The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-13 00:00:00

41175e-' sl, because your example will inspire your country .
me' .1, you will be the men menwho will have upheld and main
nied the honour of your flag, you will be the men wh
r Ave delivered Europe from the power of the oppresso
And you will deserve the blessings of England and of t e„
(Much cheering.)
-world."
- The Duke of NEWCASTLE said—Whenever co I a
former occasion I have had to follow the noble earl, I h ace
always felt the difficulty under which I laboured in rs tply
ing to Statements and rebutting arguments broug'at for-
ward by so able and practised a debater ; and up on. the
Present occasion, which was rightly characterised toy 'the
noble earl as one of momentous interest, I feel then) dii ffi.
oulties to be greater than usual. Let me say at the any set
that I rejoice that, though the noble earl, in the ltd .ter
half of his speech, somewhat departed from the spiril t of
the first part, and entered a little. perhaps into unfair and
Party attacks, yet it will be known to our great and, e iovr-
eirful enemy that the only cause of dissension, at an y : rate,
-which could be found in this house, was, that Gova' not nent
had not been energetic enough in carrying on this t war ;
because, at a moment like this, the interests of a 1 tumble
individual like myself, or those of the Governtmbleit, are
t
small indeed as compared with the interests of
country. Better that we should suffer.the
en the estime ;great
world, rather
of every man in this country, and .
this than that the Emperor of Russilatnesehfouldis bcenanuritidli
and
smallest delusion as to the sentiments
made against us.
as to the complaints which a.
eat is called are "oat.
(Cheers.) lam not about to e
makeawand of tie depart-
and-eut" defence of the Government,
amby
far too sensibl of my
meat to which I belong. I
own shortcomings, and of the defects of administration,to
the e
be prepared to say that
.everything which has he jee done
tsn hea2v9eth beenof
fMarch.,made, and that
clay
has been right, that no make
if we had now, to begin, aits:, on
on which war was declared, we should do ever "
ythi
as
we have done it. Some things might be omitted and othersmight be mended.
Before I comment upon the principal
faults of omission and commission to which the noble earl has
alluded,
I must in justice to Government recall to your lord-
ship's recollection the circumstances attending the decla-
ration of war, and the measures which were taken by the
Government at the commencement of those operations.
The noble earl seemed to me to be a little inconsistent in
saying that at the commencement of warlike operations it
was clear that we had some other object in vies- than the
more defence of Turkey and the• assistance of the Turkish
forces, and shortly afterwards, when it suited his purpose,
endeavouring to prove that, until the siege of Silistria was
raised, we had no notion of what we *ere about to do. I
say at once that the first of the noble earl's propositions
was correct. We had throughout a double object. The first
object was the support of the Turkish forces and the pro-
tection of Constantinople from any possible attack from
the Russian forces which were then in the Principalities.
Our second object was, that if war were once declared, and
we had to send forces to the East, we would not he satis-
liedevith the expulsion of the Russians from the principa-
lities—we would not be content with the status quo—hut
we would endeavour to obtain from the enemy such secu-
rity for the future as should prevent the recurrence of those
evils which had involved us in war, and of attempts upon
the integrity of the Turkish empire. In this double object
our policy was identical with that of France, and let me
toll the noble earl that not merely from the first moment
of warlike operations, but from the commencement of
the negotiations which eventually concluded, in war, eur
policy has been identical with that of the Emperor of the
Preach. Our union and alliance with that great emperor
has from the first been complete, and I freely confess that
I do rather pity the noble earl for that not very clignitieil
attempt on his pert to sow dissentious between the Go-
vernment of her Majesty and that of the Emperor of the
French, by resuscitating upon this occasion some misera-
ble election speeches delivered long ago .)y members of the
Government—(cheers)—when the noble earl knees as wolf
as I do that never was alliance firmer, never was the de-
termination to maintain that alliance more resolute or
more fixed in the mind of every member of her Majesty's
Government, than at the present moment. And when
the noble earl taunted my noble friend the First Lord of
the Treasury that he had at this moment discovered that
alliance with France was worth having, even with otters
than Orleanists I must take the liberty to say that the
noble Earl (Derby) is perfectly aware that the policy of
my noble friend and of the Government has been that, as
we were faithful to the alliance with Louis Philippe so
long as he was upon the throne of France, so will our pre-
sent alliance be fixed, and perhaps more firmly, from the
-resolute character of the Emperor of the French, and the
openhanded fairness which he has shown to us. (Heer)
I apprehend that the noble earl might have ascertained fee.
