The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-15 00:00:00

MEW MEMBERS.

Sir J. YOUNG, Chief Secretary for Ireland, and Lord
ALFRED PAGET, Clerk-Marshal, took the oaths and their
seats on their re-election, the former for Cavan and the
latter for Lichfield.
Sir J. TROLLOPE brought up the report of the
general committee of elections, appointing election com-
mittees to sit as follow :—March I—Wigtown boroughs,
Hull, Gloucester city, Derby borough. March 2
Rye, Huddersfield.

PETITIONS.
Mr. M. GIBSON presented a petition from artists
complaining of the treatment of pictures in the Nitional
Gallery.
Petitions were also presented by Mr. M. GIBSON and
Mr. HAYWOOD, in favour of County Financial Boards.
Mr. BLACKETT presented a petition from coal mer-
chants in the port of London, against any addition being
made to the London Bridge Approaches Fund.
Petitions were presented by Mr. BRIGHT and Mr.
HUME, praying for redress against certain abuses in the
Government of India.
Mr. HUME presented five petitions from Montrose
and other places in Scotland, against the amalgamation
of the Scottish Midland with the Aberdeen Railway.
METROPOLITAN POLICE.
On the motion of Lord D. STUART, a return was
ordered of the number of police officers charged with
offences before the magistrates in the years 1849 and
1850

•
ELECTION PETITIONS.
The SPEAKER informed the house that he had re-
ceived notice that the petitioners did not intend to pro-
ceed in the following cases, viz. :- -Cork, Middfolk.
lesex,
Norwich, Youghal, County Down, and West Nor
THE TRUCK SYSTEM.
Mr. e. FORSTER wished to ask the Secretaryon of
State for the Home Department, whether,
in cse-
quence of the report of the inquiring
into fore nquitentionring
into the operation of the truck system, it is th
of the Government to introduce any measure on that
subject in the course of the present session ?
Lord PALMERSTON said he had not yet been able
to give any attention to the subject, but he certainly
should feel it to be his duty to look into it in the course
of the present session, and if any fresh legislation was
found to be necessary, a bill would be brought in.
SIR C. WOOD AND THE EMPEROR OF
FRANCE.
Mr. DISRAELI had given notice of his intention to
put a question to the right hon. gentleman the Presi-
dent of the Board of Control • but, as the right hon.
gentleman was unable to attend, he would postpone his
question if it would be more convenient to the Govern.
ment that he should do so.
Lord J. RUSSELL said his right hon. friend was un-
able to attend through indisposition ; but as the right
ven
hon gentleman opposite had gi notice of his question
roceed with it at
for to-night, perhaps he had better p
once. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. DISRAELI said it would be his duty then to
call the attention of the house to a paragraph which ap-
peared in a speech which the right hon. gentleman, the
President of the Board of Control,assing in review the
had delivered to his
constituents at Halifax, while p
foreign affairs of Europe. In speaking of the conduct
and motives of the Emperor of the French, the right
lion. gentleman used these words
:—" Take our nearest
neighbours, Such a despotism never prevailed ill France,
even in the time of Napoleon the First—the press gagged
—liberty suppressed-- man allowed to speak his
opinion—the neighbouring country of Belgium forced
to gag her press—no press in Europe free but
And hence his
which, thank God, lie cannot gag.
hatred of our press, quiretha alone dares to speak the
truth." He wished to inq whether this was an ac-

curate and fair report of the sentiments expressed by the
right hon. gentleman ? (Hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said after what occurred the
other night he felt it to be his duty to call upon his right
hon. friend and to state to him the notice which had been
given. Now it was necessary for him, before men-
tioning the result of that interview, that the speech
of his right honourable friend was not a speech upon
our foreign relations, but it was a speech to his consti-
tuents at Halifax, in which he endeavoured to show the
advantage of Parliamentary reform when contrasted
with the effects of universal suffrage. (Hear, hear.)
