The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-12 00:00:00

tail I have now introduced to the notice of the house and '
of the country.?' Now, I think that it is very inconve-
nient that any Minister should bring forward a measure of
such vast importance,
upon a subject of such general in-
terest—that he should have the importance of introducing
it, with all the advantages which not only his abilities but
his station give him, and that it should never be subjected
to the slightest criticism. The principles on which it is
founded may be most fallacious, and I think the principles
on which this measure is founded are most fallacious ; but
still no opportunity is given to the house to express an opi-
nion upon it, because when. the exposition of the measure
takes place a future day is fixed by the Government for
the discussion of its merits ; and then that opportunity
thus promised is never given. Well, then, I wish to know
whether this opposition, or rather this indisposition, which
the noble lord finds to his Reform Bill, is an indisposition
on his own benches -(cheers)—l will not leay on the Trea-
sury beush, because we now have it on the highest autho-
rity that the Government is a Government of sincere Re-
formers—but I suppose that it is not impertinent to ima-
gine that the indisposition may be on the benches behind
the noble lord. At_ any rule I venture to say that there
has been no opposition on these benches. An honourable
gentleman, who is a general supporter of the Government,
has spoken of the opposition to this measure as if it hail
proceeded from us. And uo doubt it is not at all impos-
sible that you would have received an uncompromising
opposition front the benches opposite to you. But you
never gave us an opportunity for discussing the measure;
and therefore I beg the country to remember that the
indisposition to Parliamentary reform in the present
House of Commons, so far ma we have any evidence of it,
is confined entirely to the noble lord's owu side of the
house. (Cheers.) But I beg the house to remark that the
noble lord has not met the difficulty of his case, that all the
reasons that he has given for re:inquishing, his measure to-
night were reasons that existed in equal force at the meet-
ing of Parliament, and on the 13th of February when he
introduced this bill. I deny that any member of the Ca-
binet can advance the present state of the country as a
reason for not proceeding with this measure. The noble lord
has very properly vindicated, himself from the absurd po-
sition in which it is the interest of some parties to place
him as being the only Parliamentary Reformer in the Ca-
binet, and as if it was entirely to vindicate his own per-
sonal honour that this measure had been introduced. The
noble lord has very properly recalled the attention of the
house to the fact that the Government of the Earl of Aber-
deen was founded on the promise of a large measure of par-
liamentary reform. Nor was it merely in deference to the
noble lord that the Government of the Earl of Aberdeen
was founded on the principle of parliamentary reform. A
very distinguished member of the Cabinet made a large
measure of parliamentary reform a condition of his joining
Lord Aberdeen; and Lord Aberdeen, in his speech when
he made an exposition of the principles upon which his
Government was founded, unequivocally pledged himself
to a large measure of parliamentary reform. Now, I
want to know what were the circumstances under which
the Government of Lord Aberdeen made that pledge ?
What were the circumstances under which the First
Lord of the Admiralty made the concession of a large mea-
sure of parliamentary reform, a condition of his adhesion
to the Government of Lord Aberdeen. Were they circum-
stances of less peril than the present ? Were they less seri-
ous? Was the conjecture less menacing than at present?
Why, we seem to have forgotten the circumstances under
which Lord Aberdeen acceded to power. Why, after an
inteval of between thirty and forty years, what had the
house just done? They had armed the people ; they had
absolutely called out the militia ; and were arming and
training and disciplining 100,000 men. A few months be-
fore Lord Aberdeen entered office, the late Government
had considerably increased the naval estimates ; but no I
sooner had the First Lord of the Admiralty come into
office than he doubled the estimates. Nor had the present
Government been four mouths in office before they formed
a project--which they subsequently executed—of having a
military camp at Chobha.m. It Was well known that the
Government then believed that not merely war but inva-
sion was imminent. Now, sir, no one will pretend that a
war with France is not a much more awful affair than a
war with Russia ; and yet with a war with France in their
opinion impending, they formed their government on the
principle of a large measure of parliamentary reform.
(Cheers.) And did the adoption of that statement not
serve them ? Could they have formed their Cabinet unless
that had formed the principle upon which that- Cabinet
-was established ? Could they have carried on their govern-
ment for six months unless that had been the principle
upon which the Government of Lord Aberdeen had been
established? Could they havepossessed, not -merely the great
administrative abilities of the First Lord of the Admiralty,
but the profound statesmanlike attributes even of the Pre-
sident of the Board of Public Works? Could he havegiven
to the Government the fruits of those studies which Bentham
had inspired and Grote had guided? How did they carry
on the administration? Why, only a very few months after-
wards we had the financial measures of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer brought forward, which, according to the
noble lord's statement to-night, was the excuse for not
proceeding with parliamentary reform in the first year that
the Government held office. A tax extremely odious in
the mode in which it is levied was introduced to this house,
it being known that there was an absolute majority against
the imposition of that tax, and that the most powerful as-
sailants of this tux—toe income tax—were to be found on
the benches where the supporters of the present Govern-
ment most congregate. Did not these gentlemen say that
they disapproved of the unmodified income tax, and only
voted for it in consequence of this promise of parliamen-
tary reform. And, therefore, I say that parliamentary
reform was the principle upon which the Government was
founded, that without it the Cabinet would never have
existed, and that without it the administration of affairs
could not have been carried on. I say also at the same
time, that the pledge to give a large measure of parlia-
mentary reform was made at a time when the state of pub-
lic affairs, as far as our external relations, was not less me-
nacing, nay, I think much more perilous than it is at the
present time. Myself opposed to the measure of the noble
lord, I am glad that the Government has relinquished it.
