The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-05 00:00:00

- - - - 7

RDEEN CABINET.

(F)ont the Morning Herald.)
Our great novelist, in his "Antiquary," has given
us an instance, which no reader is likely to forget,
of the policy of so constituting " a firm' as to pre-
sent different faces for different occasions. When
the weather is fair the smooth-faced partner is vi-
sible, all smiles and plausibility ; but when work is
to be done, the bull-dog member of the firm comes
forth, fierce, loud, and unrelenting,
The firm of " Aberdeen, Gladstone, Russell,
Molesworth, and C 0.," is now experiencing
one special advantage of such an admixture.
By so constituting itself as to have a repre-
sentative of nearly every opinion, it contrives
to excite the hopes of all classes excepting
the true Conservatives. Some ultra High Church-
men still maintain a favourable opinion of the
Administration, on the ground that Mr. Sidney
Herbert, the Duke of Newcastle, and Mr. Glad-
stone are in the Cabinet. The Whigs must, of
course, support it ; for are not eight members of the
taltioedaitc ai
minorlus
ta ht
ye
afiercasetbs
igitiroee
rvt
es u
rk
Villiersl, vb. ui
iaetnihi
eies oer. nr
Cabinet taken from their side of the house ? The
cdoeiss,s.ioonnrna
eeo,ff
soon conciliated them. The Irish Brigade vowed
that they would oppose every imaginable Govern-
ment ; but Mr. Sadleir, the broker of the Brigade,
was soon seduced by a lordship of the Treasury,
and Mr.: Keogh had the offer of the Irish Solici-
; while Mr. Monsell, who scarcely
nce between a 'howitzer and a car-
ktonre-w Ge
tnhe eradlashiep re
ronade,• was made." Clerk of the Ordnance."
Now, if the object of all these gentlemen be
merely the very simple one of providing comfort-
ably for themselves, we shall not deny that they
have succeeded. If all the political strifes of the
last 30 years have really turned, as Lord Aberdeen
says, upon a " distinction without a difference,"
then, in truth, these politicians have succeeded in
grasping the substance while merely giving up the
shadow. But we strongly doubt if Englishmen
can be made to believe, in a moment, that all their
public contests for a quarter of a century bay,
turned upon mere words and phrases ; and that
nothing solid was ever at stake.
Now if there really was a substantial reason for
the desperate struggle made by Lords Aberdeen and
Lincoln, Sir James Graham, and Messrs. Gladstone
and Sidney Herbert, in 1841, to turn Lord J. Rus-
sell out of office, and if between the Radicals and.
Whigs there have been differences involving im-
portant interests—then we must regard the sudden
coalition of all these parties as something founded
on a great practical delusion. All the heretofore-
opposing but now-concurring parties assume that
they each individually surrender no principle by
joining the Cabinet. But, if we look a little closer,
we shall find that each party assumes, that although
it surrenders nothing, those who coalesce with it
do virtually surrender much. Thus, Sir W. Moles-
worth and his friends assume that Lord Aberdeen
and his friends, who have been called high Tories
until of late, and who call themselves Conservatives
now, must have intended to approximate towards
Radicalism, or else they would never have asked
the aid of such Radicals as Sir. W. Molesworth and
Mr. Osborne. And in like manner we find some
Oxford Tractarians hoping that the new Ministry
will favour the Church, for if not, how could such
men as Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Sidney Herbert
have joined it ?
• All these hopes appear to us to be delusive. We
have no doubt that nearly all who thus argue will
be disappointed. If there had been any large con-
cessions of principle, the fact must have oozed out.
This not being the case, we have a right to assume,
or rather we must believe, that each member of the
Cabinet, on joining that singular assemblage, joins
it much the same man that he was before.
But if so, what is the result Sir W. Molesworth
remains a Radical, but he is the only Radical in a
Cabinet which contains seven Whigs and five
Peelite Conservatives. What will his Radicalism
effect there ? What was the main charge brought
against Lord Derby's Cabinet ? That the members
of that Administration did not attempt to carry out
their own principles. Well, Sir W. Molesworth
joins a Cabinet of which he knows beforehand that
it

