The Sun.
London, England, 1853-09-26 00:00:00

isUN, LONDON,
_MONDAY EVENIN69 SEPTEMBER 26, 1853.

'A ItE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY.)

BRITISH RAILWAYS

~~~. „_

' •

hr.! Ya

ltAiLviAva

• '

ams,an

'aid.' RAILWAYS,

Ci3sitig riots
this M.

ISv:sti,ess uone
this day.

1111SCELLA:

35 Australian Agricult.
12 Australsn.Pcific. Mail
8 Australn. Royal Mail
38i Brit. American Land
326 Canada
5 Crystal Palace
2 Crystal Pal. of France
1 Eastern Steam
1 Electric Toleg. of Ir
14 Gen. Steam Navigat
14 General Screw Steam
5 Irish Beetroot Sugar
all Nat. Pat. Steam Fuel
3 Netherlands Land
10 NAIL of Europe Steam
all Peninsular& Oriental
25 Do. Do.
60 Royal Mail Steam
25 South Austral. Land
all Submar. Telegraph
2 lEniveral Emigration

_
and Colonization.,.
28i Van Diemen's Laud

THE ROYAL NAVAL ENGINEERS.

(From the Hampshire Advertiser and Portsmouth Herald
There seems to be some grave mistake or misconstrue
tion relative to the position and tenure of service of this
eminently valuable and important branch of the staff of
the navy. We hear of frequent and repeated complaints
of their being placed in a false position, degraded by a
beggarly libel upon an uniform, or insulted on the
quarter-deck, which they contend is not the altar of their
homage or the seat of their controlling power ; and in
this there would appear much truth, from the loose and
vague character of their engagement to the Crown.
They complain that they are not paid in a ratio com-
mensurate with their labours and usefulness, they are
not placed in their right position (according to their
talents) on board her Majesty's ships, and they are not
provided with any dress for service, such as a man of
education and a gentleman could allow himself to appear in
amongst other officers and gentlemen on board ships
of the fleet. In this, also, we believe there is much
truth ; but, until some important member of the grade
takes upon himself to "bell the cat" (i. e., place himself
in antagonism with the Lords of the Admiralty,
and offer himself up as a "sacrifice for many"),
the grievances existing will never be remedied. We
cordially agree with the following conclusions of a morn-
ing contemporary upon this head :
"It is high time some proper and positive regulation
be come to as regards the position of rank, treatment,
and recognition of this highly-important branch of the
naval service. The Lords of the Admiralty have
hitherto treated such matters too lightly, and they may
depend upon it that sooner some decision is come to the
better for the good of the service. We do not jus-
tify perverseness, indifference, or threats ; on the con-
trary, we are the upholders of strict discipline admis-
tered with justice and common sense. We are perfectly
aware of the whole position of the chief engineer of the
Barracouta, but we forbear to give utterance to any
expression until their lordships are pleased to take a
decided course on the subject in question, which we
can assure them is a serious one, and not to be trifled
with. Nor are these gentlemen to be treated with
contemptuous silence or scornful neglect. In our re-
gard for the service, we have on many occasions
brought their case before the Board of Admiralty. Mr.
Woodcock has decidedly the right to claim the position
of an officer and a gentleman, or he has no right to mess
with the ward-room officers of the ship. He has a right
to claim that his grievance shall be heard with atten-
tion, and that he should not be treated in an unbecom-
ing mannerby his commanding officer. It may be very
well for Vice-Admiral Parker, brought up under canvas,
to look down with some degree of contempt upon the
new and vastly-important power of steam. He must
not, however, be suffered to injure the navy by his
ignorance, or disgust the service by his inflexibflity to
modern arrangements. Nor will this country allow any
trifling with its best interests. It had better at once be
well understood that no sailing officer for the future can
be;entrusted with the command of a ship of war unless
he be duly instructed as a naval engineer' as well.
