The Sun.
London, England, 1853-08-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDOIC WEDNESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 17, 1858.

THE SMOKE NUISANCE.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, in moving that the
house go into committee on the Smoke Nuisance Abate-
ment (Metropolis) Bill, observed that it was a measure of
considerable importance, because it affected the comfort
not only of their lordships, but of every one in the
metropolis, and every class of society. He believed
they were all aware, though they might not be
aware of the whole extent to which it had taken
place, that they had been for years past subject
to the gradual encroachment, not of an invisible element,
but at least of an element whose approaches were so
gradual that the whole extent could hardly be appre-
ciated, and at this moment, and for years past, they had
been living, not under the canopy of heaven, but under
one of their own creation. (Hear, hear.) The experi-
ments of the last seven years had abundantly proved
that their lordships could with perfect safety, without
imposing any burdens upon individuals beyond some
amount of attention and trouble, require the extinction
and consumption of all smoke generated by manufactur-
ing establishments. It was proposed by this bill, that
after the Ist of August of next year all furnaces should
be compelled to consume their own smoke, with the
exception of glass works and potteries, throughout the
metropolitan districts, and the bill included the steam-
boats on the river. There was an impression that this
was a sort of dilettanti measure, only sought for for the
benefit of the rich, and the preservation of works of art.
He should be the last to say that works of art should
not be protected, while it was the policy of the Legisla-
ture to amass in the metropolis collections of the most
valuable description. He thought that object alone was
deserving the protecting hand of their lordship. (Hear,
hear.) But so far from its being only for the interest of
the richer classes, only affecting the feelings of amateurs
and preservation of works of art—it affected every class
of the community and the general cleanliness of the
metropolis, for there was no housekeeper who-was not
able to vouch for the increased difficulty in maintaining
the commonest cleanliness in consequence of the nuisance
which this bill would abate. The smoke so affected the
clothing of the working classes that it was computed
every mechanic paid at least five times the amount of the
original cost of his shirt for the number of washings ren-
dered necessary. Therefore, in proposing this bill, he
was assuming the functions of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, as it would make a considerable seduction of
a duty levied upon the whole community not the less
rigorously because they were hardly aware of it. (Hear,
hear.) The bill, while affording that relief, did so with
singular care--he might almost say more care than was
necessary for the interests of the parties upon whom it
would operate, because, although six months was first
proposed to be allowed for every manufacturer to pro-
vide himself with this machinery, that period had been
extended to the Ist of August next. The provisions
of the bill were the same as had been adopted in
various local acts of Parliament. There were five or
six places, including a part of the metropolis (White-
chapel) in which provisions for this purpose were en-
forced ; and in many instances in which persons bad
been compelled to adopt the new machinery they had
found themselves benefitted in point of economy by the
change. He thought it unnecessary to say more upon a
matter so obviously for the public advantage.
The bill then passed through committee.
Lord REDESDALE, in moving that the report be
received, congratulated the house and the country upon
the introduction of this bill, and expressed his obliga-
tions to the Government for having undertaken to pass
so necessary a measure. He had himself carried two
bills for the same purpose through their lordships' house,
but not receiving the support of the Government, it was
impossible to carry them through the other houSe of Par-
liament. If this bill did not do all he desired, it was
still a great improvement. He regretted that the ope-
ration of the bill was postponed, as it created unneces-
sary delay ; but since that was an agreement come to
for the withdrawal of certain opposition, he should not in-
terfere with it. He regretted also that glass works and
potteries were excepted. A bill had passed that very
year for the improvement of Newcastle-on-Tyne, where
more glass was made than in any other place in England,
and no such exemption had been required in that in-
stance. He considered that a great blot upon the mea-
sure ; but he should not propose any alteration. He
should, however, move amendments to make the words
of the enacting clause the same as the preamble, with
With
respecttiehna o
Richmond-bridge,
b steam-vesselsridgeand
to
modifybetween
theth
ird clause, o
London-bridgeau se w andhie h
provided that no penalty should attach where only coke
parties
evadee-
sopr re-
spect other o fuel,tha tproviso
not emitting
i t
the operation of the act ; and it was only necessary to
observe a railway train to see that coke put on
rudely did emit smoke ; and he, therefore, should pro-
wso awoke,
e enwabalse
used.pose to limit the exemption to cases in which no smoke
was caused. He thought no one could object to those
amendments ; but if they endangered the passing of
the bill, he trusted the Government would at once give
them up. •
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE approved of the
amendments, and had no objection to their introduction,
upon the understanding that, if objected to elsewhere,
they should be given up. He reminded the noble lord
that, with respect to glass works and potteries, the bill
would apply to those parts of the works which created
the most noxious smoke.

