The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-19 00:00:00

aPjf
should *Zsaille(//dl--
sh suppose it is preti ell known he has, both from
official notification and other sources, expressed indignation
and annoyance at those attacks, it must have been because
he was of opinion that when they became known to his sub-
,
jects, the latter might not form of the circumstances so
accurate an opinion as himself. %It is, indeed, not likely,
>s, when those attacks are made on his country, his sub-ss
jects
and himself, that those who read them abroad couldcom-
..e- _ prehend, what few but Englishmen can comprehend, She
exact relations between the readers and writers of public
journals in this country. (Hear, hear.) Therefore I am not
surprised that he felt alarm and indignation at these attacks
though I agree with the noble lord, that a person who had
'resided so long in England as the present Emperor of France
could not for a moment misconceive the authority of the
statements in question. Wearing that in mind, I ask
the house to permit me to pursue my inquiry, and ask
what is the feeling of the present Government, of which
the noble lord the member for the city of London is a
member, on the subject of the relations between England
and France ? (Hear, hear.) We know well what were the
feelings of the Government of the noble lord on this sub-
ject when the noble lord was at the head of the Adminis-
tration, and we also know well, both from my statement
and from the reference to past transactions which I have
offered to the house, what were the feelings of Lord Derby
and his colleagues on this important matter. But I now
wish to ascertain, for after all that is the most important
question, what, upon this subject, are the views, opinions,
and sentiments of the Government of my Lord Aberdeen?
n(Lfoihuwadatcries of "Hear, hear.") Soon after the formation
sG
made -oT
The
statesman,r Government
etmbhyeFent
sotnd m
ix
anti
found
onunfd declaration aysoi
tsra.fnitt ioh(oHseenti opinionfelonTfrabmiyhnieeh
raanr.tsit
Admiralty,
members,
fromo
a thisnmi
acceptanceho
:t
oetsub-
jecthxpofe:'ei
ex-
perienced L oc e
position.)dx•si
office and by a return to those councils he had previously
adorned--(a iaugh)—in one of the most responsible of posi-
tions in which an English Minister at the formation of
a Government can find himself-- upon the hustings, before
his constituents, in the face of the whole choiuns typ
people watching for the expression of inwiiontsh thein
order that they might form some idea of
litsht:niponligctyoofh:tmh.e
new Government, and, I may say, with the whole of
Europe, not less anxious as to the result,
(Hear, hear.) What, then, was the statement of the right
hon. gentleman with respect to the state of affairs in
France ? (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman described
the ruler of Fiance, and he also described those whom he
ruled in one of those pithy sentences which no one pre-
pares with more due elaboration.. (Laughter) In the
same sentence the right hon. gentleman contrived to give
the charicfer not only of the Emperor of the French, but
of the French theniselVes. lie described the Emperor of
the French as a despot who had trampled on the rights
and liberties of 40,000,000 of men. (Hear, hear, from the
Opposition, followed by cheers from the Ministerial side.)
Nothing demonstrates the evil of making such declarations
more than hearing them cheered in the manner the house
has just witnessed. (Hear, hoar.) Well, according to the
ber
right hon. gentleman, one of the most distinguished mem-
s in the Cabinet of Lord Aberdeen—which Cabinet, we
hoped, was to maintain that cordial understanding with
France which was the cardinal point of the policy of the
Government of the noble lord opposite and of the Govern-
ment of Lord Derby, the present ruler of France is a
despot, who has trampled on the rights and liberties of
40,000,000 of human beings. Therefore the French
people, according .to the right honourable gentleman, are
slaves ; and a desdot and slaves are those with whom
we are to have a cordial understanding in order to
prevent those dangers and to secure those blessings
which in a previous portion of my observation I
have referred to. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Well, if
I had to form an opinion of the policy of the Cabinet from
the first declaration made by so eminent a member of it as
the First Lord of the Admiralty, I should certainly be in-
duced to suppose that some great change was about to oc-
cur. How are we account for such a declaration ? I avill
not be so impertinent as to suppose it was an indiscretion.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) An indiscretion from "all the talent ?"—impossible. (Renewed laughter.) Can it,
then, be design ? I will not misrepresent the right hon.
gentleman—l will not commit the mistake I made the
other day. I understand, from what the noble lord oppo-
site then stated, that you may call the French slaves if
your are speaking illustratively of politics in general—
(laughter)—but you mugt not call the Emperor of France
a tyrant or his subjects slaves if you are formally treating
of the foreign relations of the country. (Continued laugh-
ter.)
Now, I frankly admit that the right hon. gentleman
was not treating of the foreign relations of the country ;
he was offering arguments against extended suffrage and
vote by ballot- argaments which I trust have Board ue
influence on the mind of the President of the of
Works. (Cheers and laughter.) The right hon. gentle-
man made significant observations on the subject. Ido
not allude to his promise of considering a measure of re-
form, because I know that on. the hustings there must be
allowed a large license ; but there can be no doubt that,
whatever liberties you may take with your constituents,
a Councillor of her Majesty ought at least to be careful
when he speaks of a foreign potentate. (Cheers.) I must,
therefore, suppose, until in the pursuit of my investigation
I can arrive at a different conclusion—l must suppose,
for the moment, that this was a declaration made with de-
sign. Some people are uncharitable enough to suppose
that the present Government have neither a principle nor
a party; but, in Heaven's name, why are they a Ministry
if they have not .got discretion'? (Hear, hear.) That is
the great point on which this Cabinet was established.
