The Sun.
London, England, 1838-09-11 00:00:00

in the count; .y, t'ley ate, no doiA. Likd riitt ; and as nothing
Is ever well done h? 9±:,•!*. who disapprove of or dissent from
new pi"; kcing:introduced, my,hope is, thatprOperly qualified
02"-,71s, independent of the London Post-office depav•thtitll
be employed to frame, arrange and caify titit any improve-
me.-Its which Parliament May tagOtinn or direct.

conis-LAw FALLACIES, IVITH THE
ANSI,VERs,

re only effective way to meet the fallacied persever-
ingly put forward on the impertatit subject of the Corn-laws,
is to collect them patiently as they appear, and publish
them with the answers. In pursuance of this plan, the
author of the following replies has, in the course of some-
thing mere than eleven years, collected and published be-
t Nyco se; en and tight hundred; and the crop seems 861
to br as plentiful as ever. It is his intention to endeavour
to provide a portion, larger or smaller according toocii.rootuhmer-
st,euces, to appear in The Sun, twice a-week, probably on
Mondays and Wednesdays ; and country papers,
publications, transmitted for the purpose of remark, will be
attended to.
I.—Would not an admis- A NSWUR.-It would cause
sion of Foreign corn cause a certain extent to be put out
great extent of British land of tillage, just as, if Manehes-
to be put out of tillage, and, ter was' walled up, and the
br consequence, a great nu.n-
people fed with corn grown
b-er of agricultural labourers to •
m flower-pots and on the
be put out of employment ?
Standard, Aug. 18, 1833, tops of houses, opening the
gates
to b
swoue put
would cause
of theflo
wer-
ptillage,
and the labourers employed on them to be put out of em-
ployment. But for oae gallon of corn so prevented from
being grown in flower-pots, ten would be brought in through
the gates ; and for one flower-pot cultivator thrown out of
employment, ten honest men would be called into employ-
ment some other way. Ask the people of Manchester what
they think of the experiment?
2.—Would not these la- A.—Undoubtedly. But
bourers be thrown into the the people of Manchester
supply of manufacturing la- would be enormous fools if
betwers, to look for employ- they
resisted the opening of
meat ?—ld,
their gates, for fear of hav-
ing the labourers on flower-
pots thrown on them for
employment. If every one of these labourers, with their
descendants, were to be kept by public subscription in
aecula seculorton, there would be no persuading the men
of Manchester to keep fast their gates for fear of such a
consummation.
3.—Would not the effect A.—The reduction in the
of a reduction in the price of price of grain would cause
grain be to cause wages to wages to be reduced, but not
be reduced in full proportion, in full proportion. To make
under the operation of a Poor-
it clearer, begin with the
law which has screwed down
wages to the "starving place," converse case. Suppose
that in a country where there
whatever that place—in other
w words, whatever the price of were no Corn-laws, the land-
bread—reay be ?.--Id. lords were to come to the
working classes and say,
" Let us cut off your sup-
plies of foreign corn, and when there is half as much corn
as there wag, the price of corn will rise ; and wages, you
know, will rise too, and then you will be as well off as be-
fore." Would not the working classes immediately reply,
`• Do you mean to tell us, who are the great consumers of
corn, that after you have diminished the supply of corn
one-half, wares are to rise till they give us as much core
out of the half as they did of the whole? No, no ; your
plan is to get two days work out of us for a gallon of corn,
instead of one." And by the contrary rule, if the quantity
of corn was increased, it would be impossible that the
wages of the working classes should fall so as to give them
the power of buying no more corn than before ; for if so,
how is all the corn to be sold ? A Poor-law may screw
down wages to the " starving-place" when the employment
of the working classes is cut off by the stoppage of foreign
trade ; but the way to put an end to the " screw," is to
open the sources of employment, and allow England to be
a commercial country.
4.—Would not the sure A.—As in the case of the
plus supply of labour, created flower-pots, for every man
by the dismissal of hundreds of thrown out of one employ-
thousands hitherto employed ment, ten would be brought
in tillage, greatly facilitate into another.
this operation ?—ld.

