The Sun.
London, England, 1854-09-25 00:00:00

THE CRIMEA.

Our dates from the Crimea now extend to' the
16th of September, as will he seen by a telegraphic
despatch received by our War Minister, the Duke
of Newcastle, and' published by his authority in
another. column. It now appears that on the 14th
the troops were only 30 miles, instead of 40 or 50,
from Sebastopol—having been landed a consider-
able distance on the right of Eupatoria. It is
quite probatle, therefore, that by this time—Sept.
25," eleven days after the landing of our infantry—
Sebastopol, with a slice of the Crimea, are in the
possession of the Allies. This likelihood tempts
the mind to project itself by conjecture into the
future. What effect is the news that the Crimea
has been wrested from the Czar.likely to produce
in. the interior Of the Russian Empire ? Among
the Russians proper, the superstitious reverence for
the Emperor in which they are trained from child 4
hood, and ' their bigotted attachment to their na-
tional church, joined with their. utter incapacity
to estimate the comparative strengths of Russia
and the powers that are in arms against her, may
awaken• an enthusiastic and obstinate spirit of
defiance to the foreign invaders. But the purely
Russian population of the Empire is only met
'with a great way to the north of Perekop, where
the Crimean Peninsula joins the mainland. South
of Kiew the indigenous population is made up
of Cossacks of various denominations—of the
Ukraine, Don, and Ural, and Tartars, and Jews.
The colonies that have been settled among
those populations--on. the seaboard, the Dnieper,
the Don, and the Volga—are composed in
the least part of Russians; they are Germans,
Greeks, Armenians, Italians—fugitives or ad-
venturers from all nations, not naturally imbued
with much enthusiasm for Russian customs, and
alienated, by Russian modes of government. If we
extend our view further to the north on the west of
Kiew we find ourselies in the Polish provinces
which have so often revolted, and are only kept
from again revolting by something very closely
resembling a permanent system of martial law.
If we turn to the provinces on the Volga, we find
numerous tribes of Tartars still adhering to the
Mahomedan faith, and cherishing their traditions
of consanguinity with tribes of the Crimea and the
regions which extend from the Caspian to the Chi-
nese frontier. The spirit of independence among
thesenou-Russian populations may have been broken
by longyears of Russia's iron yoke—their disaffection
may have waned"to a tame grumbling, linked with
an incapacity of bold action ; but they have all,
especially the Cossacks of the Don, been kept in a
state of chronic irritation and embitterment by
forcible levies, year after year, to recruit the armies
of the frontier, and by corvees (rabota) to make
roads and maintain the postal communications of
the empire. Since the war began, their customary
discontent has been aggravated by increased taxes
and more unreasonable compulsory levies of recruits.
The news of the fall of Sebastopol would be re-
ceived throughout the whole of these populations
with at least a passive pleasure. And if that event
were followed up by incursions of the Turks into
Bessarabia (which defective police arrangements
have allowed to become a kind of asylum for the
serfs who have escaped from other provinces)—by
incursions of Ciicassians and other hostile Cauca-
sian tribes of the Don and the Volga—and by
the occupation of Akerman, Odessa, Nikolaiev,
and Taganrog by English and French troops, the
allegiance of the provinces we have been passing in
review to the House of Romanoff would soon be in
a very tottering condition. The capture of Sebas-
topol will open to the allied powers a field of
action, by boldly precipitating themselves into
which they can easily, effectually, and permanently
clip the wings of Russia. But if they relax in
their efforts, and stand idly still, indulging in vain
self-glorification, the capture of Sebastopol will
remain barren of results—a mere demonstration
that French and English soldiers combined can
thrash the Russians, a problem which might safely
have been assumed to be self-evident.
Intimately associated with these anticipations of
what may or may not be about to happen, is the
question, what is Austria doing ? This question
Dresses all the more urgently upon the mind that
there is a manifest disposition on the part of the
newspapers devoted to the Ministry to keep back
from the public all information regarding the doings
of the Austrians in the Wallachian provinces. Yet
the Austrian and other German journals devoted
to Austria are daily announcing, in terms less and
less equivocal, intentions on the part of Austria
tamely to acquiesce in which would be treason on
the' part of the Western Governments to their ally,
Turkey, and to the two great nations in whoSe
name they act. The last circular addressed by the
Prussian Government to its envoys at the different
German courts complains that Austria, in sending
its armies into the Danubian Principalities, has not
been actuated by a pure regard to " German inte-
rests." In reply to this imputation all the jour-
nalists in the' pay of Austria have drawn their pens
to prove that Austria in occupying the principalities
has acted excluSively for the benefit of Germany.
A Writer in the Allgemeine Zeitung says :
" The duty of Germany appears to be 'first of all by
unequivocal demonstrations to compel a peace (Frieder&
zu erzwingen). We say to compel, for it is certain that
the western powers know very well that the business
cannot be settled without the sword of Austria, and that
Austria will not move a step without the decided sup-
port of Prussia, and the assured support of Germany.
If things remain as they are, Sebastopol and the Crimea
will be captured this year by the Crusaders in behalf of
the Crescent (Halbmondfahrer) ; but next year the Rus-
sians, with redoubled might, will beat the French, Eng-
lish, and Turks, out of their land, and everything will
hare to be begun anew."

