The Sun.
London, England, 1853-04-08 00:00:00

No. 18,890.]

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 8, 1853.

[PRICE SD.

NATIONAL DEBT REDEMPTION ACT.

SECOND EDITION, REVISED
Now Rattily, in 2 vols. Bvo., with Portraits, 30s. bound.
3I
EMOIRS,of the COURT and. CABINETS of
GEORGE THE TIIIRD.
From Original Family Documents.
By the Duke of BUCKINGHAM and CIIANDO4, K.G.
FROM THE TIMES, MARCH 30.—" These volumes contain much
valuable matter. The staple of t' e book is made up .of family docu-
ments, but there are also to be found interspersed with the Grenville
narrative, letters from nearly every man of note, dating from the
death of the elder Pitt to the end of the century. There are three
periods upon which they sued a good deal of light —the formats n of
the Coalition Ministry in 1783, the illness of the King In 1788, and
the first war with' Republican France. Lord Grenville's letters to his
brother afford a good deal of information on the machinations of th 3
Prince's party, and the conduct of the Prince and the Duke of York
during the King's 'Dness.
Hurst and 'Hackett, Publishers, Successors to Henry Colburn, 13,
Great Marlborough-street.

CONNEMARA.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

no opinion whatever that his honour was compromised.
(Hear, hear.)
Earl GREY thanked the noble duke for the observa-
tions having special reference to himself, but still he must
express his regret that Government did not intend to
order an investigation. He must also refresh the noble
duke's recollection as to what had really occurred last
year. There was a distinct understanding that in-
vestigation was impracticable then, but was to take
place in the present, and he was really mistaken if
the late administration had not fully intended that an
investigation should take place. Further, he must
beg leave to say, that if the case against the New
Zealand Company was in part their having concealed
certain contingent liabilities, the lapse of time would
now set the question at rest, as the liabilities must
have fallen in, and Government been called upon to
make payment. With respect to the two legal
opinions, the most serious charge was that, by sending out
one of those opinions, and suppressing the other, the
settlers at Nelson had been induced to agree to an ar-
rangement which they would otherwise have resisted.
That was a point in which justice to the settlers and the
honour of Parliament was concerned, and the act of
passing the bill by no means rendered it less necessary.
But more than that, although much had not been said
in their lordships' house of the pecuniary part of the
question, it was confidently stated in the other house of
Parliament that some money which had been advanced
by Parliament for public purposes was misapplied by the
directors to purposes in which they themselves had per-
sonal interest. The present President of the Board of
Works had made that charge, and offered to prove his
charge before a committee of inquiry. Now, if a large
sum of public money had been .misapplied, it was the
duty of the Government to insist on investigation, and
if it had taken place to enforce repayment. Charges of
direct malversation had been brought forward, and it
was the duty of Government to institute the fullest in-
quiry.

(From the 'Timm )