s.—Would not the home A.—Just as the home
market for manufactured market for Manchester goods
goods be very seriously im- would be impaired by opening
paired by whatever should ruin the gates, and putting an
the landed gentry and farmers,
end to the gains of the
and artificers and shopkeepers
owners of flower-pots, and
depending upon landowners
the artificers and shopkeepers
and farmers, throughout tho
kingdom ?—ld. dependent thereupon. For
every customer lost, ten twice
as good would be acquired.
6.—Must not the effect of A.—There is no time
the admission of foreign corn wanted for the business at
be a vast exportation of capital all. Foreigners are stand-
during many years, and until ing begging for our manufac-
more extended markets for tures, on the solecondition of
British manufactures can pss-
our taking in return what we
sibly be established abroad, by
foreigners acquiring the taste want, and they have to give.
for, or the want of,.our manu-
Foreigners have had taste
factures—always a work of for our manufactures long
time 2---Id. enough : it is we who make
laws to prevent ourselves
from taking from the fo-

Ireigners the payment they hays to give.
7. —ls it not moro than A.—Open your gates to
probable, is it not certain, that what foreigners have to pay
foreigners would employ this in, and down drops their in-
capital, and this time, in eats- ducsment to employ either
blishing rival manufactures?
—ld.
ing rival manufactures at all.
For twenty years you have
capital or time in establish-
been paying a premium on
foreign manufactures, by refusing to allow foreigners to
supply themselves from our manufacturers. Nine-tenths

of the continental market is probably irrecoverably gone
from us, and we are a little nation instead of a great one
by the consequences. But the tenth, though only a tenth,
might be worth struggling for. Fools must
pay, till they
get wiser.

I.—ls it not absolutely A.—All experience proves
necessary, as a security against that it is not necessary, and
famine in unfavourable sea- that the contrary is neces-
sons and against the chances nary. We do not grow cot-
of war, to keep up the home
supply of food at the highest
possible point ?—ld. should some
the Americans shou
time cut us off from a clean
ton in hot-houses,
. for fear
shirt ; nor prohibit tallow,
hemp, or tar from the Baltic, lest the Powers of the Baltic
should at some time go to war. We know, that wherever
we have a trade with another country, that trade is of as
much importance, perhaps more, to that country as to us.
And corn i 3 of all things the article, which, if we
gq from one quarter, we can from another. It would be
just as sensible to stop all foreign trade, for fear of war, as
the corn trade. cannot

(TO BE CONTINUED.)

COMMUNICATION BET WENN

DUBLIN AND LONDON.

