The Sun.
London, England, 1854-08-22 00:00:00

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come out at last, gentlemen. Not in vain have I urged
all the time—" Define the aim ; precise the object of
the war ; profess the issue you contemplate." I have
seen them writhing to escape that necessity. I have
borne in silence the scorn of their sophistry, trusting to
the inexorable logic of events. I know they must come
aut, and they are come out at last. The French Go-
vernment has fixed the conditions upon which it is
prepared to conclude peace. The English Govern-
ment, always ready to walk in the imperial shadow
of Bonaparte, had accepted them formally, offi-
cially; and the British Parliament, the chosen guar-
dian of Great Britain's honour and interests, sanctioned
them in the people's name with a silent bow, and went a
hooting with perfect satisfaction and tranquillity. I have
no hope to see the people of England roused to resolute
activity, even by this unfolding of the mystery. Still,
since I have " drifted," much against my will, to an
English platform once more, I desire to acquit my con-
science by calling on your indulgent attention while I
will analyse these pre-arranged conditions of settlement.
The following are the conditions of agreement which
England and France have fixed upon as guarantees, se-
curing Europe against Russia :—First, that Russia's
protectorate over Moldo-Wallachia and Servia shall be
replaced by a common guarantee of the five powers—
England, France, Russia, Austria, and Prussia. Second,
the navigation of the Danube freed from all moral and
material obstacles. Third, the treaty of 1841, that is to
say the privileged position of Russia in the Black Sea,
revised with a view to the European equilibrium, and to
a limitation of Russia's power in that sea. Fourth, the
five powers (Russia included) to lend assistance to each
other in obtaining from the Porte religious privileges to
the Christian subjects of the Sultan. That is all. That is
the great issue for which the world has been put in com-
motion, England's people driven to a very expensive
sham war, and England's prestige in the estimation of the
world sacrificed. The public opinion of England cries
aloud for the regeneration of Poland. The re-con-
struction of Poland is an indisputable guarantee to
the future safety of Europe. Yet Poland, not having
been permitted to take part in the struggle, could,
of course, not enter in the conditions of settle.
ment. I, for one, know it from the beginning that the
Government of England is decidedly hostile to that

idea. I have known that the very fleets of England and
France have been sent to Constantinople with the ex-
press purpose of hindering the Turkish Government from
affording some facility to the regeneration of Poland and
Hungary. I know that England's aristocratic Govern-
meet would move heaven and earth, and hell, to oppose
revolution, and rather spare and save the enemy of Eng-
land than do him hatra by countenancing a popular
movement, though directed against England's enemy.
I know, in a word, that England's Government is the
great conservator of despotism on the continent. How.
ever, though the English and French Governments are
incapable of raising themselves to a comprehensive policy,
they should have at least remembered that they are
pledged in honour to their own programme of independ-
ence and integrity of Turkey. You, the pretended auxi-
liaries of the Sultan, erect yourselves into his comptroller;
and take Russia for your associatd in thus insulting him.
You act as if you were auxiliaries to the Czar and ene.
fines to the Sultan. But I ask you, ye Governments,
with whom are ye at war, with the Sultan or with the
Czar ? It would appear you are at war against the Sul-
tan, as you stipulate against him in favour of Russia.
You do not stipulate that the Czar shall not meddle with
the privileges of Moldo-Wallachia ; you stipulate that
the Sultan shall not ; and I ask you, has the Sultan en-
croached upon those privileges ? No. Have the Moldo-
Wallachians complained against him ? No. Have they
de<ired the pestiferous gift of your common protectorate
No. They desired to get rid of foreign protectorates,
and not to get the Egyptian plague of five protectorates
Russia would be a fool not to accept that condition ; she
loses nothing by it. Austria will grasp at it, of course ;
she gains by it what she never yet could attain, the
right of interfering between the Sultan and his subjects.
But if Turkey is such a fool as to submit to the insult,
instead of sending you home with your pernicious gua-
rantees, then Turkey indeed would not deserve to exist.
The second condition is, the free navigation of the
DAnuhe. If by taking Bessarabia you would have
wrested the "mouths of the Danube from Russia, that
condition might have been an advantago. But as your
wise rulers profess to have nothing to do on the Danube,
that condition is evidently mere moonshine. I see no
objection why the Czar should not subscribe to this sti-
pulation. The third condition is the limitation of Rus-
sia's power in the Black Sea. Let us "reason a little
with these same learned Thebans." The power of Rus-
sia may be limited by one of these alternatives-1. A
pledge from the Czar that he shall limit his fleet to a
certain number of vessels. That is out of the question ;
such an insult he never will sign, and the Western Go-

