The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-20 00:00:00

t ommaemal prosperity of Germany would be entirely de-
stroyed, and Austria would become, not the ally, but the
vassal of Russia. True it is that there are some German
Powers who still look with awe at the imaginary omnipo-
tence of Russia, and who seem to wish to derive a guarantee
from her for their future existence ; but Austria has not
shared in this ignominious feeling. Had she done so, neu-
trality would not have been her line. She must have been
Compelled to take part with Russia, not, I repeat, as an inde-
Pendent ally, but as a vassal. But Austria, and Prussia too,
repelled the demand that was made on them by Russia by
v7'ay of convention, and from that moment a separation
look place between Austria and Russia, which is a matter
of no small importance, because it has always been sup-
posed that Russia, having a claim on the gratitude of Aus-
tria, would possess that influence over Austria which my
sroble and learned friend described. But Austria did not
'field to any such influence. She had gone with us. She
had declared that she agreed with us, and she supported
our summons to Russia to evacuate the principalities.
Therefore, I think that there was no reason to apprehend
that Austria would remain neutral in this contest. But I
know that it has been said that Austria has not moved
with that vigour and rapidity which was called for by our
intervention and by the possible necessity of the case.
But I w'euld only call upon your lordships to place your-
selves in, the position of Austria, and to remember that up.
to.the close of the year 1853 she did not believe in thteoptese
sibili:ty of a war. She trusted to the assurances and h
Frio-A(11y feelings of Russia. She believed that wishesher
and
an her interests would not be disregarded by Russia,aea eati.
i'nat the Emperor of Russia would not turn
or of
to her entreaties. She did nut think that the Earn ser
Russia would abaudon his conservative characleeeenmiaunsii
rbei:
himself the disturber of the peace of
""lOre'redVinto thtese
member also the
censiderittians—that thehal il.e'Llipnegrso:•v which
cehkustria had a strong
Personal regard and respect for .1111 eror of Russia, and
the
between
that he had to weigh, with reference Pto the future, the
consequences to himself and his peoplethe con-
el usi.on of a treaty of alliance with Russia on the one hand,
ant', a treaty of alliance with the Western Powers on the
her.o' We should also bear in mind, that an alliance
with the Western Powers was, on the part of Austria,
nothing less than a complete revolution--a change of
policy so great as was not to be expected. But, as I said
before, Austria readily concurred in all the changes and
in. all the onward movements which had been made, and
when the Emperor came to deal with the inadmissable
propositions of Russia, and was not able to discover in
them any assurance that the object of the Emperor of
Russia was peace, he gave orders that an army of 30,000
men should be concentrated between Transylvania and the
bore:lens of Wallachia, sad he formed a treaty with the
Porte that he should send troops into Servia if the Russians
entered into the principality. At that time, indeed, the
Emperor of Austria was disposed to act snore vigorously ;
and he would have concluded a convention between the
Four Powers, but obstacles which were insurmountable
prevented him from doing so. He, however, did agree to
the protocol of the 9th of April, which embodied all the
terms that had been agreed upon by the other powers.
About the same time Austria and Prussia agreed to a
treaty of alliance offensive and defensive, which had re-
ference solely to German interests, affecting, therefore,
the other States of Germany, whose support and assistance
it was intended to invite. But there was an additional
article which accompanied that treaty, and which was of
a more extended view. By that additional article the two
Powers bound themselves to demand that no onward move-
ment should be made by Russia in sending forces into the
Turkish territory.
&Lord LYNDHURST asked whether that additional
article had been laid before Parliament ?
The Earl of CLARENDON—I am not aware. I believe 1
it has not, and that the reason is that it was not commu-
nicated to the Conference. The treaty alone had been com-
municated to the several Governments, but it was not
thought right by Austria and Prussia that that which had
been withheld from the conference should be communicated
to the Governments. The reason the additional article was
withheld wrie that it had reference to matters beyond what
imtnediateV concerned Germany, but at the same time a
cony of rhe additional article was communi..ated to her
Majesty's Government. This additional article of which 1
speak rave a more extended view of the parties, and it pro-
vided that the two powers; Austria and Prussia, should
requi-ee Russia to suspend all warlike operations within the
Turkish territory ; that a definite answer should be de-
n:wielded on these two points; and that if such an answer
WS$ not returned as should give complete security and a -
t4o:action to the two Powers, then Prussia pledged herself
that she would have her army in readiness to co-operate
with Austria, and, if the principalities were attacked, then
Austria. and Prussia together were to take the offensive.
