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London, England, 1854-11-15 00:00:00

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44.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1854.

Another such victory, and lam lost." Such
was the exclamation of the daring King of Ent-
RUS, when the Romans, whom he was teaching to
fight, bad in turn become the assailants, and were
on each occasion pressing him more closely, and
rendering the result more doubtful than the pre-
ceding conflict. He had no railways or steam
transports by which to recruit his exhausted
forces. Each dearly-bought victory materially
diminished his effective strength, while his
opponents received new reinforcements after every
battle, and were thus enabled to resume the
offensive whenever a suitable opportunity arose.
We should profit by the salutary lesson, al-
though a score of centuries have elapsed since it
was taught to a great military power, whose
disciplined and veteran troops were the
admiration of the world in the olden time.
The soldiers of PYRRHUS performed prodigies of
valour. Each man was a host in himself ; but, ,
notwithstanding their unequalled bravery and
efficiency, they were eventually obliged to succumb
to those who could receive constant reinforcements,
and whose losses were supplied almost as rapidly
as they occurred by fresh levies, and the inces-
sant infusion of new blood. It was not, how-
ever, the fault of the Epirote monarch. The
means of transit were wanting, and even if he
could have enlisted conscripts, he could not have
had them conveyed to the scene of war.
rlre have, however, no such excuse! We have
men, money, and means of transport. Although
hostilities
are waged on Russian soil, or rather in '
a portion of its plundered territory, we have
greater facilities for sending either the personnel
r materiel of war to the Crimea than the AUTO-
CRAT himself. Innumerable vessels—at least six
hundred, and many of them propelled by steam,
and thus independent of the winds—float on the
waters of the Euxine. Within two, or at most
three days, men, ammunition, provisions, all that
could possibly be required to bring
the campaign
to a glorious and most successful termination,
might be brought from Varna or the Bosphorus.
Other vessels could bring the chivalry of Prance
or the gallant troops of England to the spot.
But as yet little, if anything, has been effected.
We leave those of whor^ we may well be proud to
perish from over-fatigue, without making an exer-
tion to save them, or even to diminish their too
arduous labours. The same fatal inaction that
kept them lingering at Malta, at Gallipoli, at Scuvr
tari, and Varna is still perceptible. Our men are
required to do too much, while our Ministers do
far too little.

This serious error may be ill a great degree

ascribed to the determination of our Ministers -to
make the present generation bear the en-
tire expenses of the war —to cast no
portion, however trifling, on posterity, and
that, although posterity had been relieved by
the payment of eight millions of the debt con-
tracted during the past century, an outlay which
we were gravely told was " useful as a financial
demonstration." The war could not, under such
circumstances, be vigorously or energetically car-
ried on. We were obliged to look too closely to
the expenditure to send a sufficiency of troops to
the Crimea, or to supply the proper description
of gun-boats for the Baltic. We are compelled
to display a petty cheese-paring economy, incon-
sistent with the magnitude of the emergency,
or a life-and-death: contest against such a Power
as Russia, and a :perversely obstinate Monarch
like the ATITOCRAT. But Lord ABERDEEN wishes
to disgust the people with the war—to make
every Englishman keep up a perpetual whining
for peace like that in which he himself indulges.
Mr. GLADSTONE willingly receives a like inspira-
tion. Through his financial policy, against which
we earnestly and emphatically protested, when
the Budget was first opened, we have been de-
barred from the energetic exertions which in the
firstinstance would have been decisive. The "penny-
wise-and-pound-foolish system" prevailed, and we
shall witness the melancholy results in the
sufferings and deaths of our gallant fellows, and
the encouragement afforded to the adversary. It
is not the leafft painful reflection that much of
this might have been averted had we earlier re-
fused to follow blindfolded in the train of Lord
ABERDEEN and Mr. GLADSTONE.