The amendments were then agreed to, and the report
received.

The Stock in Trade Exemption Bill, the Customs Tariff
Act Bill, and the Customs Consolidation Act Bill seve-
rally passed through committee, and were reported.
On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, the
Ecclesiastical Jurisdicticin Bill was read the second time.
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
HACKNEY CARRIAGES BILL.
Mr. WILSON said, it was now his duty to call the
attention of the house to the title of a bill which went
up a few days ago to the other House of Parliament.
The bill, which was lost last night, was the Hackney
Carriage Duties Bill. He ought to state that in the last
stages of the bill in that house an amendment was intro-
duced with respect to section 13, which altered a pre-
vious provision as to the hiring of carriages beyond a
circle of four miles. He was informed by the authori-
ties at the Home-office, who had been in communication
with the cabmen, that they had a distinct understanding
that the clause as it stood should be a concession made
to the cabmen. Under these circumstances, the autho-
rities at the Home-office, who had been in communica-
tion with the cabmen, felt that it would be a breach of
faith on their part were the house not to carry out this
provision. He should, therefore, move that a committee
be appointed to search the journals of the Lords in refer-
ence to the Hackney Carriage Duties Bill, and make a
report to the house.
The motion was agreed to.
RUSSIA AND TURKEY.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, having presented certain papers
regarding the relations of foreign states with the Court of
Rome, proceeded to say :—Sir, I now rise to propose that
this house at its rising do adjourn till Friday next. I have
already stated that before the prorogation of Parliament I
would endeavour to make some explanation to the house
of the relations at present subsisting between Russia and
Turkey. I have to thank the house for its forbearance
during the present session ; and in anything that I may
have to say I shall not enter into anything which may be
considered to be a defence of her Majesty's Government,
because her Majesty's Government has not been attacked
in this house. On the contrary, I think every disposition
has been shown to leave in the hands of her Majesty's
Executive Government the conduct of the negotiations in
this important case. (Hear.) I have a few words to say,
however, as to the production of the papers which some
members of this house think ought to have been laid on
the table. Upon that subject I will say that on reverting
to what has been done on previous occasions, even in cir-
cumstances exceedingly critical, I have not found that it
has been usual to lay on the table of the houses of Parlia-
ment papers relating to the negotiations, in a state
similar to the negotiations which have been lately
carried on, and Which are now being carried on
among the powers of Europe. I find that in the year
1840, when a convention had been signed amongst various
powers of Europe, with respect to the relations of Turkey
and Egypt, my hon. friend the member for Montrose
(Mr. Hume) asked my noble friend the member for Tiver-
ton, then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to pro-
duce the convention, and lay it on the table of this house.
That happened on the 6th of August, and the prorogation
of Parliament took place on the 11th of the same month.
My noble friend declined to lay that convention on the
table, as it was not then ratified ; but he entered into some
explanation at that time, and he stated that the whole of the
papers relating to the negotiations would be laid before the
two houses of Parliament at a later period. In the year
1844, again, some discussions took place between this coun-
try and France, with respect to an occurrence at Tahiti,
but Sir R. Peel, who was then First Minister of the Crown,
beyond informing the house at its last meeting, which was
held in September, that an amicable adjustment of those
differences had been effected, did not make any communi-
cation to the house, nor lay on the table any papers.