himself that our objects in this war were, as I have ex-
plained, tvrofted, from the steps which were at its com-
mencement takenein the Baltic. The noble earl has com-
mented with considerable severity upon the operations in
that sea. lam not about to allude to his jokes upon the
First Lord of the Admiralty or the Commander-in-chief of
the squadron in the Baltic ; but I think that if the results
which this country at first anticipated from those opera-
tions have net been realised, nevertheless they have not
been unattended with beneficial results. It is undoubtedly
true that Cronstadt and Sweaborg have not fallen, and
that the Russian navy in that sea is at present intact; but
-will your lordships bear in mind the results to the pride
and position of Russia That fleet, though intact, has
never been able to attack us, and her trade has been en-
tirely suspended. (No, no.) A noble marquis says " no."
I am not, of course, alluding to her trade overland throneh
a neutral state, but to the trade with which a fleet
.could interfere; and I repeat that the trade of'Russia has
not only been crippled but completely suspended. It is
not unnatural that the public should look
slightingly
on
the capture of Bomarsund, partly owing to the facility
with which the operation was completed, and partly
owing to the far greater magnitude of the other epe
ti-
tion which we have undertaken ; but if
yourlorndl
ships will remember what Bomarsnuel was to bays
been, and what it was rapidly becoming, I think you
will admit with me, that a very great object has been
attained by the destruction of that fortress —one to
which, in a few years, Sveaborg and Cronstadt would have
been as nothing—a port wherein all the fleets of Russia
might have ridden with perfect security; and a fortress of
such strength that, had it been completed, the Gulf of
Bothnia would have become another Russian lake, and
Stockholm would have been at all times at the mercy of
the Emperor of Russia. The noble earl (the Earl of Derby)
commented upon the budget at the commencement of the
war, and said that the Government proposed an estimate
merely for sending 25,000 men to Malta and back again.
He dwelt repeatedly upon the phrase " Malta and back
again ;" I do not know whether he had found the phrase
in the speech of any minister of the Crown, but I can say
from my own knowledge of the facts that it never was
dreamed for a moment that the troops should come back
from Malta unless—which we never anticipated—the Em-
peror of Russia ed for peace before they got any further.
The original fora amounted to between 28,000 and 30,000
men, including officers, and of that 10,000 were sent to
Malta, not to remain there, nor to return home, but to ex-
pedite the transport' of the whole force to Turkey. The
noble earl also laughed at the supposed boasted activity of
the Government, and said that this sending off 28,000 men
consumed the months of March, April, and May, and, as
he said, well into June. Let me remind the noble earl
that, with the exception of two or three regiments of ca-
valry, the whole force was sent to Turkey before the end
of April, and that on tha 22d April Lord Raglan received
from me instructions to move forward that force from Its
position at Gallipoli, which it had occupied in conjuction
with the army of the Emperor of the French, to Varna, in
order to support that place, and subsequently with a view
to the support of Silistria. I may mention, as complicat-
ing affairs, that about this time events had been
taking
place in Greece which appeared likely to embarrass other
nations, and which rendered it necessary that, on, I think,
the 20th of May, certain forcesofFr-ance and England
should he sent to the Piraeus, for the purpose of securing
that neutrality on the part of Greece which had begun t
be departed from. When the noble earl to
fa that part of his speech at which he thought it was
able to his case to represent that it was only altevretlrte.
