The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-14 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 14, 1854,

The Militia Bill—the chief, if not the sole ob-
ject for which Parliament was convened at this
rather inconvenient season—was yesterday intro-
duced into the House by the Noble Lord the
Secretary of State for the Home Department. It

at once received its first reading, and will be read
a second time this day. On such a point there
can be no dispute or difficulty. Any opposition,
or even discussion, that might by any possibility
delay its progress would be alike unfair to the
country and to the gallant militiamen, who are
not merely ready and willing, but most anxious
to render more important services than can be re-
quired under the existing regulations. And it
would be doubly so to the over-tasked heroes in
the Crimea, who so urgently require all the as-
sistance that can possibly be afforded, and that
without the delay of a single day that can be
avoided. Whatever differences of opinion may
exist on other points—whether the past manage-
ment or future intentions respecting the conduct
of the War be questioned—the Militia Bill will not
be made the battle-ground. The matter is so obvi-
ously reasonable—has so many favourable, and few
objectionable points—that we may anticipate its
being carried through both Houses by acclama-
tion, nemine contradicente. The only difficulty
that can be urged is that the measure does not
go far enough, and authorise the employment of
the men in any part of the world, or in any ser-
vice for which they may be willing to offer them-
selves, and. this we would fain hope may be re-
medied daring its progress through the Legis-
lature.

We can easily understand why it was that
Ministers framed the bill in so limited a manner,
and only asked for power to send militia regi-
ments with their own assent to certain stations in
the Mediterranean, with the possibility a being
invited to volunteer for garrison service in some
of the North American Colonies. It is true that
the bill, in terms, applies to any places out of
the United Kingdom, but from the statement
made by the Noble Lord it is practically
restricted within the limits above men-
tioned—the object, of course, being o disarm
anything in the shape of opposition, and
to obtain that complete and perfect unanimity
that will we are sure be accorded to it. The
generosity and patriotism • of Parliament will,
however, we are convinced, extend the terms, and
sanction the employment of our domestic troops
in their
capacity of militiamen, in any way that
may be most beneficial to the nation, and condu-
cive to the honour of the gallant fellows them-
selves. No reasonable objection can be offered to
this. There cannot be the slightest coercion of
any kind. No man will be
compelled to leave
the United Kingdom until he has first specified
his individual desire to do so. The opinions
or
wishes of the majority, however decisive
and overwhelming, will not bind
the
minority. Although ninety-nine out of a
hundred express their earnest desire to comply
with the application of Government, the siowe
dissentient:inay refuse, and he cannot in such ca,e
be required to travel a single step beyond the
strict line of duty for which he had con-
tracted. Under such circumstances, then, the
Matter lies is a nutshell. Here is a body
of trained men whose services during an
emergency may be of vital importance to
h
° community. They may be most desirous
of rendering these services, and yet through a

mere form their voluntary offers cannot bo ac-
cepted. This appears too ridiculous for sober
discussion. When all that could be required is
that the men should be allowed to respond to any
application to volunteer services that might be
peculiarly advantageous to the country at this
moment, it would be hard indeed to be compelled
to refuse them—to chill the glow of enthusiasm
in their hearts, and reject the proffers honestly
and heartily made.
It may be said that these men may, if they
think proper, volunteer into the line ; and that
thus their desire to render important services may
at any moment be gratified. But this is not a
fair way of regarding the matter. It totally dis-
penses with the esprit du corps, which may be felt
by a militiaman as well as by one of the regular
army, and which, in our opinion, it is most de-
sirable to cultivate. When the meu know their
officers, and the officers know their men, much
may be accomplished. The mutual respect and
kindliness is peculiarly beneficial. As an Irish
soldier declared under very peculiar circumstances,
"It was a comfort even to be cursed by his
own officer." And strange as the sentiment may
appear, it was one that did honour to both parties,
implylng the utmost devotion on the part of the
more humble individual when he preferred even
the censure, very energetically expressed, of the
man he loved, and from whom he could bear any
thing, however galling.
Now they should be allowed to serve qui.
militia, without changing their character, or re-
linquishing—save for the time being—their pe-
culiar privileges. This world be doubly valuable
—valuable so far as the militia are concerned,
and also as to the line. It would teach
them to know each other, and soften ani-
mosities and heart-burnings that have pre-
vailed in byegone days, and are still likely
to prevail. The services, side by side and
shoulder to shoulder, under arduous circumstances,
will be particularly valuable in this respect.
The Militia should be more cultivated than it is
at present. It is a constitutional force, in which the
men while acting as soldiers do not forget that they
are citizens ; and, while practising the arts of
war, do not disregard their peaceful avocations.
Let us then look to the militia, not merely as a
means of recruiting the line, but also of assisting
it (with their own assent) should a suitable oppor-
tunity offer. • By so doing we shall effect an im-
portant purpose without violating a single consti-
tutional maxim.

