The Sun.
London, England, 1853-08-27 00:00:00

THE SUN,* LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, AUGtTST 27, 185 a

LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS.

;701! 11'1.1 t 011
'6f
„eht./ Co,
Gq,
04 fi" ko

DINNER TO MESSRS. PETO & WARNER
AT NORWICH.

Leasing I Closing Prices
RAILwAYS. Compans. Yesterday.

( From the Norfolk News.)

Bedford and
Bletchley....
Birm. & Oxfd.
guarantee....
Do. withoutgr
Birm. Wolv. &
Dudley guar.
Do.wtht guar.
Buckghamsh.
Clydesdale Jc.
E. Lincoln gr.
6 per cent.
Glstr.& Dn. Fri
Hrtlpl. Dk. &
Railway
__ I

!London &
N. West.

On Thursday a public dinner, to celebrate the return
of the two Liberal members for Norwich, took place at
the Town-hall in that city, the guests consisting of about
1,000 electors. Lord Viscount Bury presided, supported
by Messrs. Peto, M.P., and Warner, M.P., and the
Mayor and Sheriff of the city. There were also present
A. Hamond, Esq., W. Gwyn, Esq., T. M'Cullagh,
Esq., W. N. Burroughes, Esq., J. Birkett, Esq., A.
Keppell, Esq., and after the usual loyal and constitu-
tional toasts had been drank.
The CHAIRMAN proposed the toast of the evening—
" The health of Messrs. Peto and Warner." (Cheers.)
They are personally known to most of the meeting. One
of them, Mr. Peto, had steadily risen to his present po-
sition. His own hand had held the rudder of his fate
—his own stout heart had been the architect of his for-
tune. It was no light thing to have distanced all com-
petitors in the race, to have amassed a princely fortune,
—a fortune which he now spent with princely liberality.
He was a dissenter but he was tolerant of all creeds.
He was amongst the ablest of a difficult and learned
profession, a profession in which he had made hundreds
of miles of railroads in this and foreign lands, which tes-
tify to his 'skill ; and thousands of labourers on those
railroads might date their moral improvement from the
time when they enlisted in his service. As their repre-
sesentative in Parliament he bad steadily advocated
Liberal and progressive politics. His colleague Mr.
Warner, had not less solid claims to their regard. 'Join-
ing to the most unaffected demeanour of a thorough gen-
tleman the scholarship of a really learned man, and the
knowledge of the world necessary to make his way
through it, he, like Mr. Peto, was tolerant of all creeds.
Though he differed from him, and was a churchman, his
toleration was equally extended.
Mr. PETO, on rising, was greeted with cheers. He said
—Gentlemen, I take this entertainment on your part as
a two-fold testimony; in the first place that you approve
ofthe career of my colleague and myself; that our prin-
ciples are your own; that you believe they a.re honestly and
fearlessly expressed on all occasions ; and that you look
at us simply as honest-minded intelligent public men,
who believe in the same truths with yourselves ; and,
in the second place, I take it as a protest against those
calumnies which you feel are most unworthily and
most unfortunately and dishonestly expressed with
respect to ourselves. Gentlemen, I must speak plainly.
I believe that at neither of the elections for the city of
Norwich when I have had the honour of being returned,
either by my opponents or my friends has one shilling
been spent at which any honest man need blush. And I
take it that you intend by your meeting to-night and by
your assembly to-morrow night to express to the world,
that while Norwich might blush for what has occurred
in former times, she throws back the calumny with scorn,
and asserts her independence and honesty. Gentlemen,
the last election was an appeal to you on public
principles. Lord Derby said his own opinions were un-
changed. He said it was for the people of England to
pronounce. They did pronounce their opinion, and
you pronounced yours by sending two anti-Derbyites
to the House of Commons. Many constituencies did
the same, and happily for England, Free-trade became
a fact, and I appeal to you to say whether the results
of Free-trade have not far exceeded all that the most
ardent admirers had hoped, and has put aside all the
fears that those who opposed it entertained. When Sir
Robert Peel spoke of its effects, he referred to the day
when the poor man, eating a large loaf in his humble
cottage would bless his name ; and he considered that
anticipation as the brightest forethought of his country's
future. But not only has the poor man occasion to bless
Sir Robert Peel's name, but the rich also, and the land-
owners must no longer feel afraid of plenty. (Applause.)
Free-trade has established as a fact and a truth, that
consumption ever treads bard upon the heels of supply.
What is the limit of the consumption of the poor man ?
His capacity to buy. What is the right of the poor
man ? To buy the necessaries of life as cheap as he can.
What is the effect of giving to the poor man his
natural right ? That he is satisfied with the govern-
ment under which he lives. The throne has a broader
basis, and all classes of society are bound together by a
stronger cementing tie. Property becomes more valu-
able, not only from the fact of former fears being dis-
pelled, but also from the fact, that property is on a
more secure basis, in the satisfaction of the poor man
in participating in the prosperity of the rich. Gentle-
men, we that are Liberal are supposed to be disloyal. I
say that the Liberal man is a Reformer, and the more
he is a Reformer, the more he is a Liberal, and in that
sense he is the more loyal man, because he is the friend
of the throne. He is endeavouring to base it deep in the
affections of a well satisfied and prosperous and happy
people. Well, gentlemen, I said to you that I believed
Sir Robert Peel is a name which this country will ever
bless, not only for his exertions in promoting Free-
trade, but this country owes him a second debt, for
training up certain men in opinions of his own, and in
practical governmental experience of his own ; and we
owe him a debt of gratitude for the fact of their associa-
tion in the present Ministry. I need only refer to a
few things now become patent, showing that during the
last session, there has been a greater amount of practi-
cal legislation, conferring a greater amount of benefit to
the subject, than in any previous session. I state as a
fact, that no government is good for this country that is
not in the first place a strong government ; and in the