raising of the siege of Silistria that we contemplated
the invasion of the Crimea, he quoted two speeches—
one of my noble friend the President of the Council,
the other of my noble friend the Chancellor of the
Du eh of Lancaster—in order to prone his case. He Bahl
that it was only after the siege of Silistria was raised that
we asked ourselves " What next ?" and that the generals
were ordered to proceed to the Crimea ; and he asserted
that it was in spite of the representations of generals that
that order was given by the Government at home. Let rue
inform the noble earl that he is entirely in error in the
whole of this statement. From the first, the invasion of
the Crimea was contemplated. I wish it were consistent
with my duty and that of the Government to lay upon
your lordships' table the despatches which have passed be-
tween Lord Raglan and myself with reference to the con-
duct of this war ; but I think your lordships will agree
with me that we should be endangering the public service
if during the conduct of the war we produced such docu-
ments. The production of these documents—and lam
sure your lordships will take nay word for the fact—would
prove that on the day on which the first official instruc-
tions were given to Lord Raglan, instructions were also
given to him in a separate despatch to make inquirieswith
reference to the condition of Sebastopol, with
rference to
the forces in the Crimea, and to the means of invasion,
and the best mode of carrying it out. When the noble
earl proceeds to say that this order was given from home
in spite of the opinion of competent generals, I admit that
. the order was given from home, but I deny that it was
given in spite of the opinion of any generals. On the con-
trary, as far as military opinions were received, they were
in favour of the measure; and all the information we were
able to acquire--I admit it was less than we could have
obtained in any other country—tended to show that the
step was a proper one to be taken. The noble earl then
proceeded to say, upon the authority, I believe, of some
speech which he had seen in a newspaper, that it was not
until the end of July that these orders were issued. Here
again the noble earl was entirely in error. Tie siege of
Silistria was raised. The moment the intelligence of
its having been so was. received in this country by the
telegraph, the Cabinet met, and decided that, as any
immediate inroad of Russian forces into the Turkish
empire was at an end, the time was come when, with
a view to the accomplishment of the great object of the
war, was
itu. it necessary to strike a bold blow at the power
*sin, and to deprive her of the means of aggres-
sion which she had employed to the detriment of Turkey.
On the 29th f
ing of Me ° tine, only seven days after the rail-
tiens for the eirof Silistria, ray despatch, giving direc-
Raglan. The
noble earl also complained that when this
we did not sufficiently strengthen
the forces uneeruaerdet:
witiglan's command. I cannot forget
that, at the thne of
ad
I am speaking, in June last,
there was not a voiczhare:
the troops
this house or in the country
which did not say
and did nosetnideeipezcate delay, for which it was
expedition, troops were sufficient for the
said there wag no
n. The noble earl,
throughout his speech, entirelyrthr out of account that
army of 30,000
the war was not undertaken by eurewo
seen alone, but that we ttndertook it iwnec
a great military power ; and, in speaking
enfeluenction with
or insufficiency of the force, you
eoiengfolirtcetmo ecaot:7lScorielleyg
tie aggregate. The first step which we took u it. in
upon ordering
to send out r
this exsedition, was
as thedefence of the Balkanswas the first consideration,
we thought that the force under the command of Lord
Raglan was sufficiently strong, and we had reserved a
fourth division of infantry and some companies of artillery
As soon as the forces wore ordered to concentrate in the
Crimea, that reserve division was ordered out, under the
command of that distinguished officer Sir G. Cathcart,
and to it were added three companies of artillery, two regi-
ments of cavalry, and a second battering train of 42 guns
one of equal amount, with an abundant supply of am-
munition, being already sent out. I believe that never
before were two battering trains sent out in so
of sufficiency, and with so large a supply of great estate
uainttnition,
After takingthe opinions of the most
competent authorities
myself and the Commander-in-Chief
doubling of the amount. The noble earl touched lightly
gave direction_s_f the
upon a subject which has been made the object of l
• h
complaint out of doors, viz., the delay which louder
took placeder