In fact, I think that, according to all practical sense with
regard to these matters, the period for laying papers before
Parliament is when negotiations, whether they end ami-
cably or otherwise, have been brought to some conclusion
which would enable the Government to say that they were
in a state to be communicated to the house. It has been
alleged that on a late occasion I departed from this prac-
tice by laying on the table of the house papers relating to
transactions which took place at Florence in the case of
the Madiais. But I beg to observe that that was a nego-
tiation which, on the part of her Majesty's Government,
had been entirely concluded. I had thought it necessary
to make representations in strong language to the Tuscan
Government. I received a communication in answer to
those representations, and it had not been my intention to
proceed with any further representations or negotiations.
I had wished rather to appeal to the public opinion of this
country and of Europe on that subject, and I had no in-
tention of entering into any further negotiations with re-
gard to it. Therefore the house will see that the papers in
that case were in a fit state to be laid before Parliament.
Now, with regard to what took place in the differences
which have arisen between Russia and Turkey, all I pro-
pose to do at present is to give an outline to the house of
the transactions as they occurred, and to state what is the
present position of the negotiations. Ido not propose to
refer—it would not be fair or right in me to refer—to any
papers that are in the nature of secret papers, and which
have not been laid before Parliament. I will only refer to
those transactions which I believe must have become
known to this house and to the country, by the publica-
tion of different state papers, and by the course which

•
events have taken. When the present Government entered Constantinople with respect to the reception of that note;
upon office my attention was immediately called to the
but this I can state, that upon the 23d of last month the
uestion of the Hol Places at Jerusalem by tho Russian
Turkish Ministers were prepared to send to Vienna, and
Minister at this Court; and I was told that the question
subsequently to St. Petersburg, a communication based
qy
upon the former note in its mode of meeting the
was one of a very important nature, and would probably demands of Russia, and in respect to which I think that,
selves to agree to. the note which has met the assent of the
give rise to some anxiety. I immediately turned my at- having agreed to the former note, they would bind them-
, be
fillall is quite -
tention to that subject ; and I think on the very day on
. four Powers. Sir, supposing, what,
which I took the seals of the Foreign-office, I wrote a pre.
eettled—supposing that 'tete to however, te un
communication which shall be made by Turkey, and which
y agreed upon as the
vats letter to Lord Cowley, her Majesty's Ambassa-
dor in Paris, requesting, as my predecessor had done, will be satisfactory to Russia, there will still remain the
his earnest attention to that subject. At a later period
thry, iwiLeineeeeavindeet tntellutdennorseitintlmemevattr
lbeisatisfac-
;viran
eaj:_ennt7.dlnhe
evacuation of the principalities.na (Cries of " Hear, hear.")
I was informed by the Russian Minister that it was
the determination of the Emperor of Russia to dispatch evacuation of those principalities. (Cheers)
a special embassy to Constantinople, with a view to put to the declarations which have been made by the General
an end to the differences and complaints that had commanding the Russian forces—Prince Gortschakoff—
existed
that evacuation ought immediately to follow upon antis-
upon this subject. The Emperor of Russia com-
faction being given to the Emperor of Russia. I will only
pained that certain privileges which had been enjoyed by
seer further that it is an object which her Majesty a Go-
those professing the Greek religion at Jerusalem had been vernment consider essential ; but with respect to the mode
withheld, and that certain concessions which had been made in which that object is to be obtained, I must ask penris-
by the Sultan had been withdrawn. It was, therefore, a sion of Parliament to say nothing upon that heat, but to
legitimate object on his part to seek to obtain a settlement leave the means of attaining the end in the hands of the
executive Government. With respect to the question
of those questions ; and the Russian Minister stated that
wlich has been raised regarding the fleets of England and
as concessions which had been made at one time had been France, that, of course, cannot be made any condition,
withdrawn at another, it was the object of the Russian because we ought to have it in our power at all times,
Government, in some form or another, by some act of a supposing Turkey to be in danger, to send our fleet to the
solemn nature, to obtain the settlement of these differences neighbourhood of the Dardanelles, ibne oarderketed. beTTeardey.