There was a greater difference then between using the
state of France as an argument in such a case as
that, than in dealing with it in a speech
expressly directed to a consideration of our foreign
relations. (Hear, hear, hear.) However, in a let-
ter which he had received from his right hon. friend, he
found these words, "I am sorry to learn that expressions
reported to have been used by me while addressing my
constitutents, should have been understood in such a sense
as to be offensive to the Emperor of the French. I can't pre-
tend to say whether' did or did not use the particular words
attributed to me, but it is possible that, speaking, as I
was, without any premeditation, such expressions may
have escaped me, while I was contrasting the benefits
of our political system, as compared with the re-
sult of the events of the last three years in
France, which I thought tended to show that the adop-
tion of universal suffrage was likely to lead to the esta-
blishment of arbitary power." So that his right hon.
friend expressed no opinion upon the conduct of the Em-
peror himself, and he had yet to learn that even an
English minister was to be precluded from noticing
the events that were passing around him. (Hear.) The
letter concluded—" I can say with the utmost certainty
that nothing was further from my intention than to use
any word which could be considered offensive to the
Emperor of the French, and I regret that any expres-
sion should have fallen from me that could lead to so
erroneous an impression." (Hear, hear.)
FRANCE AND ENGLAND.
Mr. COBDEN wished to put a question to the noble
lord upon a subject of some interest at the present mo-
ment ; but before he did so, he must take leave to quote
some extracts from a letter which appeared in the Times
newspaper of Saturday, and which bore the signature of
a Peer. The hon. gentleman then read the following
portions of the letter, which was signed by the name of
Lord Mount Edgcombe :—" Peculiar circumstances
have enabled me to obtain information, which cannot be
doubted, upon important points bearing upon these
questions ; but before referring to it, I would state that
I have lived in France, have been on terms of intimacy
with many Frenchmen, and have lost no opportunity of
making myself acquainted with the state of public feel-
ing. I never met the man who, if pressed, did not ad-
mit that no conviction as to what their interest might be
could prevent the longing desire to have their revenge
for the events of the last war. I would defy even any
Frenchman to assert that the force which they were
known to possess last year was not amply sufficient for
any purpose which France could require, excepting for
that of an invasion of our possessions." He says, " I
therefore contend that every additional ship to that great,
force--they have now more sailors in their pay than we
have, without our vast colonial empire—is an additional
proof that they do contemplate a descent on our shores.
I have received positive information, which cannot be
doubted, that they are now striving to the very utmost
to increase their naval force in every manner, and that
arrangements have been officially decided upon to con-
tinue year after year similar exertions. I cannot give
my authority, but trust that I shall be believed when I
say that this information may be most thoroughly relied
upon." And at the conclusion of the noble lord's letter
he says, "I repeat that the information I have received,
of preparations which can only be made for aggression,
may be relied on." The question which the hon. mem-
ber wished to ask was, whether the British Government
had had any communication with the Government of
France upon the subject of the increased naval pre-
parations which were alleged to be going on in that
country ? (Hear, hear.)
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, with respect to the
ques
that, althoughtionwhiehhis it was truehon.friend
thhadapt theut to
Governmentohim,hehad
to
state of
France had thought it right both to increase and im-
prove their naval means, yet that increase and that
improvement which had been going on was not at all of
such a character as to render it necessary for her Ma-
jesty's Government either to remonstrate or to seek for
information on the subject. (Cheers.) He had only to
add that the relations subsisting between the two coun-
tries were of the most amicable description, and partied-
larly with regard to the general affairs of Europe they
were both of one mind. (Cheers.) With regard to
any information which the noble lord to whom his
honourable friend had referred had received, he cer-
tainly was in most profound ignorance as to its
nature, and he was satisfied of this that the Government
has just as good a source of information as the noble
lord. (Hear, and a laugh.) But he certainly had no
such information as that which the noble lord alluded to.
But, however well informed the noble lord might be of
what was doing in the French ports, the noble lord was
very ill informed indeed with respect to what had passed
in his (Lord John Russell's) house. The state-
ment which the noble lord gave of what had
passed in his house was wholly incorrect, and therefore
he did not attach quite so much value as his hon. friend
seemed to do to the other statements of the noble lord.
(Hear, hear.) There were some peers whose authority
was not much to be relied upon. (Hear, and laughter.)l
PROVOST OF ETON.
In reply to Mr. PHINN,
Lord PALMERSTON stated the Provost of Eton
was elected on the nomination of the Crown.
THE MILITIA.
Mr. HINDLEY wished to know if the noble lord at
the head -of the Home Department, had had his
attention called to the proceedings which were being
taken against men who distributed bills complaining of
the enrollment of the militia.
Lord PALMERSTON replied in the negative ; but,
certainly, any persons impeding her Majesty in obtain-
ing means of defence, deserve to be punished by any
law that was applicable to the offence.