Something must be done, and that speedily, or we shall
find that we have magnificent steam-ships' left en-
tirely to the management or mere engine-drivers, fire-
men, and stokers."
The gentleman named in the above extract is Mr.
Woodcock, Chief Engineer of the Barracouta paddle-
sloop. He complained of his treatment, position, Etc.,
to the Admiralty, and failing obtaining any satisfaction,
resigned his commission in the navy and forwarded it
to the Admiralty ; their lordships, however, returned it
to the Commander of the Barracouta, who now holds it.
Mr. Woodcock has absented himself from his ship and
remains " absent without leave," and another gentleman
of his rank has been appointed to take his place on board
the Barracouta. This Mr. Woodcock has done to try the
strength of the tie (whether legally binding or not), of
the Admiralty claim upon him. He is in communication
with able advisers, and no doubt the matter will assume
a serious appearancei shortly. Whatever may be the
result, the Admiralty may take our words for this—
there are many other valuable engineers, besides Mr.
Woodcock in the service, who will free themselves from
its control as soon as they legally can, unless a reform in
their status speedily takes place. Their lordships may
make seamen, marines, and their co-relative shipmates,
within a few months, almost mechanically, but they
seem to be in ignorance of or not to appreciate the fact
that an engineer requires a well-furnished head. In a
sentence—what would be the value of the steam fleet,
without engineers

_ 4_,,
w(*( - v
. 2.,
fr. on
xt,
, 44$
n • As %.....t."/,, „v ;-sc, at,
--:',14
ENTRANCE OF THE COMBINED FLEETS than its own ; and unexpected tendencies to pee '...-ti -i_
.2--., TY-'4l. V'
may develop themselves when it is understood the 4'
INTO THE .DARDANELLES.
war with Turkey implies the presence of the allied
fleets ofl the mouth of the Danube, as well as near
the Eastern coasts of the Black Sea. If Count
Nesselrode still entertains any doubt on the sub-
ject, he will now very shortly be unde3eived as to
the extent to which long-suffering may be carried.
The French and English Governments are not less
solicitous than formerly to discover terms by which
existing differences may be reconciled, if any solu-
tion of the kind be still possible ; but they are alike
resolute and united as to the course which must be
adopted if Russia perseveres in occupying a por-
tion of the Turkish dominions. The Porte cannot
much longer abstain from exercising its acknow-
ledged right to declare war, on the refusal of the
invader to withdraw, and to call for the efficient
assistance of its allies.
The termination of the long controversy which
turned on the Vienna Note has simplified the ne-
gotiations, if it has not advanced them towards &
pacific solution. The Emperor has completed the
demonstration that Redschid Pacha was right in
reducing the terms of the Note into more definite
language. It is now admitted that Russia only
accepted the proposed compromise on the ground.
that it substantially included all the concessions
required by the Menschikoff ultimatum. The
compliment to the Western Powers, implied in the
assumption that they had deliberately recom-
mended the Porte to accept the very terms which
it had, by their own advice, summarily rejected, is
consistent with the insolent character of all the
diplomatic communications which have . been re-
ceived from St. Petersburg. It cannot be too dis-
tinctly remembered that the Power which so
haughtily dictates the concessions to be made on
the part of Turkey, has neither a formal nor a
substantial right to any undertaking of the kind
demanded. No breach of previous treaties, no act
of intolerance towards the Christian population, no
shadow of provocation offered to the reckless aggres-
sor, has been alleged even in Count Nesselrode's
circulars. The claim to the signature of the Vienna
Note by the Sultan is exclusively founded on the
presumption of the Emperor's superiority of force,
and on the prudent desire of the European Go-
vernments to maintain peace, even at some sacri-
fice of strict justice. It is for those who consented
to recommend the Porte to adopt the Note to ex-
, plain its meaning. When Russia demands that it
be understood in a sense already repudiated by the
Western Powers, the ironical boast of having dis-
played a conciliatory spirit is equally unfounded
and ill-timed.