second place, possessed of men of business habits, of in-
telligent minds, of right-minded honest convictions, de-
termined to carry out those convictions. I felt that the
present Government merited my support, and I have
given it a hearty, and I trust, an intelligent, and inde-
pendent support. Let me point to one or two measures
of the present Government. Look to the Charitable
Trusts Bill. Those of you who are associated with the
legal profession must know the enormous sums it has
cost this country to dispense the enormous sums which
this country has a right to possess by way of charity.
We had something like 50 millions a-year, for which we
had not, up to the present time, any tribunal to which
you could apply, either for the proper distribution, or,
in the event of abuse, for correction. That has now been
accomplished. I might point to a second measure which
I believe, from my own peculiar knowledge of the sub-
ject, to
be one of the greatest measures of the session—l
mean the Clergy Reserves Bill. I have been largely
concerned in Canadian affairs ; and I have extensive ac-
quaintance in that country ; and, I must say, that if
Lord Derby's Government had remained in office another
year, he would have lost that country. Instead of treat-
ing her as an independent connection, able to administer
her own affairs, and founding, both in Australia and
Canada two great Anglo-Saxon empires, we should, if we
had not granted the principle of self-government, have
given America another state, instead of having a state
associated with ourselves. I will only refer to one other
measure—the Budget of the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer. lam sure you must have been satisfied that
there was a large amount of good in the budget, to have
made you content with a seven year's imposition of the
income-tax. When you felt that in the succession duty
there was a virtual abandonment of all class-legislation
—when you felt that the riches of the rich man would
be touched as well as the necessaries of the poor man—
then you felt that legislation was proceeding on an honest
basis, and that you should bear the burden for a time
till the whole could be placed on a satisfactory footing.
Gentlemen, the financial legislation of Great Britain will
ever be its most important feature. We are essentially
a commercial people. We are not ashamed to be called
what Napoleon called us—a nation of shopkeepers. We
are essentially connected with commercial industry, and
dependent on its just development, and we cannot have
that development which gives wages to the poor man ;
employment to the manufacturer; satisfaction to the
landed interest ; business to the man of business-146s
the finances of the State are held by a practical hand,
and true justice is administered equally and alike to all
classes. It is because this principle has been carried out
that you have felt content to bear that burden, and the
House of Lords, I must say, did most gracefully accept
the measure, believing that the people of England were
determined to have substantial justice, and the House of
Lords felt it right to accord it. One word as to the
foreign policy of the present Ministry, I do not hesitate
to say that I thoroughly approve of it. Lord John
Russell's maxim of doing all that can be done to main-
tain an honourable peace before we go to war, commends
itself to my mind, and I believe you can only have an
honourable peace by being perfectly prepared for war.
You cannot in the present state of nations help those
enormous armaments, and while they exist, never let
us be ashamed to keep up a navy that will face the
world, and an army equal to all its antecedents. I hope
ardently and sincerely that the day will came when all
those will be only held in remembrance, but we must deal
with facts as we find them, and foreign nations as they
place themselves in juxtaposition with us. Always re-
collect, that while I desire peace, I shall ever assist her
Majesty's Government in maintaining all that is neces-
sary to go to war. Now, gentlemen, what are we pro-
mised and expecting in the next session ? If I may take
as my text the speechof Sir James Graham, at Carlisle,
as the exponent of the Peel section of the Ministry, we
shall have a hearty, thoroughgoing, searching, intelli-
gente reform. (Applause.) With nothing less
than that
shall I ever be content, and to the full extent of that, be
assured, my colleague desires and wishes as much as I
do. With respect to this, we can only look to the
future as to what we may expect ; and whether I come
to you again as one who has voted against her Majesty's
Ministers on some of the sections of the New Reform
assured I will accept Bill, or supported them, res
no-
thing on your part that I don'tthink equal to the neces-
sities of the nation. I thinkthey the Ministry are bound to
wish, but what they can
propose, not only what
carry. It is of no use for Ministers to propose what
will throw themselves out of office, and place the people
out of the reach of getting what they have a right to de-
mand. (Applause.) Therefore you must not be angry
if the New Reform Bill is not all you can desire. I
thought it right to say this in all honesty, because a
Ministry must; consider what they can carry as well as
what they would like to propose. (Cheers.)
Mr . WARNER, in returning
the advocates of a reac-
tionary - thanks, said—The
didgreat policy,
struggle of last year
between
and a nationdefending
when its
they saw
the conduct of the strife, rights, not
but augur well for~ the cause
of liberty
de and the tactics of the parties
who were engaged in it. On the ono side all was
unanimity and friendship, good-will and forbearance
for the feelings and the shades of opinion which might
be entertained by others, and there was a determina-
tion old cause, and
to fight together, for the good
win it ; and on the other side there was nothing
but vacillation, infirmity of purpose, and uncertainty
of aim—there was a Government without ability and
without principle, which, by some extraordinary means
had succeeded to power when no one had expected it,
who bad taken the nation by surprise, who came in
putting nothing forward in their public policy, and af-
fecting to depend upon the will of the nation, but all the
time they evinced no feeling stronger, in every act, than
a fear, and dread, and distrust, and dislike of that great

