The Sun.
London, England, 1853-06-23 00:00:00

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LONDON, THURSDAY, JUNE 23, 1853.

During May, 1853, • several of the reigning
Sovereigns of Continental Europe assembled, it
will be perfectly well remembered, in the capital
of Austria. Vienna was for several weeks the
scene of RoYal festivities, and more than one
crowned guest enjoyed, for a time, the Imperial
hospitalities of Scheenbrunn. Among the august
visitors to the metropolis of Austria Proper, it
was long expected would be numbered no less
important a personage than the EMPEROR of all
the Russias—the Potentate to whom FRANCIS
JOSEPH is indebted for the retention of his diadem,
or, at any rate, for the preservation of the sceptre
of Hungary. But the CZAR, it seemed, as days
passed by, was otherwise engaged. He refrained from
making his appearance in the capital of his im-
perial neighbour—and vassal. The regal gather-
ing dispersed, and no more was heard of the pro-
spective arrival of the AUTOCRAT, when—sud-
denly—there came intelligence of the extraordinary
mission of Prince MENSCHIKOFF to Constantinople.
The truth then became sufficiently apparent.
NICHOLAS had all this while been preparing his
enormous act of duplicity, resolved in his heart
to surprise the rest of the world into a recogni-
tion of his proceedings by a grand diplomatic coup,
frightening the Divan into submission, and extort-
ing from the SULTAN the long-coveted political
independence of Turkey. His anticipations have
turned out to be rather premature. He is proved
to have counted with a delightfully unwarrantable
over-confidence. Instead of revealing his policy
by a success, he has only disclosed it by one of the
most ignominious failures to which an ambitious
potentate ,ever found his ideas subjected. His
insolent demands upon the Sublime Porte have
been scornfully rejected, not once only, but three
times consecutively. The Convention has beenre-
fused—the Sened has been refused—the Note has
been refused: the ultimatum has been virtually kicked
over the Russian frontiers and the Plenipotentiary
of the CZAR after it. The Government of St.
Petersburgh, at the very moment when it was
preparing doubtless to welcome the triumph of
the project undertaken by Prince MENSCHIKOFF,
awakens to the knowledge that the whole scheme
has failed—failed utterly and irretrievably—and
that the SULTAN, in his unparalleled temerity, is
backed
simultaneously by France and England.
Thereupon - the AUTOCRAT, havingfailed in his
project of bullying the Porte into a monstrous
concession,luboeugBitanschto swell, and swagger, and
twirl his
though Western „ur, and rattle his sabre—as
to be
alarmed
iao 0?tto were a big child, ready
blusts
erat the mere sight and
sound of an em pt
already in print long ao atiri • All this we have
ici.pated. It is simply
in keeping with the whole h
is of the councils
of St. Petersburgh. Finding his- haughty u/tinta-
inust needs
him rejected, the Russian EMPER.OR
storm, and rage, and appear more than ever
acting and inflexible, if only to keep lip appear_
ances. Otherwise, let him submit meekly to
his recent discomfiture—and adieu for ever
and ever to the prestige of his colossal'
despotism ! It is for this reason that we find him
still pertinaciously insisting upon the justice of
his demands upon the Sublime Porte, through
the circular note (to which we referred yesterday)
signed NIISSZLHODE. Possibly in thus acting up
io the part he has assumed, the CZAR may once
more go a little too far in his reliance upon the ,

skill of his machinations. He counted upon the
success of his diplomatic onslaught upon Turkey—
he may count in like manner with implicit confi-
dence upon the consent of Western Europe to his
military occupation of the Danubian Principalities.
A brief interval, and the truth will, in this mat-
ter also, be revealed. In all likelihood we shall
learn by the next intelligence from Constantinople
I whether the passage of the Pruth has been
effected. It must then be speedily known how
the Cabinets of St. James's and the Tuileries have
resolved upon acting in this extraordinary
emergency. It must be seen whether their
chivalry and hardihood are compatible with
those already displayed by the SULTAN and
his Government. This can only be if the
passage of the Pruth by the Cossacks shall
have been looked upon as a declaration of hosti-
lities on the part of Russia. It will not be
enough that France and England should simply
protest by sending their fleets to the Dardanelles.
The hour for simple protest will then have passed
by altogether—the moment will have arrived for
prompt and energetic]measures of warlike retalia-
tion. It will be incumbent upon our maritime
armaments, for example, to traverse the length of
the sea of Marmora, and take up their position in
the Bosphorus and in the waters of Constantinople.
If deemed requisite by our Ambassador at the
Sublime Porte, those armaments will have to ad-
vance still further—into the Black Sea—it may
be even to Odessa and Sebastopol. Under
any circumstances there can be no further
room for mere negotiation when once the Cossacks
shall have crossed the frontiers of the Russian
Empire in their march towards the line of the
Balkan Mountains. Should Russia thus flagrantly
draw the sword upon Turkey—it will behove
France and England to draw theirs and to fling
away the scabbard.

