." His friends acted upon this hint, and it was
amid the most terrific uproar that the chairman subse-
quently put the resolution, and declared it to be carried.
Mr. G. H. MONEY came forward to move the next
resolution, but the disturbance continued, and at length
he was obliged to give way to
Mr. O'BRIEN, who expressed his general concurrence
in what had fallen from Mr. Urquhart, and his belief
that, bad it not been for the perfidious diplomacy of the
four mediating Powers, especially France and England,
the Turkish question would have been settled long ago
by the Turks themselves.. Our Government had meddled
with every nation upon earth where there was any plun-
der to be got, and had shed more blood, and caused
more blood to be shed, to put down the freedom of the
working classes all over the world, than any other Go-
vernment in existence.
Mr. G. H. MONEY then moved the second resolu-

tion :
" That the constant and systematic encroachments
of Russia upon all her neighbours manifest a design to
extinguish both national independence and popular go•

verntnent,-are fraught with danger not only to the peace
Of, Europo but to the liberties of this country, and de-
mand both incessant vigilance and active resistance."
Mr. J. HARNEY seconded the motion in a strong war
speech, and it was carried unanimously.
On the, motion of Mr. COLLETT the following resolu-
tion was also carried :

" That the system of secret diplomacy is calculated
to mislead the people of this country, and has enabled
the British Cabinet to assist continental despotism
while professing a zeal for constitutional government."
The proceedings terminated with the usual vote of
thanks to the chairman.