SAVINGS BANKS.
In reply to Mr. H. HERBERT,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated
that it was his opinion that the existing law affecting
e
hMeome
neLrEaorbni
important
dfrFhtLphtsiaoochi
siErthl
vdi thni
BOARD teth.,h,
Savings Banks required alteration, and he should turn
his attention to the subject with a view to legislation.
AGRICULTURAL STATISTICS.
In replyherNeraapamlEnEgi
dttomßeoctotsteiAveß,
wholemoa dFotqLhHueEeEhsstioLnooThußro
Ht
oB agriculturalplfrLo erLsigoing
oei.ng
Mr. CARDWELL stated that the mode of taking the
statistics was undergoing the careful attention of the
departmenttaicanntodrsoeninlrGiicommittee
joEvhem
waseciue
sti
Government
og
question
d whicht that atw
was
sra es saipnboovnioi slt ivbetl
doe
in this bill, for during the last ten months the provi-
sional orders issued by the Board of Health had been
wholly inoperative, the parties to whom they were sent
not being unable to comprehend, but unable to make
any use of them. Thera were not ten members in the
old Parliament, and certainly not one of the new mem-
bers who understood the question, unless the Health of
Towns Act had been applied to their own towns, and
even then they would be in doubt as to the real meaninc,
of its provisions. He thought that a bill of this kind',
confirming the provisional orders of the board, should
not be passed until the ratepayers of towns and the
members of the house were in possession of these orders.
A total alteration of the system was absolutely required,
and though he did not intend to oppose the bill on the
present occasion, he hoped the First Commissioner of
Works would give a promise that the whole subject
would undergo revision before the act appointing the
board, which shortly expired, was renewed.
Sir W. MOLESWORTH said he had no wish to
defend the constitution of the Board of Health.
The Act of 1848 would terminate before the end
of next session of Parliament, and before that
period arrived he thought that a bill for the
reform of the Board should be introduced in time to
be properly considered and discussed.
The bill then went through committee.
COURTS OF COMMON LAW (IRELAND) BILL.
The order of the day for going into committee on this
bill was postponed until Wednesday week.
LAND TAX COMMISSIONERS' NAMES BILL.
On the motion for going into committee on this bill,
Mr. W. WILLIAMS complained of county members
having the exclusive privilege of nominating tho Com-
missioners, and hoped the Government would not pro-
ceed with the bill.
Mr. HUME expressed his intention of opposing the
bill, considering that the Commissioners ought to be
under the control of the Chancellor of the Exchequer or
some other member of the Cabinet, like other officers who
were ' entrusted with power to collect the revenue of
the country. At present all the assessed taxes were
assessed by the commissioners, and the Government had
now power to interfere in the event of their not assessing
property in a fair manner. He hoped the Chancellor of
the Exchequer would take the subject into his conside-
ration.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER observed
that the great complaint appeared to be, inequality of
taxation ; and as the hon. member's opinion was always
entitled to considerable weight, he desired to know
whether he proposed that the Government should have
power to interpose when the assessment was too low as
well as when it was too high ?
Mr. HUME said he wished the right of election to be
vested in the Charcellor of the Exchequer, who would
then have power to interfere either to increase or de-
crease the assessment.
After some observations from Sir G. PEOHELL and Mr.
FREWEN,
Mr. W. WILSON gave an assurance on the part of
the Government that the subject should be investigated,
in order to see if any practical remedy could be found for
the evil.
The motion for going into committee was then post-
poned until the 11th of April.
METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS BILL--RE-
PAYMENTS OUT OF THE CONSOLIDATED
FUND.
The
ee heoHuAseNweeEntLinotoßcoofmtmheittEexe upomEnc2Eßthuisbills.aid,
that
thereseelxuptliaoinnd the at
whiche he had
of to ge bill
utintowhithche
heChparirmopoasne:ds
hands,
to ask leave to introduce. The resolution was to this
effect—" That the several sums of money which have been
borrowed in pursuance of various acts of Parliament
on
the security of the land revenues of the Crown and certain
other moneys charged upon the London-bridge Approachest
Fund, for the purposes of metropolitan improvements,
shall, with the interest thereon, be chargeable upon and ,

made payable out of the Consolidated Fund of Great Bri-
tain and Ireland." And his first duty was to express his
regret, that, owing to an inadvertence, the nature of the
resolution was not accurately explained by the entry wilich
stood on the votes, for that entry was certainly suscep-
tible of the interpretation that it was intended to create a
new charge on the London-bridge Approaches Fund in re-
gard to the coal dues levied. Now, there was no inten-
tion whatever to make any change, slight or serious, in
the position of the Government in relation to the coal dues.