This evening, on the second reading of the India
Bill, Lord STANLEY will move " that further in-
formation is necessary to enable Parliament to
legislate with advantage for the permanent go-
vernment of India, and that at this late period of
the session, it is inexpedient to proceed with a
measure which, while it disturbs existing arrange-
ments, cannot be considered as a final settlement."
The Noble Lord has assumed a proper posi-
tion on this important subject. He has taken
the right issue, which, if decided in his
favour, will afford the best possible chance
of a just and satisfactory solution of the great
problem as to the form of Government best cal-
culated to promote the welfare and happiness of
150,000,000 of human beings either acknowledg-
ing allegiance to Queen VICTORIA, or dependent
on British protection for the scanty privileges they
enjoy, and also most likely to develope the ex-
traordinary natural resources of the Anglo-Indian
Empire, and to render it a useful and profitable
dependency to the United Kingdom. Sir CHARLES
WOOD asserts that there is not the slightest occa-
sion for any postponement. He declares that
we already possess the requisite information--
that there are, in fact, ample materials for
permanent legislation, and steadfastly rejects the
demand for further inquiry, refusing to the peo-
ple most deeply interested the opportunity of sub-
stantiating or even putting forward their com-
plaints.
It is, indeed, difficult to understand by what
process of reasoning the Right Hon. Baronet can
attempt to justify or to explain the numerous
inconsistencies of which he has been guilty in
dealing with this important subject. By far the
greater portion of his verbose and prolix ora-
tion was consumed in expatiating on the
admirable administration of affairs in our Eastern
dominions, and the peculiarly felicitous results
that attended the inestimable services of the
magnates of Leadenhall-street and the statesmen of
Cannon-row. During four heavy hours he
lavished praises on the Government, which, "if
not the best that could be devised, could not by
any means be condemned, either as inefficacious or
inefficient," and yet the Right Hon. Baronet,
after dwelling at such length on the admirable
working of the system, refuses on any pretext, or
under any circumstances, to consent to their
continuance of this super-excellent administration
for even a single year ; any delay he regards as
pregnant with the most dangerous consequences,
and with extraordinary energy implores the
House to come to an immediate decision one
way or the other. Better even to overthrow the
entire system than to permit a moment's delay.
This constitutes the very essence of his Bill.
Any postponemeat is fatal to its principle. It
must be carried at once, or not at all.
The suspicions naturally excited by this extra-
ordinary promptitude--this (considering the cha-
racter of the man) almost miraculous exhibition
of alacrity—are by no means removed by the con-
duct 'of the Board of Directors on the occasion.
Although the members of the Court loudly complain
of the contemplated interference with their body—
although they strongly object to the reduction of
their number, the diminution of their patronage,
and the intrusion of six Government nominees into
their councils—objections that would be totally
unanswerable if the statements of Sir CHARLES
Wool) as to the beneficial results of their past
government had any foundation—they still, albeit
unwillingly and. grudgingly, consent to the mea-

sure, by which their powers and their; patron-
age will be so grievously curtailed, and endeavour
to force on the measure through both Houses at
this advanced period of the session, when it is
utterly impossible that it can obtain the calm and
attentive consideration it so eminently merits.
They shrink from inquiry ; they dread investiga-
tion as the very worst evil that can happen,
feeling that a knowledge of the truth—a thorough
acquaintance with the real state of affairs—would
be destructive to their hopes—preventing the pos-
sibility of the retention of any vestige of their
former power. Surely this strange andunaccoun t-
able precipitation--this extraordinary and unpre-
cedented departure from former habits—for the
Honourable Company was almost as notorious for

procrastination as Sir CHARLES WOOD himself—
would alone furnish an irresistible argument in
favour of the postponement they are so anxious
to avoid—the inquiry which they so steadfastly
resist.

But there is another argument utterly inconsis-
tent with the other, on which almost equal stress
is placed by the advocates of the existing system
—the double form of irresponsible Governmmt.
They declare that the present Bill is simply one of
continuance—that the question can be re-opened
at any time when the requisite information hag
been obtained—the views and feelings of the
natives ascertained and thoroughly digested. This

most assuredly appears to be a strange argument
on the part of those who demand immediate

egislation at any cost, or under any circum-

stances !

How can Sir CHARLES WOOD re-

concile it with that portion of his address

in which he declared that it was the duty

of Ministers "to give India the best forma
of Government that the wisdom of Parliament can

devise," and emphatically exclaiming, with respect
to this bill—" Amend it if you will—alter it if

you please—suggest improvements if you can ;
but let us not refuse to Inclia the best Govern-

ment we can devise for the permanent welfare of

our Indian Empire." Surely this is utterly op-
posed to his statement to the Directors, that Mi-

nisters " had not proposed any fixed term for the
duration of this form of government, as we think
it advisable that it should be open at any time
to the consideration and revision of Parliament."

On this ground, then, legislation for an indefini.'s
. .

period is also asked for ; but this, it should be
remembered is totally opposed to the opinions of
those who speak of the danger of exciting and
keeping up an agitation in India on the subject
of the future government of the country.
If, however, Lord STANLEY'S just and reason-
able proposition be negatived—if the dura-
tion,ceevice
of the new Government be continued
for an indefinite period—every scheme and
device will be resorted to to prevent further in-tf
relic°. Then, indeed, a dangerous agitation
that have
may really be commenced, and the serious conse-
quencesindeed, arise, been so vividly depicted may,
We trust that Parliament may
avert those evils, and that,
by carrying amendment of the iNTeble Lord, they may afford

the satisfactory assurance to the people of India
that their interests are indeed looked after in the
Imperial Parliament, and that their affairs will
receive that public inquiry and discussion to which
their vast importance so eminently entitles them.