The Sun.
London, England, 1838-04-27 00:00:00

that various articles of foreign manufacture have been ad-
mitted in bond to this country, and afttrwards exported to the
British Colonies and elsewhere, having the names and marks of
English manufacturers impressed upon them. That such
imitation of the names and marks of our petitioners is not
only prejudicial to the interest of your petitioners in the sale
of their own article of manufacture, but from such articles
being mostly of bad workmanship and materials, is also very
injurious to their character and reputation as manufacturers.
" That your petitioners have observed with much satisfac-
tion that a Bill has been brought into your Honourable House
for the prevention of these obvious frauds, and a proper pro.
',action of British manufacturers and the consumers of Briti,h
manufactures, and your petitioners humbly pray that your
Honourable House will be pleased to pass such a Bill as shall
effectually prevent the frauds complained of.
" And your petitioners will ever pray," &c.
Joshua Scholefield, Esq., M.P., having been called to the
chair, a vote of thanks was Oren to the Chairman, and the
meeting separated.

DINNER OF LORD PALMERSTON'S

CONSTITUENTS.

(From the Western Times.)
TIVERTON, APRIL 25.

The Noble Lord arrived at Clare House, Tiverton, the re-
sidence of W. Hole, Esq., on Tuesday evening, and left again
at midnight on Wednesday. His reception was most enthu-
siastic throughout the town.
Colonel PELL in the Chair; and W. HOLE, Esq., Vicc-
Presilent.

On his Lordship's health having been drnnk,
Lord NLMERSTOri rose and was received with great cheer-
ing. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen— I can assure you that
it is with the sincerest gratitude I rise to return you thanks for
the honour you have just done me in drinking my health ; but
indeed the many marks of kindness which I have experienced
from my good friends at Tiverton, arc such that it is scarcely
possible, repeated as they may be, they can add to the feel-
ings of thankfulness which I entertain towards you all. I can
assure you that it affords me very great pleasure to have an
opportunity of meeting you again. It is a practice highly de-
sirable that Members should have frequent opportunities of
personal intercourse with the communities which they repre-
sent.—(Cheers.) It ie -satisfactory to the Member to have
these frequent opportunities, and it is right that the elector on
the other hand should have opportunities of expressing his
opinion to the representative of the manner in which the
trust conferred has been performed.—(Cheers.) I think
these meetings are constitutional and proper—l need not say
that to me individually meeting you is always a matter of
great pleasure and delight. Gentlemen, you have no doubt
all of you attended to the course of Parliamentary business
since the commencement of the session, which as you know
began earlier than usual. You all have seen that we have not
been idle or inattentive to-our duties, that Parliament has been
laboriously and assiduously employed, and I trust that in the
period which has elapsed since the meeting of Parliament, we
have been enabled to de some good service for the country.—
( Hear, hear.) The first question which we had to consider
was the unfortunate disturbance, which had occurred in our
North American colonies. The subject was very painful in
its nature, and at first somewhat uncertain as to its final ex-
tent, the course which the revolt took, the manner in which it
was met by the great body of the people of these colonies, the
facility with which it was put down, the total want of sympathy
on the part of the inhabitants of the province, which was ex-
perienced by the leader of the revolt, showed in the most une-
quivocal and demonstrative manner, that the way in which
those colonies had been administered, did credit to the Go-
vernment—for the persons who began that revolt were com-
pelled almost immediately to fly from the country, and in
Upper Canada the rebellion was put down by the spontaneous
impulse of the people themselves, without the assistance of any
regular troops, and that fact demonstrated convincingly,
and in a manner I would almost say unequalled in
history, the loyalty and attachment, the contentment
of the people of that province.—( Loud cheers.) Now
we have been very much attacked in consequence of our Co-
lonial Administration, and it was thought that it was a point