which would not be liable to perpetual disturbance here- t
fore
wsisetnTanunrklniennsecaislet
tosheanshyoularrdan ttac
arrangement to which it
after. Of course I could not object to the special env. may be stipulated that the advance of the fleets to the neigh-
bassy from Russia to Constantinople on the subject ; but bourhood of the Dardanelles shall be considered equivalent
I stated my hope that the mission would be of a concilia- to the actual invasion of the Turkish provinces. With re-
tory nature, and that nothing would happen which would spect to anything further, if these questions shall have
disturb the pacific relations existing between Russia and beeno settled,
e
h ifuld be ny d secured,atage to the Government
ep
va Besika Bay is not a sta-
Turkey and the other Powers of Europe. Prince Menachi- eitherw of Englandwo or ofa aFrance. I can only add that,
koff, who was intrusted with that mission, arrived at Con- whilst I regret not to be able to state that the whole of
stantinople, and had, I think, an audience with the Sul- these transactions are terminated, yet Ido think that there
tan on the 2d of March. An incident then occurred which aistiTiottiv a fair prospect that, without involving Europe in lice-
created a good deal of alarm. Fuad Effendi, the then from e!,,the independence and integrity of Turkey, whi h
the beginning of the session I have always stated to
Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs, was pointedly be the main object of the policy of her Majesty's Go-
slighted by the Russian Ambassador, and he immediately vernment in reference to the affairs of the East, will be
gave in his resignation. Other circumstances tended to
secured, and that in no very long period. I am sure this
house will feel—l know that this count
tha object feels—that, if
excite alarm, and Col. Rose, then Charge d'Affaires on the ry
t can be secured by negotiation, without involving
part of her Majesty at Constantinople, at the request of the Europe in the calamities of war, it yin be a result which
Grand Vizier, wrote to say that it might be desirable that the whole world will value, and whichweshall have
the Admiral, who was then contemplating a cruise, should .reason to congratulate ourselves. I am quite sure that
hasten his departure from Malta, and approach nearer to my
console himself for any attacks that may have been made
noble friend at the head of the Government may well
the waters of Greece. However, about a week afterwards, upon him in contemplating such a result, and that we have
these apprehensions were a good deal allayed—some of the cause to appreciate highly the mixture'
of firmness and
reports which had been prevalent were found to be erro- judgment by which he has been enabled to attain the end
neous ; and Colonel Rose wrote a second time to say that thati:t is before us. Sir, I will only say that this question of
vigilantTkey ialqzentihan t must always require
the Grand Vizier no longer persisted in his wish, and the rtrenntionnaneetheefany
affairs personn
this
therefore he would withdraw the request made to trusted with the conduct of the foreignn
Admiral Dundas. At a later period—in the beginning country ; and further, that I think it can only be secured
of the following month, viz., April—Lord Stratford, who
eheotrowungliecwonersce.rtlaLdvceonrdinwalaTie cation be-
was then at Constantinople, was informed by the Turkish
twnueebnythot
Minister that certain propositions had been made to the ral outline of the negotiations that have already
stated,
takengen e-
Turkish Government to which they were. unwilling to ac- place, and the present position of the question. I have
cede. I should say that up to this time the Government not entered into any arguments on this subject—l do not
of her Majesty at home and her Majesty's Minister at St, thinkt thirsaiLtihe proper occasion tortdoxihilsfilinereafter, on
Petersburg had always understood that the demands to be member of of thiusghlOuse shl. thirnta thyat the condiusect or
rheincre
made by Russia had reference to the Holy Places, and were has been pursued and the policy which has been adopted
all comprised, in one form or another, in a desire to render require censure or observation, then it will be competent
certain and permanent the advantages to which Russia feorn anyautne to make such observations, and for us to Be-
thought herself entitled in favour of the professors of the fend
on the present occasion
and
occasionpwoliascy ,
to. make to the house but all I thought ne nseuecehr3;
Greek religion. Lord Stratford understood from the statement as would enable it to comprehend the present
Turkish Minister that it had been much desired by the state of these transactions.