Among the many reports which have been fair•
culated, some may, perhaps, indicate the anxiety
with which the Russian Government anticipated the
passage of the Dardanelles by the allied fleets. A ru-
mour has been actively circulated by the partisans
of the aggressor, that France and England were to
appear at Constantinople, not as protectors of Tur-
key, but in the singular character of allies to the
Sultan—not against the Russians, but against his
own people. In other words, it has been impudently
suggested that the just and unanimous indignation
of the Ottoman population might furnish the allied
Powers with an excuse for anticipating the work of
Ressia, and crippling the forces of Turkey at the
very commencement of the war. It is impos-
sible to suppose that the Imperial Cabinet could
seriously think so meanly of the allied Governments
as to believe that they would make war on their
own allies for the sake of preserving peace--thus
falliu, into the deplorable crime and blunder of a
second, and still more inexcusable, Navarino.
There was, however, a purpose to be served, even
by this extravagant fiction. It might be thou:-,2,1t con-
venient to mislead both the Russian and the Turkish
vulgar as to the meaning of the anticipated move-
ment of the fleets. Tile mob of Constantinople
might possibly, it was supposed, be induced for a
few days to believe that their protectors were in
alliance with Russia ; and the Emperor might pro-
fess, so long as it suited his purpose, to approve of
the formidable demonstration which he has so
much reason to dread. Even at this moment, he
may not improbably retract, when the alternative
is the appearance of the allied flags in the Envie%
The peculiar relations which exist between Aus-
tria and Russia are illustrated both by the affected
difference shown to the Court of Vienna in the dis-
patches from St. Petersburg, and by the partial
withdrawal of Austria from the collective action of
the Conference. Yet it must not be too hastily
inferred that the friendship which is so ostenta.
tiously proclaimed is founded on a community of
purposes or of interests. The traditions of former
negotiations cannot have been forgotten ; nor can
the successors of Metternich be ignorant that, for
thirty years, the chief aim of his external policy
was to check the aggrandisement of Russia in the
East. But, at the present moment, the main, ob.
ject of Austria is to maintain peace at any cost, as
the only possible mode of relief from overwhelm-
ing financial difficulties. Such a result would have
been welcomed, whatever humiliation might be in-
flicted on the Ottoman Government, short of a
sacrifice of territory to Russia. It was to obtain
' this end, and at the same time to accelerate the
evacuation of the Danubian principalities, that the
Court of Vienna undertook the office of mediator,
with a visible bias in favour of that party to the
dispute on whose will a pacific solution seemed
finallyßruck to depend.
is
probably
urging En a t ve
on this moment,
the Porte
h.: 8ar0ne,....
pediency of acceding to all the Russian demands,
in preference to the risk of resistance ; but when
the experiment has failed, it will, for the same
reason, be the interest of Austria to impress on the '
isinvading
aggression.
It has been idly conjectured that, in the event of
a war between Russia and the Western Powers,
Austria would take an active part against France
and England ; but there is little reason to fear any
such suicidal proceeding. Against anyill-judangedd.
desire for the partition of Turkey, Hungary
Italy afford weighty pledges. The Western Powers
will favour no alliance between the Turks and the
Magyars, su long as Austria is friendly to the cause
of Europe, or even strictly neutral ; but it is im.
possible to predict what consequences might result
from an imprudent attempt to extend dominions
already too heterogeneous. It is enough to say
that the campaign of 1849 would have had a dif-
ferent termination if Turkey had been found on the
side of Hungary, even assuming the neutrality of
France and England.
The statesmen who direct the Austrian councils
cannot be deaf to considerations such as these. For
the sake of peace, they recommend to the Porte a
verbal submission to Russia. For the sake of peace,
they will, in case of necessity, use their good.
offices with the Emperor at Olmutz. If war
m th
own
oe
other
assistance
theirfro
un-
happily arises, France and England would neither
expect nor
desireto the C any
ateitifeerenacsesi.
that of Turkey, they are fully able
strength, parties
anit
by
to overpower the boastful aggressor ; and there is
yet reason to hope that the true conclusion may be
drawn from the balance of forces, without an actual
appeal to arms.