will not, and cannot carry, out his principles:—
And the same thing may be said of nearly 'the
whole of the members of the Cabinet. Nearly every
man has his own peculiar views—as much his own
as Protectionist principles were properly those of
Mr. Henley, Mr. Walpole, and Sir John Paking-
ton. Yet all these must be sacrificed. Three or
four members of the Cabinet are Tractarians ; but
there is a majority in the Cabinet against Trac-
tarianism. Fire or six are opposed to the
Ecclesiastical Titles Bill ; but there is a majo-
rity in the Cabinet against submitting to Papal
aggression.
But, perhaps, some of our readers may be in-
clined to say, on this view of the matter, " Well,
then, according to your account of the case, the
Cabinet is a pretty good one ; at least, one not
likely to do much harm."
We answer, that so far as their own private judg-
ment goes, we might trust the ilyeinombers of Sir
•Robert Peel's Cabinet of 1841, with such Whigs as
Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerston, and the
Marquis of Lansdowne, not to pluncfbc into any
very desperate courses. But the question is, not
what their judgments might dictate, or their in-
clinations prompt them to do, but what their ne-
cessities may force them to consent unto. The
Reform Bill of 1831, as everybody now knows, was
not the measure at first devised, but an enlarged
edition, enforced from the Whigs by the necessities
of their position. And now, while the present
Cabinet befools Sir W. Molesworth by leaving him
at liberty to vote for the ballot, while his twelve
colleagues will all vote against it, they expose
themselves to be. pressed at an inconvenient mo-
ment by a colleague who avows that he has entered
the Cabinet as a Radical, in order to further-Radi-
calism as much as he can.
• The truth is, that the present Administration is
the creature oidire necessity. No one has stated
this better than Mr. Trelawny, the Liberal candi-
date for Brighton in July last, who was called upon
last week again to oppose Lord Alfred Hervey. He
declines, because he will not oppose the present
Ministry, believing it to be a creation of necessity.
He says—

"We have to contend with many difficulties. The
Derbyite party is numeroul and powerful. The general
tendency of European politics is reactionary and menac-
ing. No RadiCal Cabinet could stand. , No Peehte
Cabinet could stand. No Whig Cabinet could stand.
Coalition becomes a necessity of the moment. The
question is, what can we do better than aesept the pre-
sent Government ?"

We have not seen a stronger testimony to the
growing power of the Conservative party. In 1847
we had a Whig Cabinet, supported by
a Whig and
Radical majority in the House of Commons. In
1852 a Whig Cabinet is confessed to be an impossi-
bility. Even were all the Whigs and all the Radi-
cals in Parliament to unite most cordially, they
would still be in a minority, and their Cabinet
would be dissolved in a week. The Reform Club,
tsthreamzelv amphibious
in all its strength, is outnumbered. They are
obliged to go to the Carlton Club, and to seduce
Coc
nsr
Administration is constructed,
away some 30 or 40 men, who have always called
vatives.
• -
themselves,naididi vin'htohisstilllvacaylia
simply from dire
necessity, and as a matter of speculation. The
choice was, as Lord John Russell confessed. • yester-
day, either to form this singular coalition, or else
hi
to recal Lord Derby ! Rather than do i
three or four sections from all parts
of
the house
came
good," t too
geth
run er the hazard. and resolved, "for their country's