NICHOLAS is not influenced by such ridiculous red
tapism. Notwithstanding the difficulties by which
he was embarrassed, that his other provinces were
threatened by the experienced veterans under
OMER PACHA, and " that he was debarred
from the sea passage, he has contrived to
send troops from Asia, from Odessa, and
from the Principalities. " INCREASED BY RE-
INFORCEMENTS FROM THE DANUBE," Or some •
other district, appears to be the text of every new
despatch, while we remain idle, awaiting informa-
tion that may teach us that assistance has been
too long deferred, and that the sloth and apathy
of Government have more than counterbalanced
the valour and discipline of our troops ; that as,
in the olden time, what has been gained by our
warriors has been lost by our civilians ; the pen
1 has sacrificed what the sword has acquired.
Why, we ask, if Government was really in
earnest, have not the Himalaya, and the other
steam-vessels now lying idle in the Black Sea, been
sent home for reinforcements. They have been
detained without the slightest possible advantage
to the Allied cause, while they might have been
sent home, aye and returned with a living freight,
if not from England, at least from France. It is
said that at length, even at the eleventh hour, we
are looking anxiously for transports, and that now
we cannot obtain sufficient power ; that the Penin-
sular and Oriental Company have had the
" screw" applied by Government to supply
all their available vessels. Why not, then,
have brought home some of the many
lying off Balaklava ? Surely they are not kept in
readiness for a retreating army !—to provide the
means of re-embarkation when the work is done
and Sebastopol destroyed. This is a supposition
too disgraceful even to our apathetic Government
to be indulged in, notwithstanding the Russian
reinforcements while we have been idle—we can-
not imagine that it is deemed essential to keep
the means of escape available, to provide a mode
of flight for our conquered cohorts. This is so absurd
that we shall not dwell on the subject longer,
and inasmuch as we likewise discover
a similar apathy with respect to the vessels re-
cently employed iu the Baltic, we shall ascribe
the mistake rather to Ministerial negligence than

to any unmanly panic.
Let amends, then, be made ; and, although long
deferred, we shall regard former transgressions
with great leniency. France is affording a salu-
tary precedent. Her Baltic Fleet will be en-
gaged in bearing men to the Crimea. Let ours
assist in the important duty; and, as we gave vessels
to bear the victors of Bomarsund, let us now bring
the much-required reinforcements to Sebastopol.
They can all be back in time for Helsingfors and
Cronstadt, and to carry the war closer to the
Russian capital. We are sending seven additional
regiments to the scene of action. France is pre-
pared with 50,000 more. It is said that we are
to bear a portion of the expense of transport. Be
it so. We are ready and willing. When the
EMPEROR does not spare his men, we shall not be
stingy in pecuniary matters. It is xow time
for action. If we exert ourselves, we can
still procure sufficient men to furnish our
contingent for any operations, either by land
or by water, that may be considered advisable, in
conjunction with our faithful and efficient Allies.
The knowledge that we were really in earnest,
when once impressed on the CZAR'S mind,
would be of greater service than ten thousand
additional men " armed all in proof." But for
the hopes excited by having his " friend of forty
years' standing" at the head of the Ministry, he
would never have commenced the aggression, or
so perversely and obstinately continued in the
reckless and unwarrantable course.

A few days since we stated, on the authority of
telegraphic despatches from Vienna, that "Sit
PASHA had been obliged to send 30,000 men to
Tama as a reserve," and that he " had finally
abandoned his intended operations on the
Lower Danube, and intended to take up
his head-quarters at Schumla forthwith." How
is this ? How comes it that the daring General,
who displayed such vigour and efficiency while
the invaders remained in the Principalities, should
since have been so completely paralysed—that he
should have exchanged his former energy for
an apathy and insouceance so remarkable, and
should have disregarded the urgent claims of
the Generals in the Crimea to effect a
diversion in their favour by a movement
into Bessarabia. We see that reinforcements
have arrived in the Crimea—have even attacked
our lines, which might have found occupation
nearer home had OmEn. PAOHA. realised the reason,
able anticipations that had been formed respecting
his conduct.

But notwithstanding this apparent apathy, we
cannot, without
_further evidence, censure the
Turkish leader. We believe that he ia not respon-
sible for the presence of LIPRANDI and his troops
at the heights of Balaklava on the 25th ultimo,
for the capture of the redoubts, and the serious losses
of the English cavalry. Nor is he to blame, be-
cause the Russians, " increased by reinforcements
from the Danube and the Southern Provinces,"
were enabled, on the sth November, to take the
initiative and attack the English position. Our
serious losses have not been occasioned by his
carelessness or apathy. Were it not for the unfair
Principalitiesunarranatbie
athned
he
eonwdouucit of
. dhtahveAeauseterdiani
nt rao ovpesriyn
different manner. Nor h •
as this evil occurred with-
out full and adequate wa •
riling- We have at least
the consolation of knowing that front the beginning k

we protested earnestly and emphatically against that
occupation, and, referring to the selfish policy and
duplicity of Austria on former occasions, predicted
that events would prove how serious was the error
into which our diplomatists had fallen, and into
which they led the Ottoman Government. Aus-
tria does not hold the debateable land as the
friend of Turkey. She acts as if they had already
been incorporated with her own dominions, and
as if the lawful owner had no earthly right to
remain on his own soil. As the Times,
once the great advocate of Austria, declares :
" From her first entrance into the Danubian pro-
♦inces up to the present moment Austria has
treated the Turks and the provincials with an
overbearing insolence, which seems to announce
that she comes, not as a friend, but as a master—
not as an ally, but as a sovereign. After her
own fashion, she seeks to establish herself in a
province she has not conquered as an enemy, after
having obtained entrance into it as a friend, and
practises on the banks of the Danube the same
obtuse and unrelenting despotism as saddens the
plains of Lombardy or the marshes of Venice.
The cuckoo has obtained admission into the nest,
and lords it there with all the confidence of the
rightful owner."

