The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-20 00:00:00

THE UYW, LONDON, EVENING, SITNE 20, 1854.

SHARE MARKETS.

(THIS DAY.)

lr.l Paid.l

BRITISH RAILWAYS.

Shr. !Pahl.;

Closing Prices
this day.

BostonAa done Si
this day. 5

100
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-.-g.rALs;
LINES LE :;ED AT FIXED Rt..

Leasing
Company.

'losing Prices
this day.

Hu"uCN4

this day.

:r.—Trailic re-
,E17,123 0 4
17,459 4 9

Decrease in 1854 t,„..,... £331 4 5

IMPERIAL PAR MA AIENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.)
THE EASTERN QUESTION.
I.ord LYNDHURST, in rising to call the attention of
the h,quse and of her Majesty's Government to the memo-
„nauna relative to the Eastern question, transmitted by
the CabinOts of Vienna and Berlin to their envoys at the
Diet, said,—l presume that the notice of your lordships
,has been already directed to the important document to
whi,ala I am about to allude, even although it has not yet
been laid upon your lordships' table. It is a memorandum
addressed by the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin to their
envoys at the Diet of Frankfort, with directions that it
should be c,ernmunicated to that body. It states the course
of policy wlich has been pursued by the Four Powers,
with the view of obtaining the approval, concurrence, and
sanction of that body. It has not been laid upon your
lordships' table, a ud, perhaps, in point of form, it could
not be, because it is a document between two foreign
States; at least, it could not be laid upon your lordships'
table in the usual manner, but it has been published in the
official journals of Vienna, of Berlin, of Frankfort, and of
Paris, and I believe, in most of the public journals
throughout the continent. It is a matter, therefore, of
general notoriety. It has given rise to much discussion
both on the continent and iu this country, and it has been
viewed by some persons with much anxiety anduneasiness.
Upon that ground I have thought it my duty to submit it
to your lordships and her Majesty's Government, in order
that we might come to a distinct understanding with re-
spect to it. My lords, it is of so much importance toe be
accurate upon a subject of this meture that I must read
those parts of the document to which I refer. The first
passage to which I beg to call your loolships' attention is
in these words :
' Both Cabinets have agreed with those of Paris and
London in the conviction that the conflict between Russia
and Turkey could not be prolonged without affecting the
general interests of Europe, and those also of their own
States. They acknowledged in common that the main-
tenance of the integrity of the Ottoman empire and the
independence of the Sultan's Government are necessary con-
ditions of the political balance, and that the war should, un-
der no circumstances, have for result any change in existing
territorial positions."
Now, my lords, I apprehend it is perfectly clear, according
to the correct interpretation of that passage, that, when it
stated that " the war should under no circumstances, have
for result any change in existing territorial position" it
means "territorial position" as between Turkey on the
one side, and Russia on the other. (Hear.) The passage
is not expressed with so much precision as to be free, per-
haps, from all doubt; but, if any doubt does exist, it will
be effectually removed by referring to another document—
the protocol of sth of December—to which the paper to
which I. have referred relates. In that passage the Four
Powers express themselves in these terms :
" In fact, the existence of Turkey in the limits assigned to
..er by treaty is one of the necessary conditions of the balance
of power in Europe, and the undersigned plenipotentiariesre-
cord, with satisfaction, that the existing war cannot in any
case lead to modifications in the territorial boundaries of the
two empires, which would be calculated to alter the state of
possession in the East established for a length of time, and
which is equally necessary for the tranquillity of all the other
Powers."
It is, therefore, perfectly clear, from the document to which
I am now referring—the protocol to which the other docu-
ment relates—that, according to the agreement between
the Four Powers, no alteration is to take place, whatever
be the result of the war, in the territorial limits between
Turkey on the one side, and Russia on the other. In
other words, according to the principle laid down by the
Four Powers, whatever may be the result of the war, as far
as relates to territorial position, the status quo ante is to re-
main established. Now, my lords, it may be said, and pro-
perly said, that the protocol and the passage to which I