At the beginning of this month a summons by the Austrian
Government, announcing that determination, was sent to
St. Petersburg. In anticipation of the answer being unfa-
vourable, the Austrian Government, after communicating
with her Majesty's Government and with the Emperor of
the French, proposed a convention with the Porte by which
Austrian troops were to be permitted to enter the principa-
lities, in order to occupy them as long as was necessary.
Austria having stated to the English and French Govern-
ments that she was determined, however much her assist-
auce might be required, not to permit an Austrian soldier
to enter the Turkish territory without having previously
obtained the consent of the Sultan. At the same time Aus-
tria placed, at•the Porte's disposal, any number of troops
that might be required for reducing the insurrection in
Montenegro. She also offered that her ships should co-
operate with ours in order to suppress the Greek in-
surrection. And, my lords, my belief is that at the close
of this, month, or at the beginning of the next, the Aus-
trian aainy, organised and fully equipped for active ser-
vice, will amount to 300,000 men. Now, my lords, under
these. circumstances, I think we may feel some confidence
in the assurance of Austria, that her object and views are
the same as our own, and that in the prosecution of this
oflject we shall always find her. Nor can I believe that
after the knowledge which Austria has acquired of Russian
Policy. and after the experience she has had of Russian
friesadahle—that after the vast expense she has inem-r.a,
and the great risks to which she might be exposed—l say,
I cannot believe, as the noble and learned lord would seem
almost to infer, that she would be so wanting to her in-
terest and to her dignity as to conclude such a peace as
that to which the hobla and learned lord has adverted—
(hear, hear)--which could be noshing bet a short, hollow
truce—(bear, hear)—and to which England could not be a
party—(leuri cheers)--a Nace which could afford Austria
no guarantee for the future, but would leave her entirely
at the mercy of Russia, and leave Europe for ever after-
wards subject to the pernicious influence and oppressive
policy of that Power. (Hear.) My noble and learned
friend has asked what were the terms which would be pro-
Pesed for effecting a peace wills Russia. My lords, I can-
not possibly any more thr.o my noble and learned
friend; upon what terms peace can be made. That must
depend upon the chances and the contingencies of war.
And indeed, my • lords, if I did know upon what
terms we v.ione would be prepared to make place—if I
was prepteeed to sty that we would accept no other
terms than s those which the noble and learned lord him-
self woulit accede to—l assure your lordships it would be
the niosi, imprudent course I could possibly take. (Hear.)
But this we know, that the policy of Russia and the power
she has. hitherto possessed of carrying it out, have been
and a?e, dangerous to the peace and well-being of Europe,
and that both are adverse to the cause of progress and
of ci. vilisation. And ire also know that the object and
interest of Europa must be to curtail that power and to
eh( ck that policy. We know that the means of doing it
isv a novr so great and effectual, and that the opportunity is
wonderfully favourable, that if we were now to neglect
.le, we 'should in vain hope for its return. All Europe is
riot to be -disturbed, great interests are not to be injured,
the people are not to have fresh burdens imposed upon
them, great sec al and commercial relations are not to be
abruptly torn asunder, and all the greatest Powers of
Europe are not to be united in arms for au insignificant
result. I think you must agree that repression will only
postpone the danger, and that safety can alone be found
in--(The last word of the noble earl was lost amid the
cheers that followed the close of his speech.)