This is a striking picture ; but we fear
it narrates "an ower true tale." The " cuckoo,"
not the " eagle," is the true type of Aus-
tria ; and the double head exemplifies its
treachery and duplicity. It obtained an entry
into the Principalities as a pretended friend to the
invaded party. It professed an anxious desire to•
promote the interests of Turkey and the policy of
the Western Powers. In place of so doing, it has
treated the inhabitants of the district even worse
than the open foe. The Russians did not act
more arrogantly or oppressively towards the in-
habitants. Nor was their occupation so injurious
to Turkey, for they could be attacked, driven
out, and pursued into their own dominions, while
the Austrians prevent any pursuit. Austria prac-
tically acts as a declared foe when she refuses per-
. mission to the Turkish troops to follow the adversary.
Russia claims the right to use the Principalities
for " stra,tegetical reasons," and Prussia declares
that to be a reasonable view of the case. Bat
Austria wont allow even Turkey to use her own
dominions in that matter. She has, therefore,
paralysed the efforts of OMER PACHA, and pre-
vented the diversion which would otherwise have
been effected. Let France and England look to
it. The gauntlet has been flung down ; it must
at once be lifted, and measures taken to prove to
Austria her grievous mistake in supposing that
these nations will suffer themselves to be made
laughings-tocks before Europe—the victims of
such a shallow and paltry fraud. It cannot—it
must not be. The time for action has arrived,
and the treacherous time-server must be taught
that such acts cannot be overlooked forgiven.

We have had enough of German treachery.
We see its baleful results on every side. On the
east, in Wallachia and the Crimea, we are op-
pressed by the pretended friendship of Austria,
more injurious than her open enmity. In the
west, we are threatened by the scarcely con-
cealed hostility of Prussia, who, while professedly
advising the CZAR to accept our proposals, really
encourages him to resist to the last, while she is
deriving large pecuniary profits from her con-
venient neutrality. Now, it is said that there
has been a telegraphic message from Berlin to the
effect that a Russian despatch has been received
at the latter capital, in which the CZAR expresses
his acceptance of the " four points," as a basis
of direct negotiations with Austria. He is also
ready at the same time to withdraw his troops from
the Gallician frontier.

This is probably what they have been waiting
for, in order to entangle us in further negotia-
tions, and to obtain the opportunity of display-
ing their true colours, if they think that they
can do so with impunity. We have, however,
shown that the time has gone by for such a settle-
ment, that not only must ample compensation be
given for past damages, but satisfactory "material
guarantees" for the future good behaviour of the de-
linquent whose unwarrantable conduct has occa-
sioned all the mischief. Austria, we say, must be
taught this, and also called on to take a decided part
one way or the other. She must know that the
Western Powers will look upon those " who are
not with them as against them "—that neutrality
is no longer consistent with their interests, and
cannot be tolerated.

PRIVY COUNCIL-PROROGATION OF
PARLIAMENT.

WINDSOR, Nov. 14.

Her Majesty held a Privy Council, at three o'clock
this afternoon, in the Castle. Present—His Royal
Highness Prince Albert ; Lord John Russell, Lord
President ; the Duke of Argyll, Lord Privy Seal ; the
Earl of Aberdeen, First Lord of the Treasury ; the Earl
of Clarendon, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ;
Sir George Grey, Secretary of State for the Colonies ;
the Duke of Newcastle, Secretary of State for War ; Sir
James Graham, First Lord of the Admiralty; Sir Charles
Wood, President of the Board of Control for the Affairs
of India ; the Right Hon. Sidney Herbert, Secretary at
War ; Sir William Molesworth, First Commissioner of
Public Works ; the Duke of Wellington, Master of the
Horse; and Lord Ernest Bruce (Vice-Chamberlain),
officiating for the Lord Chamberlain.
At the Council Parliament was ordered to be further
prorogued from Thursday next, the 16th instant, to
Thursday, the 14th of December.
Sir Benjamin Hall, Bart., President of the General
Board of Health, was, by command of the Queen, sworn
of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, and
took his place at the board.
The Ron. William Bathurst was the Clerk of the
Council in Waiting.