The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-13 00:00:00

or five invitations, to attest by my very presence, that
not such is the British nation's will, and crying out, with
Cassius—

"Age thou art shamed,
Rome, thou least lost the breed of noble bloods."
Here, in the country of the Bruces and Wallaces, of the
Campbells and Grahams, I enter my protest upon the
records of history, that when the day shall come when
your country shall have to rue that Great Britain's ac-
tion did not answer the British people's will, it should
be remembered that the British nation has been not un-
warned of the fact that she is made to bleed and to pay
for a result just the contrary to what she meant to fight
and to pay for. (Cheers.) If Ido not tire you, I will
now proceed to justify my imputation that besides the
anxious solicitude for the preservation of Austrian des-
potism, Great Britain is not yet conscious of any defined
aim for this war. "The Oriental question is an European
one. The independence and integrity of Turkey is ne-
cessary to Edrope." This saying underlies the situation.
Many a man has repeated the words, but, perhaps, not
ail took the trouble to come to a clear understanding
about what it meant. Allow me to try an explanation.
What does that signify, that Turkey is necessary to
Europe? It simply signifies so much that, considering
the geographical position of that empire, the seas which
it dominates, the abundance of its natural resources,
and the number as well as the spirit of its population,
its position is such, that should it pass over into
the dominion of some neighbouring great power or
powers, it would be such an accession to their
strength, position, and resources, as to make that
power or powers dangerously predominant, and, in fact,
the master dictators in the general policy of Europe.
That is the definition of the European necessity of the
existence of the Turkish empire. To this general view
on the part of Great Britain enters yet the particular
consideration, that it is only from the absorption of
Turkey by some great European power or powers that
for her Indian dominions, Great Britain can fear any-
thing from Europe. This short definition, with the
additional remark, must perfectly convince all intelligent
men of the supreme importance of the present war. I
request you, gentlemen, particularly to mark that in my
definition I used the expression of absorption by neigh-
bouring power or powers ;" this is essential, gentlemen,
because it has become habitual not to think but of Russia,
whenever there is a talk about a possible absorption of
Turkey. It is strange, sir, with what little wisdom
the world is' ruled; as the famOus Swedish Minister,
Oxenstiern said. Nothing in the world is so necessary
to statesmen as the study of history, and yet it is strik-
ing how little the statesmen of our expedient-loving age
know about it ; they appear rather to do all in their
power to forget history, instead of studying it. (Laugh-
ter and cheers.) I must tell you, gentlemen, that the
political axiom, that Turkey is necessary to Europe did
not enter into the code of European policy from any
fear of Russia, by the simple reason that it is older than
the power of Russia. That axiom originated in appre-
hensicn of Austria. If you will look to the collection of
treaties concluded between the Ottoman Porte and the
Christian Powers, collected and edited by the learned
Koch, in 1797, there you will see the exposition of the
rtreemanktyrolC2 Since rlow
haitzt,lt treaty it became699,accompaniedb a
by this
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rather to conserve the Turks in Europe than to expel
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been
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between that
Austria th i s tarneda t yrr on fr
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the gallant Pole, Sobiesky, committed the mischievous
fault of having, under Vienna's walls, and at the field
of Parkany, saved Austria from Hungary and the
Turks—a benefit in right Hapsburgian manner rewarded
by a highway robbery—partition of Poland. (Cheers.)
Thus you see that the maintenance of Turkey was origi-
nally, established an axiom of European policy, especi•
ally. against Austria. At thattine Russia kvas 'no
power yet. It had not yet emerged from its nothingness,
by the despotical genius of the Czar Peter. Ten years
later yet the heroic Charles XII. of -Sweden traversed
all Russia with a handful of brave men down to Pultowa.
Fifty years after that axiom had been established, the
limits of Russia were restricted, in Asia to the Tanais ; in
Europe, to the Samara, down to its junction with the
Bug ; and from this point to the Tanais a line of de-
markation was drawn up by the treaty of Belgrade, in
1740, which left an immense territory between Russia
and the Black Sea. The land of the Cossacks of Zaparo,g,
that of the Tartars of Ocrakow and of Nogag and the
Crimea, were not Russian. In Europe, westward of
Samara, brave Poland lived ; in Asia, south of the Tanais,
all was under Turkish suzerainty. It was but in 1774,
by the treaty of Kitynardshy, that the Russians came
down to the Dnieper and to the Black Sea; only, in
1784, that they took the Crimea ; and, in Asia, came
down to the Kuban, on the Caucasus, and took Geor-
gia, the high road to your Indies. It is only Suwarraw,
who came down to the Danube, and it is only the
treaty of Adrianople which completed the disaster. By
the by, this little geographical exposition may tell you
what you have to think of that British 'policy which,
with the established axiom of the necessity of Turkey,
allowed, from mere expediency, Russia to continue her
ravages through 120 years, a policy which allowed the
Russo-Austrian crimes in Poland and Hungary, and
wanted the secret Seymour Correspondence to awake it
from its slumbers so late as in the year of our Lord 1854.