on whieh a vote of the House of Commons could be obtained
adverse to our continuance in office ; but the discussion which
took place on that subject, both in the arguments by which it
was cart ied on, and by the rote which followed, showed that
so far from our Administration of the Colonies offering any
just ground of censure, ie truth it appeared that they had
been governed in a manner congenial to the constitutional
principles which you all profess, and in a way which has ob-
tained for the Crown that attachment and that loyalty which
have been so recently and so widely shown by the people of
that province.—( Hear.) Now, gentlemen, these things are
deserving of attention, because what a Government does at
home, is done under the constant and (daily attention of vigi-
lant enemies and watchful friends—one impelled by animosity,
and the other by a sense of duty, to see that the Government
treads rightly, and does not go astray.—(Hear.) Therefore
I give more credit to a Government for acting properly in
more remote places, where their acts are less exposed to ob-
servation, and where frequently errors, if committed, are not
discovered and animadverted upon, until they come up in evil
consequence to the national interest.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear.) Well, gentlemen, we proposed a Bill in order
to provide for the emergency in Canada, and that Bill
QS yo, well know, passed, comparatively speaking, with very
little difference of opinion. It was a painful duty that de-
volved on the Government to have recourse to a measure that
was exceptionable it, its nature, and a departure from the or-
dinary principles and practices of the Constitution ; we were
obliged to establish what you would call a Dictatorship in
Canada, but the differences which had arisen between different
parties, rendered such a measure indispensably necessary, in
order to arrive at some final settlement which would he satis-
factory to both parties, arid which might combined have a just
regard for British born subjects, and for those of French ori-
gin ; the administration of that Government has been confided
to Lord Durham, and the well known principles of the Noble
Lord had been considered by every body as a sufficient gua-
rantee that the great and extensive powers which, under the
Bill, are confided to him will not be abused, but will be
turned to good account by making a satisfactory settle-
ment. I cannot quit this topic without wishing you to at-
tend to the contrast between late events in Canada, and
circumstances and transactions which have taken place in
other countries. We see in other parts of Europe the re-
mote provinces of great empires kept in tranquillity only by
the presence of a large and imposing military force ; we see
20,000, or 30,000, or 50,000 of regular troops, constantly
stationed in such provinces, under a notion that if they were
withdrawn the peace and tranquillity of the country could not
be maintained; the whole of our force in the Canada, Was net
more than 4,000 men, but were sufficient to put down the few
intriguing and designing men, in Lower Canada, who by no
means represented the feelings of the mess of the people ;
and in Upper Canada, the people themselves, without one
single soldier, dispersed the revolt—they said they gloried in
belonging to the Crown of England, and were proud of their
connection with :his country--(Cheers)—and they repelled
with disdain the attempt to set up the government of the Pa-
pineaus and Mackenzies.—( Cheers.) It is due to the Go-
vernment of the United States to say, that their conduct has
been honourable to them, and such as the understanding be-
tween the two countries might have led us to expect, and
in that respect we (the present Government) are entitled
to your approbation—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear")—for
it is but recently, it is but within a few years past that
those mutual feelings of reciprocal resentment which sur-
vived the contest which led to the independence of the United
States—it is only within a very few years, that those feelings
have been obliterated on both sides of the Atlantic—( Cheers)
but they have been obliterated and a feeling of good will has
grown up between the people and the Government in Eng-
land and in the United States—and this feeling has shewn
itself with respect to their late transactions is North America.