We could not but with pleasure find ourselves
supported in all our chief positions by a gentle-
man of such genius and vast praotical knowledge
as the Hon. Member for Aylesbury. Mr.
LA.-SURD'S creed is, like our own, that the foes et
origo mall has been throughout the constitution of
the Cabinet. "It includes representatives of all
the political parties in this country, from a repre-
sentative of the Holy Alliance to a representative
of the extreme of Liberalism." To this we owe
the grand mischief of an indefinite and a hand-
to-mouth policy ; and to this again all the Belies
of performances too late for the occasion, be-
ginning with Malta, Besika Bay, and Sinope, and
ending with huts and clothing too late for the
winter. To this, too, probably we owe almost
entirely the boon of the fruits of OMER PACHA'S
victories to Austria, and a treaty with her which,
so far as we know from the lips of Lord J. RussELL,
leaves her still at liberty to:serve herself and
Russia, at the cost to us of fresh Inkermans.
With us be also strongly insists that it was fatuity,
while purposing to attack Sebastopol, to allow the
granaries and stores of Odessa to remain un-
touched. Just returned from the scene of action,
ho draws a striking picture of preventible mis-
haps, losses, and sufferings, which, if they enhance
the glory of our troops by the difficulties amid
which their victories were won, yet increase our
distress for the loss of so many noble and brave
victims whose lives might have been spared.
In Mr. LAYARD'S works on the East nothing
struck us more when perusing them than his mar-
vellous tact for effective diplomacy. He, a solitary
excursionist, saw through those with whom he had
to do, both Arab tribes and their chiefs, with
the intuition of genius. He had his definite pur-
pose with them, and he quickly left those in the
lurch who thwarted it, and pressed all the rest
into his service. We cannot be surprised,
therefore, that he should feel even more
strongly than we do that bold and able
diplomacy would never have seen Austria
in the Provinces except as the actual coad-
jutor of the Allies, and would certainly not have
failed to use Polish aid to the very uttermost.
Mr. LAYARD is not an adviser whom the Govern-
ment can afford to despise ; they silenced his mo-
tions last Session, and the only fault we have to
find with him is, that he would be silenced ; but
they must remember that the country will look
upon him now not only as a practical counsellor
of unusual ability, but as a man furnished with
actual knowledge of our armies and the East.
As might be expected, the Hon. Member deems
it absolutely necessary to a stable peace that
Poland should be reconstituted. "In Asia, next
spring, we shall be unable to cope with Russia.
The question of Poland is the real question. It
is in Europe that we must check the advance of
Russia—in Asia it will be useless to attempt
it. It is only by establishing au inde-
pendent nation in the centre of Europe
that we can at all hope to prevent Russia
pushing forward her ambitious views in the midst
of Europe." To such opinions we, of course, cor-
dially subscribe, and are truly gratified that on
the first night of this sessions the name of Poland
has, been pronounced in the British Senate by one
whose judgment is entitled to the respect of all.
We quite agree with the speaker that when
Russia threatened to pass the Pruth, the only
courses were to forbid that, or to allow Russia to
be mistress of Turkey, or to make up our minds
to a vast struggle of which the issue, and the
safeguard against its recurrence, should be a re-
stored and independent Poland. We hope his
appeal to the patriotism of the great Whig states-
man of the House will not be in vain. The
country cannot easily believe that he and the
old frieud of the Cult, with his Paelite colleagues,
have like aspirations for European liberty and
like aversion to despots.