The whole change proposed by this bill was purely a finan-
cial arrangement between one fund which formed part of
the revenue of the country, and another resource of the
country, namely, the Consolidated Fund, and the simple
object of the bill was, by discharging . certain sums of
money out of the Consolidated Fund, which was at pre-
sent rich enough to do so, without any inconvenience
whatever, to escape froni the payment of the interest to
which the land revenues of the Crown had for some time
been, and were now liable, in respect of considerable sums
borrowed by private parties to enable metropolitan im-
provements to be executed, and which money was secured
by assignment, under the name of the coal dues, on the
London-bridge Approaches Fund. He hoped that he had
conveyed clearly to the house the general purpose of the
bill, which would effect material economy with regard to
the public expenditure, by avoiding the burden to which
the public was subject by the continued payment of in-
terest ; and when the clauses and details of the bill were
before them he had not the least doubt that the house
would be satisfied with its object.
Mr. HUME expressed a hope that the effect of the bill
would not be to bring any additional charge upon the Con-
solidated Fund.
Mr. BLACKETT said that having presented a petition
that day from his constituents (Newcastle-on-Tyne) on the
subject of this bill, he might say that he was satisfied that
the petitioners would be ready to acquiesce in this bill pro-
vided he received an assurance from the right hon. gentle-
man that it would not add a penny more of charge to the
London-bridge Approaches Fund.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
his anxiety was to let the house know that there would be
no additional charge placed on the London-bridge Ap-
proaches Fund ; but now there was anothorr alarm raised
on the part of his honourable friend (Mr. Hume) with
regard to the Consolidated Fund. Now, no new charge
would be created upon the Consolidated Fund by this
bill. On the contrary, it would in point of fact afford
a real relief, and the deduction would go hereafter to
ways and moans, and so would swell the Consolidated
Fund.
Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY asked whether any por-
tion of this charge would fall upon the land revenues ;
and also what would be the precise amount required to be
paid out of the Consolidated Fund to effect the proposed
object ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
he proposed to exonerate the land revenue entirely from
any portion of this charge for the future. The operation
would take time, because a portion would be liquidated
at once, and a portion would require a short notice. The
honourable baronet asked what would be the precise
amount. In answer to that, he said that the precise
amount borrowed from the various parties was 895,0001.,
and that the sum paid up to the present date, for interest,
was about 140,0001. Putting these amounts together, they
obtained 1,035,000/. ; but then there were deductions from
that, partly from the sale of Crown rents, and partly on ac-
count of considerable sums which would be forthcoming
from the produce of the coal dues, about 90,000/. • so that
the sum to be advanced out of tho Consolidated 'Fund at
Present, or within the next few months, would come to
about 940,0001. or 950,0001.
The resolution was then agreed to and the house
resumed.

SHERIFFS' COURTS (SCOTLAND).