I say this for there were appearances which indicated the con-
trary, it is true that along the borders of the United States
there have been collected bodies of adventurers who, one after
another, have kept the people of the Canadas in a state
of defensive preparation, but I can assure you, Gentlemen,
and I state it on good authority, that this was by no means
the feeling of the masses of the people or of the Government
of the Union. Lord Gosford was, when passing lately through
the United States, received with the greatest kindness and
distinction by all the people wherever he travelled, and in
the most cordial manner by the Government in Washington—
the American Government has done its duty by taking fresh
power to prevent violation of our territory, arid all respec-
table persons in the Union have expressed the greatest
disapprobation of those outrages committed by a few adven-
turers on the frontier.—( Hear.) Now, Gentlemen, to do
things well in Parliament, takes some time, and we thought
that the best course was to do a few things, and to endeavour
to accomplish them in a satisfactory manner. There was an-
other point of great and pressing importance which the Go-
vernment felt it a duty to bring before Parliament, that was
connected with a matter of the deepest interest in this coun-
try—l mean the law which passed in 1833, for the ultimate
emancipation of the Negroes in our Colonies. Great com-
plaints had been made of abuses in the Colonies, and that the
intention of the Legislature for finally emancipating the negro,
and for regulating their temporary apprenticeship had not
been fulfilled ; in many cases the apprentices were in fact
treated with as much severity as they had been, when in
slavery ; this question had been inquired into on a former
occliJon, fact 4 had come to the knowledge of Government, and
it was deemed necessary to bring in a new law. Many of the
grievances that were to be redressed could only be set right
by the Parliament of this country. A Bill had been
passed and has become law, which when it comes into
operation, I think will be found to afferd practical re-
medies for all the grievances which appeared on investigation
really to exist. In the course of the discussion on that Bill,
a question was raised upon which it was the misfortune of
some Members of the Government, and of many who v,:eed
with the Government, to differ with the constituencies who had
honoured them with their general confidences. A proposal
was made to abolish immediately from the lst of August next,
the state of apprenticeship, and to declare from that time for-
ward entire emancipation of all the negroes in our Colonies.
Now, undoubtedly, this was a very tempting proposal, be-
cause there exists in the minds of all men in this country, an
abhorrence of the state of slavery. Nothing, therefere, could
be more gratifying to any rime's feellege, thin to adopt a pro-
posal which should tend to consecrate by practice the g,reet so-
cial principle of the country.—( Cheers.) The country had,
at the recommendation of the Government in 1833, made 01
great and noble pecuniary sacrifice, it was thoogbt by many
that for that sacrifice we had not received a due equivalent, and
whereas the nation had consented to give twenty millions for
the ultimate emancipation of the negroes, and for their good
treatment under a temporary system of apprenticeship.—,
(Cheers.) Many people thought that nevertheless the rlgrn.
had been eentiniied in a state of suffering fully equal to that
which they had endured previously to the passing of the Eraan-

cipation Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Now, Gentlemen, when the
question came to be discussed in Parliament, my opinion is,
awl I listened to the debates with great attention—that it was
satisfactorily ;hewn, that that which it was alleged to be the
rule, was in fact only the exception; that in general the treat-
ment of the apprenticeship was very different from what it was
represented, and which indeed had been showed to be the
case ; but there did undoubtedly appear to be full and suffi-
cient reason for the interposition of Parliament by the regula
tion which the Act to which I am alluding, and which has
just past, contains.—(Cheers.) But the first point to be
considered when the nroposal to which I allude came before
the House was, whether in truth Parliament and tae country
were free to entertain it. We were asked to abolish
the apprenticeship on August the Ist, 1838. instead of leav-
ing it to continue till August, 1840—were we free to make
that change ? I think we were not, and I will tell you
why—if the Parliament bad entered into an engagement
which no longer left them free. to make the change, if
we ware bound in honour and good faith by a bargain to which
all parties had consented.—( Hear, hear.) I am quite sure
that you will all of you think that whatever might have been
the imuulse of feeling, on that subject, it was impossible for
Parliamsnt to break faith and do that which justice end equity
precluded them from doing —(Cheers.) Now the history of
the Act in 1633 was this—that the Government of that day,
Lord Grey's Government, were determined to take up the
great question of Negro Emancipation; but you must all of
you at once see that a Bill simply to emancipate the negro,
was necessarily destined to encounter the greatest possible op-
position. Any Bill of that magnitude brought in by a Go-
vernwent, would of course have been opposed by the party who
were acting against the Government; therefore the ordi-
nary opposition which the Government would expect to
meet on any great measure which they originated in Par-
liament, was to be expected against that Bill ; but besides
that, there was the body of the West Indian proprietors,
and not merely the proprietors alone, who were a large
,and influential body, but all the various mercantile con-
:elected with the West Indies, who, in their ramifications,
extended much further than the West Indian body itself.