(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.
The citivols of Chester were last week favoured with a
tisit from Thomas Wood, E,q., Alderman; Warwick Weston,
merchant;.
E., purporting to be a deputation from "a
Davies Davies, Esq., barrister, and
Inikins, Esq., C
new and powerful Directory of highly respectable and influ-
ential gentleman, in the cities of Dublin and London," for the
rn
Chester and Oeshead Railway project, which, under the
auspi,,es of the same
parties, only changing Mr. Charles
Pe arson for Mr. Alderman Thomas Wood, occupied public
attention about two years since, with no other success than
exhausting whatever deposits were made, and leaving sundry
hills unpaid. The old city was quite on the qui vice. A
oublic meeting was called for a conference on Tuesday last.
Previously the Deputation met the Directors of the Chester
and Crewe Railway Company to request their countenance.
It did not appear that they were at all able to state who the
" new and powerful Directory" were. At the public meeting,
Mr. Davies and Alderman Wood expatiated at great length
on the advantages of the project,and the citizens passed a strong
resolution in approbation of it. Warwick Weston,Esq , then
proposed the formation of a Ptovisional Committee in Chester
to forward the undertaking ; upon which R. G. Temple,
Esq., a resident barrister, whose name had been put on
the list, objected, on the ground that he knew nothing of
the parties to the project ; and Rho were the " new and
powerful Directory ?" No answer was given to this, and the
irecting separated without appointing any Committee.
At a rue: ting of the Chamber of Commerce held on Fri.
day, Mr. Alderman T. Wood attended, and expi•essed himself
disappointed at the reception he had met, and said that he still
believed the project was a good one, but that it must be taken
un in Chester; and, no doubt, whatever feeling was displayed
here would b responded to in Dublin and London. He said
there was no Board of Directors formed, but that a list of
names hid been o'ivon in of parties who were willing to co-
operate, as a Provisional Committee, teith a 'Provisional
Committee appointed in Chester.
The Alderman and his colleagues met a large body of citi-
zPris again in the afternoon, and a Report was read, signed by
Warwick Weston, Esq and Davies Davies, Esq., biehly ap-
proving of the line. A Provisional Committee was then ap-
pointed, on purpose to make inquiries whether the demonstra-
tion was bona fide, and to cc-operate with the parties whose
names haul been given in by the Deputation, if all was found
to be on the rquare. Mr. Warwick Wtston then read the
nnrnes of the par ties who had authorised the use of their names. They were as follow :—Thomas Attwood Esq., M. P. ; B.
Martin,,)rac J
Pa.rees Ashley, Esq , banker; Alderman; Jos. Scholefield, Esq., M. P. ; Sir
(3
Thomas Wood, London ; Alderman Hodges, Dublin ; John
Crouch, Esq., John Davies, Esq., T. Fottrell, R. O. Gorman,
Esq., R. U. Guinness, EN., Wtn. Jenkins, Esq., John

Veove;t; Esq. late High Sheriff of Dublin; and J. J. Weston;
E
dqt,ctlineA that
.0,/juld tcouited to
siaie now lal they we're cotiamitted, wither the DeputOth4..
really came from tbem or not, and what shares they would take.
This prOieCt 14S t`oliral•ily tOql re&Alectrd as hating
Leen :0 tne Share Market before. It is brought rg
the best line of communication between Dublin and London,
and in opposition tai tine projects of the Irish Railway Corn-
mission. It is crtainiy to the interest ofChester that
it should be carried. If the Chester and Crewe Railway
Company carry their extension line to the Potteries,
and the Manchester people their extension line to Rugby, as
no doubt they will—then the direct route from London to
Dublin will be on those lines to Holyhead, avoiding*Birming-
ham and the Grand Junction line altogether; and there can
be no doubt that the line recommended by Mr. Vignolles from
Portdynllaen, through Shrewsbury, Wolverhampton, and Bir-
mingham, cannot for one moment stand against it. No doubt
the city interest will aid Mr. T. Attwood and Mr. Alderman
I'. Wood, in carrying this measure ; and there appears not a
doubt but the other measures will be carried also.
That the gentlemen were received coolly in Chester, in the
first instance. was on the principle that " a burnt child dreads
the fire." Before, the Sandon directory was all straw; the
Chester deposits were all the money subscribed. That was
soon eaten and drank, and then the farce was up. But this
is a real bona fide Directory, pledged to take shares; and it is
confidentially hoped the thing will go on. If so, the time oc-
cupied in going from London to' Dublin will only be about
nineteen hours.

IRELAND.

(FROM OUR OWN PORRESPONDIENT. )

DBLIN, SEPT. 9.
IMPORTANT LETTER FROM MR.O O'CONNELL.
The following important and interesting letter from Mr.
O'Connell to the People of Ireland upon the new agitation,
you will have an opportunity of laying exclusively before the
readers of The Sun. It has not been yet published in Ireland,
having only arrived in town by yesterday's post :
LETTER I.
TO TIIE PEOPLE OF IRELAND.