The LORD ADVOCATE moved for leave to introduce
a bill to facilitate procedure in the Sheriffs' Courts of Scot-
land, and observed that his predecessor in office had in-
tended to introduce a measure for the same object, but
was prevented from doing so by the resignation of the late
Government. He had, however, placed at his (the Lord
Advocate's) disposal all the materials which he had col-
lected on the subject--an advantage of which he had to a
considerable extent availed himself in the preparation of
the present bill. He wished as briefly as possible to state
to the house the object and scope of the measure. It
would be a great mistake to suppose that the Sheriffs'
Courts in Scotland were analogous in any material degree
to the County Courts in England. Scotland was not, like
England, now trying an experiment for the first time, for
the administration of cheap and expeditious justice,
through the medium of local tribunals. They had had
Sheriffs' Courts in each county of Scotland for many cen-
turies ' • and after the rebellion of 1745 those courts were
placed on the footing upon which they still stood. A
sheriff-depute, or acting sheriff, was appointed from the
bar of Scotland for each court, with the power of appoint-
ing a substitute to act in the county. The jurisdiction of
the sheriff was unlimited as to pecuniary amount—he was
also a criminal judge, and a ministerial officer; and, in
fact, the functions and office of the sheriff in Scotland were
necessarily bound up with the whole action and working of
the legal and political machine. The system of Sheriffs'
Courts was not unpopular in Scotland—he believed the
reverse of that was the fact. Still abuses had crept in, and
delay and expense were occasioned from three causes :—first,
because the pleadings were not conducted orally, but were
committed to writing ; secondly because the proofs or de-
positions must also be committed to writing ; and the
house might easily judge what a fruitful source of expense
and delay.this would give rise to ; for sometimes these
proofs extended over weeks, months, and even years,
whereas the precoss of taking
witnesses' evidence viva voce
was a very different and much more expeditious process
used
indeed and thirdly, because facilities were given and
for appealing on mere matters of form from the she-
riff-substitute to the sheriff principal. To remedy these
evils he proposed to deal first with tho ordinary jurisdic-
tion of the sheriff in cases above 501. This category in-
cluded questions of injunctions, and of actions to be per-
formed or prohibited, which might not be capable of pe-
cuniary estimate, but they were often very important, and
he was not prepared to assert that there should not be, in
regard to this class of cases, a more deliberate mode of
judgment. He would next deal with cases of between
121. and 501., and then with cases under 12/. ; but in re-
gard to them all he proposed was, to do away entirely with
written argumentative pleadings and depositions. This
was, no doubt, a considerable innovation upon the practice
of Scotland, but he believed it was perfectly safe and
practicable. He proposed, instead of written proofs and
pleadings, that in all cases the sheriff who heard the case
should take a note of the evidence, and that if the judg-
ment should be reviewed the review should proceed upon
his notes ; and whenever a case was argued it should be
argued orally, and the sheriff in like manner should take a
note of the argument and state his judgment, and the re-
view
should proceed only upon his notes. He did not pro-
pose to interfere with the office of sheriff principal, but
ire would provide that in cases over 501, (looking at the
importance which might attach to them), some form of
oral pleading should take place before him. He proposed
to introduce into the ordinary Sheriff's Court the same form
of process which had been adopted in the Sessions Court
under Rutherford's Act. Then, with respect to cases be-
low 501., the question which arose was this—whether they
should be treated on the same footing as cases above that amount, or whether the small debt jurisdiction (as it was
called) should extend to them. He proposed to take a
medium course, and, therefore, in regard to cases between
121. and 501., he provided that a short form of summons
and of defence should be adopted, and that there should be
an appeal allowed to the sheriff principal without written
pleadings, in the manner before-stated. An appeal to the
sheriff under this bill would not cost more than half-a-
crown. The real point to be aimed at in a measure of this
kind was, not to sacrifice any one of the great elements of
justice, soundness of decision, economy, and expedition to
the attainment: of the rest ; but to combine all three to-
gether, otherwise the machine would fail of its due end.
He had a strong impression that many cases 'might occur
between the limits of 121. and 501., with respect to which
it was not at all desirable that they should do away with
the safeguards now existing. In regard to cases below 121.,
he should leave the jurisdiction as it was at present, only
allowing procurators to act in cases above W. He did not
propose to make any change with respect to the office'of
sheriff-substitute. The ground on which he thought that
there was no reason for abolishing this office, and every
reason for maintaining it, was the great advantage arising
from the fact that under the present system the sheriffs
were practising advocates, who were compelled to attend
the supreme court while it was sitting, and that in every
county you had a resident local administrator of the law,
well competent, by his knowledge of its practice, to act in
that capacity. He could not forget that one of the weapons
most easily blunted was that of legal change. When Sir
Robert Peel was in office as Homo Secretary, a rule was
laid down that no man should be appointed sheriff who had
any local connection with the county, which had been ad-
hered to since that time. He had introduced into this bill
a provision with respect to removals of tenants which he
thought would do away with a very great anomaly now
existing. He proposed that a stamped lease should be held
as a sufficient warning on a summons of ejection. He did
not propose at present to make any change with respect to
the salaries of the sheriffs principal, and in regard to sheriffs
substitute he was not at present in a position to say any-
thing, not having yet had an opportunity of communicating
with the Government on the subject. He trusted that the
measure of which he had thus given an outline would in a
great measure remove the evils at present felt, and thus
confer a material boon on the people of Scotland.
