The Sun.
London, England, 1853-03-04 00:00:00

chequer very probably described as a promise. What
was the resolution of the honourable member for Montrose ?
—" That this house will, at an early period, take into
its consideration the duties that are strictly protective
in the existing tariff on articles of import into this
country, both of manfactares and agricultural produce,
with the view of speedily repealing the same, as affecting
unfairly every interest in the country." Now, before he
made a momentary comment upon that resolution, let him
see how the charge of a "promise" was supported by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was no doubt holding
out a policy, and they had to consider, first, was the policy
a sound policy ; and, if so, was it politic at this moment to
hold out a promise of it. If the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer had. said, "There is a motion which, if carried
into practical effect, will materially influence the revenue
of the country ; I am the guardian of the exchequer of the
country, and I will not enter into any argument, but I
appeal to the confidence of the house to guard me from
these attacks upon the exchequer ; I give no opinion, I
do not think it is my duty to give an opinion, upon the
policy that is recommended ; but I say at once that I will
enter into no discussion, and I call upon the house to enter
into none upon this policy, and this promise of a policy,"—
if he had done that, he could have understood the position
of the right hon. gentleman, and it might have been the
duty of every man in that house to support him. But
what was the conduct of the Chancellor of the Exchequer?
Denouncing the course of the hon member for Montrose as
merely a promise, as that most dangerous course in Parli-
mentary conduct, according to him, a promise and not a
performance, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose and
made a speech which Was one long promise from beginning
to end. (Cheers.) The Chancellor of the Exchequer had
been promising what the Government would do with
respect to this particular question, under circumstances,
and upon an occasion, which they had previously agreed
upon. Then the whole question of policy was opened by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer. They had not, therefore,
to consider the motion of the honourable member for
Montrose with respect to its convenience or inconvenience
to the Treasury, which was the position in which
the Chancellor of the Exchequer should have placed
it ; but they were to consider the question as one of
policy, and of policy alone. (Hear, hear.) Well, he
approved of the policy of the honourable member for
Montrose. (Cheers.) If the policy which the late Govern-
ment had recommended the house to adopt, and which the
house rejected—a policy which some day or other would
be recognised as one beneficial to the community and ad-
vantageous to property, because it considered the interests
of industry in their proper sense—if that policy were not
to be pursued, he must look to the other means which ex-
isted for removing that injustice from the cultivators of
the soil in this country to which he believed they were sub-
jected. (Cheers from the Opposition.) His hon. friend the
member for North Wrzwickshire, who was not, he thought,
liable to those depreciating observations which had been
made with respect to him by the hon. member for Manches-
ter, but who, upon this and upon all occasions, had shown
an admirable consistency, great talent, and unwearying
powers of- research, had said that this was a bad bargain
for the agriculturists. He said, "Remove these quasi pro-
tective duties of the tariff, and the duty on the import of
foreign manufactures is only reduced by the amount of
434,0001., while the duty on the import of foreign agricul-
tural produce will be reduced by double that amount." He
said, with great respect to his hon. friend, the member for
North Warwickshire, that the question of industry in this
country had gone far beyond considerations either of
400,0001. or 900,0001. After the immense revolution which
had been carried into operation, we could not cling to the
rags and tatters of the Protectionist system. • (Cheers.) He
saw that the agricultural classes were obliged to pay on arti-
cles which they wished to use a considerable duty, and they
could not be told in answer to that grievance that the Go-
vernment levied a small revenue from foreign agricultural
produce. (Hear.) But he denied—if they could condescend
to enter into these particulars—he denied that any of those
duties levied on foreign agricultural produce were really in
the language of the motion, of a protective character.
They were not ."strictly protective," nor protective at
all. (Hear, hear.) He would not enter into the question
now whether the duties levied on foreign manufactured
articles were protective, and " strictly protective." He
believed they were—(cheers)—and he protested, after
the vote of Parliament had come to on this subject—after
the verdict of the last general election—he protested against
the cultivators of the soil being subjected to any duties—
either protective or " strictly protective." (Hear, hear.)
They had been forced into a consideration of the policy of
this ,motion by the Minister. If the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer had risen, and placing the question on financial
considerations, had objected to all discussion, then the pre-
sent debate might long ago have ceased. But it was be-
cause the Chancellor of the -Exchequer had objected to the
motion as a motion of promise, and had then entered into a
long speech, which was wholly. a speech of promises, that
he had forced the house to give an opinion on a policy
which he did seem at a distant day to sanction, but which
now he met in a manner which he (Mr. Disraeli) could
not describe, nor even to the present moment exactly un-
derstand. (Hear, and laughter.) Being forced, then, to
give an opinion, and believing that the course recommended
by the hon. member for Montrose was founded on those
principles which the people and the Parliament of Eng-
land had adopted and sanctioned, and did justice to the
agriculturists, he should vote for the motion. (Cheers.)
Mr. CARDWELL said that with admirable dexterity,
which those who admired the ability of the right hon. gen-
tleman (Mr. Disraeli) might not have been unprepared to
expect, at a late hour, and to a crowded house, the right
hon. gentleman had given his description of the speech of
the Chancellor of the Exchequer delivered at an early
period of the evening. It would not be right in him (Mr.
Cardwell) to assume that there was any degree of ingenuity
cast into that version beyond what was conformable with
Parliamentary practice ; but the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer must have been astonished at the description of his
speech given by his right hon. predecessor. The right hon.
gentleman said, that if the Chancellor of the Exchequer
had rested his defence on the simple position that he
was the guardian of the public treasury, and that at the
present period of the financial year it would not be right
to deprive the Treasury of a sum exceeding one million and

