The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-01 00:00:00

tions of. Europe, and.that it was impossible there could be any
combination between them, the Russian Government thought
it a favourable moment for making another great step in its
progress of aggrandisement towards Turkey. (Cheers.) That
step was made with all the ability and with all the sagacity
,which has ever characterised the policy of that able and am-
bitious Government. It sought no acquisition of territory, it
I sought openly for nothing which should alarm the great na-
tions of Europe, and so certainly provoke resistance. It
sought that which was more useful to its views than the ac-
quisition of any provinces of the Turkish empire—it sought
by a concession from the Sultan to the Emperor of Russia to
acquire a real sovereignty over the whole Christian popula-
tion of Turkey. (Hear.) We have been told to-night by the
hon. member for Manchester (Mr. Bright) that he could not
see what harm would have arisen from the Sultan accepting
either the Menschikoff Note or the Vienna Note. Why, it is
impossible for any 'man not to see that if, by a concession
from the Sultan, the Emperor had been made the arbiter of
all the rights—general, civil, and political—of the whole
I Christian population of the Turkish empire, the sovereignty
of the Sultan would have been held simply at the will and
discretion of the Emperor of Russia. (Loud cheers.) And
that was his object, and the greatest move it was that
has for a long course of time been made towards
the extinction and partition of the Turkish em-
pire. (Hear, hear.) The Russian Government pursued
the course marked out by it with a secrecy and silence which
showed its certainty that that which it was demanding was a
thing which could not, and ought not, to be granted, if the
Turkish Government acted upon a just sense of its own inte-
rests, and duly consulted the interest of its allies. (Hear.)
In one of the memorandums- the last, I think it is, of the
secret correSpondence—what is the language which the Rus-
sian Government uses in regard to its policy towards Turkey,
and in regard to the manner in which the European Govern-
ments should act towards Turkey ? Throughout the Emperor
of Russia professes an anxious desire to maintain Turkey as it
is. Apprehensions are entertained that that will not be long
possible, but he says that the mode of doing it will be that
the Powers of Europe should abstain from pressing imperious
demands upon Turkey, supported by menace—(hear).--and
that opinion is recorded at the very moment when Prince
Menschikoff was doing-at Constantinople the very thing which
the Russian Governnient said Europe should abstain from
doing, so as to maintain the independence and integrity of
Turkey. (Cheers.) I say, then, it is impossible for any man
who has his eyes in his head, or who is capable of drawing
conclusidns, to doubt that there is a settled intention on the
part of Russia to overrun and overthrow the Turkish empire,
for the purpose of establishing in the territory of Turkey the
ascendancy and domination of Russia. (Hear, hear.) Then
it is said, " Well, but what about that ? Is it possible for us
to maintain things as they are ?" The Turkish empire, says
the hon. member for Manchester, (Mr. Bright), is in a state
of rapid and progressive decay, and he declares that I am the
only man in the world who is blind to that, and who thinks
that the contrary is the fact. Why, I will appeal to the events
of the last eight months as a proof of the truth and correctness
of my opinion. Just compare the resistance which Turkey
has made within the last eight months to the armies of Russia
—compare that with the military events of a former year, and
let any man say whether Turkey has not shown proofs of
vitality'and energy which few people imagined she could pos.