The designation of Conmaiene-Mara, corruptly pro-
nounced and written Connemara, signifying Bays of the
Ocean, is applied generally to the whole tract of country
from Lough Corrib to the Atlantic, although, in fact, it
is subdivided into the separate districts of Connemara
Proper, Jar-Connaught, and Joyce's Country. It is
singular enough that, barring the wild beasts and the
trees of which he speaks, both of which have disappeared
totally, the description of a worthy choregrapher of
1684, from whom I have before borrowed, pretty accu-
rately represents the Connemara. of 1852. He paints it
thus :—" The country is generally coarse, moorish, and
mountainous, full of high rocky hills, large valleys,
peat bogs, and some woods, whereof it had abundance
before they were cut. It is replenished with rivers,
brooks, lakes, and standing waters, even on the tops of
the highest mountains. On the sea-side are many ex-
cellent large and safe harbours for ships to ride on an-
chor ; the climate is wholesome, so as divers attain to
the age of 90 years, 100, and upwards. The land pro-
duces wild beasts as wolves, deer, foxes, badgers, hedge-
hogs, hares, rabbits, squirrels, martins, weasles, and the
amphibious otter, of which the white-faced otter is very
rare. It is never killed, they say, but with loss of man
or dog, and its skin is mighty precious. It admits no
rats to live anywhere within it, except the Isles of Arran,
and the district of the west liberties of Galway. The
water streams, besides lampreys, roches, and the like,
of no value, breed salmons (where is recourse to the sea),
eels, and divers sort of trouts. The sea here is plenti-
fully stored with fish—as cods, . hawkfish, coale-
fish, turbots, piaises, haddogs, whitings, gurnards,
macrells, herrings, pilchards, &c. ; and no ess librall of
shell-fish, as oysters, scollops, cockles, muscles, razares,
together with lobsters, crabs, shrimps. &c. It now and
then casts ashore great whales, gramps, porcupisses,
thanies. Both sea and land have their _several kinds of
birds. Here the ganet soars high into the sky to espy
his prey to the sea under him, at which he casts himself
headlong into the sea, and swallows up whole herrings
in a morsell. This bird flies through the ship's sailes,
piercing them with his beak."
The worthy author gives an account of various other
" fouler," in addition to barnacles, wild geese, swans,
cocks of the wood, and woodcocks, and especially of
" the bird engendered out of timber long lying in the
sea." " Here, too," he adds, " are rivers which breed
pearls, and the sea shears have amber-greese often cast
into them. The greatest number of cattle are of cows,
the soil being for the most part good only for pasture and
grazing, and very fertile of all kinds of herbs. The chief-
est product, thsrefore, and greatest commodity is beef,
butter, allow, hides, and of late cheese,' out of the Isle of
A.ran ; yet it yields as much corn, of wheat, barly, oats,
ne the inhabitants, and fur-
nanisdhertthase misaernkeentgbhestiedessu.stai
Such were the appearance and condition of the Far
West in 1684, and such, with very trifling differences,
are they now. The people are rather worse off ; there
are no wolves, no deer, and no trees, and genets no
longer fly through the sails of ships.
The fish, however, still abound on the coasts. The
salmon and the trouts are in the rivers, and the cods,
the turbots, the haddocks, the mackerels, the herrings,
etheaestoyfisstheresr,iesand aret,hein lofbaestersrieahre
enmengthhe
teseas Th
e
coast supporthe
of themselves the population'. The fishing, however,
is
fortunatelyinsufficient
means,
inlatzeirry.itteTntihey, rwivietrhs vaerry
echiefly in the hands of English gentlemen', some of
o and pursued
very
whom rent them for pleasure and others for profit. In
the latter category may be mentioned Mr. Ashworth,
the wealthy millownner of Lancashire, who has lately
purchased the Corrib Fishery for 5,6001., and is apply-
ing himself to its perfectionment by the assistance of
his clever agent Mr. Holliday, with that energy and
judgment which distinguish the English manufacturer.
The coast fishery is not so fortunate ; and from Gallway
to Black Head is mainly in the hands of the native
fisherman of the ancient village of the Claddagh, now a
suburb of Galway.
Inglis speaks of this community as clean said indus-
trious, and he is so accurate that I have no doubt they
may have been so ; but now they certainly are neither
the one nor the other. Their village consists of a g
inhabited between
by rows
a population
o ofpn
Idaitriteyn,
com-
plication of narrow, dirty lanes, dotted throughout their
length with slops of stagnant water and heaps of putrid
miserablefi t h,
and
hovels.
wandering
r i n crookedly
These
are
unskilled in their craft, ill supplied with the means of
following it, idle, jealous, lazy, tyrannical, quarrelsome,
and cowardly in the highest degree. They regard the
sea as their private and exclusive property, and will nei-
ther fish it effectually themselves,
_nor suffer anybody
else to do so.
The district which is knoivn familiarly as Connemara,
with its islands, possesses nearly 400 miles of sea-shore.
On the south and west, it is embraced by sea, and
is bounded on the east by the great lakes of Corrib
and Mask. affording now an open navigation
from the head of Lough Mash to the Bay of Gal-
way, so that the surface presents nearly as much
water as land ; water that exacts no rent, and is full of
produce. It contains, among other advantages, not less
than 20 safe and capacious harbours. The district em-
braces in itself, and is adjacent to, some of the finest and
most productive fishing banks in the world. Among
others may be named the bank off Black Head, one
of the best trawling banks on the coast, the Sun Fish
Bank, the Cod and Ling Bank to the west of Arran,
and the Cod and Ling Bank of Bofin. These are, host;
ever, for the greater part, at a considerable distance from
the shore and in deep soundings ; and as the fishermen
of the district have neither boats fitted to stand the
weather they must expect to encounter at sea, nor the gear
for deep fishing, their powers of production remain com-
paratively undeveloped. That they present, however, a
field for enterprise that may be cultivated with large
profit has been satisfactorily proved by the entire success
of the experiment which was made last year by Mr.
Sing, the incumbent of Arran, and which, I believe, is
still continued. I offer no opinion as to the propriety
of a clergyman undertaking such a speculation : that I
leave to Mr. Sing's bishop. At the same time, I
imagine the most zealous of men could scarcely occupy
all his time and energies with the care of the half-dozen
Protestants who form the flock of the Established pastor
of the Isles of Arran. Be that as it may, Mr. Sing has,
for some time now, trawled day by day in the Connemara
district, cruising from Galway to Blacksod Bay. His
ordinary fishing-ground, however, during the time I was
on the coast, appeared to be from the boundary trawling
line in Galway Bay up to the Bofin Bank. His trawler
consisted of a cutter of about 48 tons. His net profits,
as I was informed from authority which I could not
doubt, notwithstanding very high wages which he paid
his crew, varying from 30s. to 21. per week, ranged from
401. to 501. a-month.
Mr. Sing was continually impeded in his enterprise by
the threats and the turbulence of the Claddagh fisher-
men who, though they were restrained by the fear of
the armed revenue cutter, which was ordered to keep
an eye upon them, from actually boarding him, and, as
they had threatened, scuttling his vessel, made many
half attempts at surprise, aad pelted him with fish, offal,
and every kind of violent insult. He had supplied him-
self with about 30 stand of arms, and begged bard of
the Inspecting Commander of the Coast Guard for the
loan of a crew of his men. I suggested that an old'
jacket or two in the rigging would answer every pur-
pose. I doubt which were the most afraid of each other,
Mr. Sing or the Claddagh fishermen. It put one irre-
sistibly in mind of the duel between Sir Andrew Ague-
cheek and Viola. Poor Mr. Sing, however, appeared
to live a singular life of accumulating profit and con-