a-quarterof money, then the debate plight have come to

an immediate conclusion; and at an;, rate the right hon.
gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) would not have been the cham-
pion of the present motion. Now, he appealed to all who
heard the early part of the discussion as to what was the
arguments of the Chancellor of the Exchequer ?, True, he
did not presume to say to the House of Commons that
they should not only not come to a fiscal resolution, but
should not presume to debate and to pass opinions as in-
dividuals on fiscal subjects. Had it not been a complaint,
indeed, on the part of some hon. gentlemen, that when
they proposed, at an early period of the session, a remis-
sion of taxation, they were met by the allegation that the
proposition was premature, in reference to the period of
the financial year ; and when they made the proposition
later they were told the time for it was passed, as the
financial arrangements of the year were completed ? But
what would have been the reproaches cast against a Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer who should go a long step further
than that, and when an hon. member of the experienceand
weight of the hon. member-for Montrose brought forward
a long list of financial cases, to which he invited the atten-
tion of the house, previous to the financial statement, ob-
serving that if this principle were only admitted to be
sound, he would respect the Treasury, and not call on the
house for a decided vote at the moment—what reproaches,
he asked, would have been cast against a Chancellor of the
Exchequer who should have retorted,—" You have no
business to bring these questions before the house, and to
express your own opinions ; I have but one answer—l can-
not spare the money; and, whether your principles be right,
or wrong, I not only will not enter into discussion, but I re-
proach you with impudence for bringing forward the mat-
ter." (Oh.) He accepted the cheers of hon. gentlemen
opposite as an argument in his favour, for well they might
be astonished at such a doctrine when placed before them
in that categorical manner. (Hoar, hear.) The true ob-
jection urged by the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not
that they should not ventilate these subjects in debate, but
that they should not come to any formal resolution con-
demning any portion of the revenue until the time arrived
when they would be prepared to give effect to their con-
demnation by relieving the people of the burden. The
right hon. gentleman opposite was determined to give his
vote in favour of the motion. Now he called on the house
to consider the tendency of that support. The right hon.
gentleman said it was too late to cling to the rags and tat-
ters of Protection ; but some hon. members behind the
right hon. gentleman had expressed different opinions, and,
unless his ears deceived him, one hon. gentleman was is
little candid on the question, saying that he did cling to
the tatters of Protection, and desired to see Protection re-
stored ; that he wished to see the artillery of free trade
directed against the manufacturers, and these propositions
carried prematurely into effect, that they might be dis-
gusted with free trade. It behoved those who were friendly
to free trade to ponder upon such expressions. It was not
surprising that the hon. member for Montrose should de-
sire to have his principles fairly discussed ; but, with true
Parliamentary experience and sagacity, while giving his
principles a fair chance, he would not push them to a divi-
sion at a time convenient for party opponents to support
them, but, resting satisfied with the assurances of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, he kliew that he had sown
the seed in seed-time, believing that at harvest-time the
harvest would be gathered. (Hear, hear.)
After a few words from Mr. MILES, who suggested some
modification of the motion,

Mr. HUME explained the state in which the question
now stood. Ho had said that if the Government should
agree with him in principle, and that it was a mere ques-
tion of time between them, he should not put the house to
the trouble of dividing—(oh, oh ! from the Opposition, and
loud cries of divide, divide)—and certainly he should rather
have a unanimous vote on the subject than any division
upon it..
.

'A
division being loudly called for, the house divided :
he numbers were :

For the motion
Against it ...
' Majority for Ministers
CROWN SOLICITORS IN IRELAND.
Mr. FITZGERALD moved for copies of the Treasury
i minute of 1842 relating to the appointment of Crown soli-
citors in Ireland, the Treasury minute or minutes relating
to the newly-appointed Crown solicitor for the Leinster
circuit, his salary and allowances ; and of all correspond-
encet,preemAntrytorna
relating Treasury,
ns
~ between the Chief or Under-Secretary for Ireland, or
between the
Attorney-General for Ireland, and the Lords of the
or preseglaof the warrant, order, and other documents
such appointment ;of all correspondence
Crowno or officers
solicitor
et
thoer CZorwnt h IrelandeinLeinster
circuit, and thea
s lateto
and the appointment the resignation or of the late Crown solicitor
tors on the Rome and 60. the appointment of Crown solici-
-1842.
minutes
orwnrrunts f of his successor ; and, of the several
in
or
Sopnaught circuits, in respect of va-
cancies occurring
The motion Was agree Ana.
Mr. MIiA.HON obtained leave to bring in a bill for the
which was afterwards
improvement of the Irish fisheries,
consequento in town-councils
brought in aid read a first time
on limn and irregular
Mr. DUNLOP obtained leave. +,-,
provide for the supplying of vacancies-• bring in a bill to
a first
in a bill
eolfectbiurongsh, swhinichScwoatl:anfdterwards brou. , and read
time.
Lord PALMERSTON obtained leave to bring
to amend the law concerning, the certifying registering
was brought
of places of religious worship m England, which
in accordingly, and read a first time.
The noble LORD also obtained leave to bring in a bill to
make provision concerning the interests which may be
acquired under certain appointments and presentations
in and in relation to cathedral and collegiate churches ;
which was brought in accordingly, and read a first time.
ELECTION PETITIONS.
Sir J. SHELLEY said, in moving that the minutes of
the evidence taken before the committee on the Blackburn
election petition be laid before the house, he wished to do

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