iitc
By an exaggeration not unnatural under the ex-
citement of the conjuncture, the departure of two
ships from each of the French and English squad-
rons for the protection of foreign residents at Con -
stantinople has been represented as the entrance of
the combined fleets into the Dardanelles. This,

however, is an incorrect description of facts. The
Ambassadors, from whom the requisition to the
Admirals proceeded, are, of course, competent to
dispose in a similar manner of the whole naval force,
nor is it in any degree unlikely that the state of
the Turkish capital may call for such a measure,
but at present the fleets are still at their anchorage
in Besika Bay. Two steam-ships from each fleet
have passed the Straits to protect, if necessary, the
lives and properties of the Christian population;
and this is all that has yet been done.
Meantime, while ambition on one side and fana-
ticism on the other are thus impairing the prospects
of peace, we are gradually obtaining a more accu-
rate view of the pretexts for war. The Vienna Note,
its modifications, and the objections which these
modifications have provoked, are now generally un-
derstood, and the question at issue can be removed
from the region of diplomacy for the comprehension
of the public. The proposals of the Conference for
a settlement were accepted by Russia, but modified
by the Porte in three principal particulars, which
alterations, though substantially approved by the
Conference, the Emperor Nicholas rejects. Two
of these may be dismissed without much comment.
By way of preamble, the Czar desires to recite that
he has been always solicitous for the interest of the
Greek Church in Turkey, and, moreover, that it
is in conformity with a particular treaty engage-
ment that the forthcoming undertakings of the
Sultan are to be given. The Sultan, on the other
hand, objects to this recognition of an initiative in
the person of a foreign Sovereign, and denies the
special force attributed to the treaty in question.
Without, however, concealinc, that there is some
reason in these views of the Porte,a we can scarcely
presume that even such Powers as Russia and
Turkey need draw the sword for the mere terms
of a recital. If the claims of the Czar with respect
to the Greek Church in Turkey are now to be
placed on a definite footing with the concurrence
and under the guarantee of the Four Great Powers,
the compact thus framed will be the regulating
compact for the future, nor can it materially signify
by what antecedent transaction it was introduced.
The kingdoms of Europe can surely never be going
to war to determine whether the Grand Turk was
always disposed to benevolence of his own mere
motion, or whether the Emperors of Russia brought
this desirable disposition to pass.
The third point is of greater importance, and it
assumes precisely the aspect which we described
the other day. The Czar demands for the Greek
Christian subjects of the Porte all the privileges
conceded to Christians of other denominations
within the Ottoman dominions. This, at first
sight, appears not unreasonable, being, in fact, a
provision very like the " most-favoured nation"
clause in a commercial treaty, whereby it is stipu-
lated that no State shall ever enjoy greater advan-
tages than the contracting State. But, as we re-
cently explained, there are sundry Christian com-
munities in Turkey not constituted of Turkish
subjects, and if the rights of all the Greek Chris-
tians are to be equalised with the privileges of these
congregations,exceptional all the Greek Christians
—that is to say, three-fourths of the population of
European Turkey—would pass from the governance
of the Porte. A demand to this effect, indeed,
would be so plainly extravagant that we ell-mot
imagine it would be overtly maintained. The terms
of the Czar, plausible in appearance, involve the
enormous error of ranking the great mass of a
Sovereign's subjects with afew scattered bodies of
aliens. Supposing the vast majority of the Euro-
pean subjects of the Porte were Mussulmans, in-
terspersed only with certain small congregations of
Greek and Latin Christians in about equal propor-
tions, the requests of the Emperor Nicholas, as
measured by those of some Latin Lord-Protector,
would be reasonable enough, and he might fairly
ask that whatever the Latins obtained might be
conceded also to the Greeks; in short, the whole
affair might be adjusted on fair terms of partition,
like the affair of the Holy Places. But the truth
is, that whereas the Latin Christians, or the clients
of France, form an insignificant portion of the Sul-
tan's subjects, the Greek Christians, or the clients
of Russia, form the bulk of the whole population ;
so that legislation for the former class affects no
Turkish interest at all, while legislation for the
latter affects the sovereignty of the Porte in its own
dominions. Christianity according to the Latin
rite is the faith, in these parts, of comparatively
few persons, and these persons often aliens ; Chris-
tianity according to tho4Greek rite is the faith of
half the Sultan's subjects. A French Emperor,
therefore, in requiring a right of protectorship
would uire little or nothing, whereas a Russian
Emper4 by the same demand would be asking for
an active 'partnership in Ottoman sovereignty.