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people which they were called to govern. They ap-
peared to be for ever undermining the liberties which
they hated, and fighting against the disaffection which
they dreamed of, whilst they boasted and fancied to
themselves that they alone were called and gifted to
stem the torrent of an imaginary deluge. Gentlemen,
the fortunes of the great Conservative party, as it was
called, must have been at a very low ebb indeed, when
they found it necessary to commit the high post of the
leadership of the House of Commons and the great finan-
cial interests of the nation to Mr. Disraeli—no doubt
the most eminent man among them—no doubt a man of
transcendent genius, and most powerful in all the arts of
party warfare—who in the House of Commons is listened
to with breathless attention, but who seldom or never
speaks except on a party question—a man at whose
philippics the Whigs tremble, and who is matchless in
sarcasm though not always convincing in argument.
Whilst his politics may be extravagant and unsuited for
the age and the country, they have yet this one thing to
be said in their defence, that they are not more unsound
than his financial obliquity. I thought that when Mr.
Disraeli brought forward his famous budget he would
have done something better than he has done ; but he
disappointed everyone—he disappointed his own party,
and no one has better cause to rejoice at that result
than the company before us, and the vast mass of the
people of England who rejoiced over the fall of Lord
Derby and all his chivalry. After entering into a com-
AanndewMr. parison
theof the budgets
memheorf M
to
Glad-
ssone,me
proceededrbisra:e—li
say one word upon the present position of the go-
vernment of this country. I tell you frankly, fairly,
and at once, like my honourable colleague, that I have
confidence in her Majesty's Ministers. And I have con-
fidence in her Majesty's Ministers for this reason—be-
cause I believe that they are pledged to give a large,
a liberal, and a full measure of reform to the people.
(Applause.) I believe that that measure of reform is
called for, is needed—that the intellect and rising power
of the people demand it. I have confidence in her Ma-
jesty's Ministers because I believe that they will do all
that men can do to preserve an honourable peace. In
the difficult circumstances in which our foreign relations
are now placed, I believe that they will not bring us
into disgrace, and into a war which will be endless, if
they can possibly avoid it. I do not yield to any man
in my desire to preserve the honour of the country ;
but I do say this, that if we must fight, let us have
something to fight for. It is too late now to go back
to that wilful and useless and most miserable expendi-
ture of life and money which we have incurred for
no imaginable purpose in former times. Let us no
longer attempt to galvanise and foster the corrupt mass
of expiring systems and dynasties. Let it be a worthier
object, when we bring the gold and the toil of our own
laborious and peace-loving fellow-citizens into a contest.
I trust that those days are past ; and I believe that all
that can be done to ensure peace will be done by being
prepared for war. I have confidence, too, in her Ma-
jesty's Ministers, because I believe that there never was
a ministry yet which has done in any session so much
for the people as they have. My colleague pointed out
many blessings which we have derived from the Govern-
ment of the present day. Ido think that the most im-
portant, the most valuable of those blessings is this—
that they have done what can be done to treat all classes
alike, and to soothe those irritations and discords which
have been the bane of the country so long. lam sure
I believe that we shall never go back as we have done,
to be governed by class legislation. I do believe that
a good time is coming for England—we have a strong
and an honest Ministry,—a Ministry which is heartily
disposed to promote the good of the people which they
rule, and I believe we shall yet see England increasing
in the happiness of all classes, in wealth, and in prospe-
rity ; we shall see her more blessed at home and more
honoured abroad, and leading the march of the millions
in the bright course of enlightened legislation, and the
physical, the moral and the social progress of humanity.
(Applause.)