We candidly confess that in our yesterday's remarks
on the rumoured Ministerial plan for dealing with the
Three per Cents. we had not fathomed the depth or
unravelled the ingenuity of Ministerial finance. Pre-
mising that it was only a rumour that we dealt with,
we described that rumour to be the offer of 2i per cent.
for 20 years, secure from further reduction, with the
equal certainty of redemption at par at the end of that
period. We believed the proposal by no means un-
favourable to the public creditor, while, supposing it to
be accepted by all holders of the stock in question, it
would save the nation at once two millions and a-half
per annum. Had it not been thought favourable to the
creditor as well as to the State, the value of Consols
would not have risen in the market as they did on
Wednesday, when this was the form and shape
rumour gave to the Ministerial announcement. The
resolutions are now before us, and we must say
that they look more like what scholars call a praxis,
or an exercitatio in finance, than a serious propo-
sition to the Legislature. If we could suppose
some student calculating, or attempting to calcu-
late, a number of equivalent securities, varied by
caprice rather than any reference to the wants of capi-
talists, we have before us the results of his morning's
speculations, carefully preserved, as if they had cost too
much labour to be thrown into the waste-paper basket,
The Chancellor of the Exchequer offers as many as four
alternatives in return for one security, for it is substan-
tially one description that is dealt with. This is con-
trary to all the rules of prudence. It assumes for the
originator of the bargain a great part of that responsi-
bility that usually and properly attaches to the persons
to whom the bargain is propounded. The former should
leave the latter to make counter-bids, that is equivalent
offers, if he likes ; but should rest his own case on one
carefully-considered proposal. As it is the creditor will
simply examine the four proposals gratuitously placed
before him, and choose that which he thinks best. This
has already been done by the skilful calculators of the
city, and they have fixed on one of the alternatives which
will evidently carry the day :—that is, would carry the
day should the resolutions ever pass into law.
Mr. Gladstone first deals with some peculiar stocks
which answer no other purpose than to encumber the
" quotations" and perplex the uninitiated. These ought
long since to have been reduced to one description.
That is now proposed to be done, and, if the resolutions
become law, the very names of the South Sea Annuities,
&c., will cease. Their holders are summoned to accept
one of four alternatives, the last three of which are of-
fered also to all holders of Consols or 3 per Cents. Re-
duced. The four alternatives are :-1001. in money for
every 1001. stock ; or 821. 10s. of a new 3i per cent.
stock, guaranteed against reduction for 40 years ; or
1101. of a new 2i per cent. stock, with a like guarantee ;
or an Exchequer bond for 1001., bearing interest at 21 per
cent. for 10 years, and 2i per cent. for 30 more. Why
this last proposition, with the inconvenient feature of
a drop In the interest after ten years, should ever
have been made, we cannot conceive, unless as a mere
feat of calculation, or on the model of the vanishing
sugar duties. The only alternative, however, worth
considering is the offer of 1101. in 2i per Cents., guaran-
teed till 1894. Supposing the resolutions to be adopted,
and all the holders of Three per Cents. to make this
selection, it will save the country a quarter per cent, on
the interest of about 500,000,000/. Three per Cents.,
that is, about 1,250,0001. a-year ; 1101., at 24 per Cent.,
being equivalent to 1001. at 21. So far the annual
saving to the country would be only half that to be an-
ticipated from the scheme as• rumour had described if.
But, inasmuch as it is proposed to increase the nominal
capital in this alternative from 1001. to 1101., that would
be an addition of 10 per cent. to the capital subjected to
the process, and in the year 1894 our descendants would
have to thank us for adding about fifty millions to the
national debt.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.)
THE NEW ZEALAND COMPANY.
Earl GREY, who was indistinctly heard at the com-
mencement of his observations, reminded the house that
during the previous session of Parliament an accusation
of a serious nature was thrown out against the New
Zealand Company, it being stated, among other things,
that money granted by Parliament for public purposes
had been grossly misapplied by the directors, while the
conduct of the latter with reference to the settlers had
been stigmatised as fraudulent. In the other House of
Parliament it was expressly stated by two gentlemen,
both now occupying positions in the Government, that
they considered those charges to be of the most serious
character, and that thay were prepared to prove them at
any time. He referred to the present Chancellor of the
Exchequer and the President of the Board of Works.
Sir Wm. Molesworth stated on the third reading of the
New Zealand Bill that he had endeavoured to prevent
fraud, but had failed, and that he was prepared to sub-
stantiate before a committee all the facts he had stated.
It was proposed, in consequence of these statements,
that certain clauses should be struck out of the bill.
The Secretary of State did not express any decided
opinion
on the charges, but said that they constituted a
strong prima facie case against the company, that they
required investigation, and that pending that investiga-
tion it was not just to New Zealand that the land clauses
of the bill should be permitted to become law. Under
these ciscumstances, he (Earl Grey) trusted their lord-
ships would concur with him in thinking that investiga-
tion was absolutely necessary, and the fact of the bill
having passed made not the slightest difference. Be-
cause if the New Zealand Company had been guilty of
misappropriating the public money it was the right and
duty of Parliament to see that money repaid out of the
proceeds of the land sales. In the same manner, if it
were true that gross fraud had been committed on the
settlers of Nelson it was the duty of Parliament to see
that redress was afforded. He was, therefore, anxious
to know whether any inquiry was contemplated by the
Government, and he was the more interested because in the
discussion to which he had alluded it was broadly stated
that he had himself connived at the frauds of the New
Zealand Company. The fact was that the case was sub-
witted to him, but on investigation he became convinced
that nothing had been done calculated to throw the
slightest discredit on the honour and fair dealing of the
directors. Being so satisfied he had stated his opinion,
and he understood that his successor in office had
come to a similar conclusion, He submitted, however,
that the matter was not in a position in which it could
be allowed to rest. When the bill passed through Par-
liament the voluminous papers on the subject of New
Zealand had not been printed, and therefore it was ut-
terly impossible to go into the investigation. He sub-
mitted, however, that now the time had arrived for ascer-
taining in the osest manner whether the public money
had been misapplied, and if so, who was to blame, and
what measures for procuring redress should be under-
taken, and for that reason he begged to ask the noble
duke the Secretary for the Colonies whether it was the
intention of Government to institute any inquiry, by
means of a Parliamentary committee or otherwise, into,
the charges which had been made against the New Zea-
land Company ?
The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that he was not
