The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-05 00:00:00

MORE TREASON IN THE OAMP.

( From the ifo;ning Herald.)
Once more we emphatically direct the atten-

tion of Parliament and the country to the state-
ment that has been made, that assurances have

been given by our Government to Austria and
Prussia that, under no circumstances, will Eng-
land seek to disturb the present territorial posi-

tion or weaken the political influence of Russia ;
in other and more familiar, although less intern-

gible words, that we are making war in order to
conclude a peace upon the status quo.
It is now a fortnight since a distinct and cir-
cumstantial, and at the same time most positive
statement to this effect was given to the public in
the pages of our weekly contemporary the Press.

It has never been denied. Lord Aberdeen can-

not affect to despise the journal in which the ac-

cusation is made. He juts made statements of

that journal of far less importance the subject of
denial and invective in his place in the House of
Lords. The issue is a simple one. Has Lord
Aberdeen given such an assurance, or has he
not ? If he has not, nothing is easier than the
denial. Why is that denial withheld ?

The. Press of Saturday substantially repeats the
accusation, supplying some additional circum-

stances, and again attributing to this transaction
the recal of the Prussian ambassador at our
court. We copy the following from the Press of
Saturday. The charge is one that cannot be too
generally known or to& often made the subject of
comment :

" The accounts from the Continent are unfa-
vourable. Austria, as we have always warned the

readers of the Press, declined to join in any active
co-operation with England and France. Prince
Metternich observed, a few days back, that the
solution of the question is at Vienna ; and that
the present is not to be looked upon as a state of
war, but rather of a disorganised diplomacy.'
" All this means another campaign of protocols
ending with the status quo. We hear from Vienna
that the Cabinet of Lord Aberdeen is on this
subject in as thick a fog as Napier in the
Baltic.
" The recal of M. Bunsen elicits the revelation
of fresh scandals. It appears that a secret agent
of the King of Prussia visited this country at the
commencement of the year, and placed himself
immediately in communication with Lord Aber-
deen, who was well acquainted with him. Ac-
cording to his custom, Lord Aberdeen kept these
communications secret from his colleagues, till it
became advisable that Lord Clarendon, who re-
presents the credulity of the Cabinet, should un-
consciously assist in the connivance. Lord
Clarendon, perplexed and alarmed, whispered
the circumstances to a colleague who was anti-
Russian. The colleague betrayed the affair to ivl.
Bunsen, who in a panic telegraphed to M. Man-
teuffel, the first Minister of the King of Prussia.
There was a great eselandre. The affair was
hushed up, as such affairs always are. The secret
agent was disavowed, and privately recalled. Had
he remained and succeeded there would probably
have been no war. The anti-Russian party in the

Cabinet was triumphant. M. Bunsen walked on
tiptoe and drew up plans of a new territorial ar-
rangement, and Lord Aberdeen remained irritable
and moody. The Prussian Plenipotentiary, how-
ever, received in due time his reward, and IL
Bunsen's very fine collection of bronzes is now
for sale."

We attach importance to this as repeating more

circumstantially, if possible, the original statement
that Lord Aberdeen has given to the German
despotic powers an assurance that in the conflict
the position of Russia shall not be harmed.
Now, we ask again, and we shall continue the
question until it is answered, has such an assur-
ance been given ? We have already pointed out
the corroboration which the statement has received
from the memorandum presented to the Germanic
Diet. We might have gone further back, and
reminded our readers that more than a year ago
the organ of Lord Aberdeen declared that the
object of the Ministry was so to conduct the dis-
pute with Russia as not to weaken her position,
lessen her influence, or take from her prestige in
Europe.

At the time when this un-English policy was
avowed we energetically protested against it, as a
betrayal to the fears of despotism of the great
cause of European independence. We have seen
all our negociations evidently conducted on that
principle. Is it possible that an assurance has
been given that even the operations of war are to
be guided by the same ?
There is ono man in the present Cabinet whose
personal honour is involved in having this matter
cleared up. On this night week Lord John Rus-
sell justified—we will not say unsuccessfully justi-
fied—his continuance in the Government by the
necessities of the war. But he made two condi-
tions essential to that continuance. He would
remain, he said, as long as the Ministry energeti-
cally carried on the war. But this was not all :
He added—we cannot help thinking with a deeper
significance than was at the time understood—as
long as he had confidence that they would seek
those conditions of peace which alone could be safe
and honourable. The words were remarkable ;
they were evidently guarded ; they were intro-
duced where apparently they were not called for ;
they were these :
" I cannot, of course, pretend, after what has
passed to-night, that we' have been generally suc-
cessful in the measures that we have proposed. I
think we are engaged at present in a most difficult
task apart from any measures of reform of Parlia-
ment, of oaths, or of corrupt purposes. Should I
be of opinion that the conduct of the war is not
safe in the hands of the present Governiftent—that
that Government is not carrying on the war with
that vigour which makes war successful, and with a
view to a peace which alone could be safe and
honourable, from that moment I should cease to
be a member of it. But, sir, considering that that
is the great and the pressing question of the coun-
try, no taunts of the right hon. gentleman would
make me leave the Government with which I am
connected—a position, God knows, of mere labour
and anxiety than of any pleasure, profit,
.or emolu-
ment. I repeat, that unless I were convinced that
the present Government is more likely than any
Government which could be formed to carry on
the war successfully, and to conclude it by an
honourable peace, I should cease to be one of its
members ; but so long as I have that opinion I
shall trust to the house and to the country for
putting a fair interpretation upon my conduct. I
rely upon that justice of a country which, while it
is most enlightened, is, at the same time, some-
times misled with regard to the conduct of public
men. I rely upon that justice which hardly ever
fails to construe rightly the actions of public men.,,
These were high and lofty words. They were
worthy of a British statesman. There was an
earnestness and a sincerity in them that bore up
the speaker against even the fiery torrent of sar-
castic invective with which he had been assailed.
But they contained a pledge, not only that the
war should be vigorously prosecuted, but that it
should be so prosecuted with a view to enforce
those conditions of peace " which alone would be
honourable and safe." Twice the noble lord re-
peated the expression of " an honourable peace."
Twice he assured the country that he would not
remain in the Ministry if they were not resolved
to enforce this.
We will only now say, that if, in the face of
this, Lord Aberdeen has, in truth and in fact,
given the assurance so distinctly and so confidently
imputed to him, and if, borne down by the weight
of that guilty pledge, he still continues First
Minister of the Queen, then is Lord John Russell
as well as the country most cruelly betrayed.
In the name of common honesty, if the state-
ment be without foundation, let it be denied.

THE NEW SUGAR DIITIES.—Ori Saturday the New
Sugar Duties Bill was printed. From the 26th ult. the
new duties will be, on every hundredweight, 16s. on
candy brown or white refined sugar, 14s. on white clayed,
12s. on yellow Muscovado and brown clayed, 118. on
brown Muscovado, and 48. 6d. on molasses.