Now these men had acquired by the law of the land— I will
not inquire what the fairness of the original principle was—
but they had acquired by the law of the land a property in
slaves, and it is obvious that it would not have been right to
deprive them of their property, for we have no righl to be
generous at the expense of justice—we had no right to de-
prive them of property which they had obtained by the sanc-
tion of law. The original sin of slavery was plunder, and it
would not have been right to have destroyed slavery by re-
peating the original sin which created it—(Cheers)—but
even had it been just to do so, it would have been impossible,
for there would have been such opposition in both Houses of
Parliament, that no Government could have carried such a
measure. Well, then, we proposed to arrange quickly the
West Indian interest by giving them such compensation as
would be adequate ; but there were two parties to be consulted
on the question—first, the West Indian body, who were to be
sufferers—next, the body who were advocates for emenelpas
tion, and whom it necessary for the Government to earry
with them on any question of compensation ; fur if we had
proposed such a compensation as tq satisfy the West Indians,
but so great as not to be sanctioned by those who wished to
carry the measure, we should have been defeated by those
very friends whose support we stood upon,—( Hear,) It
was necessary, therefore, to fix a sum which would not be
thought too great by those who wanted emancipation, and yet
would be accepted as sufficient by the West Indian body, upon
whose interests emancipation was to bear. There were several
arrangements proposed, which I will not trouble you with
going over ; at last, wnen Lord Stanley was Secretary for the
Colonies, both parties were brought to acquiesce in the pro-
posal which was made.—Mr. Buxton, and those who went with
him, acquiesced to give their support to that measure, which
would give the West Indians twenty millions paid down, and
the services, the limited services, of the slaves, in the altered
character of apprentices, during four years for household
slaves, and during six for the field labourers. They con-
sented to th's ; they gave to that which would give freedom
at the end of four years to the domestic slaves, and at the
end of six to the field labourers.—(Cheers.) The West
Indians accepted the bat gain ; they said we are content—we
submit to this measure—we think it fair and just, and your
Bill shall pass through Parliament without opposition on one
*le or the other. So it was—the Bill did pass; there were
minor discussions on it, but it passed and became law.—
(Cheers.) But there was one circumstance which took place
in the discussions which ought not to be forgotten, for it was
proposed to limit still further the apprenticeship—to make it,
instead of four years for the domestic slave and six years for
the field slave, two years for the domestic slave, and four years
for the field slave. But this was objected to by a great majo-
rity of the House, who affirmed that the compact which we
proposed was a fair and just one, and it was carried into exe-
cution. In the course of those discussions, Lord Stanley, in
whose department time matter was, said that he considered the
services of the negroes as apprentices during the limited num-
ber of years to be part of the compensation given to the
master for the ultimate emancipation of the negro,—( Hear,
hear.) Well, then. gentlemen, Parliament, after having
passed in full deliberation upon a full understanding between
two great bodies of men—for there were on the one hand the
party of emancipationists in the House, and the great body of
the people of England, who were all for the measure—
and, on the other side, the West Indian proprietors and than
mercantile interest, whose fortunes and interests were
annected with those colonies.—( Hear, bear.) Those two
parties, with the Government as a mediator between them
came to au agreement, and that agreement wait sanctioned by
the law of the land.—( Hear, hear.) In soy opinion Parlia.