Mr. PETO proposed the health of the chairman, ob-
serving that his grandfather in that very hall presided
over the great Fox dinner, at which the Duke of Essex
and the Duke of Norfolk were present, and which pro-
duced no little effect on the passing fortunes of the day ;
and that, at the early av:e of eighteen, he was selected
by my Lord John Russell as his private secretary. No
man need desire a greater compliment paid to him, and
no man could have a better introduction into public
life.

The CHAIRMAN returned thanks. He said I thank
you for the position in which you have placed me, be-
cause it enables me freely to express the opinions which
I hold on subjects so ably advocated by the gentlemen
on my right hand and on my left. I need hardly assure
you that I hold the same liberal opinions as yourselves.
(Applause.) lam aware that my one and twenty years
of life do not entitle me to express, with the same con-
fidence, to the support of which several of you have
devoted very many years—l refer to liberal politics ;
but I am proud to remember that I came of a long line
in which liberal politics are hereditary. (Cheers.) I
am a Whig of the sixth generation. (Laughter.) But,
gentlemen, the Liberal of today is far different from
the Whig of the Revolution, and I hope that I shall be
found to have kept pace with the age in which we live.
(Cheers.) Next year we are to have a new Reform
Bill. It is a necessary supplement to that of 1832.
For my part, I hope it will embrace a liberal extension
of the suffrage, and then it will become a question how
that suffrage is to be collected, Could I for a moment
imagine that intimidation could be utterly prevented,
and the present system of open voting maintained, I can
assure you that that would he the course I should wish

to advocate ; but the wore I hear and the more I read
on the subject, the more convinced I am that such a
course would be impossible, and that our only refuge
from intimidation and corruption is in the ballot-box.
I need hardly advert to my views on freedom of com-
merce. Its very name, in a free nation like this stamps
it as excellent. In fact, if we look upon it from a com-
mon-sense point of view, it is merely extending to the
brotherhood of nations that freedom of exchange which
we at present enjoy between county and county, be-
tween city and city, and between mar and man.
(Applause.)

The CHAIRMAN then proposed, " Agriculture and
Commerce, and the union of the City and County."
Their interests are identical and let no man seek to
bolster up either the one or the other by protection.
The agriculturists feed the manufacturers and the manu-
facturers clothe the agriculturists, and their interests
therefore are the same. (Applause.)
Mr. A. HAMOND replied, I remember the time—and
I was a Protectionist myself—when that was a bold man
who said he was a Free trader. (Laughter.) I believe,
however, that be is either a bold or a very foolish man,
who now says he is a Protectionist. (Cheers.) I re-
member in this very room being holloa'd at something
like three-quarters of an hour, when I advocated Pro-
tection ; for I did so, and did it honestly. I was afraid
of violent changes, and, moreover, I was not then ac-
quainted with the subject. Now, however, I have no
fear of the kind, and am a hearty Freetrader.