Russian ambassador that the request which was made on Mr. LAYARD : Sir—l hope that the house will grant
the part of Russia should be withheld from the knowledge me that indulgence which it usually grants to members
of the representatives of the other powers of Europe. I who address it for the first time, and will permit me to say
believe that these demands were as new to the Govern- a few words on a subject which, as the house may be
ment of France as they were to the Government of Eng- aware, has long deeply interested me. (Hear, hear.) My
land, and that they were as new to the Government of noble friend the member for the city of London has corn-
Austria as they were to the Government of France. After menced by stating that he is not going to defend the
a considerable time these propositions were changed in their policy of the Government, as that policy has never been
aspect; and the house heard, and will recollect reading in attacked—and for a very good. reason—the noble lord has
the papers, that there was first a convention proposed in never given me an opportunity of making any comments
one form, and afterwards a convention proposed in another whatever, either favourable or unfavourable, upon the
form, and that finally Prince Menschikoff presented a note policy of her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) My
to the Turkish Government, which note was to be signed noble friend will, therefore,l trust,admit that I have in
,
by the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs, and which
stated that that was the least concession that he could this motion shown no factious desire to impede the policy
make, and that, unless the note was signed by the Turkish of the Government, or to compel her Majesty's Ministers
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Prince Menschikoff and his to make disclosures which might prove injurious to the
mission would be liged to leave Constantinople, and that public service. I hope my noble friend will believe, and
Russia would not be responsible for the very grave evils
which might ensue. Language at least to this effect was that the house will believe, that I should not have been so
contained in the note of the Russian ambassador. However, presumptuous as to put myself forward in a matter of such
the Turkish Government did not consider that the signature vast importance and of so eminently delicate a nature had
of such a nota would be compatible with the independence I not been conscie • •
and the dignity of the Sultan, and they declined to affix the conscientiously convinced that I had an act of
duty to perform, and that I might, however humbly,
signature of their Minister for Foreign Affairs to the note
proposed. At the same time the Turkish Minister, instead throw some light upon the question at issue. Indeed, in
ofadirectand simple negative wrote a note onhispart, which the first instance I was of opinion that discussion in this
he said that he was quite ready to transmit to the Russian house, and a public statement of the true facts of the case,
ambassador, if it would be taken as satisfactory, and thus which had been greatly misunderstood and distorted,
to close all disputes between the two Governments. I should would have much contributed towards strengthening her
mention here that the question with regard to the Holy Majesty's Government • • firm wise policy.
in pursuing a and wise policy.
Places, and all the particulars and various details which (gear, hear.) But I have in this respect also shown, I
related to the Greek and Latin Churches, had been previ-
trust, a due deference to the opinion of her Majesty's
ously arranged in a manner that was satisfactory to Prince Government, and remained silent, although, by so doing,
Menschikoff and the Russian Government. Prince Mens- I have exposed myself to considerable misapprehension
chikoff, however, instead of accepting this note, or consider-
and even animadversion. Some, and. those whose opinions
ing it as a basis for future negociation, immediatelywithdrew I respect, have been led to believe that I, and. those friends
his mission from Constantinople, and retired to the Russian who share in my sentiments, have wished to urge this
frontier. Sir, I regard this circumstance as one that was country on to a war. A war ! Is there any man so reek-
very greatly to be lamented. It has always appeared to me
less so insensible to the inestimable blessings of peace,
that on the one side and on the other there were ' •
who would in these d ays urge this great country to an
statements which could be admitted, while there were
unnecessary war ? But nevertheless, although such are
others which might have been the subject of compromise my sentiments, I cannot but regret the language which has
and arrangement. The Russian Minister maintained that been on more than one occasion, and in more than one place,
Russia had by certain treaties, especially by those of
held by the noble earl at the head of her Majesty's Govern-
Kainardji and of Adrianople, the right to expect that the
ment, " that his policy is essentially based on peace." Such,
Christians in the Turkish territory would be protected,
in my humble opinion, should not be the language of a
and he declared at the same time that Russia did not wish
