The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-01 00:00:00

•" ~'

4
t

Earl of Derby, the Earl of Malmesbury, and the Earl of
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MORISON and HYGEISM.
From our own knowledge of patent medicines, we may
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this court' ry since Mr. Mori-on promulgated his system. Pills, under
new names, are starting day after day. Can there be a stronger
proof of the truth of the Morisouian system than this fact, and like-
wise that the vendors, in order to popularisetheir pills, describe them
as being of a purgative quality, and embody in their advertisements
(with which the public press is now teeming) scraps from the " Mo.
risoniana!" A question then arises for the serious consideration of
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system in its Integrity, and whether they are in possession of a me-
dicine which will effectually answer the main purpose, that of cleans-
ing the blood ?—BRITISH COLLEGE OF HEALTH, New-road,
London.

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enough to force us into this war, of which no man can
doubt the result, and which I am afraid uo man can cal-
culate the expense and the consequences—l say if Rus-
sia is mad enough to force us into this war, it must not
be for the renewal of these treaties (hear) ; it must be
for the abolition of those treaties (hear), and for a final
settlement of the question. (Hear.) When our Govern-
ment was so indignant at the supposition that the eva-
cuation of the principalities was not a sine qua non, why
has Russia been permitted to hold these territories for
six months—why has she been permitted to confiscate
the revenue of the Sultan, to press his subjects into her
service, to maltreat the hoyards, and to exercise every
act of oppression ? Is not Russia to be called to account
for the whole of these proceedings ? The sanction of
such things is a disgrace to which I trust England never
will be subjected. (Hear, hear.) I have such an abhor-
rence of war that I think it would ha inexpedient to
stop without a rearrangement of the question. (Hear.)
I should be sorry to move an amendment to the Ad-
dress ; I am as ready as any man in the country to sup-
port the Government, and to bring them out of the
scrape into which they have got, but I could not, as an
honest man, withhold the expression of my opinion ;
and when we hear so much about the deceit of the Em-
peror of Russia, I must say that our conduct has greatly
tended to deceive him. (Hear.)
The Earl of CLARENDON.—My lords, I think my
noble friend who has just sat down would have acted
more fairly—although possibly not more conveniently to
himself—if he had waited for the production of those
papers which her Majesty has promised shall be laid
before your lordships without delay, and which before
your lordships separate this evening, it is my intention
to place upon the table. (Hear.) I repeat, I think my
noble friend would have acted more fairly if he had
waited for that information ; but it is only another proof
of that inconvenience of which I have seen so much in
the course of the last few months—the inconvenience of
not being; able to lay all the information on this subject
before the country. No one can have regretted that in-
convenience more than myself ; nobody knows better
than myself that many misrepresentations might have
been prevented by greater publicity ; but we thought it
right not to depart from the established practice of this
country. The Government is amenable to Parliament
alone for its conduct. To Parliament alone could it give
full and complete information ; and we therefore thought
it right to abstain from following the example that has
been held out to us of the conduct of other Governments
which have no Parliaments to account to. (Hear, hear.)
We thought it better to abstain from producing, from
time to time, the information which I am about to lay
on the table, although it might have satisfied the public
at the time, and to a certain degree, have been advan-
tageous to ourselves ; but at the same time it might have
been disadvantageous to the cause of peace. And although
I fear I may stand still lower in my noble friend's esti-
mation than I now appear to do, I am neither ashamed
nor afraid of saying that the maintenance of peacelhas
been the great and the dearest object we have had in
view. My noble friend seems to think that we have
shown an abject determination to avoid war. My lords,
we have done no such thing. But we have felt it our
duty to stop short of no sacrifice except that of national
honour, or of not fulfilling our engagements. (Cheers.)
We have felt that to be our duty to this country because
of those numberless social, political, and commercial in-
terests that have grown up, and have extended to every
part of the world, during a peace of unexampled dura-
tion. We have felt it due to other countries—countries
which, like ourselves, have turned to account the bles-
sings of peace, and which must be desirous, therefore,
honourably to maintain it; for, my lords, it must be re-
membered that if this peace be once broken, be once dis-
turbed, it may be followed by a war alike without paral-
lel—(hear, hear)—and as unexampled as itself ; for you
must remember there may be something more than the
rending of all those ties and reciprocal interests which
now bind Europe together as one state. You must re-
member that those doctrines which convulsed Europe in
1848 are still cherished by vast numbers; and that they,
having lost none of their strength, a war now would be no
ordinary war, would be attended by no ordinary conse-
quences. Europe, in such a war, would be the battle-
field not only of contending armies, but of contending
opinions ; and we, to whom such mighty interests are
entrusted, would have been worthily thought utterly un-
mindful of their importance, would have disqualified
ourselves when we asked for support in a necessary war,
if we could not have then shown that we had first ex-