have referred wereframed previously to France and England
entering into war with Russia. Undoubtedly that is so ;
but after that war had been entered into, the representative
of the Four Powers again met for the purpose of confirm-
ing what they had previously done. In the former proto-
col and documents they had stated what they considered
to be the principle of the alliance or connexion between
the Four Powers ; and after war had been declared by ns
and France against Russia they met again to sanction
what they had previously done, and in distinct terms they
stated that they confirmed the principle upon which the
former protocols had been founded. Under these circum-
stances, therefore, and considering the principle upon
which -we are now acting, and upon which France and the
Austrian and Prussian Powers are acting, as well as we,
it is extremely difficult to come to any other conclusion
than that, whatever be the result of the war, we are finally
to put an end to it by restoring Russia to, and leaving
Turkey in precisely the same state as that in which they
were anterior to the commencement of hostilities. The
document to which I first referred adopts the same lan-
guage, and after the passage which I before quoted it goes
on to say—
" The last of the protocols shows that, although France
and Great Britain have entered into a war against Russia, the
four Cabinets invariably adhere to the principle proclaimed
heretofore by them in common, and to have united in regard
to the basis on which to deliberate as respects the appro-
priate means for obtaining the object of their endeavours,"
In conclusion, after the passage to which I refer, they
come to this determination—that the principle laid down
in the original protocol is to be acted upon, whatever may
be the end of the war in which we are now engaged.
(Hear, hear.) Now, my lords, that that is the principle
upon which Austria and Prussia are acting is free from all
doubt, because, according to their actual statement, if
Russia were to agree now to withdraw from the Principa-
lities, and at the same time to enter into a guarantee as
to the integrity of the Ottoman empire, there is no doubt
that neither Austria nor Prussia would take part in the
further contest. And if that be true with respect to
those two Powers when they are acting in common and
on one common principle with the two other Powers,
it appenx4 to be rlear almost to I lAmonstrntinn
and I must come to that conclusion unless I
hear something to convince me to the contrary from the
noble earl opposite—that at this very moment the Powers
are acting upon the principle that if Russia should assent
to admit the integrity of the Ottoman Empire and the in-
dependence of the Sultan, and should consent to guarantee
that integrity, we must be content to terminate the war
upon that principle. (Hear.) Now, my lords, in this paper
Austria herself appears to me to be acting inconsistently
with that principle, and I do not know how to reconcile
the part of the paper to which I am about to allude with
that to which I have already referred—l mean that part of
the paper which relates to the navigation of the Danube.
The navigation of the Danube is stated in that paper, by
Austria, to be of the utmost importance, not to her terri-
tory and her subjects alone, but to the whole of central
Europe; and in that paper the importance of the naviga-
tion of the Danube, and of its freedom from all interrup-
tion, is enlarged upon in the strongest possible terms ; but,
my lords, not in terms by any means stronger than the
importance of the subject warrants—itsimportance, not to
Austria alone, nor to central Germany alone, but to the
whole of the civilised and commercial world—(hear)—and
I say therefore, ray lords, that we must not conclude any I
peace, we must not put an end to this contest, unless we
insure the free and uninterrupted navigation of that im-
portant river. Now, my lords, having stated this as part
of the document to which I have referred, I beg leave
to call your attention to the actual state of that river, and
to the circumstances under which it is placed ; and that
will bring me to the conclusion that Austria herself is
inconsistent with the document to which I have referred,
if she means to say that she will retire from the con-
test provided the integrity of the Turkish empire is se-
cured, and a guarantee is given for that security. My
lords, we all know that by the treaty of Adrianople—
the unfortunate treaty, • I must call it, of Adrianople—
Russia secured to herself both banks of the Danube, the
one in absolute right, the other substantially under her
command. We know further, also, that by that treaty
she obtained the right of establishing a quarantine in one
