The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-01 00:00:00

That portion of the press which has from the first*
openly or covertly, supported the interests of Rus-
sia, perseveres in the attempt to mislead public
opinion, as to the successive formswhich the Eastern
question assumes, by fictions and fallacies which it
may be worth while to notice. The Greek Empire,
which was proclaimed by Anglo-Russian writers
shortly before Prince Menschikoff's mission, has
already been consigned to oblivion. The imaginary
Christian State, which was to exist on the south of
the Danube, has too visibly assumed the form of a
Russian government or province to be any longer
presentable to readers still imbued with a remnant
of English prejudice. Accordingly, the other side
of the picture is steadily held before the public
gaze, and the ferocious Turk, accurately copied
from the Saracen's Head, which formed the bug-
bear of our ancestors, is, day after day, held up to
odium and contempt. The Christians of Constan-
tinople are, it seems, to be massacred ; and it is evi-
dently a disappointment that the feast of Beiram
has passed over without the perpetration of the
threatened atrocities. It is remarkable that the
outbreak of Mussulman fanaticism has, from the
first, been foreseen and invited exclusively by the
devoted partisans of Russia. While every imagin-
able insult and injury has been heaped on Turkey
by the aggressor, the victims are, day after day,
taunted with the crimes which they have not been
tempted to commit. The Cabinet of St. Peters-
bugrh pays French and English statesmen the
compliment of supposing them so gullible as to do
the work of Russia, by taking the anti-national
side in any civil dissension which Muscovite in-
trigue may produce at Constantinople ; and the
people of England share in this civility when they
are asked to sympathise with the unprovoked vio-
lence of the aggressor, on the ground that the forth-
coming bloodshed will have been caused by a so-
called Christian Power.

With the same insolent disregard of the true
issue, the Russian organs insinuate that the Pro-
tectorate claimed over twelve millions of the Sul-
tan's subjects is not without a foundation in reason.
Turkey, it ihaid, is an anomalous country. Europe
cannot sympathise with Mahometan supremacy
over Christians. The Imperial claims, it is asserted,
would, after all, not be so inadmissible, if only they
were unconnected with political objects. It must,
indeed, be admitted, say the apologists of the in-
vader, that Russian ambition is not altogether a
fable. It is possible that the religious Protectorate
might lead to territorial aggrandisement, and
therefore England may be justified in protesting
and negotiating, and, above all, in forcing an act
of submission down the throat of the Ottoman
Government, and in cannonading Constantinople
if the Turks are so unreasonable as to object. But
yet it must be remembered, say the Philippisers,
again and again, that the Emperor has some reason
for his claims, and that the Turks are not orthodox
according to the European standard. In plainer
words, if the reason and sound feeling of England
are too determined to be directly set at defiance—if
Russia must, in some way, be resisted—if the exist-
ence of Turkey is, even for a short time, to be main-
tained—let our diplomacy be half-hearted, let our
warlike demonstrations be double-faced. In oppos-
ing an enemy, let us distrust our cause and suspect
our allies—anything rather than act with vigour
and decision so as to paralyse the insolent aggressor,
and give confidence to the many nations who are
ready to welcome and accept our leadership. Cui
bono ? To whom is this policy profitable ? Whatever
may be the course adopted by England, success is
impossible if we are to palter and falter at every step
over quibbling comparisons between the wrong per-
petrated by Russia and the alleged demerits of the
lurks. If the profession of Mahometanism dis-
qualifies a State from receiving the services due to
an ally, let the new doctrine be at once avowed,
and let a useless dispute be terminated. Ottoman
barbarism may possibly be a reason for abandoning
the Turkish cause ; but it can never be an excuse
for betraying it bit by bit. The Sultan would have
been as much a Mussulman had he signed the
Vienna Note, as he was when his Minister pro-
posed the modifications which Count Nesselrode
has since justified as indispensable. It is time for
the Western Cabinets to determine whether Russia
is, or is not, to exercise the disputed Protectorate
—or rather to decide whether the solution is to
depend on a war in which Turkey would be com-
pelled to rely on her own unassisted strength. It
is consistent with all that has gone before, that the
sentimental sympathisers with the oppressed Chris-
tians of Roumelia and Bulgaria uniformly recom-
' mend a course of action which would give the
utmost provocation to Mahometan fanaticism and
cruelty, while it would, at the same time, deprive
11 the late allies of the Porte of any power to influence
or control the Government which they had
deserted.