DARRYNANE ABBEY, SEPT. 6, 1838.
" Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not
" Who would be f.-ee, themselves must strike the blow?"
FFLI.OW COUNTRYNIEN-Amid the dreary scenes by which
we are surround,.d in the political world, there is one great
consolation—it is this—that a period is come when, if the
people of Ireland be true to themselves they must obtain re-
dress. It depends altogether upon ourselves. If we be
worthy of freedom, the time is come for its attainment. The
combined people of Ireland have already been—they may again,
if they please, be—irresistible
There is hut one magic in politics, and that consists in being
right. Irishmen, we ae at present right—perfectly right.
What we seek is this—either a full, entire, and unequi-
vocal participation in all the privileges, franchises, and rights
of the people of England and Scotland, or a separate legis-
lature.

Identification as subjects with the British, or—Repeal of
the Union.
Is there one Irishman living capable of consenting to any
other alternative? If there be, why we can dispense with the
aid of the paltry slave.
Where is the slave so lowly,
Condemned to chains unholy,
Who—could he burst
His chains at first,
Would PINE beneath them swarm

With such wretched slaves we have nothing in common.
Let, then, every man who scorns and loathes slavery, enrol
himself at once in the " Precursor Society."
The present connexion, called the Union with Great
Britain, is founded upon, and operates to the degradation of
the people of Ireland. Its basis is—that the Irish are an in-
ferior, a degraded people. It injures us in matters of the
deepest importance to social man. But it does worse—in-
finitely worse. Irishrnen I—it insults us--haughtily and inso-
lently does it insult us.
Whoever detests this injury and loathes this insult—let him
join with m• in the " Precursor Society"—and we shall
labour heartily, zealously, continuously, until Ireland is
righted, and the stain of political degradation is effaced
for ever.