___......11,.•
ENGLISH ENTERPRISE.. The following extract from a
letter, dated Copenhagen, Dec. 20, will be read with in-
terest :—" Mr. Peto's railway
Jy
Justiceutlandplan for North and South
c Councillor as now been officially cornmunicated on his behalf
bC. M. Poulsen. This gentman ad-
dressed the Jutland members of the Lower Housele last Sa-
turday on the subject in a private meeting. He has since
presented Mr. Peto's formal petition for the concession
to his Majesty, and the Government will doubtless bring-
the necessary bill before the Parliament. The line will
go from Flensborg to Ballum ; thence, in a broad arc,
past Ribe and Hjerting, to which two places there will
be branch lines opposite Veile and Horsens to Aarhuus,
thence to Viborg, which will be connected by a branch
e
line with Hjarbek, then on to Aalborg, crossings()
"hp
Limfjord, by a bridge about 1,700 feet long,
t oi s
calculatedF e
be asked for the general line ; but for thhaet
eruestlyi tridge,
ciericksahtav3n,o.ooT, oho; totall.
sterling. expense
Noef
guarantee then awnn.l whole ol_ efrwill o line
Viborg to Frederikshavn, inclusive of t
800,0001., a State guarantee of 4t per cent.
will r r
be
!l
"the
time, about twenty-two to twenty ye-yremencewillu be the
the amount for which portion is calculated_e_
eatcearbili
cas
for. This guarantee will
.ntn
is
e°.___ented
whole line is ready,
have
and
e in six years. This lame
to
the Government
•
in all its details
doubt be willingly at.-
submitted
d will no career for Den-
the Parliament, an
will -en a new .
will to be
will be
while it fully
cepted by both. .
articular,
The Swedish
mark and Jutland p
in
bold enterprisers. . LI
remunerative to its
this undertaking, and point
lay great stress on
e for connnunication and
papers
~ _ .
...
out its immense
Norway, Finland, -Tvl Russia. \l' hen
of Sweden,
and that between Stockholm and
traffic
finished, .
this railway.
isq completed, which must be the case in a
It wliichopi scheme
E'
Gottenburg
Ltraveller from Stockholm may reach Ham-
few
years, Tours."
THE COAT —T
' TALE OF • he uniform coats for the
.T.I!E are made for 15d. each, and that price includes
militia
silk and twist, cutting the holes, the corner and cuff
ornaments, the turnbacks of the tail, sewing 20 to 30
buttons, and the ordinary work of a coat and lining sew-
ing ; 4d. more is paid to the loopers for the front lace
bur, in 24 i
fastenings, &c., and 4d. more is allowed to the sub-con-
tractors for risk, trouble, terage, c. ;so that the
putting together each coat coo*3 the & contractor 2g.—
. Led, Itgaligencer.

Zibt

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 5, 1853.

Hitherto the Elections have in every instance
turned out favourably for the new Administra-
tion. On Saturday Sir JAMES GRAHAM was re-
turned, without a contest, for the ancient city of
Carlisle. The electors of Southwark, at the same
time, bestowed a similar mark of their approval
on Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH, the First Commis-
sioner of Woods and Forests. Sir GEORGE GREY
was also elected as Representative for Morpeth;
Mr. STRUTT, the new
Chancellor of the Duchy of
Lancaster, for Nottingham ;
Lord MULORAVE for
Scarborough ; an :l the Hon. WM. C for
Hertford—no opposition being in
offered to the above-named an7Pirstance
Monday
of the
AIIERDEEN Government. On its success
was no less striking. The citizensofyof London
unanimously re-elected the Leader
The theb House
of Commons, Lord JOHN RUSSELL.
of Tiverton expressed their cordial and unlessa„eo,s
ing regard for Viscount PALMERSTON ;
while
the Right Hon. MATTHEW TALBOT BAINES, h •s
fellow-townsmen at Leeds proved that his high,
qualifications and genuine kindliness of disposition
were thoroughly appreciated, and that gentlemen,
although politically opposed, hailed with satisfac-
tion his resumption of office as Chairman of the
Poor-Law Board, the important duties whereof he
had previously discharged with so much zeal and
efficiency-.
Yesterday,
again, the results were equally bene-
ficial to the, Coalition Ministry. Mr. CARDWELL',
the President of the Board of Trade—and who,
now that he has a seat in Parliament, will unques-
tionably be admitted to a place in the Cabinet—
was returned without opposition for the City of
Oxford,
in Place of Sir W. PAGE WOOD, who had
most deservedly been appointed to a place on the
Judicial t;e„ch
Mr. C A RD as one of the Vice-Chancellors.
valued diseiplesL was
perhaps one of the most
f
the late
and received from Sir ROBERT PEEL,
highest possible hark deceased Statesman the
pointed one, of his literate
?aconfidence in being ap-
hands the vindication of executors, to whose
tiveo of one pesuliarly sensiteivellaracter and mo-
opinion,, Were entrusted, r2eq)eting public
regretted