ment was not now free—Parliament could not venture
to alter those terms unless they were prepared to open again
the question of compensation, and give further pecuniary com-
pensation to the West Indians, for any diminution which may
be made in the period of apprenticeship as fixed by law—.but
it is hardly necessary to say how unlikely it is that the House
of Commons would give their consent to any proposition such
as that. Well, this Government thought that we were
precluded from entertaining the proposal, and however irksome
it was to resist a proposal, which came recommended by every
feeling of humanity, and every principle except the single one
ofjustice, yet we felt it our duty to resist the proposal—and if
among the Government, and among their supporters, there
were many persona who were placed in painful collision with
the feelings and opinions of their constituents, we felt we might
place confidence in the justice and generosity of the people of
England, to make allowances for opinions which even those
who differed from us must respect. They would think the
worse of those whom they sent to represent them in Parliament if
fur any interest of their own, they had sacrificed the clear
opinion of their consciences, and done that which they thought
an act of national injustice.—( Hear, hear.) I hope, however,
gentlemen, that the law which has passed, will have a very
important effect in improving the condition of those negroes.
Already we have had instances of persons who have on their
own account granted to their apprentices entire and immediate
freedom. We have instances of Antigua amid enteller island,
in which the Government and the people of the island had
themselves anticipated the period of ultimate emancipation,
and said we will have no aporenticeship, the negro shall at once
be free—those concessions have been found to be attended
with no inconvenience. It has been found that ti,e negro
has at once fallen into the habits of an industrious peasantry,
and although it may be argued that there is some differ.
ence between their circumstances of those small islatsea
and Jamaica, yet I cannot but entertain the hope that the
example of these islands, and of the individuals I have al-
luded to, and the provisions of the law which has just passed,
will have the effect, if not of bringing about the emend-
,
pation of all the negroes, at least of piecing them at
once in the enjoyment of those comforts which were intended
by the Government and Parliament, wl.en they passed the law
in 1833. Gentlemen, there is another part or branch of this
subject which has attracted attentioro—and has been made a
subject of discussion in Parliament—l mean, not the negrocs,
who are apprentices, and have been slaves, but the question
of the slave trade in other parts of the world. Endeavours
have been made to show that the Government is indifferent to
the subject—that we have been lax and supine in following out
our principles in relation to it—that our endeavours have, at
all events, been fruity ss, and that this great evil exists now
as much as it did before, in our own islands—at d with regard
to our own subjects, the " Slsve trade was abolished"—( Loud
chi ors)—Now this being a matter which very much regares
my own personal conduct, arid my own ollo:al exertions, I beg
to assure you that nothing can be more unfotruled than such
a charge. We have laboured incessantly to bring othet
countries into treaties with this, for the purpose of entirely
abolishing the trade—we have to a great degree succeeded,
and when it is said the slave trade exists to the same ex-
tent as formerly, the persons who persuade themselves of
this, cannot have cast their eye over the map of the world,
and the American Continent.--(Hear, bear.) For think
what would have been the state of the slave trade now, if
England had not abolished that trade, and persuaded others
to do so too. Why, you would have had bowie all your own,
all the French, all the Dutch, all the Danish, Portuguese, all
the Spanish Colonies affording an immense market for slaves,
and for one slave now carried acrossve c
thelid Atlantic, you
taking
ffiweoeu
il T
0r
have
3, hadas forty.
to persuadey.
!
The
Ffirrasntcte ohtin
thine the
awtirieicahty
buesfuo for 18wo
e
hart
abolition of the slave trade.......a Neg.
ing
desired, but never before been accomplished, and the reason
was this—the foundation of such a treaty was necessarily a
mature right of search. But the two countries had been
FO long engaged in naval war, and had so many recollections
connected with that war, that they could with difficulty he
brought to such an arrangement which must naturally
wound the professional pride and rouse the jealousy of the
naval service on both sides—but we accomplished it; eve
proposed an arrangement which obviated that difficulty.—
( Cheers.) The cruizer of each party was to exercise the right
of search, not as a cruizer
of his own country, but by virtue
of a search warrant given by the Admiralty of the other.
country, by which each cruizer became the special eorists-
ble, as it were, of the country—therefore, the French tra ler
was not searched by an English ship under a warrant ema-
nating from our country but from his owp, by this means the
slave trade under the French flag has been entirely put down—
(Cheers)—and has quite disappeared—,,before that time the
French flag was much enzaged in covering the slave trade.