erted and exhausted every means of maintaining the
blessings of peace. (Hear.) But, my lords, if we are
destined to do so, if it is appointed for us that we are to
embark on that state of things then I must say that never
was the tranquillity of the world more wantonly disturbed
than it will have been in the provocation of that necessity.
(Cheers.) Never, also, I must say, was there a moment
when it was inure the duty of France and England to
stand up together, formally to oppose aggression and
support the just cause of the weak against the strong.
(Hear, hear.) My noble friend has said that we have
placed the most undue confidence in the assurances of
Russia. (Hear, hear.) I admit that we did place con
fidence in these assurances—because they were not only
more than we asked, but, in addition, were all that we
could desire. The noble lord says himself, that when
he got—though he tells us he seldom got—a direct
answer from Russia, he invariably found that it was a
correct one, and one on which he could in security
rely. Such' were the answers we received—not evasive
answers, but direct ones—answers on which the noble
lord would have relied. (Hear.) Were we to receive
them with suspicion ? I would beg to observe that in
my humble opinion a policy of suspicion is never a wise or
an expedient policy ; and I would beg to state that on
this occasion there was no ground for suspicion. The
Emperor of Russia during a long reign had given what
might be deemed abundant proof of a desire to maintain
the peace of Europe. Over and over again lie had
affirmed that the Ottoman Empire was a European
necessity, and that the maintenance of it was a funda-
mental principle of European policy. (Hear, hear.)
And certainly, this was not his best opportunity—cer-
tainly, if he had desired the overthrow of the Ottoman
Empire, and the aggrandisement of Russia at the
expense of Turkey, the year 1848 would have better
suited his designs, and would have been more likely to
have seen their attainment. The Emperor of Russia's past
thus gave additional weight to his assurance for the
future ; and I say that any precautionary measures, in
such a case, would have been but wanton provoca-
tion. I can assure your lordships, moreover, whatever
the noble marquis may think, that up to the end of
April last we had no reason to believe there existed any
other cause of dissension between Russia and Turkey
except that connected with the Holy Places—(hear,
hear)--a question which closely concerned France, and
in which the Porte, by endeavouring to please both
Powers had given some cause of complaint. (Hear,
hear.) But though the matter only indirectly affected
England, her good offices towards its adjustment were
offered and were accepted, and the difficulty about the
Holy Places was settled thereupon. It was only after
that settlement that we, for the first time, became aware
that other and ulterior objects were sought to be at-
tained by Russia. (Hear, hear.) Not but that it is
perfectly true that during the time occupied in those ne-
gotiations rumours of various kinds reached us as to
large armies which, according to the same authority,
were being prepared by Russia. Any person aware of
the great secrecy with which all the affairs are conducted
in Russia, and of the still greater exaggerations which
distinguish all the news from Constantinople, could tell
your lordships the value of these, and with what caution
and what distrust they should be received. But inde-
pendently of that consideration, whether these rumours
were true or untrue, probable or improbable, well
founded or ill founded, the Government did not take
upon itself to decide. As soon as they reached us they
were every one made known by us to the Russian Go-
vernment, and he asked a categorical answer to our in-
quiries upon them. The answer we received was a plain
and distinct answer, an answer such as those on which
my noble friend has told your lordships he was happy to
rely. We met with the most unqualified denial to all
the rumours we had received. (Hear.) We were as-
sured that that the mission of Prince Menschikoff had
reference to nothing but the Holy Places (hear,
hear)—that he had great latitude allowed him in the
settling of that question, and, in fact, might almost
settle it in what way he pleased ; but that it
was all he had to settle. Subsequent events partly
prove the correctness of these statements ; for it might
seem that though he, in his character as head of the
Orthodox Church, had gone farther in his demands than
the requirements of his mission justified, he had, at
length, abandoned these particulars, and assented to a
note which, though still unacceptable to the Porte, was
certainly very much reduced in regard to its stipula-
tions. When, however, he quitted Constantinople, he
quitted it under circumstances menacing to the peace of
Turkey and the interests of Europe. It was impossible
for us to tell where some of these armies collectedW on
the confines of Turkey might not be marched to. e,
therefore, immediately ordered her Majesty's fleet to
proceed to Besika Bay, where it was joined by the French
fleet. (Hear.) Your lordships are aware that after
Prince Menschikoff had withdrawn, Count Nesselrode
sent back his note to Constantinople, with a threat that
unless it was signel in eight days the Principalite
ies
should be occupied. To that demand you are pa hies
that a refusal was the reply, and that thereupon Count
Nesselrode's execution was carried into execution. My
noble friend seems to think that if the fleet had been
ordered when the first Russian soldier crossed the
Pruth all that has followed, or is likely to follow,
might have been prevented. But the noble lord
must consider that in entering the Principalities the
Russians were either sincere or insincere in the assur-
ances and professions made by them to Europe, that that
occupation would be but momentary, that they would
hold the Principalities only as a material pledge for
the fulfilment of the demands then made by Russia
upon Turkey, and that the evacuation of them wag