Mr. CARDWELL' S temporary removal from the
sphere for which he was so eminently qualified.
We are greatly gratified at his once more as-
suming the position from which such a man
should never be excluded, although his opinions
on some points might not be altogether what we
could desire.
The Honourable CHART:RS VILLIERS—the
faithful, the consistent CHARLES Vila:inns—the
.earnest, as he was one of the most vigorous,
champions of Free Trade, was, as might have
been easily anticipated, once more returned as
Representative for Wolverhampton. To Mr.
VILLIERS an election has always been rather an
ovation than a trial. As he truly remarked—
" the longer his connexion with Wolverhampton
lasted, the longer it seemed likely to last." The
electors had exhibited a degree of gratitude, for
important services to the good cause, as honourable
to themselves as it was flattering to its object.
Mr. VILLIERS had well merited their favour. Not
only had he been a Free-trader when it was by no
means fashionable to avow that faith—not only
had he been placed in the van on every contest,
bat he was their recognised Parliamentary leader.
His services in the House hitherto have been
unrequited, save by the honest electors of Wolver-
hampton. When large sums were raised for
others, his claims were forgotten, and the only
appearance of gratitude was that exhibited by the
men of Wolverhampton—a token of friendship
which Mr. VILLIERS did not undervalue ; for,
when he was returned for Wolverhampton, and
the most important division of Lancashire—an
honour of which any man, the highest Commoner
in the land, might be proud—he refused to sever
the links that had bound him in less favourable
times, and remained faithful to the honest men of
Wolverhampton. He has, at length, joined the
Ministerial ranks; and we confess that his
appointment although, perhaps, not fully
adequate to his claims—was that which in-
duced us to entertain some hope of the stability
of the New Government—a hope that we might
not otherwise have felt, considering the diversity
of opinion and the many causes of dissension in
the new Cabinet.

The greatest Godsend of all, however, was the
return of Sir CHARLES WOOD for Halifax. The
other cases had been anticipated. None doubted
the result at Wolverhampton, at Carlisle, at Ti-
verton, or London. But it was very different at
Halifax ; a vigorous opposition had been organ-
ised, and Mr. EDWARDS, who had formerly headed
the poll in the borough, was too formidable a
competitor to be slighted. Great anxiety was
entertained in political circles as to the event—
an anxiety which reached a very high pitch when

it was known that EDWARDS had, in the early
part of the day, achieved a majority of
130. The feeling was, however, changed,
when the glad tidings was announced—per
electric telegraph—that the President of the India
Board was, at the closing of the poll, 52 a head
of his ,opponent. However satisfactory at this
moment the result may be to the Ministry, we
fear that it will not cause permanent gratification,
when the Right Hon. Baronet has exhibited hiB
handiwork for some time in the mismanagement
of the Anglo-Indian Empire. _