Mr. HUME thought part of the learned lord's statement
would be received with great satisfaction—he meant that
part which promised the removal of abuses, than which
nothing could • be more absurd ; but he doubted much
whether the people of Scotland would be content with a
half measure like this, when they saw how much room
there was for more important changes. Ho doubted very
much whether the learned lord was right in making the
distinction he proposed to establish betweenand 50/.
cases. Simplification of process and lessening of costs
should be the two great objects which the legislator should
propose to himself. He was sorry that any defence of
legal sinecures should be attempted at this time of day,
and would counsel the Government to abolish the office of
sheriff principal.
Mr. C. BRUCE said the explanation of the Lord Advo-
cate had given him great satisfaction. He was quite of
opinion that the useful and honourable office of sheriff
principal should be maintained.
Mr. CRAWFORD thought the amount of the sum in dis-
pute offered no ground at all for establishing any distinction
in respect to the mode of trial. He should wish to see the
whole system of the courts in question reduced to a simple
method of oral examination, and also the appellate system
abolished. It was his intention, had not the present bill
been introduced, 'to have proposed the appointment of a
committee to inquire into the subject, and he should still
reserve to himself the right of bringing in a bill if he were
not satisfied with this.

After a few words from Mr. DUNCAN, leave was given
to bring in the bill.
EXAMINER OF THE COURT OF CHANCERY.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL moved for leave to brillg
in a bill to make better provision for the execution of the
office of Examiner in the High Court of Chancery. On this
subject a measure had been passed in the preceding session,
the framers of which inadvertently omitted to provide for
two points. One was, the inapplicability of the oath of office
prescribed by the statute 50 Geo. 111. to the new functions
devolving upon the examiner. The second was, that no
qualifications were'specified as requisite in candidates for the
situation, as length of service and standing, or the like.
These omissions it was the object of the present bill to re-
medy by provisions directed to that purpose.
Leave was then given.
COAL DUES IN THE METROPOLIS.
Sir f. SHELLEY moved that a select committee be ap-
pointed to inquire into the operation of the laws under
which dues or taxes are levied on the introduction of coals
ini,x) the metropolis and the neighbourhood, the mode of
collection, and the expenditure of such dues or taxes. He
b e]ieved there was no opposition to his proposal on the part
(if her Majesty's Government.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER observed
that a question of vast mspitudo was involved in the pro.

position. He understood the committee would have to go
into the consideration of the whole acts of Parliament
under which the dues in question were levied. Inasmuch
as this was a close question, and the dues were mortgaged
for the payment of moneys advanced on the credit of the
various funds, he did not think it at all expedient that the
committee should be appointed to consider the original
prudence of engagements which were now to be dealt with,
not according to their original prudence, but according to
the public interest involved in them.
Mr. H UME wished that the words of the motion should
run " into the nature and operation " of the acts, which
would give greater scope to its inquiries.
Lord J. RUSSELL said, the honourable member for
Westminster, having given notice of a particular motion,
it evidently should not now be altered. He thought the
word " operation " alone gave amply sufficient latitude,
and that all points of real utility would be included under
the motion as it now stood. Ou the part of the city of
London, he had only to say that they were quite willing
that inquiry should take place.
The motion was then agreed to. -
On the motion of Mr. BAINES, Sir John Pakington
was added to the committee on criminal and destitute
children.
The house then adjourned at twenty minutes past seven
o'clock.

111 E " UNADORNED ELOQUENCE."

(From, the Weekly Dispatch.)

It is now some 14 years since we first know Richard
Cobden. Ho was in his counting-house in Mosely-street,
Manchester, selling his 40,000 pieces of calico prints per
week—" a prosperous gentleman." He had a slight,
somewhat juvenescent, appearance, and did not strike the
beholder with any impression save that of plain good
sense, and that " concentrativeness," as the phrenologists
call it, which rivets the whole thoughts and feelings on
the subject in hand. Few men have altered more in ex-
pression and bearing. The discovery to himself of his
powers, and their effect upon the world, have cleared away
the youthful look, and given a certain firm self-possessed
air to the man which we think would impress all men with
the sense of being in the presence of a notability, and which
makes you feel that no opinion is lightly formed or idly
garnered by him. We think we know him thoroughly.
