The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-04 00:00:00

THE NEW ADMINISTRATION.
(From the Times.)
The symptoms announcing the concunencemem
of a political millennium, in which party spirit is
to fly from the earth, and genius, experience, in-
dustry, and patriotism are to be the sole qualifica-
tions for office, multiply upon , us. For once
reality has fairly outrun reverie, and things which
no political novelist—no satirist, appealing from
the degenerate present to the imaginary future,
or scarce less imaginary past—dared to anticipate,
are at least for the present actual and tangible
verities. We have got a Ministry which seems to
command the approval and support of men of
every class of opinion. Whigs, Radicals, and Con-
servative vie in the wish to do it honour. Its per-
sonnel is justly lauded as comprising within itself
all that survives of our political notabilities of the
last twenty or thirty years. Its principles com-
mand universal assent and support, and its leaders
are hailed with applause usually reserved for men
who have already consummated a glorious triumph.
The only question suggested to our mind is, why
was not all this done before—why have we been so
long blundering on with Governments on sufferance
and Governments insufferable, when we were pos-
sessed of statesmen entertaining the most sincere
personal regard for each other and debarred from
union by no serious obstacle of principle ? The
very facility and success of the present combina-
tion makes us almost querulous against those who
have left us so long floundering in a bog from
which a momentary effort of theirs could have
delivered us. The more evident it becomes
that union and co-operation among Free-traders
was easy, the more right have we to complain that
that union was not sooner effected.
The speeches of Sir James Graham, Lord John
Russell, Lord Palmerston, Sir George Grey, and
Mr. Baines will be read with pleasure, as evidence
of the intentions of a Government which has as-
sumed office only for the sake of doing that large
amount of requisite work which has been for years
awaiting the advent of a strong Administration.
There is no trace of old jealousies or animosities ;
the same cordial spirit speaks out from Carlisle,
from Morpeth, from London, from Leeds, and
from Tiverton. With every disposition to praise
the speeches which we have alluded to, we must
admit that Sir James Graham's was, as usual, by
far the most entertaining, and also the most in-
structive. The ease, the heartiness, the versatility,
with which this veteran statesman rallies his oppo-
nents, was only exceeded by the boldness with
which he ventured before a large and very mixed
audience to deal with the most popular fallacies of
the day. It seems, according to Sir James Graham,
that his only anxiety has been to prevent the speedy
dissolution of the Ministry, and that if there has
been any indirect dealing it has been with a view to
continue Lord Derby in office. Lord Derby was
dearer to Sir James Graham than to himself.
That sagacious tactician saw that, till the financial
scheme was disclosed, there was no certainty of
permanentunbound-
ed confidence that the Budget would be the ruin
of the
minissturces
Ministry,
e, and havingschooled
himself and his friends
the most
every tempting opportunity which
offered itself till that fatal declaration was
to pass by
once made. Sir James Graham avows his in-
tention of overthrowing Lord Derby, but he
'sought that object by means directly the contrary
of those which the angry ex-premier imputes to
him. His end was undoubtedly to get rid of Lord
Derby, but this end he sought to attain not by his
own strength, but by the mistakes and blunders of
his adversary. Sir James Graham had taken the
true measure of his man, and the result justified his
patient sagacity. Sir James Graham has done good
service by his sportive but masterly exposure of
the Chartist delusion. On these occasions nothing
escapes him. The state of the weather, the day of
the month, the orthography of an address—all
find their appropriate place, and tend to insure
the success of the practised orator. Manhood suf-
frage is retorted upon the Chartists as a con-
trivance essentially illiberal. Paupers, excisemen,
and militiamen are paraded as the prominent
members of the new constituencies. The ballot is
denounced on the new, but, as it seems, scarcely
tenable ground, that it would be impossible
to make secret voting compulsory, and therefore
that a secret would be taken as equivalent to an
adverse vote. Sir James Graham exposed with
much force the folly of supposing that such
institutions tend necessarily, or even probably,
towards an increase of freedom or a wider recog-
nition of popular rights. France, Italy, and
Germany are lessons not to be forgotten, and
never so appropriately taught as by the lips of a
candidate addressing a popular constituency. It
is no inconsiderable proof of the progress of the
age that large popular meetings are becoming
daily more and more able to hear the truth with-
out offence. Formerly no parasite ever ap-
proached a tyrant with more subserviency than
a popular leader did the m •
ultitude he aspired to
please. sNo misrepresentation was too gross, no
sophistry 'too apparent, for the purposes of hust-
ings' popularity ; but times have mended even in
electioneering, and it seems to have become more
and more the practice to conciliate the people by
telling them useful and practical truths rather than
specious and artful falsehoods. Thus does the im-
proved education of the masses react upon our
statesmen, and thus do juster views and sounder
principles, ascending from below, exercise an influ-
ence on superior minds little conscious of their
origin.
Whether it was the renewed responsibility of
office, his recent indisposition, or the silence of Mr.
Rowelie, Lord Palmerston was not so amusing as
usual. His narrative of the events of the session,
though evidently conceived in a spirit less inimical
to the Derby Ministry than those of Lord John
Russell and Sir James Graham, differs from them
in no essential point. Lord Palmerston would
have voted against the Budget, which he faintly
commends, and has attained by its destruction to
the possession of an office which, above all, he
assures us he desires to hold. Ilis speech is in one
respect in better taste than that of Lord John
Russell, inasmuch as it contains, no apology for
his change of position in the new Government--
no explanation of the causes which induced him tit
forego a position he had so long occupied—no self-
applause for magnanimity or abnegtion. Every one
must be sensible that Lord John Rltssell has acted the
part of a good citizen and of a magnanimous states-
man in accepting office under Lord Aberdeen ; but
it is equally clear that comments, on this sacrifice
come with a better grace from an other lips than
his own. Lord John Russell is of the only man
in the Ministry who has been ob • ed to derogate a
little from his former pretensions; ut he is the only
ii
one who has felt it necessary to call attention to the
fact.

We may observe of all these speakers that after
the doubting and ambiguous declarations to which
we have been used for the last year, during which
to be
and evasively
e be a Minister of
ti fhaanny
amn
oa
tnh se pr otkhea
tmmo raend s
was m gseunri ou
State, it is quite refreshing to see the open and
straightforward manner in winch opinions are
stated, difficulties admitted, and solutions pro-
posed. We have, at least, got a Ministry with
nothing to conceal and nothing to disavow, with
no squires to trick and no farmers to mystify, which
holds out no vague promises of impossible benefits,
and which habitually appeals to the patriotism and