It is quite impossible that the whole body of
Greek and Lain Christians should be placed, in
these respects, on a footing of equality. The
Latins are commonly aliens, and as being, there-
fore, few in number, and not born subjects of the
Porte, they are naturally permitted to exempt
themselves in a manner from Turkish jurisdiction ;
but to invest twelve millions of Greeks, immediate
subjects of the Porte, with the same privileges
would be to throw the whole empire into confusion.
Supposing such terms to be forced upon the Sultan,
he would evidently be compelled in self-defence to
refuse, for the future, any privileges to Latin Chris-
tians at all, since any concessions to a small alien
congregation would be followed by claims to full
participation from the bulk of his own people. In
reality, the demand of the Czar, thus interpreted,
would amount to little less than a requisition that
the Porte should alienate half its own subjects,
and regard them as if they were its subjects no
longer. Nor would the force of this provision be
confined to religious matters, for the Latin com-
munities enjoy, as foreigners, peculiar privileges
in respect even to civil jurisdiction.
It appears to us that the very extravagance of
a demand like this must be evidence, not, indeed,
that it was not entertained by Russia, but that it
cannot have been openly put forward for the con-
sideration of the Conference. If the representa-
tives of the Four Powers are of opinion that their
Note, even without the Turkish modification, was
not open to any such construction or conducive to
any such consequences as here described, there
must be misunderstanding somewhere, for that the
Powers who interposed to curb Russian ambition
should deliberately design to make over to Russia
a moiety of the sovereignty of the Porte is too ab-
surd a conclusion to be accepted for a moment. If,
therefore, the question on which peace or war now
depends is really narrowed to this proposition, it is
clear thai; either the Conference may discover some
solution, or the demands of Russia will be placed
in a light comprehensible to the whole civilised
world. In the interval, however, the command of
events is rapidly passing to those who hold all ne-
gotiations as odious alike, and who, without fear
of war or its consequences, would blindly push
everything to the issue of the sword. The old
fanaticism of the Turks is thoroughly roused, and
if the spirit is not powerful enough to maintain
Turkish independence, it may at least suffice to
stake the existence of the Ottoman Empire on the
issue of a single war.

THE STRAND ACCIDENT.—STATE OF THE BUILDING
BEFORE ITS FALL.—It seems (says a district surveyor)
to be a public impression that the fallen house in the
Strand was in so ruinous and dangerous a condition
that it became the district-surveyor's duty to condemn
it. The evidence shows clearly that it was not in such
a state as to be liable to be condemned on that account,
whatever may have been the occasion of the fall. If
that house ought to have been reported as dangerous,
you must be aware that a large proportion of the metro-
polis, where so many thin and tall houses partly depend
on each other for support, would be liable to be con-
demned also. I agree with your judicious remark in
your last number that the condemnation of a building
is a serious matter, sometimes involving the ruin of the
owner ; and I submit that the animadversion of the
press may tend to make the district surveyor interfere
too much with private property in cases where he ought
to use the nicest discretion, and to act, in the words of
"faithfully and impartially, and without
favour
prejudice, or malice."- - The Builder.