We pass over in silent contempt the braggadocio
which represents the Western Powers as dependent
on the good-will of Austria, and the spiteful nick-
name bestowed upon them of " Crusaders in behalf
of the Crescent," to come at once to the exposition
of Austria's views on the principalities
" Whatever opinion may be entertained of the demand
that the Russian protectorate of the Principalities shall
cease, it is certain that nothing short of their entire in-
dependence of all Turkish interference in their internal
relations, and a guarantee of their rights and liberties,
and even of their neutrality, like what has been given to
the Swiss, by all the gn at Powers of Europe, can set
them in the way to develope their resources. Even this
would insure but slender gain to Germany. Germanic
interests could only be maintained by placing those lands
under the exclusive protection of Austria and the Ger-
manic Confederation. Austria has allimed earlier op-
portunities of bringing about this state of affairs to

to escape it, and the Westeru Powers are not likely to
acquiesce in it now. The time for Germany to take
this point into consideration will be when the Western
Powers explain in detail their views with regard to the
future protectorate."

This is tolerably plain speaking. A writer in
the Vienna Lloyd throws some light upon the steps
that are being taken by Austria to realise its
wishes :

" Austria, by occupying the principalities, has a
pledge in its bands that the Protectorate of Russia is at
an end. * * * The confidence of the Western
Powers in Austria is boundless, and the Principalities
will be entirely handed over to the Austrians. Stirbey
has to thank the influence of Austria that he has regained
his throne as Hospodar. M. Laurin, the Austrian con-
sul, has in this matter played a master-stroke of policy,
and prevailed upon Derwish Pacha, who left Constanti-
nople with entirely different instructions, and Omer
Pacha, who had quite a different plan for the recon-
struction of the Hospodarate, to comply with the wishes
of Austria. This Prince is under suspicion for his tam-
pering with Russia, and the permanence of his • power
will depend entirely upon the manner in which he con-
ducts himself."

In other words, Stirbey owes his re.:appo a
intrns he
to Austria, and will retain it only so long
dwoiteis whatever i
the
eindic Austria is
indications
sof
Austrianwie
is. I
ponliecyomwbhiincahtiwone
have just been quoting, our readers will do well to '
recall to memory the termination of the gene-
ral
council described in the last letter of our Bucha
rest correspondent, when Omer Pacha declared that
rather than submit to the re-appointment of the
corrupt and traitorous Stirbey he would resign
his command. It is true that Vienna news is not
implicitly to be relied upon ; but all these ante-
cedents tend unfortunately to render snore pro-
bable
the announcement from Vienna which we
publish to-day, that the Turkish troops are evacu-
ating Wallachia, and that on the 16th instant,
Omer Pacha arrived at Rustchuk on his way to
Varna. If this intelligence prove true, Austria may
be considered as having succeeded (for the present)
in its selilsh and unprincipled game of detaching
the Principalities from Turkey to a greater extent
than formerly, and of obtaining for itself greater
power over them as Protecting State, than ever was
possessed by Russia.
How will the Western Powers look if they allow
;themselves to be thus outwitted by Austria ? They
will have broken their promise to the Sultan to
maintain the integrity of his empire. They will have
rescued the Wallachians and Moldavians from the
tyranny of Russia only to hand them over to the ty-
ranny of Austria. • And by this complicitywith des-
potism they will nnt even succeed in putting an end to
the war. The Emperor of Russia is not likely to for-
give Austria for having outwitted him. The German