prepared at this distance of time to state whether the
noble earl had accurately represented what had taken
place in the other house of Parliament during the last
session, but as regarded the part which he (the Duke of
Newcastle) had taken in that house; the noble earl had
in the main correctly stated the opinions which he had
expressed ; at the same time he thought that the noble
earl had considerably overstated one part of the aceusa-
tions brought against the New Zealand Company, while
he had dwelt very lightly indeed on that part of the
accusations against them which had been more imme-
diately under the consideration of both houses of Parlia-
ment, and in regard to which he (the Duke of Newcastle)
had certainly expressed an opinion that it was inexpe-
dient to pass a certain portion of the measure. The
noble earl said that grave charges had been brought
against the company of a misappropriation of funds.
He (the Duke of Newcastle) hardly knew to what the
noble earl alluded in that statement. Misappropriation
was, indeed, to a certain extent employed in the charges
against the company, but the main charge under discus.
sion had been this—that in negotiations with the Govern-
ment of which the noble earl was a member and Sir
Charles Wood Chancellor of the Exchequer, the company
had concealed from the Government, and especially from
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had then under
his consideration a measure for the relief of the com-
pany from their pecuniary difficulties, that they had con-
cealed or practised a fraud upon the public, by repre-
senting that they were taking a legal opinion with regard
to their liabilities, upon which legal opinion the question
of their liabilities was to rest, that that opinion was ad-
verse to the company, that they thereupon took another
opinion, which was favourable to them, and that they
presented the latter to the Government, conceaiing the
fact that there was another. That had been the charge
last year, and upon hearing it ho (the Duke of New-
castle) had said, and ha adhered to the opinion, that it
was inexpedient, and improper, and impolitic, when a
charge of such a suppressio yeri, to say the least of it,
had been made, to give that company the additional ad-
vantages which were conferred by the act. What were
those advantages ? It had been found that the act
passed by the Government in consequence of the ar-
rangements to which he had referred, had been inope-
rative to obtain for the company in New Zealand
those advantages which were then contemplated both
by the Government and the company, and the
latter had not received that portion of the pro-
ceeds of the land sales of the colony which it
was contemplated to give them. Thereupon, in the
bill of last year, a new arrangement was made, and it
was proposed to saddle the debt of £268,000 he be-
lieved that was the sum—upon the lands of the colony.
It was made a condition upon the concession of the
management of the lands to the colonists themselves ;
and lie (the Duke of Newcastle) certainly had stated
then, and his right hon. friends in the other house of
Parliament had also stated, that any additional boon to
a company lying under such great imputations and
charges ought not to be conceded without full investiga-
tion into such. charges • and, without expressing any
opinion as to their truth, he had said that such an inves-
tigation must be the first step that should be taken. He
ha also stated that he was by no means anxious to place
the company in any less advantageous position than
that in which they had been placed by the Government
in 1848, and that, therefore, anxious as he was that the
colonists of New Zealand should receive the great boon
which was given them, by the act of the management
of their own land sales, he was prepared to omit from
that bill this concessicn, in order that the whole ques-
tion might remain open until another Year, with the
view of a full investigation. But Parliament had
overruled that opinion ; by a division in the other house
it had been determined that this concession should
be;at once made, without any investigation, and with-
out waiting for the correspondence which had been laid
on the table of the House of Commons during the present
session. The bill had come up to their lordship's house
at the end of the session, and he had found that it would
be useless to divide the house, and that the decision of
Parliament was adverse to him ; no inquiry was con-
sidered advisable, and none took place. But for what
purpose had he said that an investigation ought to be
made ? For the purpose of deciding whether it was
right that this boon should be conferred. The boon had
been conferred, the question had been so far settled, and
though he by no means bound himself or the Govern-
ment with regard to their future conduct on this ques-
tion, when, as he anticipated, it might shortly be raised
again, yet he must say that he thought that this was of
ail others the least expedient moment for Parliament to
institute an inquiry either by committee or otherwise.
One additional concession had been demanded last year
by the New Zealand Company, and when that was
under consideration he thought that an inquiry was
right and necessary for the honour of Parliament. He
had been overruled, but now what immediate cause
was there for any investigation ? He had said
that the time might arrive when an investiga-
tion would be necessary, and that would be when they
' knew how the colonists had received the measure of last
year. He did not think that that measure would be re-
newed with entire accord and satisfaction. He expressed
that opinion, not in consequence of any communication
which had reached him, but from the mode in which the
colonists had received a bill which had been brought in
at the end of the session before last, to which, as throw-
ing a burden on their finances, they had strongly ob-
jected. They had entrusted to him (the Duke of New-
castle), in November last, two or three petitions on the
subject, and from their tone he certainly anticipated
that there would be remonstrances when the act of last
session reached the colony. But he did not think that
they ought now to enter on a field of inquiry (without
any distinct object) or broach questions which might be
brought under their notice before many mouths, or even
weeks had elapsed. (Hear, hear.) He could see no
necessity now for reopening the question, the proper
moment for investigation having (as he said) passed by.
With reference to the statement which the noble earl
had made, of any individual interest which he might
feel, he (the Duke of Newcastle) hoped that it would
be unnecessary for him to say that he had never
said, and never believed, that the noble earl, either in
his private or official capacity, had been guilty of
conniving at or screening any proceedings which he be-
lieved to be inconsistent with the public faith or with the
public interest. In the blue-book which had appeared,
containing the correspondence on this subject, there
were two private letters which showed what had been
the feeling of the noble earl on receiving the first inti-
mation of these transactions, and those letters would
completely exonerate him from any charge of this nature.
He (the Duke of Newcastle) would abstain from express-
ing
any opinion with regard to subsequent official
com-
munications of the noble earl after he became
convi.needof P
of
the erroneous view which he had taken in his
Private
e
communications, because it was not the intention
Government to propose any investigation into these
t
ters, and it would be unadvisable that he shoulde xplureast;
any such opinion ; but, so far as the noble earl himself
was concerned, whatever may be the case with regard
to other parties, he (the Duke of Newcastle) entertained