The Earl of DERBY rose for the purpose of making only
one or two observations. The noble earl had entered into
the question with his wonted vigour and perspicuity, but
still he thought that the terms of the treaties which had
been signed and commented upon by his noble and learned
friend were of a character to cause most serious apprehen-
sions with regard to the course which might be pursued by
two great Powers of Europe—Austria anti Prussia. With-
out knowing what were the precise terms of the additional
articleof the treaty between those two Powers, he could not
speak with any certainty`as to the policy which had been
adopted by them. He thought the noble earl had been less
fortunate, than usual in his attempt to explain the non-pro-
duction of that portion of the treaty. The noble earl had
spoken as if the terms of the treaty between Austria and
Prussia had been similar to what had been assented to by
Engiand and France. If that had been the case, his noble
and learned friend would have had no cause to complain. But
the ease put forward by his noble and learned friend was
this--that a document purporting to be the result of a con-
ference between Prussia and Austria had been submitted to
the Government, by which those Powers declared that what-
ever might be the result of the war in other respects, the
-whole object they had in view was that the integrity of
Turkey should be maintained, but that being done, so al o
ehould the territory of Russia be maintaiued, thereby lead
lug naturally to the inference that if the territory of Turkey
were to be secured, or rather if an engagement could be en-
tered into that the principalities should be evacuated, then
there would be an end to all the efforts on the part of Aus-
tra and P i
go further, If after that England and France should
prusia,
11,4,aretth continue the war, then Austria and
right to ate
en e terms of that agreement, would have a
may bothe resulr kilaY—" No ; we hare said, whatever
it thus erritory of Turkey should be main-
tained nvlelate •
further, and mi;ke been so maintained ;if you proceed
I..l:infringement upon the uussian ter-
titory, that is more th
we cannot go with yen. Ygooufhaave-a right to demand, and
mur as the evacuation of the
principalities is concerned, Y
no_c_an reckon upon our al-
over earl has passed lightly
liance, but no further."
over this which was the
learned friend—thePutartorof the statement of
his null© and
lava
tsnd Prussia.
it threWa doubt upon the intentions o,,..Z,Vtiriehing because
a _limit to
Ry the terms of their treaty they -"ea
their obligations. If Russia evacurefed the
they offered no security for the future independence
and
integrity of Turkey. They give no material guarantee for
its secueity as an independent nation. But according se,
the interpretationagreement by his noble and
put upon the e ' . lag te,
by any rational man, Austria and learned friend, and
Prus-
sia might in such a case naturally stand, aloof— and, at
snore; they might take part with Russia against any of the
allied.. Powers, however opposed ! t
His
_be to the peace
His noble friend (the
anti tranquillity of Europe.
Earl of ,Clarendou) insisted upon sincerity of Aus-

• - • Ail about the sincerity
trig. There was no question raised
in de-
of Austria--the only question was,. what was the inten-
ticra of Austria? .Austria, no doubt, sv.!
airing .the necessity of Russia evacuating
the Balkan.
Tealities,' and of her nab, attempting to pass the princi-
But tha question was not as 'to
.-h
Ansi-Ida.' The question was, What was the,
her co-ope-
t
meaning
c>o
ff
Aue.tria,and how far could England rely on
ration in the event of the .Emperor Nicholas so far corn-
Vying with the terms pressed upon him as to evacuate the
rvrincipatities, and then subsequently declaring that he
would retain.all his exintino• possessions ? It had been very
satistscee_ry tO him to hearth() noble earl state again what
h 3 haa ~,etted on-a-former occasion—that as we were now
embarked in this war,' it was pleasing to know that we
wore not.enibarke4 in it for any private object ; that there
had beetv- forced upon u 4 a great question, which had been
growibg -up for yeafs • that the solution of that question,
having beta!io-foreed'luron u, must be settled once and
Hr eVer, finally,M
eonehiaively, and effectually. ( [Tear, hear.)