We recollect how frequently he was urged to enter Parlia-
ment, and how decidedly he opposed the pressing instance
of his friends. His reason was this—he said he had seen
so many earnest, sincere, highminded men enter the
House of Commons with the most exalted resolves and the
most intrepid purposes, all sunk under the corruption or the
insidious blandishments by which they were surrounded,
that he could not hope to escape the contagion of the
atmosphere, and would not, therefore, tempt his fate.
We have, however, seen the civil Curtius leap into the
gulf, and all must confess that he has proved that his
diffidence was misplaced. No man who has risen so
high has remained more pure. Few who have been so
lavishly tempted, and so pften tried, have stood so well the
various tests of the blandishments of corruption. He has
grown less temporizing as he has grown older. The further
he goes the more progessive he becomes. The more he
mingles among, and wields the power of politics, the more
uncompromising and the less " practicable" (to use the
whipper-in phrase) does he show himself. 'Commanding
great influence in public opinion ; he never hesitates to
defy it at the call of duty. Although his whole strength
lies in his popularity, to his eternal honour be it said, he
never follows merely where the deniocratie spirit indicates
an inclination to be led, but always endeavours to frame
the tendencies of the general mind towards his own honest
convictions of truth and right. No man has with more ge-
nerous abandonment thrown away a reputation for saga-
city, that he might vindicate a great principle to his con-
science. No man regarded as pre-eminent for a thrifty
shrewdness has so scorned the applauses of the worldly and
braved the ridicule of the politician, by apparent extrava-
gance and fanaitcism, whenever a great cause seemed to
stand for a nation's hearing. With faculties and powers
quite equal to " wield the fierce Democratie," and com-
manding not only popular ascendency, but perhaps
Parliamentary majorities, he has, with his eyes open,
narrowed the numbers of the " Manchester school," by
what are called his "extreme opinions," and turned
away millions of quondam admirers and followers
with the conviction that he is an impracticable fa-
natic. It surprises ourselves to hear numbers of his
former most enthusiastic followers inveighing against
him as having taken leave of his statesmanship and com-
mon sense. Well, for all this, we admire the man the
more. A demagogue follows, does not lead the masses.
Ho flatters their follies and prejudices, while Cobden defies
and attacks both at the mandates of his convictions.
He transfers the great spirit of Christianity from
the pulpit to the platform, and insists upon quadrat-
ing politics by the measure of the Gospel. Nothing so
enterprising, so daring, was ever undertaken by a mind es-
sentially practical and sagacious as this Peace Movement.
One shakes oneself and rubs one's eyes to know if they have
dreamt or are awake while they learn that large masses of
middle-class Englishmen entertain the hope, in this day and
generation, of making war ridiculous throughout Europe,
and of converting public opinion everywhere to the wisdom
and incumbency of general disarmament. Already have the
apostles of the new religion been received with deference,
almost ceremonious reverence, by many of the Courts of
Europe ; and even their proffered mediation has been re-
spectfully considered by diplomatists. Great is truth, and
it will prevail. If anything is to be accomplished, it must
first of all be begun. It is a startling fact that four mil-
lions of the finest men [in-Europe are idle, unproductive
cumberers of the ground, by vice of the jealousies
and bad passions of human nature, costing at least
80,000,0001. yearly to support, and losing to society not
less than 80,000,0001. worth of productive labour. Who
will tell us that these startling facts will not sink into the
minds of over-taxed and oppressed subjects; and that the
insane folly of cultivating the art of human destruction
and social mischief will not, sooner than we know, burst
upon the convictions of mankind, linked together by rail-
road, steam-beat, commerce, and mutual profitable inter-
course, in all its hideous deformity ? If Mr. CobdeU would
become Peter the Hermit for this peace movement, ho
would, we are sure, meet with universal encourgement.