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VOLS. 111. and IV. of EVELYN'S DIARY
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companion to the popular histories of our country—to Hume, Hallam,
Macaulay, and Lingard."—S.m.
Published, for Henry Co'burn, by his Successors, flurst and Blackett,
13, Great Marlborough-street.

- Tile Duke of NEWCASTLE said he had admitted
the necessity of investigation, but denied the fitness of
the present time for the purpose. He thought they
should have the views of the people of Nelson before
they proceeded further, and, in the meantime, he begged
to say that he had made no charge of malversation of
public money. He believed that the parties most in-
terested had expressed a strong wish for inquiry.
Earl GREY admitted that the New Zealand Com-
pany had expressed the utmost anxiety for the fullest
inquiry. He could only say, that if he had brought
forward charges of so heavy a nature, he should have
taken care they did not fall to the ground. However,
it was a lesson to those who, by their present conscious
reluctance, showed that their former accusations were
groundless, not again to be so rash in circulating slan-
derous imputations against men who were of as high
honour as themselves.

Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to 8 o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.--(YESTERDAY.)
ACCIDENTS IN COAL MINES.
In reply to Mr. HUTCHINGS, •
Mr. FITZROY said the Government would have no
objection to the re-appointment of the committee on
accidents in mines, but just now two of the inspectors of
mines had obtained leave to visit France, in order to
ascertain the means adopted in those countries for
the prevention of such accidents, and it would be
more convenient if the hon. member postponed his mo-
tion until their return.
Mr. HUTCHINGS said he would consent to that
course.