H© was rejoiced ore than he could express- on hearing
that declaration, repeated by the noble earl, because sure
he wan that.- the...pee:44'Lp of. this country, greatly as they
might be:indispoSed to enter upon a war at all; much as
they might feel the.prs.ssure Upon their interests, much as
they might retail from_ all the dangers and all the horrors
that would, be incurred their-disinclination-would be infi-.
nitely greater to arrive at the conclusion of a shameful and
a dishoneurable. - .--(cheers)--:-attit-:a- :41shanOttrable
peace he was co put ti heY would declare that to be which

would not effectually check the growing ambition
Rus-
sia, and restrain her not merely within her existing o
flimits,
conquests
and
take whichfrm
from
her rescueered
hersf r from mo herar
arrogant
thosegant and portions
overbearing, of
her those territories which should :Afton materialatby
guahiranh-
tee against a renewal of those ambitious
any further disturbance of the
oer
peace
of pEvented. (Cheers.) But
this ruojroec pes
raigwhi;bce
effectually and permanently pre
people of this country, having
expendedwouldsay,
verylargethsttamt tshoe
f money,
having made incredible
exertions, and being prepared to.a war, was convinced make still greater exertions_
and meet all the inconveniences of
they wouldnotbesatistfiheedreunshlesousltdhebeGoseveeurnrimtyenttarkneesolvfoedr
tuiretint'ni,„,i henceforth
independence, not of Turkey alone, but of the
neigh-
bouringSra'tes of Russia against Russian aggression. But
above all, as his noble and learned friend had said, one great
object with them ought to be—as well in point of honour
as of policy--not to desert that gallant people—(cheers)—
whose course we had advised, and who had so valiantly
pursued that course—not to make our own terms, and then
finally leave them to the vengeance of Russia when she had
no other enemy to deal with. (Hear, hear.) Were we to
adopt such a course, we should be guilty of a base betrayal
of our duty. (Cheers.) For the future it was impos-
sible to permit that the Black Sea should be a Russian lake
—(cheers)—or that the Danube should be a Russian ditch
choked with mud and filth. (Cheers.) We must have a
material guarantee for the peace of Europe, and he re-
joiced in the language which had been held by his noble
friend on the part of her Majesty's Government. That
language would give perfect satisfaction, and ho trusted
that the country would see it followed up by the whole of
her Majesty's Government, by acts as vigorous and deci-
sive as the language of the noble lord.
The Earl of ABERDEEN said—My noble friend has so
fully expressed the views and intentions of her Majesty's
Government that little remains for me to say. At the same
time I cannot help making a few observations on what
has fallen from my noble and learned friend opposite. I
think the speech of my noble and learned friend would
have been somewhat more appropriate and in place throe
months ago than at the present moment. At that time
it might have been, perhaps, necessary to stimulate the in-
dignation and martial feelings of this country against a
Power with which we were not then yet at war, but
having now engaged in war with Russia, I think it was
not requisite to indulge in that eloquent and protracted
phillipic which nay noble and learned friend has de-
livered in detailing the policy of the Russian Govern-
ment for many years past. My noble and learned
friend's speech reminded me of old times. I recollect,
25 years ago, having had the pleasure of making known
to him, then sitting on the woolsack, the French Ambas-
sador of the day, a man of lively imagination and much
wit, and the ambassador's observation to me afterwards
was :—" Chancellor, do you call him? Surely, he is a
colonel of Dragoons." (General laughter.) Now, it
seemed to me that my noble and learned friend's speech
to-night partook of the characteristic thus ascribedto him.
I am most happy to see that my noble and learned friend
retains all his vigour and martial energy—(laughter)—and
I only beg to observe that I think his speech would have
been more appropriate before we had entered into war than
after we were fully engaged in it, and when we do not re-
quire those incentives to hostilities which otherwise might
have been needed. As this war at its commencement was
so strictly of a defensive character, I can fully understand
the cause of that apparent ambiguity in the ?xpi Your
"s to
which my noble and learned friend has referred.
lroerscilssth
theip s will
unjustifiablerecollect that,agsr e throughout,uion of
Russiathet object
g anws
t a was to
Turkish territory. Such was thuenctiryeclatrhaeion cause
of
ohte_rw Ma-
jestyar when publishing to the co.
gilt!
declared
y that
against
anutnhje pustuar.