All the Members of the Cabinet have now been
re-elected with one, although by no means an un-
important, exception. Mr. GLADSTONE is opposed
for Oxford by Mr. DUDLEY PERCEVAL—a son of
tilt Right Hon. SPENCER PERCEVAL, who, while
filling the very office now held by Mr. GLADSTONE,
was murdered in the lobby of the Rouse of Com-
mons by BELLINGHAM. The contest may pos-
sibly prove closer than has been anticipated. Mr.
PERCEVAL, who obtained a first-class degree in
the University, is no mean opponent. We should,
however, although strongly opposed to some of Mr.
GLADSTONE'S crotchets, more particularly those re-
specting the Income Tax, to which he gave expres-
sion during the late financial debate, greatly re-
gret his exclusion from the arena in which
a man of his intellectual powers should have a
place whether in or out of office. It appears that
this morning Mr. GLADSTONE was only in a majo-
rity of 3—there being 86 votes for, and 83
against the Right Honourable Gentleman. The
poll, we find, may continue open for 14 days
—the Universities being excluded from the
salutary rule limiting the time of polling
to one, or at most two days. That is a
point which will, we trust, not be forgotten
when the much-required University Reform shall
be brought on the tapis. In the meantime, we
can only express a hope that, notwithstanding
some glaring mistakes, Mr. GLADSTONE'S many
claims may not be disregarded. We gave " fair
play" to the late Ministry ; we shall do the same

to the present. As we have repeatedly stated,
our motto is "Measures, not men-;" and
we shall cordially support every good
proposition, no matter from what quarter it may
proceed ; while we shall as strenuously oppose that
which appears to be injurious to the great body
of the people, although the fate of any party hung
on its adoption.

It was, we believe, the Hon. Fox MAULE (now
Lord PANMURE) who, in a speech to his consti-
tuency, first gave circulation to an argument
against the Ballot, at which not own the Tories,
but, much more, the humbler fry of Whiggism,
gladly caught. Whig candidates are generally in
the inconvenient dilemma of wishing to retain all
power in the hands of the aristocracy, and their
own section of it especially, yet of being obliged
to advocate liberal measures as their t •2\ hope of
carrying the people with them. They profess
themselves the friends of the people for the same
reason that Protectionists profess themselves
the farmers' friends, namely, that they may ride
into office on their shoulders. Protectionists in
power this summer lost it by disappointing
the expectations of their own party ; and the
Whigs in power last spring lost it through
the disappointment generated by the contemptible
Reform Bill of Lotd J. Rums/a,. All earnest
Reformers perceived, to use the language of
the Times, that his Lordship was now " effete" and
" used up." Two cardinal sins of omission be-
longed to that bill ; it did not abolish pocket
boroughs, it did not give the Ballot ; and we can
assure the Whigs that, unless these sins be utterly
renounced, they never will be placed in power
again by the people. The latter sin, refusal of the
Ballot, is the one dearest of all to the hearts of
Whigs. What a Heaven-sent Whig, therefore,
must he be who could teach Whig candidates
how to persuade the non-electors that refusal of the
Ballot is protection to them ! It would, at least, gain
for them a hustings' triumph ; the forest of hands
would be always held up for the Whig friend of the un-
represented As such a tutor, then, Mr. F. MAULE
came forward. Dropping the stale and un-Eng-
lish nonsense that the Ballot is un-English
although so much used, in their clubs and
otherwise, by those who deem themselves the
elite of Englishmen, it is, he says, unfair to those
who have no votes. " I will agree, then," says
Mr. F. MAULE, "to the Ballot when the suf-
frage, as in America and France, is universal ;
but, with a limited suffrage, I must hold the
electors responsible to the non-electors ; the
electoral suffrage is a trust, and trustees for
the public ought to vote publicly." The
°PPonents of the Ballot in the Liberal ranks
Nerern
into igihtly pleased with this argument ; it
was solemnly paraded, as if the Ark had been
broughtV
does not like to satheiyr disconsolate camp. A Whig
with Tory bluntness, to men
demanding an independent vote, " You sha'nt
have it"—

