The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-13 00:00:00

committed no greater error than is frequently commiled by
one or both Houses of Parliament, from a similar want of
knowledge in: some particular. All that can be fairly said of
the workmen of Bradford is, that they did not understand the
principles of political economy any better than our legis-
lators, who, as a body, have frequently shown their ignorance
of this science.

Then came the greatest of all absurdities committed by the
'WORKING MEN, in the formation of what they called TRADES
UNIONS, as distinguished from TRADE CLUBS. A TRADE
CLUB is an association of workmen in their own trade,
which is always of much importance to them, generally
highly useful to both master and men, though they have
been, and sometimes are still, ill conducted occasionally.
A TRADES UNION is a confederation of several or many
trades, is a mischievous nuisance, and never can be anything
else. These Unions seemed, in the eyes of the working people,
to be combinations of great strength and commanding power,
when in fact they were week, silly, and childish in the ex-
treme, and did nothing but mischief, more especially to the
working people who joined them. Trial of their supposed
efficacy—proof of their inefficiency—were necessary to the
working people, and it was therefore quite proper to let them
run their short career unmolested. Even in those absurdities
the blame does not rest with the working people ; they were
encouraged in their proceedings by men of wealth and in-
, fiuence, who ought to have known better. The men made
the experiment, they failed wholly, and were punished by the
exercise of their folly. Many years must pass away before
another attempt of the same kind can be made ; but it is more
than probable that such another attempt will never be made.
There was, however, another attempt, which for folly and
absurdity greatly exceeded that of TRADES' UNIONS. This was
nut, however, the act of the workmee. They were joined in
this, aid urged on in it, by gentlemen, mill-owners, and trades-
men. Two large Committees were formed—one of gentle-
men, &c., the other of working men. Correspondence was
carried on with many parts of the kingdom, and some deputa-
tions were sent forth by the working men. The purpose was
to induce all the labourers in the kingdom to strike on the
same day, the then ensuing month of March, to reduce the
hours of working to eight in each day, and yet to demand the
usual payment for twelve hours' labour. Eight hours a day
are certainly as many as any man should labour at any occu-
pation of ordinary labour for wages ; but the belief that such
a proposition could, in the circumstances of this country, be
at once adopted, seems almost incredible.
This piece of strange absurdity produced a great sensation
in the country—not, however, among the working people ge-
nerally, for they wholly disregarded it, but among their bet-
ters—even his Majesty's Ministers became alarmed as the
dreadful Ist of March approached. To those, indeed, who
understood the real condition of the working people, it was
clear that the scheme must come to nothing; and so it did.
The Ist of March passed away as quietly as any other day in
the year, no attempt being made to reduce the hours of work-
ing by any body of men. Here again is an apology for the
working people.
It was impossible for those who attended the meetings, and
were associated with the gentlemen, not generally to believe
that they were ground down to the earth by their employers,
when such men as were now taking the lead among them, and
pointed out the means of redress, and, above all, argued to
show that the consequence of labour being restricted to eight
hours a day, and the consequent increased price of commodities
was increase of both profits and wages.
Lastly, then of Dade Clubs, as distinguished from Trade
Unions. Clubs of working men, in their respective trades,
very generally deserve an encouragement ; and, but for the
bad spirit which but too often prevails, quite as much on the
part of the masters as of the men, they would be equally use-
ful to both, and highly beneficial to the nation.
During the eight years that I was a poor journeyman, I
formed several Trade Clubs, and, as secretary, conducted them.
During the eighteen years that I was a master I constantly
encouraged them ; and during the nineteen years that I have
been wholly out of business, I have given a considerable portion
of my time to them, and to the other concerns of the working
people. For nearly half a century I have been a close ob-
server of such matters, and can show very plainly, that there
is no classrt of people who, during the same period, have im-
provedmore than the skilled labourers of Great Britain. In
of the world ever was there, in no part of the world is
o part
a
there, a body of men of their class who can be advantageously
compared with them. Great, indeed, has been their improve-
ment—mentally, physically, morally, ingeniously, indus-
triously, in manual dexterity, neatness and solidity of work-
manship. It needs no more to prove all this, and much more,
that a well-conditioned middle-aged man should look at them,
examine the construction and finish of the furniture and com-
modities they construct or make—should read what they
write—should hear what they say—and then, notwithstanding
some erroneous notions they still entertain, to be satisfied
that great progress in all that is commendable has been made
by them. And if it be asked, how has this been brought
about, seeing that they have had but little extraneous help ?
the true answer will be—certainly not only by their Trade Clubs,
but mainly so. By means of these clubs ttey have, as regards
wages, put themselves on a level with their employers, and
prevented those wages being reduced to the starvation point,
as they would otherwise long since have been. It is thus
that the skilled workmen have maintained their own self-re-
spect, and preserved their feelings of independence. It is
these clubs which have made them moral, industrious, inge-
nious, and, to a considerable extent, the well-informed body
of men they are, and has put them on the path to more and
more knowledge, making them Letter sons, husbands, fathers,
than they could otherwise have been.
Were it possible—as happily it is not—that partici and
unjust laws could put an end to Trade Clubs, this admirable
body of men would retrograde faster than they have advanced;
their industry would diminish, their self-respect would be lost,
their admirable tract would no longer exist, and they would
become a class of people not merey disreputable as a body,
but a disgrace to their country—a source of apprehension
and mischief to those who had thus unjustly treated them.
There needs no such new law as Mr. O'Connell's motion
implies—none can be devised for the purposes he indicates
which would not be a national evil. There are laws enough,
and barbarous and cruel punishments more than enough, for
every good purpose of government, and it is time that ama-
teur dabblers in law-making should be effectually discouraged.
But it will, I know, be said, no one contemplates any such
law as you seem to apprehend. This is always said when
evil is intended. If this really be so, then there will be no
need for any interference, either by Committee, or in any
other way, and Mr. O'Connell's project will be quietly put
an end to by his letting his notice drop.
I
not
there are half a century behind the same class in London,
and they must, as was the case here, commit many errors be-
fore they can arrive at the same condition as our skilled work-
men have attained.
am fully l
Dublin
acquainted with the real merits of the lateublin ; but this I do know, that the workmen
proceedings
Your's truly,
FRANCIS PLACE.