The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

(From the Times.)
It has been said that writers are an irritable
race, and we recollect that a certain anonymous
correspondent of this journal who attacked us some-
what vehemently a few weeks ago appealed to what
he thought must be our susceptibilities in justifica-
tion of his own. As far as a private opinion can
be taken in such a matter, we really conceive that
we are not much exposed to the imputation. We
can assure the reader that we receive with great
equanimity many flattering communications of ;
which he never hears, and we do think that we
display some patience under visitations of a diffe-
rent kind. Being perfectly content with what we
know and feel to be our position, we are willing to
let all disquisitions on our abilities or our useful-
ness pass without notice or interference for what
they are worth, and the result must be at least
thus far agreeable to the public—that it learns the
intelligence and politics of the day, instead of being
regaled with private controversies and. squabbles.
If we depart at all from this observance, it is in
the interests of journalism at large ; and on no
other principle than this do we now refer to the
latest harangue of Mr. Cobden, delivered this week
at Holmfirth. The part played by the press in the
affairs of this country is so important that no re-
flections on its office or influence can be prudently
pamed by.
" You will find," said Mr. Colie_en to his audience,
" that people will resort to news-rooms, not to read
the leading articles, for, with all respect for the
talented writers of the public press, I regard the
leaders as of far less importance than the articles
of news in the paper. Take a newspaper up, and
you will find news brought from all parts of the
world ; nineteen-twentieths of the *hole paper
consists cf news, and only one-twentieth part of
original articles or leaders ; therefore, with all
respect to the editors of these newspapers, I believe
these original articles, so far as guidance and
direction are concerned, are the least useful
and interesting parts of their papers facts
and intelligence being more sought alter by
readers. There are far more newspapers in
America than here, but they have less political
influence." Such are Mr. Cobden's views, nor
will there be much difficulty in disce—aing what
they imply as well as what they expless. If we
pleased to be short with our depreciator, we might
argue, in his own words, that as only one-twentieth
part of the House of Commons consists of Mr.
Cobden's friends, and nineteen-twentieths of other
parties, therefore Mr. Cobden's party, as far as
public guidance is concerned, is the least useful
part of the house. Or we might inquire how that
" political influence" which Mr. Cobden begrudges
us could ever have arisen if no readers sought
guidance and direction from what we wrote. If
the leading articles of the paper are of so little in-
terest that they are forsaken for " facts and intelli-
gence," why should these articles be thus attacked
as unduly influential ? Either Mr. Cobden's facts
are unreal, or his arguments are good for nothing.
The effect cannot exist without the cause, and yet
he first ignores the cause and then complains of the
effect. We prefer, however, to reason otherwise
with our antagonist, especially as his opinions on
this point are not now intimated for the first time,
though they happen to be conveyed with unusual
plainness. He contends that the proper functions
of the press consist in the distribution of news, and
not in discussion, inquiry, or argument. He wants
" facts and intelligence," not " leading articles ;"
and, with the view of superseding what he dislikes
by what he desires, he has often insisted on the
excellence of small penny newspapers, comprising
not'ning but " facts,' and retaining, of course, no
talent above that of the compositor.
Now, in the first place, we must ask him what
are " facts and intelligence" as thus invidiously
particularised for contrast ? We beg the reader to
believe that it is from no fault of our own inten-
tions if the leading articles of this journal do not
convey the most accurate facts and the best-sifted
intelligence contained in the paper. We cannot, of
course, always rely implicitly on the accuracy of
our correspondents, surrounded as they frequently
are with difficulties of various kinds, but we can
appreciate these conditions in each particular
case ; we can compare their reports with those
from other sources of information ; and we present
the public in our remarks with the conclusions
most probably approximating to the substantial
truth. In point of fact, those very articles ,
selected by Mr. Cobden as least concerned with
the ." news," which he thinks should be the
exclusive produce of &paper, are those in which the
news is most carefully given. And this is not only
naturally, but even necessarily the case. Our news
arrives from every quarter of the world, and, as
every day brings its own delivery, the most anxious
vigilance would be insufficient to certify it in all
particulars. Laborious as is the discretion exercised
in this respect—and we can assure the reader that
he has little conception of the duty—it is of course
impossible to secure perfect infallibility in five hun-
dred correspondents ; and yet Mr. Cobden's pro-
posal would pin the reader's faith upon a corner
paragraph, to the exclusion of those expository
articles on which all the experience and discern-
ment at the command of the journal have been
carefully engaged.
Again, how is a " fact" to be measured If by
nothing but the words required to comiaunicate an
occurrence, then the model of Mr. Cobden's news-
papers would be contained in our submarine ex-
presses, and it would have been quite sufficient last
Monday to have announced as the first and last
notice of the subject, " The Emperor of the French
is married." If our own observations on this topic
did no 'L partake of that " intelligence" which news-
papers ought to convey, then neither did the letters
of our Paris correspondent, for they were only
";articles" in another form. Precisely the same
remark, too, may be made of every report
which reaches us from the suburbs or the provincial
districts, from Scotland, or from Ireland. An
" alleged murder" or a " railway accident" could
be reported as a bare " fact" in two lines, but we
suspect the utility of this kind of " intelligence"
would not be great. It can scarcely, however, be
needful to insist on this argument. The obvious
truth is, that no facts can be usefully conveyed
without collateral information, and few without
some admixture of opinion.
But there is another, and a much more critical
point of inquiry—a point on which we are in-
clined to think that the whole question, as really,
viewed by Mr. Cobden, would be found to turn.
Pray let us ask him what, in our selection of
" facts and intelligence," we are to do with reports
of public meetings, and speeches there delivered ?
Mr. Cobden's visits to Manchester yesterday week
and to Holmfirth on Wednesday were " facts,"
no doubt ; and, considering the hon. member's