werumeuts, afraid of making use of the co-operation of
Poland and Hungary, are not the men to compel
him to this. Second alternative—To force %Turkey
to open the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus to your men
of war. Give me leave to ask you, would England con-
sent to allow that the armed fleets of France, Russia,
America, should at their pleasure enter the Thames and

parade up and Down the London Docks, as they please?
The matter is perfectly similar. I warn Turkey of the
trap. Let her retain the right to let pass whom she
likes ; but let her not give up the right to exclude wolves
in sheep's skin, else she is lost. The last condition is,
that the five Powers (Russia again included) shall lend
_ . . .

assistance to each other in obtaining and securing reli-
Owls privileges to the Christian subjects of the
Sultan. Now, gentlemen, I have no time left no w
to dwell on the religious tolerance of the Turkish
Government, unequalled by any Christian Sovereign
on earth. I will only say that, up to this time, no
foreign power could claim the authority of legally inter-
fering with the domestic affairs of Turkey. Russia had
made the claim, and you have found the claim so. in-

compatible with the independence of the Ottoman Em-
pire, and with the sovereignty of the Sultan, that Eng-
land and France have taken up Irma, with the profession
to assist Turkey in resisting this insulting claim of Rus-
sia. And now it is you, England and France, who en-
force upon Turkey that very claim in favour of Russia,
your pretended enemy, and promise to lend your assist-
ance to her, and pretend to establish the same right of
interference fur yourself, and for the Prussian drunkard,
and for the fanatic Austrian Jesuit besides. Methought
it was against Russia that you are at war, not against
Turkey ; methought you pledged your honour to exact
securities from Russia, and not from Turkey for Russia.
Well, if yuu are so delicate about religiOus freedom, why
do you not exact securities from Russia for granting re-
ligious privileges to the Protestants, and Roman Oath°.

lies, and Mahommedans, and Jews—from Russia, the
most intolerant power, and your enemy besides I Why
do you not compel Austria to respect the treaties about
the religious privileges of the Protestants in Hungary,
which the perjurious Hapsburgs have trampled down,
and received Eal,,land's felicitations for it ? With what
face dare you thus turn against Turkey, the most tole-
rant of all existing governments, and your ally besides,
whom you pretend to assist Gentlemen, let this
suffice for the occasion. That Your Government never
did mean to reduce the power of Russia, that was
clear from the very moment that they began to court
the alliance of Austria. RUUD% is the corner-stone of

despotism, and Austria is despotism. Imbecility itself
must know that despotism never will lend its hand to

overthrow its own corner•stbne. Your Government has

never been a serious enemy to Russia. He who pre.

tends to be at war with Russia, and neglects to take
Poland by the hand, cannot be serious in his professions
of hostility against Russia. Oh, how different would
be the results if Mehemet Ali Pacha, the creator of the
brave Turkish army, and the impersonation of its pa-

triotic heroism, hal not been ousted from power by Eng-
land ; and if the Turkish Government, rising to a level

with the spirit of its heroic soldiers, had thrown the pre-
tentious friendship of England and France overboard,
and taken her natural allies, Hungary and Poland, by

the band ; or if England would have remained English,
and France French, instead of turning bath Austrians.
Well, it is as it is. Hojever, I must warn you, gentle-

men, not to believe that matters have come to an end.

Though there is no real harm to Russia in the proposed
terms of settlement, still, such as they are, the Czar

will never accept them. It remains to be considered
what may be done against these dangers by those who,
like yourselves, gentlemen, have been led, by sound
patriotism, to pledge. themselves to views contrary to
your Government's policy, and who are now apt to see
what regard is paid to their wishes and to their
opinions. If you are content with so much, then there
is an end to the matter. I am a stranger, and have no
voioe in the chapter. Freedom of individual opinion
is all that los claim. I have 441-At fro
ra your o'