"For Whigs allow no force but argument."
What a boon, then,
intimidated voter,
"Your to
vote
is
~ a
vLijahotwrusytofuorptelrie
non-electors, and they _
form your trust."
_Ve
DANIEL come to
ib judgment." Yet, however
themselves, and their real friends inl
bit—an e, the people
Parliament,
regarded it only as a clever adroit
piece of special pleading, much more
Plaus
worthy
of the great "mystery man" than of the
then Secretary-at-War. It is, nevertheless,
worthy of a distinct answer, which we do not re-
collect to have seen vouchsafed to it in any of
the Liberal journals. It might well be disputed
at the outset whether the trustee theory be the
true one. It is most certain that Lord JOHN

RUSSELL proposed to aim at so arranging the con-
stituencies under the Reform Bill, that voters of
every class should belong to them ; propositions
have also been made, that in any alteration of the
suffrage, not numbers, but classes, should be repre-
sented. Lord JOHN, then, and these latter poli-
ticians with him, assume that voters in each class
are to vote according to their own conceptions of
the interests of their class, and by no means as
the trustees of other classes. They assume
that each man voting for himself will fur-
nish a fair representation of all classes in
the House of Commons, since the great body
of individuals in each class agree very closely
in what they deem the interest of their order.
We will, however, pass by the discussion of this
more abstract question, and ask what are the facts
of the case ? They are mainly these,—First, that
the non-electors are universally in favour of the
Ballot, and of conferring that right on the present
constituency also. Secondly, that, considering
the electors as trustees, the only party which
attempts to tamper with them in the discharge of
their duty, is a small but wealthy party already
enjoying representation itself,—and, thirdly, that this
small party to the extent of its power, influences
the electoral trustees in opposition to the known
wishes of the unrepresented, for whom they are
trustees.

One thing is quite plain, that probably in every
instance in which " the masses" were present at
the hustings, a candidate in favour of the Ballot
has had a vast majority on the Show of hands.
Nor can any one doubt that if it were now sub-
mitted to the larger constituencies both of our
towns and counties, whether even the pre-
sent limited suffrage should be protected
by the Ballot, every large gathering of th 9
people would almost unanimously hold up
their hands in its favour. And not without the
best reason. If non-electors did not know
how individual electors voted, they are cer-
tain they could not be losers by their igno-
rance ; they know, indeed, that they must be
gainers. Whenever the man of their choice of
the hustings has been defeated at the poll, the
Ballot would always have given him more votes,
and probably have given him a triumphi The
non-electors know that their powers of intimi-
dation are small indeed compared with
those of lords, magistrates, and parsons, millown-
ers, and other large employers of labour; and that
their power of bribery is absolutely nothing. If,
then, the voters be trustees, let them be protected
against the class. which alone can, which alone
does, and which alone wishes to tamper with them
in the discharge of their duty ; from the class
which hinders thousands from voting consistently
with their supposed trusteeship to the non-elec-
tors, and deters them by cruel or corrupting in-
fluence from espousing their cause.
Trustees for the non-electors ! Does it not
border upon the ridiculous to utter such words
gravely ; and that, too, in the face of so many
constituencies by whom the man of the people's
choice
,has been rejected ? Verily, the trustees
acquit theaselves strangely of their trust ! As
at present influenced, they but too commonly re-
fuse to fulfil the wishes of those for whom they are
trustees. Possibly, Mr. F. MAULE may tell
us that this is because the unrepresented do not
know their own interest. If so, however, the
responsibility of electors to them is of no use at
all, and these trustees had better be delivered by
the Rallot from any danger of listening to the
wishes of their incompetent charge. Clear it is,
that whenever the poll reverses a very decided
majority at the hustings, the electors have not
acted as responsible to the wishes, at least, of the
non-electorsi Mr. Fox MAULE must in this case,
therefore, -admit one of two things : if the electors
have done well in rejecting the popular candidate,
then their votes had better be entirely free from
the supervision of the non-electors, as that influ-
ence, so far as it went, was injurious; but, if badly,
why, then, the non-electors ought to be made
trustees of their own votes, and Mr. Fox MAULE
ought to give them Universal Suffrage.
Mr. F. MAULE and his pupils must take care.
Englishmen do not like sham arguments on a
serious question. Whenever this pretence of
trusteeship is brought forward again at the hustings,
we would recommend that some one should put it
to the non-electors present, whether, for the sake
of their knowing how the electors vote, they wish
that landlords, magistrates, parsons, and great
masters, should also know how the electtrs voted.
We fancy they would hear a pretty general re-
sponse, " Emancipate the present electors from
aristocratic domination, and then. we may hope to
get votes for ourselves." We warn the Whigs,
however, that the Ballot is merely a question of
time, and of no long time either. Uncertain
and expensive means of punishing bribery will be
tolerated no longer ; while no means but that of
secret voting can put a stop to the feudal barba-
rities of the traffickers in corruption. The
people will be hoaxed no longer by ingenious
sophisms. Their own common sense, and the tes-
timony of a FRAIL and an EDWARDS will outweigh
all such pretences of argument The question is quite
settled in the minds of the vast majority of the
middle and working classes. Representatives of
Liberal constituencies who have hitherto stood
out are showing plainly, in their half-conceding
language, that the screw is upon them ; and very
speedily eyery opponent of the Ballot will be
numbered with the avowed opponents of popular
liberty.