reputation, would be very- properly chronicled ;
but what were his addresses ? Should we , have
discharged our whole duty as purveyors of " news,"
if, instead of letting him talk for himself last
week through twenty of our columns, we had an-
nounced that " Mr. Cobden spoke at a Peace
Congress, and has written a book ?" Is this what
a newspaper should have done ? If so, we can
only say that we might have spared ourselves some
cost, and the public, as we have reason to know,
some impatience. If not, and if speeches are to be
considered as facts and intelligence deserving all
publication, will Mr. Cobden inform us why we
may not address the public as well as he, or why
his opinions on current politics should be impressed
upon everybody, while those of others are to be
discarded as offering no " guidance or direction ?"
It is perfectly evident, from his own deportment,
that he looks upon popular meetings and orations
as fit and proper means of public instruction, and

it is of course notorious that the chief effect of
such addresses must be accomplished afterwards by
the agency of the press. Mr. Cobden, in short,
works upon public opinion through the columns of
the Times as directly as if he had written and sent
to us on paper what our reporters dispatch to us as
taken down from his words. We must needs

presume that he does not regard this " part of the
paper " as deficient in interest or use ; yet, if he
does not, with what face can he claim for his own
views a consideration which he denies to others ?
He surely would. not demand to have all the
speaking to himself ; and yet what he here de-
mands is nothing less than all the writing. Only
a short time ago he was pleased to characterise
certain leading articles as " the most transcendant
things, in point of style and intellect, of any
productions of the present day," and, at any
rate as commentaries on public affairs, they are as
much like " facts and intelligence " as his own
speeches, and deserve as much perusal.
Without any desire to be uncharitable, we can
give but one explanation of arguments so incon-
sistent, and that is, that Mr. Cobden would fain
demolish every influence but his own. He would
make us the vehicle of his opinions without ad-
mitting us to any like privilege of speech. He
wants more newspapers, because more newspapers,
he thinks, might bring him more readers, and he
wants "no leading articles," because those articles
are occasionally devoted to the correction of
speeches published side by side with them. He
would like to address his persuasions to the public
without check or interference--to be undisturbed
in his history, his politics, and his prophecies ; and
to have all these accepted as "facts and intelli-
gence," whilst the reflections of others on the same
subject were rejected as neither " useful nor in-
teresting." Considering the occurrences of the

East few years, it may surprise_ many readers to ob-

serve such a conclusion.- A free Press means free
discussion. There is no Government in Europe,
however absolute, whether at Naples, Paris, or

Vienna, which would care to control the publica-
tion of " facts." What such rulers object to is the
expression of opinions ; and very strange it may
possibly seem that the first objection of this kind
in England should have proceeded from a politician
avowing views of extreme liberalism. In reality,
however, this intolerance is nothing but an ordinary
symptom of democratic excess—a symptom which,
if free course were given to the malady, would be
seen not only in this, but in every department of
politics. Fortunately, the danger is not great in
this country that such a consummation will ever
arrive ; nor is Mr. Cobden indeed taking the right
steps to promote it. He is indefatigable in his
efforts, and plausible in his talk ;• but among so
sensible a people as Englishmen he will gain no
converts to his doctrines by disclosing his anxiety
to suppress all teachers but himself.