Vast experience, administrative adroitness—safe men, who
never would blunder. (Laughter.) These were the men
who not only took the Government without a principle and
without a party, but to whom the country ought to be
grateful for taking it under such circumstances ; yet, at
the very first outset, we find one of the most experienced
of these illustrious and consistent statesmen acting in the
teeth of the declarations of the noble lord opposite, and of
Lord Grey, made in 1852 ; and holding up to public scorn
and indignation the ruler and the people a good and cor-
dial understanding with whom are the cardinal points of
all sound statesmanship. (Hear, hear.) Well, another
Minister has also given his opinion on the politics of France.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Parliament had not resumed
its sittings before two of these experienced men had ex-
pressed publicly sentiments which startled the country,
alarmed Europe, and which were apologised for, in one
instance, by the noble lord opposite. lam not going now
to say a single word on the observations of the President of
the Board of Control as regards their offensive character to
the Emperor of the French. The right lion. gentleman
has explained in a letter that he may have said unpreme-
ditately that the Emperor of the French gagged the press
of France, that he gagged the press of Brussels, and that
he hates our press because it speaks the truth, and he can-
not gag it ; but still he did not mean to say anything at all
offensive to the Emperor. (Laughter.) I know the right
hon. gentleman is in the habit of saying very offensive
things without meaning it. I know he has outraged the
feelings of many individuals without the slightest intention
of doing so, and, therefore, in reference to his peculiar or-
ganisation, I can only say that that is a very awkward ac-
complishment. (Cheers and laughter.) But this speech
at Halifax, in which the discreet President of the Board of
Control followed the experienced First Lord of the Admi-
ralty with a wonderful harmony of conduct and sympathy
of sentiment, contained far more important allegations than
the personal words to which the letter of the right hon.
President of the Board of Control referred the other day.
What does the right hon. gentleman mean by the press of
Belgium being gagged? Ido not know whether the hon.
gentlemen opposite are aware of the position of Brlgium.
Do they not know that it is an independent country, go-
verned by one whom I believe I may fairly describe as the
wisest and most accomplished of living princes ? (Hear.)
What a description there is given of the position of the
King of the Belgians, to say nothing of the Belgian people,
when a Minister of Queen Victoria publicly announces to
Europe that the King of the Belgians is in a state more
humiliating than the slaves, who, according to the state-
ment of the First Lord of the Admiralty, are the subjects
of the Emperor of France, and he permits the press of his
country to be gagged by a foreign power ? (Hear, hear.) Now what are the facts ? Is the press of Belgium gagged?
Is the Prince, in whom England must always take an in-
terest, irrespective of his great talents and accomplish-
ments, is he in the humiliating position of having his press
gagged ? Let us look into the facts of this important case,
and let us see whether they have been correctly stated by
the President of the Board of Control, who, from his po-
sition, ought to be acquainted with some of them. Bel-
gium is a country the independence and neutrality of
which are guaranteed by treaties to which England is a
party, and that independence and neutrality are not. to
be impeached or violated without England interfering
with other powers to vindicate the rights, and estab-
lish the authority of that country. There is no slight
question at stake in thisbm because,attefrnr;eignpow he
ter, he press
isi rei
of Belgium be gagged y a
the independence of that country ? andwhena
withatwhat
hour may not England be called on, in conformity
treaties which cannot be evaded, to emancipate Belgium
from this thraldom. I recommend hon. gentlemen to take
that point into consideration, in consequence of the state
ments made on the high authority of a gentleman fresh
from Cabinet Councils, who must be supposed to have a
clear idea of the state of Europe. (Laughter.) There was
this difference between the press of England and that of
Belgium in reference to French affairs, that the newspa-
pers published in Brussels against the Emperor of France
were printed in the language of his countrymen, and that
they openly incited to and recommended the assassination
of the ruler of France. Of course, under these circum-
stances, it is not remarkable that the ruler of France com-
plained of such flagrant outrages. It is impossible to say,
if no redress could be offered, what might not have been the
consequences. It is very possible that Belgium might have
become involved in invasion, because no protection against
such outrages towards a neighbouring sovereign could be
given. It is also very possible that the great powers might
not have conceived it to be their duty, under the circum-
stances, to assist in the rescue of that country, and perhap
England alone would have been left as the champion of
Belgium, because it is not likely that she would have de-
serted it. What then did the King of the Belgians do ?