great statesman. The man to whom the interests of this
in any manner to injure the independence or the integrity
great country are confided should have no other policy than
of the Turkish empire. The Sultan's Ministers, on their
that which best becomes those interests. If unfortunately
part, maintained that it was their duty above all things
the honour and interests of England can only be main-
to maintain the independence of the Sultan—that nothing tained by war, we should be ready to go to war, and I, sir,
should be acceded to which would be injurious to his dig- for one, have no doubt that, when convinced of the necessity
nity or would derogate from his rights, but at the same of war, every man in this country will heartily make any
time they declared it was the intention of the Sultan to
sacrifice to bring it to an honourable issue. But if we
protect his Christian subjects, and to maintain them in can maintain peace consistently with that honour and
the rights and privileges which they enjoyed by conce!. those interests, then no sacrifice too great can be made
sions and edicts that had been issued by himself and his to preserve it. Why have we heard on all sides during
predecessors. Such being the statements on the two sides,
the recent alarm—in the lobby of this house, in private
I own it appears to me that the withdrawal of the Russian
circles, amongst men of all opinions—" Had the noble lord
mission from Constantinople, aided at the same time as it
the member for Tiverton been at the Foreign-office we
was—aided, I mean, as a means of compulsion by the pre -
should not have been in these straits." (Hear, hear.) Was
partition of a large Russian force both military and naval
it because the country wanted war? (Hear, hear.) No ;
on the frontier of Turkey—was a most unfortunate step,
it was because the country was convinced that the best
and has been one which has given, naturally, very great e a firm
means of preserving peace was to assume at one
alarm to Europe, while it has imposed great sacrifices
and. dignified attitude ; to let the world know that, how-
both upon Turkey and the Turkish provinces adjoining
ever anions England might be for peace, she was prepared
Russia. Her Majesty's - Government, when these tip- for war if unfortunately she should be called upon to go
pearances became so serious, thought it necessary to give
to war in support of her own rights, and of those rights
directions that her Majesty's fleet should leave Malta and
which she was bound by treaty to defend, or upon which
approach the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles. The
depended the balance of power in Europe. No other atti-
French fleet had a short time before been sent to the Bay
tude was worthy of this country ; any other attitude was
of salamis ; but there was a perfect concert between the
but an encouragement to such lawless !powers as Russia,
two Governments upon this subject. It was alleged by the
and must ultimately and inevitably lead to war. The
French Government, and truly alleged, that while their
words spoken by the great Lord Chatham on an occasion
fleet remained in the harbour of Toulon it was not so very nearly similar to the present were so apposite, almost
much within reach of any demand from Constantinople as indeed prophetical, that I trust the house will permit me
the British fleet would be at Malta, and that it was desir- to quote them :—" My lords, I cannot agree with the
able that the two fleets should be ready to act together if noble duke, that nothing less than an immediate attack
such a step should be necessary, That allegation had been upon the honour or interest of this nation can authorise us
borne out by the facts, because when the orders. to interpose in defence of weaker states, and in stopping
perfectly to Beaks
were ultimately given to the two fleets to proceed the enterprise
of an ambitious neighbour. Whenever that
Bay it was found to be not only as easy but more easy tot narrow, selfish policy has prevailed in our councils, we
give directions at Malta to have the English fleet sent to have constantly experienced the fatal effects of it. By suf-
Besika Bay than it was to order the French fleet from fering our natural enemies to oppress the powers less able
Bay of Salamis to Besika Bay. Therefore the two Govern- than we are to make a resistance, we have permitted. them
ments upon this occasion and throughout the negotiations to increase their strength, we have lost the most favourable
have acted entirely in concert, and have endeavoured in a
opportunities of opposing them with success, and found
similar spirit, by daily and constant communication, to ourselves at last obliged to run every
hazard in making
obtain a solution of this question which would be com-
patible with the independence and. the dignity of the that cause our own, in which we were wise not enough to
take part while the expense and danger might have been
Porte, and which at the same time might not lead to any
disturbance' of the peace of Europe. Sir, the next stepsupported by others. I fear, my lords, it is
too much the
that was taken by the Russian Government was a direc- temper of this country to be insensible to the approach of
danger until it comes with accumulated. terror upon us."