We then set to work with Spain—for there slave triades ex-
pelled from one flag, they take reftige under another—and
the Spanish flag became fl general peotector. Now tho Spa-
niards have riot
feelings we have' upon this subject—titey
do no; regerd the sieve trade as being the crime we deem it
here--,they have an interest in carrying it on—they have the
great Island of Cuba not half cultivated—they are anxious to
increase the number of labourers there—and these colonists
who have a deep interest in it, as far as. men can be said
to have interest in crime, parry it on far the purpose ai
bringing their lands into cultivation. The English Govern_
meet hafve long been trying to get alpain to agree to an
amended treaty:. We ha'd a treaty with Spain, but it was
inpfficigni-,,at last we got from Spain as Good a treat/ sit kI„A*

possible to make for the purpose—the slave trade very soon
found if the flag of Spain would not do, that they
could take
that of Portugal—and I am sorry to any, that the flag of Por-
tugal is now disgraced by being a cover to the slave-trading:
pirates, who belong not to the nation, but are the outcasts of
all nations—and carry on in Cuba and the Brazils their abomi-
liable trade. We are now engaged in applying to Portugal
the same screw we applied to Spain—and cannot but hope we
shall be equity successful.L-(Cheers.) Portugal and the
Brazils are now almost the only two countries whoie flags arc
used for the purpose. All the powers of Europe have been
led to adopt the better feelings on that great question—and
we have from time to time induced the smaller powers
to accede to the treaty between France and England.
And although it has been represented in some quarters,
that we mske an unnecessary boast of the accession of
Naples, Sardinia, and the Manse towns, yet the flag of
one nation, thsugh small, is as good for this purpose as
that of another, however great. It is, therefore, necessary to
obtaii the consent of all powers, to ensure the abolition Of
this traffic. I mention this, to show you that the Govern*
ment is as much alive to the question of the slave trlde,
as it is to the question of slavery in our own colonies, A' ells
gentlemen, there was another important question, which halt
occupied the attention of the Government and Parliament-7(
mean the law for establishing a modified system of relief in
Ireland for the destitute poor—at first there were great objec-
tions to it—and I, for one, long doubted whether any such sys•
tem could be established in Ireland, consistent with real advane
tage to the poor, and without any great and serious injure:, if
not ruin, to the owners of property—but further ref,ieetion
satisfied me that not only such measure could safely be adopted
—but that it was absolutely necessary to adsopt it and that
such a measure was the foundation oss',y on which we could
build our hopes of the permaneet improvement of the social
c ndition of Ireland. A Bill was passed after mature discus-
sion and consideration, and it is now exciting the approval of
the other House ; and I cannot but hope that a measure which
is so necessary for the good of the country, will come down to
us without any material alterations, or at least with none to
defeat the objects of those who framed the measure. There
was a measuse proposed last year which applied to
England, I mean the plan for the abolition of
church-rates. You know that at different times various
plans were suggested on this subject—but they were found
not to answer. We proposed a plan last year which in our
opinion was calculated to produce several useful results —i"
the first place, to relieve those who now contribute to Church-
rates fr.otnfuture payments.—( Cheers.) Ie the next place, to
giva additional security and value to the property of the
Church ; and thirdly, to give an opening to great improve-
ments to those lands now 1),la under the inconvenient tenure
of the Deans, the is'hapters, and the Bishops_( Hear)--
there are few people who have ever passed through towns
surround'' by property of that description, but must have
asked themselves the question, why do not these towns el.-
tend—l have gone frequently through one of those towns,
alai during my life I have hardly seen a new house added to
it—while other towns in the neighbourhood daily increase.