IRISH CONSOLIDATED ANNUITIES.
Mr. MOORE then rose to, move, that in the opinion
of this house, it is the duty of her Majesty's Govern-
ment forthwith to take into consideration the Irish Con-
solidated Annuities, in order to effect a more equitable
settlement of the claims for which those annuities were
granted, by remitting the amount charged on account of
the-Labour Rate Acts, 9 and 10 Vic., c. 107, and 10
and 11 Vic., 87, whilst the repayment of the workhouse
loans, the advances for temporary relief, Act 10 Vic., c.
7, the advances for public works, under the Acts 1 Vic.,
c. 21, and 9 Vic., c. 1, and for the aid of the distressed
districts, under the Act 13 Vic., c. 14, are fully pro-
vided for. He tame before the house to ask them to
consider a question which deeply affected the whole people
of' Ireland. This was entirely a matter of facts and details
not of principle, and it would be for the house to decide
whether it was not due to Ireland that these anomalies
should be remitted as an act of justice. He did not ask
for it on any other ground, and he trusted, therefore,
that both sides of the house, and members of all parties,
were ready to give the question a fair and impartial con-
sideration. It had been once investigated by a commit-
tee of the house, composed of all shades of opinion, and
the unanimous recommendation of that was to abolish
this objectionable tax. The committee thoroughly
stud;ed the whole subject, they took evidence upon
it collected from all part of Ireland, and given
by persons who were entitled to confidence and respect,
and the unanimous resolution which they arrived at was
that which he had just stated. Nothing was left undone,
nor was any point withheld from the committee which
(
could have induced the committee to come to a
different conclusion. (Hear, hear.) He should be
sorry to argue that the house ought to be bound
' by the decision of any committee ; but this was an ex-
ceptional case to the ordinary rule. The country went
with the committee in their recommendation, and since
this tax was grossly unjust, besides being highly ob-
noxious to the feelings of Ireland, it was the duty of
the house to adopt it. Common sense and sound
policy were like in favour of the remission of the tax,
and he hoped the house would have no hesitation in
passing the motion. Ireland had never refused to dis-
charge her just debts or to repay advances that had been
made to her as grants ; but she had no right to pay this
tax, and it would be an act of policy as well as gene-
rosity to relieve her from it.
Mr. FRENCH seconded the motion. He contended
that the report of the Lords' committee on the subject
at issue was perfectly just, and he was prepared to prove
that it was perfectly moderate in its recommendations.
He regretted the necessity for the present motion, and
he felt bound to say that the representatives of Ireland
had not been fairly treated in regard to the matter at
issue by the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, before
ho made any remark on the subject matter of this motion,
he must express the very sincere regret with which he had
listened to that portion of the speech of the hon. member
for Mayo, in which the hon. member treated this as a ques-
tion between Ireland and Sir Charles Trevelyan. Everything
done, of which the hon. member complained, he laid on the
shoulders of Sir Charles Trevelyan, and described that pub-
lic servant, whom he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
did not hesitate to characterise as an eminently able, up-
right, honest, and indefatigable man, in terms which he
had never heard applied by any member of Parliament to
ono of that most valuable class of civil servants of the coun-
try who were the advisors of the Executive Government,
who had no means of defending themselves in that house
or otherwise when attacked—(hear, hear)---whose useful
advice and successful propositions invariably redounded to
the credit and honour of the Ministers of the day, whose
advice and propositions ought to be laid to the charge and
the responsibility of the Ministers, and ought not to be
made the basis of a gross personal attack. (Hear, hear.)
It was with surprise and regret that, for the first time
during some experience, he had listened to such terms as
those in which the hon. member described Sir C. Trevelyan
as "a dogmatist, a theorist, a practical blunderer, who
spared nothing, and who scrupled at nothing." He was '
satisfied there were few men in that house who would have
made such an attack, and he doubted very much whether
the hon. gentleman himself would hereafter repeat it.
(Hear.) Whatever Sir C. Trevelyan had advised or done in
this matter, it ought not to be laid to his door ; it was to be
laid to the door of the Government who adopted the mea- ,
sures which he advised ; and if the measures were not sound 1
in principle, or bad been found unsuccessful in practice, it
was the Government only on whom the blame ought to be laid.
Ho might personally remark of the peculiarity of this dis-
cussion. He did not recollect the ease of a financial pro-
position of great importance made to the Commons House
of Parliament, and supported almost exclusively on the
basis of the report of a committee of the House of Lords.
He did not mean to say that when justice and good sense
were involved in the proceedings of a committee of the
HOMO of Lords, they ought not to be attended to ; but ho
memberentirely forde Mayo demurred
btruvote of the report of that committee,
when choonoui
irtatbeele,
when ho designated it as a high and commanding autho-
rity. He did not admit the doctrine that the report of a
committee of the House of Lords upon a question of
finance was to be urged in the House of Commons, not
merely as a matter reasonable and deserving attention, but
as a high and commanding authority. (Hear.) He was
much more disposed to think that the report of a commit-
tee of that chamber of the Legislature which was not the
taxing chamber, ought to be received with some jealousy
by the body to whom was entrusted the functions of tax-
ing the people and deciding upon the burdens to be cast upon them ; at the same time they ought to consider
whatever merits it might have in reference to the standard
of' reason and justice. (Hear, hear.) He was bound t
ts
iarye l
ythat,y awhreepnorhteotfleasccorimbedmitttehee mofotthioennaosusseupoifJoLrott,ehnoe.
misstated the case, for the hon. gentleman who had just
of Ithe HOuseof
sat down went beyond the committee Lords, and was of opinion that these Consolidated Annui- ,
ties, involving large sums of money due from this country, ought to be remitted, although the co Irelmand tomittee
of the House of Lords declined
to make any such
nmiletntdeaettitoidn.
noltngtohefva,lewen of
iin
the hon, gentleman the recom-
co-
urged what the House of oLuogrd
8 da :el
tit
ehde
theonu.rggeenintletmbeainr
reestpizta.tedTthheeheoxnp.egnedinttluermeafnn argued that because it was
wasdlnar ye x
ue yearssdedw,
thatoulcl
constitutedamount -
British Exchequer. He demurred certain sum, and that sum
.ar ed tvalido that claim d 0
ca
tgrai
ni against
;t t h
bute
ho declined to notice it further, not because the ho-
nourable gentleman was not entitled to use it, but
because it did not come within the scope of the
motion before the house, and therefore the house
would forgive him if he passed by that portion of the hon.
gentleman's speech. The hon. gentleman who made the
motion did not ask for the remission of the money as a
boon, or as a matter of equitable consideration, but on
grounds of strict justice • he founded it on charges which,
he made against the Government and Parliament of this
this country, which he said were guilty of great misdeeds,
the consequence of which misdeeds Ireland ought not to
bear. For reasons which he should state by and by, he