tion to the army of Russia to occupy the principalities,
W• thregard to the question issue, •
i
with a declaration at the same time that it was not to be
ference between her Majesty's Government and myself is,
considered as an hostile invasion of the principalities, or
as an act of war, but that it was intended to occupy the whether a great principle has been involved, and whether
the conduct of Russia has been part and parcel of a great
principalities as an imperial guarantee for peace, and. as a
means of pressure upon the Turkish Government, in orderscheme,h it has been mere casual and temporary
or whet er
which could be patched up without material
to obtain those moral securities for peace which the Russian occurrence,
am to any party concerned. I confess that in
Government had constantly sought by negotiation. It was injuryii orh,g
i opinion a great principle has been involved,
considered by the English and French Governments, as wellmy
what has end u
nasha happened is part of a great scheme. (Hear,
as by the Turkish Government, that in default of any com-
hear.) Without troubling the house at this late period
munication either with Great Britain or France, it was de-
with a recital of all the circumstances connected with
sirable, seeing what great interests were at stake, to forego
Prince Menschikoff's mission—a recital such as the noble
the clear and undoubted right of Turkey to consider this
lord has made, and which I should almost blush to make,
proceeding as a case of war, and to enter into further nego-
and which would afford examples of duplicity, falsehood,
tiations, by which the ends sought for might be attained.
injustice, and insolence almost unequalled—l think I shall
No actual hostilities, therefore, further than the occupation be able to show upon what grounds that opinion is founded.
of those provinces by the Russian forces, have hitherto The whole question resolves itself simply into a question
taken place. Sir, it was the opinion of her Majesty's Govern- of independent nationalities. (Hear, hear.) I have heard
ment that, whilst they placed the fleet of Great Britain in
much of the concessions made by the Porte to France, and
conjunction with the fleet of France at the disposal of the
of the intrigues of M. de Lavalette. They might have
ambassadors of the two Powers in Constantinople, to be
formed a very good excuse for the conduct of Russia ; but
called. up to Constantinople in case of emergency, it was at
I will venture to say that they had. had very little really
the same time desirable to gather up the broken threads of
to do with the matter. I know from undoubted authority,
the negotiations, and to attempt to arrive at some arrange- and I have no doubt that her Majesty's Government is
ment by which the question might be settled. The different also aware of the fact, that M. Titoff, the Russian Minister,
Powers considered of various means for its settlement ; but had had in his possession for days, if not for weeks, the
more especially the Minister for Foreign Affairs of France draft of the firman afterwards granted to the French Go-
-a person whose talents, moderation, and judgment, it is vernment, and upon which the demands for redress of the
impossible not to estimate highly—drew up a note,ci whichn,l‘ Russian Government were founded, and that no objection
we considered omitted the objectionable part of theem a
anote whatever was made to that document. Moreover, we have
of Prince Menschikoff, and those parts of the Turkish.. seen that the French Government at once disavowed M.
bl
admissi e, de Lavalette, and renounced which the Russian Government might think int 0 any extraordinary privileges
and endeavoured to frame a note to which the two partieswment had,
inconsistent with the pretensions of Russia which that fir
might agree. At this time the Austr
• Austrian
nto the house, de- man might . have tenforced upon her, wisely deeming it
as I have stated on a former occasion
Ishould say, it more becoming the true dignity of
a great •
nation like
this time, France to make concession than to
dined the proposal—previously to
Government to Europe by insistingendanger the peace of
had declined. the proposal of her Majesty's t circumstances. •
important . little in accordance with the spirit of eges,
enter into any conference on these i
t bad occupied the prim-
it • ht difficult the age, but to which,
But when the Russian Government
of the subject, and. I might not be to prove, she had to a considerable
d her view extent actual treat r ht
cipalities, Austria changed her
with the spirit of the
Itothe
she declared that, in conformity .