There are few persons to whom emigrants and
the friends of emigration are under such weighty
obligations as they are to Mrs. CHISHOLM. There
is something so earnest, so persevering, and so
essentially practical in the character of that lady's
philanthropy, that with small means, and beset
with many difficulties, she has effected incalcul-
able good in her generation. At home her ex-
ample is an incentive and encouragement to the
exertions of others more wealthy and influential
than herself ; and beyond the seas thousands who,
arriving poor and friendless on a foreign shore,
found in her kindness a sister's sympathy, and in
her counsel a safe resource—thousands who owe
the means of life, and more than life, to her timely
succour, remember her with gratitude, and call her
" blessed." This is no exaggeration ; or if any are
inclined so to consider it, we would commend them
to turn to a recently published account of the in-
valuable labours of CAROLINE CHISHOLM. As we
have already observed, it is its practical tendency
that gives so high a value to Mrs. CnisHoLm's
benevolence. Good wishes and a vague sort of
sympathy with the unfortunate, are not wanting
with the majority ; but how few of us are as
ready with our deeds as with our desires ! While
others talk of what ought to be done, Mrs. thus-
HOLM thinks of what can be done. While others
express bountifully magnificent wishes, Mrs. ems-
HOLM performs real beneficial actions. As an evi-
dence of the quiet, practical nature of her projects,
we have only to turn to her address last evening at
the Mechanics' Institution at Greenwich. Some of
the facts which she there alluded to will probably
surprise many. One point, however, should not
be passed over, and we earnestly trust that the
Post-office authorities will at once take it into
consideration. It would appear that the majority
of emigrants are husbands and fathers of families,
who go out alone, with the hope of transmitting
money to enable their families to join them.
Mrs. CHISHOLM stated that to her own know-
ledge 11,000 men had thus left their wives
behind them. By the last mail Captain
CHISHOLM transmitted to this country more
than two thousand pounds as remittances
from working men to their relatives. The diffi-
culty and inconvenience of such remittances on
the part of emigrants is, however, great, and the
importance of affording every- facility to such a
means of enabling their families to join them is
ttoorang:meiatttintog rmeoqnueirye
to commnthis
country Post-office
orders were established in Australia, Mrs.
CllistioLm anticipates the greatest benefit, et.lf
aby system
of
espe-
cially to those separated families of whom some
members have gone to seek their fortune, while
others remain behind in poverty, in anxiety,
and hope deferred. Such a necessity can
surely only require to be made known to
the Proper authorities, in order at once to obtain
attention. Another portion of Mrs. CHISHOLM'S