sibly have displayed under circumstances so embarrassing as
those in which she was placed. (Hear.) Among the reasons
which, I have no doubt in my own mind—and, in-
deed, it is avowed in this correspondence among the
reasons which urged Russia,to strike the blow at the present
time was this :—The Russian Government saw that progress
sive improvements in Turkey were tending highly to streng-
then the Turkish Government ; and it saw also that, by these
improvements, and by the progressive wealth and comfort
and wellbeing of the Christian and Greek population, these
masses of Turkish subjects were gradually withdrawing their
eyes from Russia as their supporter, and were looking for
their well-being to other sources. (Hear, hear.) The Rus-
sian Government saw that the Greek population was slipping
out of its hands—(hear, hear)- and that the Turkish Go-
vernment were getting gradually too strong to be easily over-
thrown, and therefore it was that they thought it would be
inconvenient any longer to delay striking this blow. (Hear,
hear.) But then some hon. gentlemen say, " Oh, you are
supporting Mahomedanism against Christianity." Now that
has nothing to do with the great question which Europe is
about to settle. (Hear, hear.) In the first place, I contend
—and the argument has been already used, I believe, by the
hon. member for Aylesbury—that however you may wish
that these vast fertile regions, the favoured portion almost
of the earth, might be ruled by a Christian Government and
filled by a Christian population, in the present state of these
countries the Mahomedan race is the only one which can
keep that country together as one empire, and govern it as
such. The Christian population, as every one who under-
stands the subject, is well aware, is divided into religious
sects, into national divisions, into such minute fragments,—
no one of them sufficiently powerful to rule over the whole,
and no one of them inclined to submit with tranquillity to
the Government of another—that the Turkish Government
affords the only method by which these great countries can
be kept under one independent head. The real question,
however, is not what you would wish to put in the place of
the Turkish empire, but that which you are determined shall
not be established there—(hear, hear) —not what might, but
what, for the interest of all Europe, ought not to be. (Hear,
hear.) That which I think ought not to be—that which I
hope all Europe will take care shall not be—is the transfer
of these countries to the sceptre of Russia. (Cheers.) That
is what I trust the Powers of Europe have determined shall
never take place. The hon. member for Manchester asks
what are our interests in this war, and he requests me to
explain to him the meaning of tho expression, " the balance
of power." • Now the hon. member for Manchester and I
differ so much upon almost every question involving great
principles that I am afraid I shall be unable to gratify him
by explaining what is the meaning of the expression, because
I think that any man of his unquestionable abilities, of his
extensive knowledge, who has arrived at his time of life—(a
laugh),—and has not by his intuitive perception acquired a
correct understanding of what is meant by " the balance of
power," is not likely to be greatly enlightened by my humble
efforts. (Loud laughter.) Why, sir, call it the balance of
power, or what you will, the idea is one familiar to the mind
of man, and which has influenced the conduct of all mankind
from the earliest ages. The balance of power means only this
—that a number of weaker States combine together to pre-
vent one strong one from acquiring a power which shall be
be dangerous to their liberties, their independence, and their
freedom of action. (Hear, hear.) It is the doctrine of self-
preservation—(hear); it is the doctrine of self-defence, with
this simple qualification—that it is combined with sagacity
and with (foresight,—that you endeavour to prevent an im-
minent 'danger before it comes thundering at your gates.
(Cheers.) I know that the hon. member is so attached to
his principles that he thinks peace is of all things the best,
and war of all things the worst. I happen to be of opinion
that there are things for which peace may be advantageously
sacrificed, and that there are calamities which nations may
endure still worse than war. (Hear, hear.) This has been
the opinion of men of all ages, whose conduct has been ad-
mired by their contemporaries, and has obtained for them
the approbation of posterity. (Cheers.) The hon. member
for Manchester, however, always reduces everything to a
question of pounds, shillings, and pence. (Loud cheers and
laughter.) I verily believe that if this country were threat-
ened with an immediate invasion—likely to end in its con-
quest—the hon. member would sit down with a piece of
paper before him, and put down on one side of the account
the contributions which his Government would require from
him for the defence of the liberties and independence of
his country, and on the other side he would put down
the probable contributions which the general of the in-
vading army might levy upon Manchester—(loud laughter) ;
and if he found, on balancing that account, that it would
be cheaper—(coutinued laughter)—to be conquered than to be
laid under contribution for defence, he would give his vote
against going to war for the liberties and independence of the
country, rather than bear his share in the expenditure which
it would entail. (Hear, and a laugh.) That may be the hon.
gentleman's opinion, and he has, no doubt, a perfect right to
it, but it is not the general feeling of the country. (Cheers.)