That is the wisdom of expediency. It would be better
for a nation not to be governed at all than to be governed
by blind votaries of short-sighted expediency. Be-
ware of half measures, Great Britain, beware ! Thy
own danger is next to come, in the expiation of political
faults thy turn is next. Well, gentlemen, I believe to
have pragmatically demonstrated that the necessity of
the existence of Turkey has not an exclusive reference
to Russia, but that axiom implies also a provision against
Austria, with whom the danger of the absorption of
Turkey originated, and with whom the desire to absorb
Turkey is a hereditary quality inherent in her nature
and her position. It is, therefore, that I asked in
one of my former speeches—" How, in the name of
common sense, can Great Britain think to link her-
self in this war to that Austria, which is an equally dan-
geous, equally irreconcilable, and more hereditary enemy
to Turkey than Russia is ? To that Austria of which
from Lord Aberdeen down to the last clerk in the Mi-
nistry, from the Lord Chancellor down to the greenest
lord, from the Speaker down to the doorkeeper of the
house, every man in his senses is perfectly convinced
that Austria is, as it was in
alt past, and will be in all
future, perfectly ready to share in any partition of
Turkey," a truth so striking, so evident, that I de-
clared downright for a lunatic whoever would entertain
a doubt about this. And not one of those servile scribes,
who, in the service of Austria poured out their vial of
stupid sophistry against me, not one dared to contradict
est
Principalitiesp iasis of t eovAe nutsstr?
anden enormity,
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Turkey my word, it was found so true. And what is the new-
why, it is
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dames nudity, does not rouse the British nation, not
only to anxious solicitude, but to indignation and anger,
why, then, really I am perfect!y convinced that the
British nation is already set down by history amongst
those who have no future at
all, but a short vegetation
of a third-rate power, yet left a while, and then doomed
to fall, as Carthage fell. There may already live some
who, before they grow old, may do what Marius did
at Carthage—sit on the ruins of your fallen greatness.
Yet there come the wise elders ill your Israel, quite
ra-
dient with the moonshine wisdom of expediency, and
bid you to be of good cheer, because Austria gave satis-
factory assurances that the magnanimous young hope
sincerely desires to conserve the independence and
integrity of Turkey ; and that he will return the Da-
nubian provinces "so soon as possible after the next
peace." That's the very word. Did he really ? Look,
look ! there'S a good boy. " Bless his five wits." Oh,
for a new Lear to " talk a word with this same
learned Theban." Assurances ! Hapsburg assurances !
Well, that would be a fit occasion to expatiate on the
value of Hapsburg assurances, Hapsburg promises,
and Hapsburg oaths. But why should I soil my breath
with that dirty stuff, and bully Your ears with a
world-wide known tale ? It is nearly 300 years ago
that the profound observer, Shakespeare, wrote his King
John, and then already was Austria so conspicuous by
falsehood and treachery, that you know
his speaking of
Austria as " a ramping fool, which stamps and brags,
and swears upon one party, and does then fall over to
the foe." It is remarkable : it is as if Shakspeare had
written but to-day. Full right-. he was to dismiss the
Hapsburg with the contemptuous curse—
" Thou wear a lion's hide! doff it for shame,
And hang a calls-skin on thy recreant limbs."
(Great cheering.) Full right he was, because through
the three centuries since past, every century had to re-
cord at least ten broken Hapsburg oaths. And so dis-
missing the dirty theme, I will only say that it belongs
to the A B C of statesmanship to know that assurances,
in opposition to a power's history, geographical position,
and political interests, are not worth a straw. Men who
know not even so much should be sent to the first village
schoolmaster to learn spelling in politics, instead of let-
ting them trifle with the destinies of nations. How
many assurances gave the Czars that they would never
occupy anything
of Polish territory, and what has be-
come of Poland? How many times has the Czar sworn
by solemn treaties eternal peace and friendship to Tur-
key ? How solemnly has he, on entering Wallachia,
assured you that he meditated nothing against the in-
tegrity and independence of Turkey ? Did you believe
him ? If the 'United States of America will swear that
they will never take Cuba, if Great Britain would swear
that it never more will extend its territory in India,
would you not yoursei f call the man a fool who would
trust it ? Well, just such is the ease about Austrian
assurances as to Turkey. Look to the map ; there is
the answer to those assurances—no reasoning against
geography. Yet your statesmen tell one another gravely
that they trust the assurances of Austria. That's more
than what Roman augurs were able to do when two of
them met. No ; it is sheer affectation, they don't
trust ; but, to escape a little difficulty, they sacrifice
the aim. It is political expediency. Bless their five
wits, Moldavia and Wallachia given in keeping to Aus-
tria ; it is the poultry-yard given in keeping to the
fox, to keep it from the wolf. (Laughter.) Nay, it is
more ; Turkey had a purse. A highwayman came and
asked the life or the purse. Turkey whipped the high-
wayman away; then came her tardy friends, Great Britain
and France, and thus told her : Give your purse in
keeping to this honest pickpocket here, or else it is with
ets you shall have to do. That is the case, Poor