(From the Morning Herald.)

We do not think it necessary to adjudicate upon
the respective merits of the Quarterly reviewer
and M. Disraeli.
The late brilliant leader of the House of Com-
mons was relieved from any responsibility with re-
spect to the best abstract policy to be pursued—
first by his own promise, and secondly by the ex-
pressed wish of the country. It is enough to know
that if the present Chancellor of the Exchequer did
not defeat the late ministry factiously—that is, for
the sake of the defeat—he did so for the sake of a
principle which is false in the abstract, unjust in
practice, and obnoxious to all parties—that of the
present income-tax. Laying aside, therefore, the dis-
cussion of budgets, we join issue with the leading
journal (so-called from being led ?) on the sub-
ject' of the navigation laws. We are amused at
the confidence with which so great a cause is
reposed on the evidence of the coAsistent Mr.
W. S. Lindsay, and we are prepared to con-
tend that the present prosperity of the ship-
ping interest is in no way the result of the re-
peal of the navigation laws, for that repeal opened
up no new markets, and the advance in the value of
shipping has been greater during the last six months
than during the whole of the preceding two years
and a half. He who will take the trouble to cast
his eye down the entering-out notices for London,
Liverpool, and even Dundee, and there behold the
evidence of a trade to Australia larger than we pos-
sess to any other part of the world, and which has
sprung up suddenly like the prophet's gourd, will
have no difficulty in accounting for the sudden
change in the prospects of the shipowners.
If the same person will then reflect that the voy-
age to Australia is three times as long as that to
the United States, and that at least 100,000 to
200,000 tons of shipping are lying in the various
Australian ports without crews to remove them, he
will have some idea of the displacement of tonnage
which has resulted from the discovery of gold in our
own colonies. This discovery, acting on a gold cur-
rency, restored confidence, suspended the opera-
tion of the Bank Charter Act, a-id created an active
and immediate demand for labourers and for manu-
facturers.

How the Times is to prove that we have more
men than we used to have, we are at a loss to con-
ceive ; and we confess that we look with some ap-
prehension to the ultimate effect of the present
mania, which, assisted by foreign shipping, is aid-
ing the operations of emigration ; and owing to
the scarcity of small British vessels (which the
most sanguine were afraid to build in the face 'of
foreign competition) is giving over much of our le-
gitimate and ordinary tulle to foreign vessels. The
effect of the export of gold to the Danube, &c., for
grain is very likely, in conjunction with an unfa-
vourable harvest, to produce a sudden reaction,
especially as much of the gold produced in. the colo-
nies will find investment on the spot.
Mr. W. S. Lindsay being paraded as the cham-
pion of Mr. Labouchere's measure, it is necessary
to remind our readers of his sudden convez-
sion from declared hostility to a firm belief in
its merits. It is remarkable that the sudden
change which we refer to took place at a time when
the shipping interest was undoubtedly depressed,
and his conduct requires some further explatation
than it has yet received. He might, with his re-
markable foresight, have become in t mystthious
manner informed of the revelations to be made at
the antipodes ; but that his modesty should have
led him to keep his knowledge a profound secret re-
quires more faith than we have at command. It
is well known that he is an eminent shipbroker as
well as owner, though- he makes a greater parade
of the latter than of the former profession, and
that it is usual with men in that description of
business to take small shares in expensive ves-
sels, with a view to acting as agents and ships'
husbands. It is, therefore, natural to suppose
that persons so situated would be more sanguine
under a depression of the shipping interest than
those whose incomes are entirely derived from the
profits of the voyage. Be this as it may, the re-
peal of the navigation laws, irrespective of the com-
mercial question, was a pernicious measure, and, in
conjunction with the Merchant Seamen's Act, de-
mands the prompt attention of the Legislature.