Therefore I look with as much confidence for the vote of this
house and for the support of the country in favour of a policy
which the Government has by necessity been compelled to
adopt as g, the very eloquent—and very eloquent certainly it
was—but somewhat hypothetical speech of the hon. gentle-
man had never been uttered. The real question, however,
which we have to consider is, not whether Mnssulman is bet-
ter or worse than Christian—it is not whether it is desirable
to hasten more or less those internal reforms which must
sooner or later tako place in the Turkish empire—not that we
have proposed to Turkey a convention containing exactly the
same dictations which we have urged her to reject in the case
of Russia. Nothing of the sort has been done; the question is,
not whether sooner or later these reforms shall take place in
Turkey (for they must inevitably take place), but the question
we have to consider is this—whether Europe is to lie pros-
trate at the feet of one great overwhelming power—(hear)—
whether one power is to bestride the globe, from north to
south, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, to dictate to
Germany and to domineer over Turkey, to have the whole of
the rest of Europe at its mercy, to deal with it as it pleases—
or whether that power shall be taught that there are limits to
the ambition even of a Czar, to the.conquests even of a mili-
tary empire of which one may say that the whole territory is
one great camp, and the population one regimental depot ;
that in spite of the power which the Sovereign may be able
to sway, in spite .of the military resources which he is able to
command, there does exist in Europe a respect for the princi-
ple of national independence, that there does exist in the
Powers of Europe a determination to resist overwhelming en-
crophments in any one power, be that power what it may,
and that we are able, as we are willing, by arms—as resort to
arms has become necessary —to *.maintain by land and by sea
the liberties of Europe and the independence of nations. (Loud
and continued cheering.)
Mr. DISRAELI—Having had the opportunity on a for-
mer occasion of making some remarks on the papers laid on
the table of the house, I should not have presumed to ad-
dress the house on the present occasion, but for two reasons.
The principal one is that this being a motion for an Address
to the Crown in answer to a message, I thought it would
hardly be consistent with my duty if I had allowed the motion
to pass without some observation on behalf of the gentlemen
among whom I have the honour to sit. I rise to support the
address which the noble lord has moved—(hear)—in the same
spirit which I endeavoured to express, I believe, on the first
night we met. (Hear, hear.) I look upon the power of de-
' claring war to be a prerogative of the Crown—as a real pre-
rogative ; and, if' her Majesty summons her Parliament and
informs them that she has found it necessary to engage herself
in war, it is not an occasion when we should enter on the policy
or impolicy of the war. It is our duty, under such circum-
stances, to rally round the throne and to take a proper subse-
quent and constitutional occasion of commenting on the po-
licy which may have led to the war. I know that the ex-
pression of this opinion has subjected gentlemen on this side
of the house to considerable animadversion, and, to my great
surprise, these objections have proceeded from the Treasury
bench. We have been told that we are not open to support
her Majesty, and at the same time to question the policy
which has led to the war. This question has been argued
before when Mr. Canning was taunted in a
hi 2
, fromu e ;
Mr. Sheridan, he refused to allow himself
commenting on the counsels which had
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b withheldnthis
involved the national war, at the same time that he lent his
support to the Government to carry on that war, and I think
that is sufficient apology for the course which we have
manneris
thought proper to pursue. There is also another reason
why I have ventured to-night to trouble the house with any
abservations. Since I expressed my opinion on a former oc-
casion on the weighty document which detail the conduct of
the Government with regard to the negotiations preceding the
war which were laid on the table at the commencement of the
, session, other documents have been added for our consideration,
I and I cannot allow these documents to pass without some
brief notice. They have been referred to in the course of the
debate by several hon. members, and more particularly by the
hon. member for Aylesbury, in a speech of eminent ability,
which I thought might have attracted more attention, and a
completer answer than it has as yet received from her Ma-
, jesty's Ministers. No doubt there are many circumstances in
' these documents and iu the observations of the hon. member
which cannot ultimately be passed unnoticed by the Govern-
ment. The hon. gentleman referred without circumlocution
, to the fact that there was a discordancy of opinion in the pre-
' sent Cabinet with respect to the important policy which now
occupied our attention, and which has led to such vast..re-
sults. lam the last person, lam sure, who would in this
house fancifully assume any variance of opinion in the Cabi-
net. I think there is no weapon of opposition more illegal.