of the islands in the Danube. For many years having
possessed, therefore, the absolute control of that river,
from its mouth to a considerable distance upwards, she
has conducted herself in such a way as to interrupt in the
most effectual manner the free navigation of that impor-
tant river. (Hear, hear.) Remonstrance after remon-
strance has been addressed to her by Austria, by Eng-
land, and by almost every other European Power without
effect, and it is quite certain, judging from the past, that
unless we remove Russia from that position, and unless
the limits which she now holds are changed, it will be
quite impossible to insure that important object for the
future—the free and uncontrolled navigation of the
Danube. (Hear, hear.) I may be told by some persons
—and I believe it is thrown out accidentally in this very
paper—that all this may be arranged by treaty. My
lords, I have no faith in a treaty of this kind made with
Russia. (Hear, hear.) There has been a treaty upon the
subject for nearly fifteen years between Russia and Aus-
tria. Russia, upon the ono side, undertook to keep the
course of the Danube free from interruption • and, upon
the other side, Austria, in consideration of that, engaged
to pay a toll upon ships passing down the river. What
has been the course of conduct pursued by Russia in this
respect ? She has extorted the payment of tho toll in
every instance; but she has not only done nothing to
keep the course of the Danube free, but she has thrown
every obstruction in the way of it. She has refused to
take any steps whatever for the purpose, and the conse-
quence is, that the obstructions of the river are of such
a nature as to have the effect—which 1 believe was in-
tended to follow from it—of giving a great advantage to
the rival port of Odessa. (Hear.) This is what no one who
has considered the subject can for a moment doubt. At
the time when the Turks were in possession of the river
and had the command of its navigation, by a very simple
process they contrived to keep the navigation clear (hear,
hear), and when it passed from their-possession the depth
of the water at the mouth of the firer was upwards
of 16 feet it is now reduced to only nine. In
what way did they do this ? By making use of a most
simple apparatus ; by insisting that a kind of drag should
be attached to each vessel that went down the river, and,
by thus scouring the mud, by the action of the a
they kept the navigation free. Applications have been
repeatedly made at St. Petersburg, to Count Nesselrode
and other authorities, to adopt the same mode of proceed-
ing ; but, they have always refused to resort to this
means. Count Nesselrode pretended that some new appa-
ratus of the most extraordinary kind should be made use
of for the purpose of !effecting the object. He was told
that it would not answer the purpose, but after a long de-
lay it arrived on the spot, after still further delay it was
made use of, and it turned out not only to be ineffectual,
but more than that, it increased the very evil it was in-
tended to remedy. It soon got out of order, and was no
longer used. It was said, why not use the old apparatus
in conjunction with this? why not use a steam-vessel to go
up and down the river with the drags? But every. kind
of evasion was practised. The object was to maintain the
rival port of Odessa at the expense of Austria and of all
the other kingdoms of Europe. If any noble lords wish
for any details with respect to this suliject, I exhort them
most earnestly to read the papers that were laid on the
table of your lordships' house last year, and they will be
1 could
found to afford a lively instance of the shuffling
svould
I apply such words to such illustrious
tperns,and
false-
say, the mendacious policy, the diplomatic skill
Is it not,
hood of the Court of St. Petersburgh.
then, evident, from the statement, tharietas.) absolutely
necessary that a change should take pbl.,ace in the territorial
possessions of the mouths of the Dann (hear)—that such
an alteration is necessary to secure t—h. at important and
valuable object, on which so much reliance is placed by
Austria and Germany—the free ntvigation
of that import-
ant river? I say, then, that this object is in contradic-
tion with the principle which has been attempted to be
as far as territory is con-
established, that the status quo,
y lords, having touched
corned, is not to bo altered. N
upon this point, allow meowto, mo
to another ; allow
me to travel to the East. e havge, by. the supeliority of
the combined fleets, shut up the Russian fleet in the har-
bour of Sebastopol ; it does not dire to come out for fear
of encountering our superior naval power. In consequence
of this, they bay() been compelled to desert and destroy all