We have no hesitation in laying it down as a;principle
that, whatever we do, we are not justified in increasing
the capital of the debt. We may increase the interest as
much as we please, within reasonable limits and for a
moderate term of years ; but to make a bargain with the
national creditor, adding fifty millions to the debt, when
the children born this year shall be forty years old,
simply and solely in order to escape paying 1,250,0001.
a-year ourselves, would be nothing less than disgraceful,
and certainly most contrary to the resolute, sturdy, self-
denying spirit of our recent commercial and financial le-
gislation. It is to this point that the study of finance
should be specially directed, and whoever shall devise
some means of diminishing our fatal inheritance of debt
will indeed earn a place in the first rank of British
statesmen. Now that the great names of the last long
and glorious war are becoming historical, we may com-
plain that we of this day have no such opportunity
of distinguishing ourselves. One way, however, is
open to those who would win a place in the memories
of that splendid era. The man who can devise a
means for paying off the debt of the war
may well rank with the statesmen who directed it and
the great captains who fought it by sea and by land.
It Mr. Gladstone would tell us how to extinguish the
capital of our stupendous debt by the end of this century,
that would be worth the addition of another 5,000,0001.
a-year to our present burden. His proposition, little as
we expected it from such a quarter, is quite in the other
direction. It is to spare ourselves at the expense, or at
least at the risk, of our children. Mr. Gladstone evi-
dently does not anticipate so great a preference for this
particular alternative. He gives to posterity the option
of reducing our debt by a hundred millions, that is, sup-
posing the 821. 10s. at 31 per cent. generally accepted.
But, unfortunately, posterity is not here to make its
choice ; -the choice is to be made now by living capitalists,
and they will undoubtedly select the alternative that
spares themselves at the expense of the country forty
years hence. In another part of our impression it is
suggested that the Resolutions be at once amended by
the omission of this one alternative, and we cannot but
agree that its surrender will come with more grace now
than at the end of a Parliamentary struggle.

THE GOVERNMENT BOOKSELLING CONCERNS.

In an article on the education question in the new
number of the Edinburgh Review, the writer, in reviewing
Sir James Kay Shuttleworth's new work, remarks :
" We are glad to observe that Sir James Kay Shuttle-
worth expresses a very decided opinion on a subject
which is one of considerable importance, and which has
been much discussed. With reference to the publica-
tion and trading in school books by the Government,
Sir James Kay Shuttleworth remarks :—' It is essential
that the Government should avoid every form of inter-
ference which could discourage individual enterprise,
the freedom of opinion, and the natural action of litera-
ture on the popular intelligence and taste, or of the trade
in books in their production and diffusion. The Govern-
ment is not an author, a holder of copyrights, a publisher
of books, nor a patron of methods ; much less is it to
interfere in the formation of opinion, by making
schools the organs of its own doctrines.' And he
adds—' I concur with the great publishing houses
of London in their objections to any sale of the
books of the Irish Commissioners in Great Britain,
except through the ordinary channels of trade.'
This is an opinion founded on sound principles. The act
of copyright creates a monopoly for the encouragement
of literature, and thus for the benefit of the public. It
never was contemplated that the Government should
buy up, or in any way hold, these monopolies. If they
hold them, they must either trade in books, and carry
on the business of booksellers in all its details, or they
must restrict the use of their works to their own schools.
In the one case they embark in a business they cannot
carry on without prejudice to the public interest ; in the
other, they deprive the public of the books they have
every right to demand, inasmuch as they have been con-
structed at their own cost. It would, indeed, be a nar-
row and exclusive policy, little to be commended, were
the Government to use the influence they possess, to en-
courage the most able writers, free of money payment,
to write books restricted to the use of their own schools.
It cannot be supposed that any writer would, of his own
choice, restrict the circulation and utility of his writings
to a particular class of schools. On the contrary, he
should desire that they might have the widest diffusion,
thus extending the public benefit, and at the same time
securing to himself, in the most legitimate way, that
just reward which should result to him from a public re-
cognition of the value of his services."—Edinburgh Re-
view.

tinual apprehension.
There is at the same time no question that these Clad-
dagh fishermen block the way to any improvement or
progress among the fishermen of the coast generally.
Banded together in an ancient community, they make
laws in the most arbitrary spirit for the whole fishing
population of these coasts, and enforce them in the most
despotic and, occasionally, most violent manner. I have
myself known the Clare men, when the bay was full of
mackerel, come humbly over from the opposite coast to
ask whether they might fish the bay on the following
day, and receive from these 'self-constituted despots a
flat refusal, for no better reason than that they happened
to be full of fish, and were afraid of the market being
better supplied than suited their views of their own inte-
rests—a restriction of competition beyond the fabulous
dreams that their opponents attributed to the most ultra-
Protectionist. Had the others ventured to disregard the
veto, they would certainly have had their gear cut to
pieces, and probably found themselves beaten to death's
door. The emigration of the, whole tribe would be the
best thing that could happen for the district. They are
gradually, as a separate community, melting away or
being absorbed ; but in the meantime the Government
would do wisely were they to station a small steamer on
the coast. The cutter of the coast guard had orders
while I was there to protect the fishery ; but in calm
weather, her restraint was comparatively inefficient.
Correspondent of the Morning Post.

MANAGEMENT OF THE DEAD IN THE METROPOLIS.—
The number of superficial feet in an acre is 43,560.
Hence we have merely to establish a simple rule and
say, if so many superficial feet are made to contain so
many bodies, how many will 43,560 (the acre) contain ?
When we reflect that from fifteen to twenty times as
gi
nh t
some to be
eaxraemdpalielsy
ndpe
wp oasridt es do
fi n2o7oaonoy,
rinineacoentpyltiaebreosldebsiesytoashnadotu 50,000 have been dispose of in a single
sixa i acre
noefhgres of
ground—that
stuhrfatadeee,adunbdoedrieesvaerrye corrupting—withinnngo—f hitempe-
rature, every change of atmosphere, from dry to moist,
from moist to dry : that myriads of dead, " piled one
upon another (according to one eye-witness), like bricks,
are incessantly evolving many thousand times their own
bulk of the most poisonous compounds, within a few
feet of densely-crowded habitations—that the very
ground is growing up around us, and houses disappear-
ing beneath masses of corruption—we are compelled
again and again to repeat that the entire system of grave
yard and vault management in this metropolis is an
enormous and scandalous iniquity, Can we wonder that
us
wde imes eaabnsraeetai itoshn
es e g eni
niv doeeurmre dapkeerovrfeo
rsr life
e ourselves
sldienel sdvtenrsoe ystshe dew
ep bo ysi
so
ownn
dowa de
he oai
and we reap death ! It is almost unnecessary for me—
indeed, it would be impossible to enumerate the varied
injuries inflicted on the health of the living, by a prac-
tice which compels us to breathe, not the pure air of
heaven, but the poisonous compounds of our own cor-
ruption.—O. A. Walker, in Practical Suggestions for
the Establishment of National Cemetries.
DEPARTURE OF THE UNITED STATES AND .CANADIAN
MAILS.—On Wednesday forenoon, shortly before ten,
the United States mail steamship Pacific, Captain Nye,
sailed from the Mersey for New York with the usual
mails for the United States and British possessions of
North America, 66 passengers, and a large cargo of
merchandise on freight.