CAPTURE OF A CREW OF FRENCH SMUGGLERS.—The
the statute,
or
affection,
ection,
magistrates of Lowestoft were engaged some time on
Friday in investigating one of the largest seizures that
has been made on the coast for twenty years, the prize.
money of which mugger,u to upwards of 1,500/. The
crewn of a Frenc called the Abondance, of Dun.
kirk, named Alfred Philippe Morin, master, Prosper
Bane d let Louis Hance, Ja.bez Radige, and Louis Vet-
tine, were charged with being found on board that
vessel, which had stowed in her 120 bales of contraband
tobacco, in all 7,3801b5., within the limits of this port.
Mr. S. Latch, the collector of Customs, prosecuted, and
Captain• Small, French consular agent, attended to watch
the evi▪ dence for the defendants. A few mornings since,
at daybreak,
the coast-guard had their attention drawn
to lugger, about half-a-mile outside the Holm-sand.
As a
the morning advanced and got lighter, she stood
further off shore, and continued standing on and off.
At first she was supposed to be a fishing lugger ;
but her strange movements soon excited some sus,
d it was determined to go out after
picion, an her.
Lieutenant Joachim, the senior officer, and several men,
pressed into their service a steam-tug, and an exciting
chase soon ensued after the mysterious craft. After
several hours run, she was come up with and boarded.
Captain Small, on behalf the defendants, observed that,
from the evidence, it was impossible for the lugger to
have been within three miles of the shore, the limit of
the port from low-water mark ; and if they were be-
yond that distance the Crown had no jurisdiction. The
master was here interpreted to say that he took the
tobacco from a vessel at sea, which had too heavy a
cargo, and which, according to the laws of France, they
had a right to do. The bench decided that they must
convict them each in the penalty of 1001., or to be im-
prisoned until the fines were paid ; but as it was possible
that some of the defendants might not know exactly
what they were doing, they would send a recommenda-
tion to the Government on their behalf. The prisonera
were removed to the county gaol.

( From the Morning Chronicle. )

The passage of the Dardanelles by a portion of
the French and English fleets, on the demand of
the Divan, and at the requisition of the Ambas-
sadors, cannot have taken by surprise those who
have watched the course of events. This wise and
judicious step will be productive of the best results,
both as regards the protection of European resi-
dents at Constantinople, at a crisis of just and
natural popular excitement, and as a demonstration
of the fixed determination of the allied Powers to
accomplish the objects for which their naval forces
were originally sent to Besika Bay. The actual
presence at the Turkish capital, of the French and
English ships of war, will tend to tranquillise po-
pular feeling, by proving, in the most signal man-
ner, that the Sultan and his people are not aban-
doned by their allies ; and it will also convince the
Court of St. Petersburg that every pledge which
the Western Powers have given to uphold the ter-
ritorial and sovereign rights of the Porte will be
faithfully redeemed. _ _

Should events confirm the report that the advance
of
.a portion of the fleets to Constantinople was to
be immediately followed by the remainder, it will be
universally felt that France and England have only
too sufficient grounds for so emphatic a demonstra-
tion of their resolution to support their ally. The
only prospect of the maintenance, or, in the worst
event, of the early restoration of peace, is to be
found in the vigorous determination of Western
Europe to resist the unprovoked aggression of Rus-
sia. It is necessary to distinguish between the
language and the policy of St. Petersburg. It is
a matter of historical notoriety that the Imperial
Cabinet has, in former times, avowedly speculated
on the assumed unwillingness of France and Eng-
land to go to war, even on extreme provocation ;
and it is probably by a similar confidence that the
arrogant tone adopted throughout the recent dis-
cussions has been dictated. Ostentatious contempt
for possible opposition does not by any means ne-
cessarily prove indifference to such a contingency.
It may, perhaps, hereafter appear that, in defying
resistance, the Imperial Cabinet has but given
ui-
terance to its fears of a force demonstrably greater