He acted like a wise and able sovereign. He did not sub-
mit to his press being gaggeds-le made no humiliating con-
cessions—but he felt that the appeal against the outrages
published was just, and he went to his ownfree Parliament
and said that it was an intolerable grievance that a neigh-
bouring prince should be held up to assassination by news-
papers in Belgium, and in language read by his subjects ;
and he appealed to that Parliament to do what was pro-
per. And what was the course of the free Parliament of
Belgium ? They passed a law that papers in the French
language, or any language, should not be published in Bel-
gium that recommended the assassination of neighbouring
princes, and thus in the most constitutional and ablest man-
ner that consummate sovereign terminated a difficulty
which threatened his country in a manner most honourable
to all parties. And yet it was not newspapers, it was not
one of those vile prints counselling assassination, that madethe statement that the press of Belgium. is • gagged, but a
councillor of Queen Victoria, an experienced statesman,
selected to sit in the councils of the (whereGovernmesst
there is no regard to principle, as that is a question
of
se-
cond rate importance) on account of his admirable
tion, unfailing judgment, and the certainty
could
commit
at unddierscreno-
circumstances he would do anything that
te
on the day when the right honourable his colleagues. (Cheers and laughter.)
the Cabinet
glenuobeinseravne
made
met and sat four
wasurs
t hn e-
hilissiodursersedrentiteanbteaHwCaeailil:inhatxeyt. sitsn
sefzgor.ehsho,tashninft.hthgenenscutlbaejbmaecintsent
Chancellor of the Exchequer)
sure the Cabinet could
fnsraiotttnkiihnegyvoesenhknllimeeonw.
isedgitOthss:d;thuopalotnall..lhi. amcinin.
esilltnnsis
offiili dyomavesowtiecdinatend.
know—and,
ed to the Greek Kalends,
therefore,jani it is clear it could not.
ythaqtudaestyioannaofsadt domestic
long.estie policy It is
not,the
metan
rash a supposition to imagine that something
havefr:rs aught
a re
beenth wb:
aboutknsu
too
hcQoaun therefore,
venneenii occupied
servants
with t thehe. foreignthoughts. el a tlito country is nooftthdiefficteven m
to
conceive the subject which attracted their attention, for
the newspapers were
.teeming 'with accounts of the arrival
of the Government messengers with dispatches from the
Turkish empire, a portion of which was at the time greatly
disturbed. That problem which has perplexed the minds
and occupied the anxious thoughts of statesmen for more
than half A centurY--the state of the ThrkiAtt ompiro—wan

-,2*,-.,-,._#°_,

[PRICE, SD.

rope would more contribute to the cause of civilisation an'
happiness. I am, convinced, also, from every assurance tha
I have had, that the ruler of France, the President of tha
country, is desirous of keeping upon those term]
of amity with this country, and it shall never be
any fault of ours, while connected with the Govern-
ment of the country, if those terms of peace and
amity are not continued unimpaired. I have said this more
especially, because it certainly will be our duty, as has been
intimated in her Majesty's speech, to propose some increase
in the estimates of the present year. When the proper time
comes—when the measures are submitted—it will be shown,
I trust to the satisfaction of the house, that those measures
do not increase the armament of the country, and are, in fact,
nothing more than what every nation on the continent, and
even the United States, think it necessary to take for their
own national defence. It is impossible not to see that with
the great changes which have taken place in the world, that
with the other arts, the art of war has also greatly improved,
add that it was necessary, even in the case of possibility of
war, that we should not be without those means of defence
which that improved art of war has provided. But really, to
hear or read some of the letters—some of the Language used
by some portions of the press, one would imagine that these
two great nations, so wealthy, so similar in enlightenment,
were going to butcher one another, merely to try what would
be the effect of percussion shells and needle guns. That feel-
ing is, lam confident, but partial and limited, for lam con-
vinced that the solid and deliberate opinion of this country is
in favour of the continuance of the most permanent and solid
peace, and which I think is the greatest blessing which the
nations of Europe can enjoy." •
I preferred, instead of giving my own representations of
what the noble lord said, appealing to his own terse and
perspicuous language. Sounder sentiments, more clearly
expressed, I have never listened to, and I beg the house to
understand why I am pressing this important declaration_
upon their attention at this moment. It is because-this is
the speech of .the,noble
anxiou lord when he was at the head of a
Government, and ram s to dacerthin to-night whe-
ther his opinions, since he has taken a distinguished, but
subordinate, part in a Government headed by another may
be modified, and whether we may count upon a unanimous
similarity of opinion on the part of his colleagues. There
can be no doubt that upon the subject of our relations with
France at the beginning of 1852, there was a perfect unison
of opinion between the noble lord and his then colleagues,
because in the other house the country was favoured on
the same night with a declaration of opinion on this 'im-
portant subject, made by another person who was for a
long time a member of this house and of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, but who no longer occupies either of those po-
sitions—a noble lord who, whatever may be the difference of
our opinions, for his great abilities, his great capacity for
public labour, and his unimpeachable integrity, will always
in this house be mentioned and remembered with honour
I mean my Lord Grey. I won't apologise to the house for
reading an extract—it is the last I shall read—from the
speech of Loid Grey, because I am sure that on this im-
portant occasion, when it is of the utmost advantage that
accurate ideas upon this subject should prevail, the house
will bo glad to learn what Lord Grey, who cannot be
doubted as a lover of public liberty, thought of the situa-
tion of France a year ago, for it may be a very efficient
guide to us as to his opinions of the state of France at this
moment. Lord Grey said :