The traditional language of English statesmen
not only recognised the Porte as an ally, lint
adopted, as an axiom, the principle that Russia
must be checked in her advances towards the south.
Againand again, English influence has been exerted
to prevent the Ottoman Government from furnishing
its formidable neighbour with any plausible pretext
for aggression. In such a case, it has been urged on
Turkey, England might, however unwillingly, be
compelled, by respect for public law, to acquiesce in
acts of hostility which, however dangerous to the
balance of power, could not, strictly speaking, be
taxed with injustice. Against wanton aggression, the
Porte was always assured of support ; and yet it was
notorious that the Sultan was a ussulman, and
that the Emperor of Russia called himself a Chris-
tian. But it was remembered, though Russian
agents may now slur over so vital a consideration,
that Turkey was a certain and useful friend, and
that a Northern conqueror at Constantinople
might prove a dangerous enemy. It was foreseen
that, after a triumphant Russian invasion, war
would be inevitable ; and it was that, if the con-
flict must come, it was better not to wait till a
sure ally was, destroyed, and the power of the ad-
versary was doubled. It would be easy to show,
notwithstanding its Mahometanism and its back-
ward condition, that the Turkish Government is at
least as fully entitled as that of Russia to the sym-
pathy of civilised men. It is not, however, on
fanciful grounds of this kind that the policy of
England has been based, but on an enlightened re-
gard to her own interest, as involved in the main-
tenance of peace and in the independence of Eu
rope. A Government which could be influenced,
in the pursuit of an established policy, by a sudden
discovery that an ally continues to profess the re-
ligion of his nation, or by the suggestion that the
mob of a capital might possibly be goaded to an
outbreak, would be taxable, not so much with dis-
honesty, as with childish levity.
It is a transparent fraud to represent Turkey as
solely interested in the struggle of which she must
bear the brunt. It is for the sake of England and
France, and still more directly for the interest of
Germany, but, above all, from a regard to the main-
tenance of that international law which is the sole
security for peace, that the Western Powers are
prepared to resist the unprovoked aggression of
Russia. The barbarous Turks have kept their en-
gagements faithfully—the fanatical Mussulmans
have not molested the Christian population—no
offence, or pretended offence has been given ; and
Russia is avowedly and deliberately marching to
the conquest of new territories. Unless the whole
European system is obsolete, England and France
are bound to interfere. A great State has an in-
terest in maintaining a character, not only for
good faith, but for courage. The minor Powers
of Europe would supply England with irresistible
force if it was once understood that they could
depend on her protection. There are too many
instances, in our former history, of the abandon-
unpunished. From the end of the seven
years'
ment of allies by weak Ministries ; and none re-
mainedwar to the day of his death, Frederick the
Great never forgave the neglect of his interests
and safety shown by George 111. and Lord Bute,
when they patched up their hasty peace in 1763.
The treaty of Tilsit was promoted by the neglect
of the English Ministry to support Russia during
the campaign of 1807 ; and the passing of the Bal-
kan, may be distinctly traced to the
murderous
bblittisnch, r
of deby Die
Navarino. The repetition
of similar misconduct would not be excused by
dishonest tirades against the Mahometanism or
barbarism of an ally whom we are bound to
protect.

ELOQUENCE.—" Feller-citizens," said a candidate for
the legislative honours of the American republic :—" I
am a candidate for the Legislator, and as all good R )-
publicans should do, I will give my view of matters and
things in gineral. The ginerality of mankind in gine-
ral, ginerally speaking, ar most ginerally in favour of
Republicanism, and so am I. lam also in favour of a
liberal expropriation of the public funds for building
bridges. lam also in favour of a most liberal expro-
nriation of the fiftvis for the profane assilum. lam in
Tr.,aley for the
,7hioral scatteri,ig
, ;i..11,1.-6tizt,w, these Is my Con-
victions, and, if there is no chicle-a-ree (chicanery) used
in the election, I am bound to be elected to the Legis-
lator."