It turns out that the greater part of the land is tied 1213,
in this sort of tenure. Well, one part of our plan wool°
have been to give scope to great improvements in se"'
ral parts of our country—and in agricultural districts to
give opportunity of improving land which the present
tenure would not induce the holders to spend money upon it'
for if they did they would have to pay for their own improve"
ment, then made by their own capital.--( Cheers, and hear'
hear.) But the plan met with great opposition, entirely from
misconception. Lord John Russell has a notice standing fee
next week for a Committee to inquire into the facts, for vv•
were met with a denial of our facts. We were told our pro-
mises were erroneous, and therefore our conclusions were not
correct. I cannot help thinking that the Committee will re-
move those prejudices, (honest prejudices I know them to be
on the part of many persons)—will remove I say, those pre-
judices which gave rise to great part of the opposition 11.1"
year—and should it lead to the settlement of the much digs
puled question of church rates, I think we shall have contri-
buted much, not only to the peace of the country, but al5O to
the interests of the Established Church.—( Hear, hear.) Nyell
gentlemen the best way of doing business is to take measurer
up one by one and dispose of them, making them as coogret,
and satisfactory as possible. If you have a great many irons
g,
In the fire at once, you cannot hammer out any one
them entirely to your satisfaction, and therefore, though soloni:
people have been pleased to accuse us of wasting our ti
and not doing enough—l think the measures I have pointfeadr
out to you pretty sufficient answer to that reproach—g°
from considering it a just reproach, I think we are better
consulting our duty in proposing to Parliament measures
which we have well matured, and seeing what improverpcnt
Parliament can make in them, rather Hand d what s°111.„,
people do, bringing in a Bill one day, and going abroad the
next, leaving them without any possibility of being
brouAni
to a satisfactory conclusion. Gentlemen, we trust--theciTes
vernment trust—that we have acted upon those Prin
sP.,ye
which induced the country to place their confidence
in ass'
by no means think we have forfeited that confidence,
because
on certain questions we have not been able to command those
,•nia•
great majorities which used in former times to follow
ters,—( Hear.) It was stated in bringing in the Ret°'nd
Bill, that the practice of Parliament would be changed, 6. 1,
that we should no longer see those large majorities whit
followed former Governments—that there would be a good deal
more of separate and individual action among men that shades
of difference would increase, and that Government could not
really reckon on large majorities, but must be content with
such as would enable them to carry on the affairs of the
country. We have not had, like the Adminitration of 1535'
to carry on the Government by the aid of large minorities---
(A laugh)—but we have on all occasions, fortunately for our
measures, been supported by majorities of the House ; and
trusting to our honest desires to administer to the country Bei
cording to the wishes and principles which the great bulk of
the nation have sanctioned.—( Cheers.) Trusting, that tht
will continue to ensure us the support of Parliament and tha
its support will be responded to by the sanction of the Peoples
we shall fearlessly pursue the same course we have hitherto
followed, and which has been attended with the confidence of
the country.—( Cheers.) So long as we do receive the F0;1_
fideuee of the country, we shall persevere ; when we feel
have lost that confidence, we shall deem it a duty—respect-
fully to retire.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord having uu!'‘Pro.
posed the health of the Honourable and Gallant Chg"'n'
(Colonel Pell) concluded amidst loud and continued cheers.

The violent gales of Sunday week seem to have
embraced in their range nearly the whole of broad Scotla,nd.
,n
Several wrecks have occurred on the coast of Ayrshire, and ►
Loehryan Bay no fewer than four vessels (one of them.:
goodly ship of 600 tons burthen) were placed for a tiracla
the greatest jeopardy. Trees uprooted, however large, le
common occurrence, and we have no recollection of a i,
stn)
period in which the forests were shorn of so many bougits• .
EGYPTIAN VISITORS.-Ediletn Bev, an EgyPtl3,,
general of artillery, inspector-general of the Egyptian arTrio
and one of the deputation from the Pasha of Egypt, wh° roe
in this country for the purpose of inspecting our manufsetn
and works, visited the New Bailey on Saturday. He weerion,
turban and a dress of light blue, made in the Turkish fas”l„,,e
with a silver lace girdle round his waist. After sitting s°te
time on the bench, he visited the prison, and afterwards wi to
in the visitors' book, in his own language, what we supposeo
ha remarks on the gaol. lie expressed himself highly Plcd ha
with the condition in which he found the prison, and sal
never was in so large a one before.—Manchester Guardia't.
