The Sun.
London, England, 1838-04-19 00:00:00

POOR LAWS—MR. O'CONNELL.
This day an adjourned meeting of Mr. O'Connell's con-
stituents assembled to hear his opinion upon the present Poor-
law Bill. At three o'clock the chair was taken by Pierce
Creagh, Esq.
Mr. O'CONNELL said he had requested that meeting to as-
semble, in order that the country at large, as well as his con.
situents, should understand the provisions of the Pow, law Bill,
which was likely to become the law of the land if they did not
endeavour to prevent it. One thing he much blamed himself
for, namely, that he had not opposed the measure from the
commencement. His regret was heightened by seeing that
his opposition was re-echoed through the land since he had
commenced to take an active part against it. He deserved
blame if the measure were gocd, praise if it were injurious,
for lie had opposed the Bill in all its details. The newspaper
reports of the arguments used by him and others in opposi-
tion to the Bill were very meagre ; on one night he made
thirty-six speeches against it. The Bill now contained all
the provisions which were complained of in the able paper
drawn up by Mr. Staunton for a former meeting. He had
been told to exert his talents in Committee, and he would be
able to improve the Bill : he had exerted himself for that
purpose, but he had failed, and the Bill stood just in the same
condition. He wished to come to the thing in detail. He
had heard the Poor-lawmongers and others say they were for
the principle of a Poor-law, but when he came to close quar-
ters with them he found that they did not know what they
meant. Their Poor-law was some miraculous support for the
poor, to come from they knew not where. The principle of a
Poer-law was, in fact, to make one man pay out of his pro-
perty for the support of others, the vicious as well as
the worthy. The evil of a Poor-law was that it encou-
raged vice. Again, the principle of a Poor-law was forcing
him to give up his property to another to whom it did not
belong. He was a cruel and hardened man who was not
charitable ; -but the Poor-law destroyed charity. How many
instances were there in England of a father deserting his son,
and the son his father, on the ground that he should go to the
workhouse ? Poor-laws were never introduced into any coun-
try that that country did not become worse than it was before.
But granting that Poor-laws would be advantageous any-
where, they would still be injurious to Ireland. Ireland was
too poor for a Poor-law. The great argument in favour of
the measure, which had often been used in that room, was that
the tax would come upon the absentees. He confessed that
that argument had great weight with him ; but the Bill showed
how vain was the expectation, for by it the large proportion
of the tax falls on the occupier. The occupier in the coun-
ties would pay always at least one half of the rate. In cities and
towns he would pay nine-tenths. What was the extent of that
tax ? He used to say in that room that the number of poor.
houses was limited to 100 ; but Mr. O'Mally had justly re-
minded him that the number was not limited. No, it was not.
lie was of opinion that 400 poor-houses would not be suffi-
cient. The Poor-law Commissioners had reported that there
were '2,300,000 paupers at one season in Ireland. Then, let
but 1,000,001 of those be taken in, and it would require at
least 1,000 of those poor- houses to receive them. He did not
mean to say that there was no poverty. He knew that there
was, and he was aware of the frightful scenes that were to be
seen in the country ; but Poor-laws would not mend them. He
took another view of it. In England there were 14,000,000
of inhabitants. In almost every county in England there was
some sort of manufactory. The sky was dark with the smoke
that issued from them. Well, note ithstanding this it required
annually 5,000,000/. sterling to support their poor. In Ireland
there were no manufactures ; the number of agricultural la-
bourers exceeded those of England, and in proportion to her
population, it would require 3,000,000/. to support the poor—
not less, at all events, than a million and a half of money
would be sufficient. And where was that to come from ;or
how was Ireland to produce it ? They h.d escaped, up to that
time, the evil of a Poor-law; it seemed that that nuisance
was all they were likely to get from England in the present
Session. They should remember that all the property of
Ireland was to be put into the hands of a single English Com-
missioner, who would possess more influence than ever one
man did before over this country. Again, look at their igno-
rance of Ireland. The clergy were excluded from being
gcardians. The Protestant clergy were prevented, in order
to avoid the cry of bigotry that would be raised if they could
be guardians, and the Catholic clergy could not. But who
were put in their place ? The magistrates, who were not the
natural protectors of the poor, and who were far from being
qualified to be their guardians ! The produce in England
was four times as much as in Ireland; yet the land in Ireland
1133 much richer, and it only wanted capital to make it pro-
duce equally. Yet the money was to be taken from the oc-
cupier, which he could expend upon his land, to increase its
value and the national wealth. Upon all the Reports of the
Poor-law Commissioners there was nothing plainer than the
extreme readiness of the Irish to administer relief to each
other. That was a fact that stared out from the evidence, and
shows that we do not want an Act of Parliament to make us
charitable. Why, then, were not the poor better supported ?
Because the country cannot afford it ; but by the new law we
would have to support them better, and in addition to erect
expensive workhouses, and salary a whole army of officers and
commissioners, who would not work for nothing : and this
when it was admitted that the only reason the poor were not
b)111 tY, because,hether
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could get justice from England ; but if we were still to pay the
tithe impost, while the rent roll was carried out of the
country, and, in addition, the people were burthened with this
Poor-law tax, he was certain the result would create a disgust
against all institutions and laws of the country, which might
lead to frightful excesses. Conceive the idea of locking up
one million of human beings, and calling it charity ! No
country had ever prospered under a Poor-law except in spite
of the burthen.—( Hear, hear.) England had become rich
and powerful, not in consequence of her Poor-laws, but even
against them ; and if the late Amendment Act had not been
carried into effect, England would, ere now, be in a blaze.
The Learned Gentleman concluded by proposing the appoint-
ment of a Committee to rally all classes and sects in Ireland
against the Poor-law Bill at present under the consideration
of P irliament.