Mr. WARNER gave " The Health of the Mayor and
deputy Mayor, and the Corporation of Norwich," which
was responded to by the Mayor, Richard Coaks, Esq.
The health of Mr. McCullagh, the late unsuccessful
candidate for Yarmouth, was next drunk and acknow-
ledged by that gentleman.
The last toast drunk was " The health of Mrs. Peto,
Mrs. Warner, and the Ladies," which was enthusiasti-
cally received.
The proceedings then terminated.

AWFULLY SUDDEN DEATH.—An awful instance of
sudden death has just occurred on board the steamer
Anglia, plying between Kingston and Holyhead. The
vessel had left the former port about 10 minutes when
a young man, about 27 years of age, supposed to be the
son of Mr. Davies, coroner for the city of Dublin, was
seen walking the deck smoking a cigar. In the course '
of a conversation with another passenger, he complained
of having felt indisposed the previous. night, but re-
marked that he never felt better in his life than at that
moment. Having asked the address of a house in Lon-
don, he commenced writing it down, but had only
finished the first figure of the number given when the
pen fell from his hand ; he dropped down on the deck,
and instantly expired. A lady from York, seeing him
fall, rushed to the spot, and supported his head ; and,
on a cry being raised, a medical gentleman, Dr. Wynn
Williams, of Carnarvon, who was on board, rendered
prompt aid, but all was of no avail ; the cause, it is sup- •
posed, being disease of the heart. The unfortunate
young man was on his way to Paris. He had a large
sum of money about his person and a valuable gold
watch. The body was wrapped in a flag until the ar-
rival of the vessel in Holyhead, where it now awaits a
coroner's inquest. The dreadful event created much
excitment among the passengers.
MR. HUME.—The hon. member for Montrose is at
present in Dublin. On Thursday he visited the Dublin
Union Workhouse, where he was treated with the
greatest respect by the guardians.
LOANS TO FOREIGN STATES.— Mr. Oliveira, ALP.,
has forwarded the following notice to the conamittee
of
the Stock Exchange and the various committees of the
foreign bondholders :
eBl,l, Upper
gH yt
od e
a- pc aqiu• ka-isnt rt e eyto,
uAtubga.
t 2061,1 " Gentle"
18
on,
upono the journals of
inst. I placed the following nDt3,iicre.
comimveitTiee' et
the House of Commons :
isnestsoioua,ll toloamnosvecofnotrracateaselebcett aorlyincinueixret
It is further my intention, w her
ments and the subjects of ween foreign govern-
Britannic Majesty.'
move for copies of all instructionsen the house meets, to
Foreign-office to her forwarded from the
Majesty's representatives in foreign
countries upon the subject of loans, with the replies
! thereto, and all correspondence relating to the same.' On
the appointment of that
hopel to committee,obtaai
nuelvteenpereo.duanc tdioan
re
port based thereon, which
of
the papers referred to
may operate as a salutary cau-
tion in preventing further transactions of the kind, show
the British public the vast amount of capital that has' been
sacrificed, recal to the defaulting governments their obliga-
tions to their creditors, and ascertain how far her Majesty's
Government may be disposed to act in accordance with the
declaration of Lord Palmerston in reply to Lord George
Bentinck, on the 6th July, 1847. I have thought it my
duty to communicate these circumstances to your com-
mittee at this early period, in order that you may prepare
such information and documents as you may think neces-
sary to promote the inquiry, and protect the interests of
your constituents.—l am, gentlemen, your obedient ser
vant, " BENJAMIN OLIVEIRA.

ARREST OF BANDITTI.—An important arrest of six
daring robbers, among whom was the noted Bartoioni-
mep Piano, was effected on the 21st near Carignano.
This capture was owing to information having been re-
ceived by the police that a gang was to meet at a place
called La Loggia, close to the former, and a party of
twelve carabineers was sent on the service, with com-
plete success, though not without considerable resistance.
Besides these six, ten more banditti have been arrested
in the course of the last few days in the environs of
Turin.