Herprotect M
anJe Majesty
epgorseeson anti,
osifth,thro e a rwaus
eo
nu
et
e, toht e
tihnet esgtrili tt
ayno
wf tehr
ee Turkishthe na ne
ombpj andreetthteh eo
bi
edeetps epn
pet
forward, I say, exclusively, as the cause of war. There-
fore, it never occurred to provide against Turkish con-
quests on the Russian territory. Our object, and that of
Europe, in all these protocols and engagements was to
preserve entire the territory of Turkey and the independ-
ence of the Sultan. Consequently, in reciting these ob-
jects, there might be, no doubt, an ambiguity in confining
the objects of war to those points to which I have ad-
verted, and in not having in view the possibility of any en-
croachment on the Russian territory. But that does not
follow the least in the world from any engagement to which
we are parties. Austria is an independent Power, and
most happy have we been that Austria has engaged with
us so far as she has done; but if Austria refuses to go fur-
ther than those engagements, to which we all four have
been parties, what power have we to compel her to do so ?
Austria is acting now both with a view to consult her own
iaterests and the general interests of Europe. Austria is
now listening to the advice of that veteran and able states-
man—(hear, hear)—whomm y noble and learned friend eu-
logi:ed, andl have no doubt will be guided by him, and by a
due regard to her own interests and the great interests of
Europe. Therefore I attach no weight to the apparent am-
biguity to which my noble and learned friend referred. As
to the conditions with which we should be satisfied, on the
conclusion of war, told the objects which we should have in
view, it would be both premature and unwise to pretend
now to decide. blrnoble and learned friend, to be sure, has
given the Emperor of Russia due notice that he had better
lose no time in fortifying Sebastopol, for my noble and
learned friend has already announced his desire to lay his
hand on that stronghold,-and I dare say his Majesty the
Emperor will follow my noble and learned friend's advice.
(Laughter.) But the conditions for the termination of hos-
tilities are, I say, those which can only be described by the
expression—" a just and honourable peace." Now that must
depend in a great measure on the progress of the war. If it
should happen that you find the Russians at Constantinople
it is perfectly clear that the conditions of peace may be very
different from what they might be if the allies find them-
selves at St. Petersburg. Therefore, the whole course of
negotiations must be based on the progress of events. All I
can say is. that at all times I shall advocate an honourable
' peace, tdavu6h bout uu ontairing the great objects we have
in view—the security, integrity, and independence of the
Porte, and, as far as reasonable, what is called the security
of Europe which, however, I cannot say I feel to be very
much in danger by the chance of Russian aggression. For
let me rewind my noble and learned friend that when that
disastrous treaty of Adrianople to which he refers. was con-
cluded, at a time when the Russian troops were within 50
miles of Constantinople—a treaty, I admit, to he 'nest
onerous and disastrous—still no acquisition of Turkish
territory was made by Russia. (Intimations of dissent.)
Two or three small ports iu Asia were taken possession of
by Russia (hear, hear), but not an inch of territory in
Europe ; and the principalities were evacuated. [An ex-
clauettion of " the Danube ."] The Danube?—No doubt,
I have already expressed my opinion in this house with
regard to the treaty of Adrianople ; and no one has ever
described the disastrous and onerous nature of its condi-
tions more strongly than myself. (Hear, hear.) But I
say, considering the position at that time of the Russian
army, which was almost at the gates of Constantinople,
that treaty did not show any great desire of territorial ag-
grandisement. And what happened since that treaty was
made, 25 years ago? Since that moment has Russia ac-
quired a single inch of Turkish territory ? Has
Russia any hostility to Turkey at all ? None in the
world. The only interference that Russia has had with
Turkey has been to save the existence of a Turkish
empire by sending a Russian army to Constanti-
nople to protect it against Egyptian invasion. That
is all that has happened since the treaty of Adrianople.