But nothing is so dangerous as fot men to become prac-
tical in fanaticism. Mr. Cobden has certain defects of
education, of which it would be wholesome for his mind
to be cleared. He happens to have a contempt for what-
ever he does not know. He cannot be brought to be-
lieve that anything is worth having that he does not
possess. He has been heard to ridicule classical acquire-
ments, of which he knew nothing, and merely because
he really did not know in what their spirit or use con-
sisted. He has often shown his contempt for the study
of metaphysics, when he has made the judicious grieve
that he did not know something more of them. A little of
that subtilty of thought which exercitation in that science
imparts would have prevented him from perpetrating
many somewhat jejune blunders. His thoughts on military
glory are really excessively puerile. We do not hesitate to
say that the grandest qualities of our moral nature are
brought out in war, in a way in which they can be de-
veloped under no other circumstances, and that alto-
gether irrespective of the cause of quarrel. The absurd
theory of Mr. Cobden is, that because great qualities are
exhibited in war, of which, on principle, he disapproves,
they are, therefore, not great. According to him, courage,
constancy, self-denial, incorruptibility, serenity in mis-
fortune, collected hopelessness in disaster, moderation, hu-
manity, honesty in victory, unshaken fidelity to those who
trust and depend on you, vast administrative powers,
almost prescient providence, infinite fertility of resources,
and godlike presence of mind—these are not grand qualities
if they are used in war. Then, forsooth, we are assured
that it is the cause in which qualities are exercised which
determines their quality. Every day, as Mr. Cobden enters
the House of Commons, he passes between the statues of
Hampden and Falkland. Those men fought on opposite
sides; but for the life of us we cannot say which was the
greater Englishman, or the truer-hearted patriot. Was
not Washington's glory of the military sort? Or, to make
the very most of it, was his greatness founded on any other
qualities than just on those for which Mr. Cobden seeks to
depreciate the Duke of Wellington—hopefulness and con-
stancy in disaster—faithfulness to those from whom he de-
rived his power—self-denial—disdain of creature comforts—
an exalted sense of duty as the first and greatest of obliga-
tions? The cause of the French Republicans was just—
but their instruments, their chiefs, their acts were exe-
crable and infamous. The cause of the Pretender was
bad, yet who can read the history of our rebellions,
and consider the lavish heroism, the unshaken fidelity,
the spotless honour, the high-souled devotion, and un-
hesitating self-sacrifice which marked many of the fol-
lowers of that forlorn cause, without thinking better of
human nature, and feeling more proud that they belong to
the same species ? We demur to the proposition that it is
the cause which sanctifies the deed, or damns it. The
judge who declares for the law he is sworn to administer, in
spite of the consequences, either in the way of inflicting
practical injustice, or in relieving palpable wrong, displays
all the more magnanimity that he sacrifices his sense of
justice to the call of duty.. The servant of the State is not
to be its master. Individuals are not to be self-constituted
judges either of the prudence or principle of that which is
resolved upon by the great body of society, through the
legitimate organs of Government. The responsibility for
that resolution is not with the individual, but with the
aggregate of the body politic What a subject has to do is
to perform with singleness of heart and faithful self-denial
the duty prescribed to him by society and by circum-
stances. We cannot conceive how Mr. Cobden should
show such a narrow spirit in handling the military
profession. Why, now, a lawyer is waging constant war with
society—every litigant has declared war—policemen are
engaged in an endless campaign with the
army
The strife collected into the one focus of
armiesof?ftliene
crime.
is as nothingto that which is diffused in individual l
mischief-
mongers, over the surface of domestic civil
society. Nay,
it is, perhaps, not quite so certain that war itself
is not as
it were an outlet, invented by the instincts of human pas_
sion, for rancours and malice, which, festering in the heart
of States, in the piping timesf of peace, may be productive
of a far greater aggregate misery than overflowed from
the " plumed' troop and the 3 big war that make ambition
virtue." To uproot the war spirit is far more efficacious
than to put down its mere instrumentalities. It is a mis-
take to conceive that we pluck antipathy ftom the heart
by merely taking off the breastplate, or putting aside great
" ordnance in the field." Until we make mankind "love
one another," it is in vain that we call them to turn their
swords into ploughshares. We think Mr. Cobden's agita-
tion a clumsy way of propagating peace.ehralpt
tobuatnaont
another
on symptoms, driving the disease, perhaps,
vent less natural, and, therefore, more dangerous. We cannot
for the life of us see why he should fasten upon bayonets and
muskets, while law rages in every street, and litigation in
every county. Why should a man of his good sense presume
to form a House of Commons clique of crocheteers, against
the convictions of the great body of the nation, to turn Out
every Ministry who, in strict obedience to the collective
national will, and to their own sense of responsibility for
the safety of the State, seek to strengthen our defences and
fortify our bulwarks? There can be nothing more Irish
and less Cobden than such afolly
earnestly entreat him, for his own reputation, deservedly
dear to the best order of his countrymen, to " clear his
head of all such nonsense."