FAMILIARITY AND TAMENESS OF THE RED-BREAST.—
In the last number of Kidd's Journal of Natural
History, are some very interesting anecdotes of the
robin, contributed from many sources. In addition,
the editor records a very pleasing as well as curious
fact connected with a pair of these tame birds now
" sitting" in his own greenhouse. After detailing their
many pretty attractions, the editor adds :—" This same
pair of robins; about which our pen has been so often
eloquent, are now 'sitting. They have built their
nest on a shelf in the greenhouse, close to the dwelling-
hcuse. It is in one corner, based on an old japanned
dressing-box, over which a pair of garden shears, in an
upright position, are carelessly placed. Between the
handles, is the place of entrance and exit. It was as
good as a play to watch the construction of that nest,
and see the large mouthfuls of dead leaves, hay, and
hair, that were carried in. We were invited to look,
atid we did look ; and no doubt we shall see, as we have
before seen, the exodus of the happy family' when
fledged. Our wrens, dunnocks, and thrushes are all
equally tame ; and we look daily for the nightingales
and blackcaps to complete the ' band' that always
Sojourns with us in spring and summer. If we could
only prevail upon our neighbours to lay aside their mur-
derous guns, who could be more happy than we and our
little families ?' "

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should not enter into any statement of the views of the
Government on this question. He should not refer to the
judgment of the Government with regard to it, but to the
theth? remis-
sionßelife
of 2,
argumentsooo, gentleman,raiooseodl.beyrt3h,eooohoon.cli. expended
Act of 1846, ought to be made on grounds of strict justice,
and because the exaction of it would be a wrong inflicted
on Ireland. There, again, he did not think the two hon.
u thatter
gentlemen had made good their case. The statement
seemed to be that the Parliament and Government of this
country had intruded into the position and usurped the
functions of the landed proprietors or Ireland. (Hear,
hear, from Mr. Moore.) He believed these were some of
words used—" that the mode of relief chosen was con-
demned by the people of Ireland"—of course, that meant
condemned at the time, because if not at the time it meant
nothing—" that the parties who administered relief seduced
labourers, caused deaths and starvation, which would not
otherwise have taken place, and diminished the amount of
means of subsistence in the country." The whole was
summed up with a long bill which Ireland had paid in re-
compensesaid that when the British Parliament enacted the poor-
law, fel- the great wrongs done to her. It might be
they committed something like a usurpation of the
functions of the landed proprietors. But if they had not
assumed those functions, they must have remained in
abeyance. Parliament passed the poor-law against the
opinion of Irish proprietors, and he supposed it would not
be pretended now to say that Parliament erred in doing
so. (Hear, hear.) He knew, whatever might be the opi-
nion of the mover of this proposition, that the public at
large, and the people of Ireland owed a deep debt of grati-
tude to the noble lord for having passed that poor-law.
(Cheers.) It was now made a great charge against the
Government that its officials were placed in the position of
the landed proprietors. Ho wanted to show that, in pass-
ing the poor-law, the Government and its officials were put
in the place of the landed proprietors under the pressure
of very strong necessity—absolute necessity—for the wel-
fare of the people of Ireland ; and therefore it was not
a conclusive argument against the proceedings of Parlia-
ment, if he showed that in the instance they were now dis-
cussing. the Government assumed the functions of the
landed proprietors either better to discharge those func-
tions for the benefit of the people. He did not admit that
Parliament did so. He did not admit that the law wa's
forced upon Ireland. AIM were the provisions of the
law? It began by stating that the Lord-Lieutenants should
direct extraordinary presentment sessions for the baronies,
that such sessions should be held by the justices, and they
should record presentments of such public worksl as they
approved. They were required to send up a list of pre-
sentments of public works, such as they approved, to the
Lord-Lieutenant, who forwarded them to the Treasury,
and no public work was undertaken except it was first
approved by the extraordinary sessions, by the Lord-Lieu-
tenant, and by the Treasury. Would any one tell him
that the structure of that act betrayed any disposition on
the part of Parliament to set aside or neglect the landed
proprietors of Ireland ? The Lord-Lieutenant was not
authorised to act except upon presentments made by the
sessions, consisting of the landed proprietors of Ireland—
he had no power of acting independently of them. The
hon. gentleman quoted some cases, in which he seemed to
allege presentments had been extorted from the local
parties by influence, and the works executed somewhat
against their wishes. The figures would distinctly show
that such cases were the exception and not the general
rule ; because what were the facts ? By extraordi-
nary presentment sessions in Ireland, under the Labour
Act of 1846, presentments were made amounting in
all to 6,647,0001. Let the house remark the import
of that. Presentments were made by the landed proprietors
for public works to the extent of 6,647,0001. What was
the extent of the works executed? The extent executed
was 4,460,000/. ; therefore it appeared two millions were
presented by parties locally interested in Ireland which
were never sanctioned at all. Did they mean to complain
of the selection made in the works, which the local parties
had already approved, or did they mean to complain that
too few of these works had been executed ? At any rate,
if it was charged that these works were executed either in
defiance of the will or without the will of the landed pro-
prietors of Ireland, and that the landed proprietors on
whom the burden must ultimately fall were set aside, he
said, on the contrary, the structure of the act showed the
utmost anxiety on the part of Parliament that the landed
proprietors should have as much discretion as possible, and
that the utmost precautions were taken to prevent their
having reason to say that they were set aside, and these
charges forced upon them in spite of their own different
opinion. (Hear.) He believed he might with confidence
refer to the discussion in the Houses of Parliament when
the act passed. It was very easy to be wise now after the
fact. The famine came on with giant strides, and spread
over the land with a rapidity and raged with an intensity
which no man could foresee, and the machinery broke
down. (Hear, hear.) When Parliament met again they
recognised the failure of the machinery, and set about
applying remedial measures. No doubt, great mischief
had been done, but everybody had been deceived, and
everybody had miscalculated. The charge made at the
time against the Government was that the act was ham-
pered with too many restrictions, and that the number of
presentments made would be less than it ought to be. If
that was the language of the Irish representatives at that
time, they had no right to say now that the Government of
the day had acted in opposition to their suggestions. For
the various reasons which he had stated, he demurred to
the proposition made by the hon. member, that any remis-
sion was due to Ireland on the score of justice. Even if
Parliament had been deliberately wrong, he still thought
that the hon. gentleman ought to have shown that the
Irish representatives had pointed out the right course. But
to that point the hon. gentleman had not even addressed
himself. He would now refer to the imputation which
the honourable gentleman had made against him (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer). The honourable gentleman
said that if he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) made a
promise to give an immediate reply, he ought to keep it.
So far he agreed with the hon. gentleman, but when he
was told that at the time when he met the deputation in
Downing-street he promised to give an answer totally h-re-
spective of the budget, he could not say that he agreed
with him at all, for he stated exactly the reverse. As he
could refer to a written record of what passed, he would
tell the right hon. gentleman what he did say. Lord Mon-
teagle stated to him that there had been a conversation in
the House of Lords on the night immediately preceding the
interview, which would seem to show that the question
had been postponed for reasons of departmental conveni-
ence, and then he wont on to say that the Government had
no right to tax the poorest part of the Queen's dominions—
namely, Ireland—with reference to any question of surplus
or deficiency in the annual income of the State. In reply,
he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) stated that the Earl
of Aberdeen, in the speech to which Lord Monteagle had
referred, merely said that the question was not to depend
on the surplus or deficiency of the year. This statement he
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer) made at the time, and
this statement he now repeated. The hon. member, in
stating that the answer which he had promised to give, was
to be quite irrespective of a surplus, represented him (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer) to be out of his senses. When
every question connected with fiscal administration was
raised, and pressed against from every quarter, the hon.
gentleman would have a right to be more severe upon him
thad he had been, if he really believed that he had given
an immediate answer to a question which was most
complex in its character, and which involved five millions
of money. The fact was, that he had not only stated
that he could not give an immediate answer, but he had
detailed the reasons why he could give one. He stated
that the question of the consolidated annuities was con-
nected with the financial condition of the country, and
that it was not the intention of the Government to
take any steps in the matter without reviewing the
whole of the financial prospects of the State. To- that
declaration he still adhered. It was not the intention of
the Government to consider the question of the eonsoli-
dated annuities, except in conjunction with the other great
financial questions of the day. This was the 7th of April,
and on the 18th it would be his duty, on the part of the
Government to lay before the house the whole of the views
which her Majesty's ministers entertained on the financial
position of the country. He trusted, therefore, that the
hon. gentleman would not consider it disrespectful to him
on enmc
eiannt
te l
wthereen
present.te r upon
justified owne
nindyt furtherhtehen
views
appearc
whichli s c discussion shi
theyeo
whether
h
if
fuelivsa declined
oe
t et theehke
with respect to the general finances of the country. If
the hon. gentleman did not agree with those views, it was
open to him to move a vote of censure upon the Govern-
ment. He had no more at present to say than that, in his
opinion, the hon. gentleman who had made this motion
had not made out the case which he stated it was his inten-
tion to prove, namely, a case of wrong and oppression on
the part of Parliament and of the Government against Ire-
land at the period of the famine, and on the ground of
which wrong and injustice ho had claimed the remission of
two or three millions, not as a matter of equitable con-
sideration, but upon the basis of strict restitution. To
these observations, therefore, he had only to add that he
should feel it to be his duty to oppose the motion.
Mr. H. HERBERT agreed with the right hon. gentleman
in all that he had stated with respect to the Irish Poor-
law, to which he looked for the regeneration of Ireland.
What was complained of was, that while members of that
house and the pnblio press were lecturing on the necessity
of self-exertion, Parliament, by its legislation, had made it
impossible. With respect to the Irish landlords, no one
could doubt that they had been guilty of many sins, both
of omission awl commission, but at the same time he believed
that when the famine came they wore prepared to do their
I duty. The light hon. gentleman was perfectly correct in
stating that the Government could not initiate any particu-
lar work at the presentment sessions ; but could he be so
ignorant of the state of the country as to believe that the
owners of laud, in the midst of a starving population, were
really free agents ? (Hear, hear.) They were
,placed in a
position, which, he thought, any ing,n of common sense
must perceive rendered them—if they were alive to the
common feelings of humanity—almost involuntary actors
in the performance of the duty which hail b3,3n imposed
upon them. It was felt that a pressure must
exist on
those who had to carry out the act, and this
the causes of its failure. The p• e:,-entai was one of
ent session s were
on more than one occasion scenes of
tion, and riot, which was the n t
confusion, intirnida-
a ural
people to understand that the result of giving the
do but to carry out the magistrates had nothing to
give them work. Even intentions of the Legislature, and
to the intimida4
rl if the landlords had been insen-
siblefew who were willine•which was exercised, there were
the condition of th to evade the responsibility which
them, and Sir C. Treevir fellow-countrymen imposed upon
including Lord elyan himself gave a list of landlords,
d Lurgan and
they made to relieve others,des-
who lost their lives in
consequence of thetitution. efforts which
Lord J. RUSSELL had hoped, that after the lapse of
seven years, something like a dispassionate consideration
would have been manifested for the difficulties which be-
set the executive and every one else in the great and dis-
tressing trial to which the p-ople of Ireland were sub-
jected. He was very sorry to find that this was not the
prevalent feeling. He thought that a great portion of the
statements in the document which had been so much re-
ferred to, the report made by a committee of the House of
Lords, were well founded, and gave an accurate picture of
the case. What he thought the fault of the report was,
the total omission of the subject which the committee had
to consider, namely, the famine; and that it was the duty
of every one to mitigate that calamity in the only way
they could, by trying to save human life. The report, how-
ever, seemed but now and then to notice that fact inciden-
tally, though it was the great subject of their inquiry.
Errors, no doubt, might have been committed by the_o
Go-
vernment and others, but the question was,
whetherth
y
did not, in a great degree, arrive at ib
persons. It was
end proposed,
and save the lives of a great number of
motion
tion that there was
represented for the purposes of this
an undertaking by the Government on a system of relief for
the Irish people without of this country to in-
duce the Legislaturedetermine
to
the consent of the Irish landed
gentleman who had just down stated
that the landed proprietors
had not a fair discretion on the
subject, and could not exercise an impartial judgment, and
he added that they were carried away, as the truth was, by