There has been no war, there has been no aggression,
but only a single service, rendered to Turkey by Rus-
sia. I think that if we can Bemire tranquility
for 25 years to come we shall not do amiss ; and that
ought to be the object we should have in view. I quite
agree with those who, notwithstanding they maave
been led away by the excitement of the moment y ath the
commencement of hostilities, still think that we ought
never to close our ears to the voice of peace ; and I, for one,
so long, or as soon as over I see the prospect of a just
and honourable peace in view, shall most certainly endea-
vour to attain it. Now, this may not snit the spirits
of those who are more bent upon hostile measures ; but
it must not. be taken as implying that I am in.
different to the conduct of the war. On the contrary, I
venture to say, that those who most desire peace maybe
most prepared to carry on war with the utmost vigour and
determination—not to wreak vengeance on :in enemy for
whom personally we can feel no hatred but to obtain with
more certainty and security such a peace as we ought to
desire. That is the reason and that is the motive which
will induce nee to carry on the war with the utmost possible
vigour—(hear, hear)—and I do trust that in carrying on
war, animated by these feelings, which ought to inspire all
Christian nations, we may look for the attainment of the
great object, peace, in a shorter time than many noble
lords think probable. (Hear, hear.)
The subject then dropped.
The Customs Duties Bill p essed through committee.
The Excise Duties Bill was read a third time and passed.
Their lordships adjourned shortly after eight o'clock.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY BILL.
Mr. BL ACKETTmoved a clause prohibiting the adminis-
tering any oath on admission toany office or emolument in
the university or the colleges.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed
the clause, and argued that the authorities of the univer-
s by should have the decision of the question.
On a division the motion was rejected by 109 to 71.
Mr. JOHN PHILLIMORE moved a clause to the
effect that, after the let December next, no person should,
on account of his rank, be permitted to pass his examina-
tion or take a degree sooner than any other undergraduate.
On a division this motion was rejected by 67 to 66.
Mr. BOWYER moved a clause, the object of which
was to restore the study of civil law and jurisprudence in
the university by makinc, it imperative upon the candi-
date for the degree of doctor of civil law to undergo a
legal examination.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER urged that
the committee was not engaged in framing a system of
studies for the university.
The motion was withdrawn, and the bill at last passed
through committee, and the report was ordered to be
brought up on Thursday.

n. GIBBON'
gentleman
NEWSPAPER STAMP.
the heal tthoepTurteaasquuryerfnonthteo
saidthtehaStechreetawryishfoerd
bs
!s had
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The question
reference to the postage on printedmatter up to a
certain limited weight. There
Which permitted '
_ was a Treasury order
being printed matter of a certain weight, not
of the character of through the newspaper printed matter, to go
vrhedier the post
for
one
P°"y.
Ile wished to' know'
su—
.j. order roenwtzuld be any objection to lay that Tree-
his notice withine table. It had been brought under
Inland Revenue
the last few days that the Board of
sons to make , acting under that order required per-
to obtain the something, like a false declarltion in order
in this respect—
plvileges which the Treasury ' accorded
in order that thohat the required person
s to declare, phleta through the might bo ablo to send rinted newspapers, when Jost, that these pamPphlets' pain.
land Revenue thernselevrish?dY knew, the Board of Irne-
ne newspapers. (Hear, hear) inceed, that they were not
of one of these false declaratioe would give an instance
of a publication called the ~e4.ii There was tho case
the Society for Promoting tile airitterly Statement of
fditional Curates in Populous Places.
a newspaper because it was published quarterly,
not in any respect come under the
„ itozinent of Ad-
Icould not be
descriptionrY' and
could
Mr. R. Clay of Hornsey, was called "'as"-
paper. , on to mak
this declaration :—" I solemnly declare and say that I e
the printer, publisher, and proprietor of a news ,:111 _
called the 'Quarterly Statement of the Society, &c.:; aPnel.
I make this solemn declaration, conscientiously believing
the same to be true, and in pursuance of an act pissed in
the reign of William IV., for reducing the duty on news-
papers." - -Mr. R. Clay was thus required to say that ho
conscientiously believed this to be a newspaper when he
knew that it was not, when the Board of Inland Revenue
knew that it was not, and when every one else knew that
it was not a newspaper or anything like a newspaper.
(Hear; hear.) If it was the intention of the Treasury to
allow-Such printed-matter to go, through the: P_ for.
`one•pennr-Vehat-sonSe. veal ihera in requiring persons to\go ,
44wOugli this prelims form, Which appitrahe'd td nano: '