Mr. STAUNTON replied at considerable length. He con-
tended that there had been no expression of public feeling
against the Ministerial Bill. A few Grand Juries, as land-
lords, had opposed it, but there had boen no county meetings.
Mr. O'CONNELL—Belfast and Wicklow.
Mr. STAUNTON admitted there had been a Wicklow meet-
ing, but it was chiefly a meeting of landed proprietors. The
Learned Gentleman defended the measure at great length,
and urged, that if it were not complete, it was still much better
than the poverty that every where existed.
Mr. DICKSON followed on the same side.
Mr. O'CONNELL briefly replied, and named a Committee,
which was accordingly appointed.
The meeting then broke up.

Me. O'CONNELL.-After the recess he brings forward his
motion for the emancipation of the "female apprentices," and
we earnestly hope that his efforts will be supported by the pe-
titions of the Irish people. In her struggles for independence
Ireland never has been selfish, and surely now that humanity
lies bleeding, and calling for help, she should not lag behind.
England is loud in the call for slavery abolition. The
" English Radials" charge us with a selfish disregard of all
but our own interests. Now, then, is the time, to prove the
calumny unfounded. The enemy of the negro is the foe of
Ireland. The Gladstones and Lefroys are brothers in oppres-
sion. Let it then be the great glory of this country to have
stricken to the earth the chains which weigh down our fellow-
men through all portions of the empire.—Freeman.
REGISTRIES.-It is pretty clear there is nothing now left for
the people of Ireland but to continue energetically to work the
Registries. We agree with Mr. O'Connell in thinking that
the Corporation Bill will not be passed this Session any more
!ban the Church Bill ; and whether the Por Bill may, is, as
we have already said, a moot point. In short, the people Ire
thrown on their own resources, and on the legitimate exercise
of their own energies. We tell them distinctly they have
abundance of work before them, inasmuch as the enemy is
everywhere up and doing.—Dublin Evening Post
TITHE CAMPAIGN OF 1838.—COUNTY OF WATERFORD
The Bishops and the Incumbents are giving note of prepara-
tion for resisting the proposition of Ministers for settling the
tithe question. On the other hand, the agitation for the total
abolition of the impost is about to recommence with increased
vigour.

COUNTY 01? WEXFol2o.—We'have already noticed the pro-
ceedings against the two county Members.
COUNTY LONGFOII.O.—Here the agitation has been re-
opened by a meeting attended by upwards of 5,000 persons,
the report of which occupies several column of the Athlone
Sentinel. The meeting was held in the open air on Sunday,
in the town of Ballymahon, Valentine C. Dillon, Esq., pre-
siding. The speakers were, Messrs. Conran, of Shrule, T.
G. Powell, O'Reilly, Wallace, and Rev. Messrs. Dawson,
M‘Gaver, M'Cand, and M'Guire. A petition was adopted
praying for the total abolition of tithes. The pressure upon
our columns prevents our inserting even an abrdged report of
this importaet meeting.

The Master of the Mint (Mr. Labouchere) left
Hamilton-place, on Monday, to pass the recess at Eumore
Castle, near Taunton, the scat recently purchased by the Right
Hon Gentleman from the Earl of Egmont.
THE FUTURE PRINCE OF WALvs.—Although
the further destruction of the Principality by its Counties
nturging in England is for the present arrested by it,; title
being in abeyance, an ancient custom prevails called " Mise,"
which will be revived with every demonstration of loyalty on
the resumption of the " loss and gain." A present is majta
by the Welch to every new Prince of Wales of five thousand
pounds for his outfit, which was paid three times in the reign
of James the First—to himself, Prince Henry, who died, and
Prince Charles his sons ; so in the Palatine County of
Chester, three thousand marks were paid him as Earl of that
County ; of the latter thorn will be a deprivation, as the Pa-
, latintttos are ahent to be abolished,