sovereigns are almost to a man the rela#iins and
hirelings of the Emperor of Russia, and Op more-
` over not likely to be gulled by the pre ,Wrie that
adding to the overgrown dominions of Aiitria can
in any way benefit them. Austria must hold its new
acquisitions by its own military strength.. But to
move soldiers into the Danubian Principalities, it
has been obliged to withdraw them from Other pro-
vinces: The troops recently marched into Gallicia
have further weakened the permanent garrisons
by which those other provinces are kept in sub-
jection. The object of marching troops into Gal-
licia is at best problematical. It has been somewhat
hastily assumed that they are sent to guard against
a Russian invasion ; may they not have been sent
to forestal a Polish insurrection ? This is one of
the nightmare visions which at present haunt
the Austrian Government. " What if,Austria
agrees to attack Russia ?" asks the writer in
the Allgemeine Zeitung. "Is it prepared for the
re.establishment of Poland, the surrender ,Of Galli-
cia to a new Polish Kingdom, the surrender of
Posen by PruSsia, and the re-acquisition ofFin land
by. Sweden ? Would Austria be. couipen4ated for
these changes by obtaining the Danubian Princi-
palities, ?" The truth is that Austria, seardely able
at present to maintain its authority in thepon-Ger-
man provinces would, by seizing the Principalities,
add to its difficulties without increasing its strength.
It would provoke at once hostile aggression from
without, and insurrection within. By -coming
the accomplices of Austria, France and ngland
would not only tarnish their honour—bu burden
themselves with a threatened and helples ally.—
Daily News.

THE PRUSSIAN CIRCULAR DESPATCH.