1,
THE DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH'S
CORRESPONDENCE._We observe, with pleasure, that a irbe
edition of this delightful work has already appeared. s,ril-
age to which this correspondence belongs forms a most one
liant era of English history ; nor do the intrigues at b ale.
constitute a less interestin •g portion of our domestic anyi.e.
Many histories have been written of these times, but 0'1'1)-1.4
sent letters throw a light upon transactions which are .an,
dimly shadowed forth in the vague details of the bitcritiito
y
They let the reader behind the curtain, they lay open t°,:t-he
the true springs of action, and all the secret
machinery °` f
Court intrigues. In point of interest and the developml:e,
character, state of parties and public manners, the
respondence rivals that of Walpole himself. ore
NI Rs. S. C. HALL'S NEW WORK.-We 'l;rish
been at all times pleased with Mrs. Hall's sketches of 1 a
life and character. There is a truth, a fidelity, and withabich
generosity, in her descriptions of that traduced land vv,on
reflects credit upon her judgment. She does not seizeetand
„
the less amiable attributes of the children of that of
" drag their frailties from their dread abode," with the l'etber
showing only the dark spots on the picture; they are r'
„n 1
n 1
shadowed forth to place in higher relief the bright an":, the,.
side, so that their imperfections are nearly forgotten et
lustre of their good qualities. The " Lights and Shaa° f the
Irish Life," just published, will certainly become oil ° hag
most popular of Mrs. Hall's works. The principal stile of
been already dramatised with great success, under the tt
" The Groves of Blareey," t
tile
To the inquiries of our correspondents 3 sad
Guards' Club, the War office, Hounslow, Hyde-Pa'l:mieg
Regent's-park Barracks, &c., relative to the fortbc
novel, entitled " Hussars, Guards, and Infantry," We Cr the
erply that, under the assumed name of Ilarry_Aust'nijorf
Author is understood to have written his own extramt Tee
adventures during a most eventful active military life- until
Gallant Author, it is believed, intends remaining ineo9.o the
it be seen how far the predictions of his friends, as to
triumphant success of his work, may be realised.
EIGH T-D A y C L 0C Ky„re
to strike the Hours and Half-hours, Five Guineas each. They
in elegant cases, about 71. inches high, suit:abl.e either to stair" 011
sk•
bracket or mantehpiece, and ars Warranted, at T. C°'°'
Lon
VORY'S, Working Goldsmith, &c. &e., 47, Cornhill, Lo
(Seven D
—A pamphlet containing drawings and a detailed 11,
1,. be
atc
prices of Silver Plate, Plated Goods, Whes, Clocks, eze..ll`, I10o•
had gratis, or will he for ard lin answer to lost-paid
at

BIRTPS. At Liverpool, on the 24th inst.l tadv bf Thomas Tod
41, rsool
of a son.
At Stocken Hall, ',lib lion. Mrs. Ireathcote of a daughter:____.

R IR.
On the 24th inst., at FMA
ryernß Barnet, Francis William Stanhltei;
Esq., of Newcastle-on-Tpo, to Constance Louise, eldest da g
of G. Crawshay, Esq., of Colney Hatch, Middlesex.
of gpcls~
On the 23d lost., at Ecclestield, Thos. Atkinson, Escl,
leigh-street, Tavi,tock-square, to Elizabeth, only daughter 01 •
Sni;th, Esq., of Barnes Hall, Yorkshire.

At Asewsien, on the Bth of February, Lieutenant 11. P. De 6"
eharep3, commanding IL M. B. " Bouotta," aged 35.
On the 18th inst., at Livezpool, Mary, wife of Thomas Cl"
Esq., aged 37.
—.—
London; Printed and Published by Al U DO Xt I U G, of
11% Strand, at Vie Sun Office. No. 114, Strand, in the eountf
Of Middlesex,--Friday, April 27, 1838.
•