But what is the moral that I think we should draw from
all these circumstances ? I think we should at least come
this conclusion--and it would, in my opinion, be a salu-
tary one—though no one can question the honour and
the sincerity of the noble lord who has been identified
with this great question and this great cause—who will
go down in history as connected with it—though no one,
I say, can doubt his sincerity, and though I do not for
for a moment care to question the sincerity of others—
still I must say that there does appear to me, and I think
there will appear to the country, that there has been
too much levity, for party purposes, in dealing with ques-
tions of organic change in the constitution of this country.
(Cheers.) Well now, I think, if we can, smiler the pre-
sent circumstances, when there is no party feeling on this
question, and when alt parties and sections of this house
seem pretty well agreed to assist the Government out of
the predicament—l think, I say, that if we can arrive at
that conclusion, every man, wherever he sits, will consider
probably longer than he might have done two or three
years ago before he inalees pledges on a subject of this im-
portance. Because we should find that if a Minister per-
sisted—which the noble lord has wisely and magnanimously
resolved not to do—in consequence of a pledge of this kind,
in carrying measures not required by the necessities of the
country, great public evil must occur. And if, on the
other hand, after having pledged his sagacity as a states-
man for the necessity and-"expediency of such a measure,
he finds it necessary to relinquish it, then, although great
public mischief may not ocenr, there is at least this disad-
vantage—that the confidence of the country in the men
they look up to must be proportionally lessened and di-
minished. Nor does it seem to me that a tilhe of war,
which we are told may be very serious and protracted, is
a time when, I do not say this want of confidence, but
this diminished confidence in our principal statesmen
should be encouraged. I hope, therefore; that the noble
lord will not proceed in the course of which lie has given
an indication to-night—of postponing for a short but in-
definite time his plans of Parliamentary reform. I think
it would be much better for the noble lord—who has
made two attempts, which, he says, have not been
sanctioned by the country—and which he feels are
not required by the country, to allow this question
altogether to drop, and not to embarrass himself by
another pledge. (Hear.) What has the 'noble lord
done to-night ? After all this somewhat bitter expe-
rience, he has absolutely embarrassed himself and all his
colleagues by promising to take as early an opportunity as
possible to introduce this measure. (Ministerial cheers.)
I think that that cheer is most unwise, and that those who
cheer will be probably the loudest in opposing the measure
when it is brought forward. I confess, sir, Ido not un-
derstand this getting rid of reform by instalments. You
who are always asking for measures, and taking them by
instalments, should hardly favour this new system, by
which reformers are to get rid of their pledges by instal-
ments. (Laughter.) It would have been better for the
noble lord to say, "I have made a considerable attempt.
The Cabinet stood by me. This measure is the result of
our united deliberations. But the country does not require
it, the times are perilous, and though I think that the fact
that this is a time of war is no good cause why a measure
of Parliamentary reform should not be carried if it were
required, still it is not now absolutely necessary, it would
involve a great struggle, and, therefore, for the present I
will say farewell to Parliamentary reform." Honourable
gentlemen opposite would have then had just as good
chance of getting Parliamentary reform when the time ar-
rived as they have now by retaining the vain pledges of a
Minister. Surely, the experience of the last two years must
have taught you that you are not one whit tke nearer a
measure of Parliamentary reform because you have the
pledges of statesmen that they will give it to you. Here
you have statesmen who have pledged themselves, and who
were most sincerely anxious to fulfill their pledges, but
you did not obtain your object. You can never obtain a
change such as you desire until the great preponderance of
public opinion demands it. Well, then, why embarrass
the Government with a constant pledge of this kind ? The
noble lord will pardon me for saying that it would have
been more statesmanlike if, after all he has done, and, I
will say, after all he has. suffered; he asked the house
to-night to place confidence '
his sincerity, and to show,
by the manner in whiehth iny received his words to-night,
that they thought his honour
told them that it was was intact ; and had then
lbetter not to embarrass the
Government any Niger av'itlit subject, but
on this .
that they might. be confident itheadtgiweishen the time was ripe
the measures that were demanded
brought forward by any ministry h,e, necessity would be
in power. do hope that the noblev o happened then to be
nottolord will at heist draw
this lesson from the past--
not
whenembarrass himself with
pledges, which be knows
par purposes, and to animate followershe can fulfil, mnrely
for
feel, that, after all, measures of this reatnawttionnimst now
tow depend upon something more solid than national
worilo(1).f-
-ever gifted, (Hear.)
any individual, however sincere or how
Sir G. GEES( said that, having been long attached to
the nohlo.lord privately and publicly, ho could.' 'la allow
the discussion to close without expressing el*
gratification
at the unanimity of feeling which. had been_ shown as to
the course which his noble friend on-the partnf the Govern.
went had announced his intention to tabs:' noble friend
had especially appealed to member.e on that side whose de-
. •
de-
sire to see a sound measure_ of ._
ParliaMentaiy reform •
Tied was unquestioned. "fie noble friend hail elicited a
which had been
the confidence
gratifying testimony of •
placed in him, and which was fully justified by the long
and consistent career which had so identified his name with
measures for the ementheent of the constitution: The noble
lord had also elicited the generous testimony of the uncom-
promising leader of the large party on the other side. He
thought his nooks friend hail complelaily vindicated the
sincerity of the Government, • and their desire to redeem
the pledge given when the Government was formed. The
right bon. gentleuum opposite dissented from the course
Proposed to be taken, and did not think it right for his
noble friend to give a new pledge on the subject of re-
form. He did not understand his noble friend to give
any new pledge ou that subject, but merely to say that,
if the circumstances which rendered the postponement
of the measure advisable should be removed, he would
again lay on the table a bill for the amendment of
the representation of the People. Isis noble friend had
taken a • :curse, he would not say consistent with his per-
son' lionottr, for. of that there mild bia-to doubt,-bob a