and other German journali, publish the, circular
The New Prussian Gazette, the Augsburo azette;
' despatch on the Eastern question, addressed by the
Cabinet of Berlin to its diplomatic agents at foreign
Courts. The New Prussian Gazette, in giving this
document, says that since it was written the Prus-
sian Cabinet has drawn more closely towards Aus-
tria ; but at the same time, this journal denies the'
statement in the Vienna journals, that some of the
German Governments, particularly Saxony' and
Bavaria, have expressed an intention to support
the demand made upon Russia for guarantees., The
New Prussian Gazette, which, as our readers know,
has the reputation of being an organ of the Russian
party, asserts that very different accounts of the in-
tentions of the German Powers have been,received
at Berlin. The circular, which is dated the 3d
instant, is as follows :
" Shortly before the adjournment for some weeks of
the sittings of the Diet, the Eastern affair was brought
forward in the respective committees ; but no resolution
was taken, the envoys not being provided with sufficielit
instructions. As, consequently, it is to be expected that, •
after the re-opening of the sittings of the Diet, the united
committees will again occupy themselves with this im-
portant affair, H.M. the King, our august master, has
thought it his duty in consequence of the intimate Mk
tions which exist between him and his German confede-
rates to communicate to the Governments of the latter,
with entire sincerity, the vie% s which will be for him the
St.
cont ts nr
gt htios
tahffea iAr. u
sTt
rhi
aenr e ply
despatcho f theof
Cr' iavbei tn
oof hf
Ss
ct he
ab
ilnOetth s
of, ut
hpep oitlehd,
hal
an
sd r
er
ae ceohneidm
tehn
ed eGd
vbeyr
ntihnaetn
to fsinoucer
the aboVe-mentioned last sitting of the committee of
the Diet. It is contained in a despatch of Count de
Nesselrode of the 14th (26th) ult., addressed to Prince
Gortschakoff, and which has been communicated to
us, acc enpanied by a short despatch. in reply to the
communications we addressed to the Cabinet Of St. Pe-
tersburg. A copy of the said despatch of Prince Gort-
schakoffis annexed hereto, and I invite your excellency
to communicate it confidentially to the Government to
which you have the honour to be accredited. We regret
that the Emperor Nicholas has not thought fit to
accept a base of negotiations for peace, which responded
to the wishes of our august master. However, in
examining the situation resulting from this refusal, and,
above all, in taking into consideration the declaration
made at the end of the Russian despatch, and according
to which the Russian troops, when returned to the
territory of the empire, will observe an attitude of a
purely defensive character, we caunot disregard the
great importance which ought to be attributed to it,
both in a military and political point of view, as far as
German interests are concerned. We conceive that by
such a declaration, of so precise a character, the fear of
a Russian attack in general, and above all, against,
Austria, ought to be altogether set aside; the im-
portance of the retreat of the Russians cannot be com-
promised, because Russia again alleges strategical mo-
tives to justify that retreat. The Cabinet of St. Peters-
bur!, has already made an abstraction in her declaration
of Slane 29, of the theory of pledpis, by designating the
occupation of the Principalities exclusively as a military
position. She evacuates not only these latter at present,
but still more, she declares that she will hold herself al-
together on the defensive within the Russian territory.
If; notwithstanding, that it was intende'd to regard the
danger of a possible re-occupation of the Principalities
as a question which would compromise German interests
in a durable manner, and deduce from it military obli-
gations, that mode of viewing the subjectrwould lead to
this paradoxal result, that whilst all Europe, inoluding
the Western Powers, did not at the time look on the
occupation of the Principalities by the Russian troops
as a cams belli, in a similar case would be found at pre-
sent in the fact that they have bees there. Looking at
these considerations, his Majesty the King is convinced
twhhaitchthheasadredfietrioenncael article
precise
ticleofthahe
d realtreat alliance
tshhe qouludebsteiorengaasrdteodas
whetherac therecomplis ehetst ansdatt this
hatthmeormepelnyt ato
necessity for any other protection for German interests,
conformably to Article 2 of the treaty of alliance, sup-
poses a previous understanding. If that be applied to
the four well-known points, the question is to know
whother they so 'respond to German interests as to make
it advantageous for the contracting parties to take them
as the exclusive basis for future negotiations. If, as had
been supposed, the acceptance of this basis was not only
many symptoms
tehads makebeen epne
scaio,p)nnpneeoacfrt e
by Russia, but also by the Western Powers (which
pa en adc ei f tahnedre
' remove the un-
certainty tio moreite
cthaunch negotiationsa doubtful),resfuolrt
would doubtless have been calculated to
which still prevails on the subject of the prac-
tical signification of the four points for German interests.
I abstain from discussing the scruples which may be
.Vttwi ho ciesCi
hGphpaetrlorwouldtnnsi
ceeiaien
kp
idttattendheteshaee
interests.
Cga ruhe oaarniri mßac
ter
guarantee
eoni
fel n
the
protectorateatiaihdyeadatAhtGshuaesmtrt,n2rliaaal al-
though t:
raised on this subject. I will only call to mind that the
in
doviffierentlhtieeeP
readily assume a character which would be less than
favourable
hropgtroops
interestsi
the
tseeah
simultaneouse l et e r e
entrance
r Turkish,p o t c t d
a,
nnever-
theless
p e
r
pd se otthlieermirteairgyn
complicationstro o s,intotwh ohsiechprovinces,result
tetftrionng
it, cannot be considered as a state of things favourable
to German interests. Now that these bases have been
rejected by Russia, and that thus, even if they were
considered by the Western Powers as obligatory for
them—which is not the case--no immediate negotiations
for peace can be connected with them. His Majesty the
King, however warmly he might have desired an imme-
diate negotiation on these bases, cannot find it compatible
with his convictions to recommend to his German confe-
derates the acceptance of the four points, in a manner
which might and must lead them into charges and en-
gagements which do not appear to be called for by the
spirit and object of the alliance. His Majesty the King is
moreover resolved to persist in the firm arid consistent
execution of the alliance as a guarantee for the indepen-
dent development of German power, and he also thinks
it his duty conscientiously to keep aloof from the sphere
of engagements which do not belong to the clearly re-
cognized general interest of Germany,
xis Majesty
hopes that he shall be in accord with his German con-
federates in this view of the state of-things, and he also
entertains the fullest confidence that the Emperor of
Austria will not only appreciate it heart and soul, but
will also share in it as a German prince. The well-
known wisdom, the moderation, and the love of country
of his Imperial Majesty are for the King, our august
master, a fresh guarantee that Austria, Bemired by the
declarations of Russia against any attack on her part,
will also abstain on her side from any aggressive mea-
sure against her will thereby avoid complications the
necessity of which cannot be deduced from the protection
of German interests, and to which consequently Art.ll.
of the alliance cannot apply. Our envoy to the Ger-
manic Diet will be invited to declare himself in the com-
mittee and in the Diet itself, in the sense of these con-
siderations, and to support them. In making this
known to the Government to which you have the
honour to be accredited, and comnsunicatijig this des-
patch, be kind enough to express the great -importance
which we attach to being informed, as soon as possible,
what instructions the other representatives to the Diet
have received on the subject,
"Berlin, 3d September." "DE MANTEUFFEL.

THE BRITISH ARMY IN TURKEY.—We have received
a letter from Varna, dated 2d of September, from a re-
gimental surgeon, in which it is stated that the regi-
ments from England have suffered very much more than
the acclimatised ones, or those that have lien up the
Mediterranean the last three years. A large, number of
medical men and officers have gone home sick.—Medical
Times.

THE NEW DUTIES ON BILLS OF EXCHANGE AND
PROMISSORY NOTES.—The new Stamp Act will take
effect in a few days when one penny bill stamps will be
issued. A return has just been issued showing the gross
produce of the revenue arising from the sale of stamps
for bills of exchange and promissory notes from 1830 to
1854. In the quarter ending the sth January last the
largest sum arose on 4s. 6d. stamps, producing in Eng-
land 17,3071., in Scotland 3,7171., and in Ireland
2,8671.