r for the rere-conduct of Russia. Two *
absolutely necesse y and Menschikoffwill give or three acts of Prince
treaty of 1841, it was a
rs to meet in conference, -
sentatives of the various powe
able solution of differ- they are those acts which, as usual, have been the least
t
to obtain some ape=
of -e : noticed. On his arrival e eas
to endeavour
otherwise iml the peace zurope. at Constantinople, and. imme-
ences which might Aff Affairs of Austria took the pro- diately after his public entry, celebrated by every de-
The Minister of Foreign
-eh Government as the groundwork monstration calculated to insult the Porte, and to en-
position of the French
he made to the conference. I courage rebellion amongst its Christian subjects, Prince
of the proposition
former that it was an Menschikoff demanded the dismissal of the first Mi-
have already stated, on a
it occasion,• lly from
proposition, but came oreina France. sister of the Prince of Se'a a demand which
Austrian
submitted for consideration about was unfortunately conceded, but which called forth a firm
That proposition was and dignified
d bt informat• • d' l
ion was imme late y remonstrance from the Servian Senate—a
the 24th July, and nodoubt
St. Petersburg of the intentions of the Austrian document so honourable to those who framed it that I re-
conveyed to •
t Her Majesty's Government requested. to see Bret time will not permit me to read it to the house.
Governmen .
as it was proposed, with such modifications as , (Hear, hear.) This first step would have given the key-
the note
the Austrian
Government might think it necessary to in- note of Prince Menschikoff mission to any one acquainted
troduce. That, of course, led to explanations and further with the usual course of Russian policy in the East. M.
communications ; and it was not till the 31st—that is, a . Garashinen was the popular and national minister. He
week after the first conference—that the final conference was one of those men which the events of 1813 had brought
was held, in which the form of the note was completely forth—events of which I
altoy presume to speak with some
arranged and settled to the satisfaction of the represents- confidence, as I was not gether unconnected with thent
tives of the four powers, and to the satisfaction of the Go- , The house might remember that at that perked Prince move-
vernment of Turkey. The house has already heard, d chael, the son of Milosh, was expelled by a popular meorge,
that intelligence has been confirmed by subsequent and
ment from Servia,_ and the present prince, Kara-G
matron, that the Emperor of Russia has given infer- national movement,
, elected in his stead. This was a purely
his adhesion 'that of Russia,
to the note of the four powers; therefore, so far made against foreign influence, especially
mere tool. The
original cause of dissension is concerned, and so
far as that
the Russian
whose hands Michael had become a
f
interference,
Emperor of Russia has a demand to make in that as
Russian Government claimed a right e
unauthorised
the Emperor of Russia no longer insists' at respect which in my humble opinion was completelyl she was supported
upon the exact by treaties, but in which unfortunate y
form of Prince Menschikofrs note,compelled the Porte
which, according to by this country. (Hear, hear.) She . . . ,
some of the state papers that have beenpublished, cancel the national act, and
would under threats of invasion, to
appear to have been the case, but considers that hisobjects 1
. engaged in it from Servia.
j to expel those who had been
will be attained and that his honour will be saved, if the The noble earl now at the head of her Majesty's Govern-
note as thus prepared be agreed to by the T • Foreign Secretary, justified his policy by a
rkish Go- ment, but then Foreign
vernment. I have stated ahead that it u always appeared to me subversive
was upon the declaration which has
2d of August that this note y and as calculated to render the will of the
was sent to Constantinople. of all public law,
There has not been hitherto any communication from strongest the law of Europe. Ho declared " that Russia
1