Irishmen, your fate is in your own hands. Rally now, once
more, with me in the peaceful, moral, and constitutional
struggle, and that victory which we achieved by similar means
will be confirmed and secured.
Our motto is—no degradation—no inferiority—equalization
of civil and religious freedom—or, THE RRPEAI..
When the Catholic Association was formed I could not for
three weeks bring ten persons together to aid me. On Tues-
day last, in Cork, two thousand persons joined the "Precursor
Society" in half an hour.
Who is it, then, shall dare to despair of Ireland ?
The example of Cork will be largely and speedily imitated.
Glory to Cork, and to the town or city which next adopts her
noble example!!
Now, fellow-countrymen, allow me to lay before you, in de..
tail, all the objects which the " Precursors" seek to achieve.
I cannot and do not hope your co-operation unless you are
convinced of the propriety and necessity of these objects.
I propose, in the present letter, to bring distinctly before
your minds these three things.
First—The grievances under which Ireland labours.
Secondly—The utter impossibility of obtaining the redress
of these grievances without the most strenuous exertions of the
Irish people themselves. And
Thirdly—The mode in which these exertions can be ren-
dered most effectual for the abolition of the grievances of which
we justly complain.
Of the First—namely—the cruel grievances under which
Ireland suffers—l do not intend to enter into any extensive
detail, beyond this letter. They are, alas, too familiarly
known, and too frequently felt by the people of Ireland, to
render any lengthened description of them necessary. I will,
therefore, do no more than select a few of the more prominent
apsasret overa n ascendancy the
class n
in the following series.
lst—The giant grievance of Ireland is—the domination of
ae—the
separationa
da
o subjugatedf a
the
class—an
into two
Cmaster
class, and a slave class.
Foi. more than a century after the revolution of 1688, Eng-
land governed Ireland by a faction, and for a faction. Indeed,
she had done so for near 500 years before the revolution. But
the system was rendered more complete and better organised
by that event. The faction became in the eye of the law, and
in the contemplation of the Government, everything—the
people nothing.
This selection of a party and rejection of the people were
aggravated and embittered by the reasons of its adoption—
namely, the difference of religion. The faction was Protes-
tant—the people Catholic—religious animosity envenomed
the •
social state, and Protestantism almost ceased to be Chris-
tian, in order to bnome purely political, and altogether mer-
cenary.
It is true that the emancipation of the Catholics has miti-
gated this grievance, and the Executive power in the hands
of such men as Lords Normanby and Morpeth not only
softens, but actually diminishes, the enormity. Yet " the
snake is only scotched not killed." On the contrary, the
Tory party in England keep it alive, and cherish it with the
hope of resuming power to exercise it with redoubled malig-
y- This is the execrable policy of Peel and Wellington.
They are as anxious now for the old Protestant ascendancy as
they were before they themselves had given it the most violent
and fatal blow it ever sustained. Wellington may be what is
called a Great Captain ; but as a Statesman he is contemptible
and a very driveller. His solemn declaration that he would
be mad if he accepted political power, followed up by his
twice accepting that very power—his eulogy on rotten bo
roughs, and direct nomination to Parliament—his extolling
the rottenness of the British Constitution, as nothing short of
the absolute perfection of human wisdom—his insulting the
meetings of the people by caning them farces—and, above all,
his most stupid determination to grant emancipation, and yet
to continue " Protestant Ascendency," all prove that it is de-
grading to England to estimate him as a Statesman at all.
As to Peel—honest, honest Joseph Surface—he, indeed,
has more political intelligence, but still less political honesty
than the martial Duke. He seeks to recover the power over
the British people and British Sovereign which the Reform
Bill took away. There is no dexterity too dirty for that
purpose—there is no political depravity too dark or dangerous
fur him to achieve the ends of a mean ambition. It is in this
sense, and with these views, that he cherishes the old domi-
neering faction in Ireland. He cannot now give them full
vitality, but he can, and he does give them hopes—he cannot
at present give to his favoured faction strength or power, but
he keeps them alive; and in the pursuit of a paltry personal
advancement, he destroys the happiness, and risks with
reckless incaution the security, aye—and even the existence
of the empire.
It is this protection of a party hostile to the Irish people,
Which keeps Ireland in a constant state of fermentation. It is
the support given I,y Peel and Wellington to that faction that
embitters society in Ireland, creates and continues new animo.
sities, and aggravates all the old, until the country is affrighted
from its propriety, and totally unable to settle down into peace
and quiet.
This, then, is the first and great evil of Ireland—the en-
couragement given by the English Tory faction to the rem-
nant of the Irish Orange faction—and thus they keep alive,
and endeavour to perpetuate, the struggle on the part of the
faction to resume peculation and power—on the part of the
people, to save themselves from the persecution of a bigotted
ascendancy.
He is no statesman who does not understand how destrue.
tive to every notion of contentment or tranquillity such a state
of things
the hope or expectation (S ant/ party
or any fac•ion rul ng the
country is extinguished for ever.
odiv_Thc second grievance of which Ireland has to com-
pl.orl 15-Tll
• • R ADMINISTRATION Or JUSTICE• Yes—the adminis-
tration of justice !
It is not prudent to state all the truth of this subject.
Truth, alas ! is a libel, and no man can with safety state all
the truth respecting the administration of justice in Ireland.
Oh, this is the deep, the dangerous wound. This is the
gangrene in the bowels of the State, before which all other
diseases are trivial and contemptible in amount.
is quite
It
a Tory as ever lived—was so struck with the mode of adnii-
,,i,tcrieg justice in Ireland, that he has left upon imperishable
record that celebrated declaration of his There is," said
he,•' in Ireland one law for the rich, and another law for the
poor—AND BOTH are equally ILI. anmiNtsTERED I !!"
When this fret was proclaimed by a Tory law Lori, it cannot
be neccsa7 to amplify the description of the mischief.
But who can ad-qu ttely describe the effect of such a sss-
ten upon the feeling,,, the minds, and the actions of the people
of all classes. The pne party almost certain of legal impu-