jj /4/ //t _K?/(Z-44.-fr)'
bury) said this w. -f of respectfulirliament ; it was
not respectful trit' arliament ;it s not respectful to
the country ;.• he would aim t like to ask—he was aft:,
so much astonished that the noble lord refused to pro-
duce such a paper to that house—why it was sent to the
• -
Times? He would not have thought such a thing pos-
sible ; but extraordinary rumours had lately been rife in
town that not long ago, when one of the principal
Ministers—if not the principal Minister in the Cabinet
—resigned his office, the first intimation her Majesty had
1.1. CE of that resignation was through the Times newspaper,
and that some of the noble lord's colleagues first learnt
the circumstance from the Times newspaper, to which, of
-self, course, it had been communicated by some very import-
'n lant colleague of the noble viscount. Now, if this was
true—he (Lord Malmesbury) did not say that it was,—
if this system was acted upon,—if newspapers, or if a fa-
vourite newspaper, were to receive official communica-
tions of so important a nature that the Foreign Secretary
declared it was dangerous to place them upon the table
of the house—if newspapers were to receive documents
of that kind before Parliament and instead of Parliament,
he could only say that they had four estates in the realm,
and that of those four estates the Queen was not the
first and their lordships were not the second. He thought,
however, that, in another point of vieW, her Majesty's
Government had erred in keeping the country and Par-
liament so long in ignorance of the negotiations. He
could understand that, under some circumstances, it
might be very inconvenient to be constantly placing pa-
pers of this kind before Parliament, but he believed that
on this occasion, if the Government had been more can-
did in their explanations, they would have elicited from
Parliament a manifestation of that feeling which the
country of its accord had since displayed. Such a dis-
play could but have assisted the Government ; it could
but have armed their hands, and prevented a misappre-
hension, which he believed had long existed in the mind
of the Emperor of Russia—namely, that after forty
years' peace, commerce, and prosperity, this country
had so much degenerated that it had fallen into a state
of indifference regarding its treaties with its allies,
its own character, and its own honour, and that it
was ready to purchase peace at any price. (Hear, hear.)
By depreciating the French alliance during his (Earl
Malmesbury's) tenure of office, they had led Russia to
imagine that France and England would never act cor-
dially together, and had thus induced the Emperor to
make his aggression upon Turkey. If Ministers had
shown from the first a determination to resist that ag-
gression, in concert with France, he believed that peace
would never have been endangered. Almost during the
whole time for which his noble friend (Lord Derby) held
the office of Prime Minister, the press which represented
or was supposed to represent the opinions, not only of
what he might call the legitimate Opposition—the Whig
Opposition—but also of a smaller section of politicians
who had since formed a coalition with the present Go-
vernment, unremittingly blamed the foreign policy of
his noble friend's Government with regard to the ap-
parent eagerness and anxiety which that Government
had shown to confirm an alliance, not with France only,
but with the new dynasty established by the French
people. He (Lord Malmesbury) was constantly taunted
with being ready to sacrifice the best interests of his
country fur the sake of an alliance with the French
Government. The accident of his (Lord Malmes-
bury's) personal acquaintance with the Emperor of
France some years ago was sufficient ground for
framing against him an accusation that, having a per-
sonal predilection in favour of Louis Napoleon, he wished
to see him rather than any other man upon the throne
of France. He (Lord Malmesbury) felt little moved at
the time by those attacks, because he was certain that
no alliance could be of such vital consequence, not only
to this country itself, but to the general peace of Europe,
as an alliance with a powerful country like France—our
nearest neighbour, and with a man who, he had every
reason to believe, was determined to remain at peace
with all other nations, and to maintain the territorial
distribution of Europe as it was arranged by the treaties
of 1814. The policy of the late Government had been
fully vindicated since that time, for the very newspapers
which abused them for such policy had gone even to the
length of saying that no other alliance was of such im-
portance to England as that of France. But the lan-
guage of the press to which he alluded made a very
strong and lasting impression upon the Courts of Europe
with respect to our alliance with France. The eyes of
every Court of Eur Ope were at that time intently fixed
upon the motions of the new-fledged Emperor and the
country which had been the first to recognise him,
and what was their impression ? Judging from the
language of the mouthpiece—not the real but the
apparent mouthpiece of noble lords opposite—foreign
Courts naturally argued that if the then Govern-
ment were not in office, a different line of policy would
be taken by the then Opposition, who might succeed
them. The Opposition did come into office very soon
afterwards, and was it possible to believe that the Em-
peror of Russia would not consider that the same
anxiety did not exist in the new Cabinet to form an
alliance, not only with France, but with the new
dynasty of France, which had existe,l on the part of the
preceding Government ? The eyes of Russia, as well as
of other Powers, were fixed upon the conduct of the
new Government, and what was the first thing that
happened ? Within a month after the new Government
accepted office two of its members addressed their con-
stituents, in two different boroughs of England, in a
manner which, both in expression and in spirit, was
deeply offensive to the French people and to the French
Emperor. Those speeches were explained—how ex-
plained—he (Lord Malmesbury) did not know ; but he
was told by his noble friend last August that the Em-
peror of the French had sense and good feeling enough
to understand the motive of those speeches and not to
be offended at them. He (Lord Malmesbury) perfectly
believed that, for the Emperor of the French bad this
advantage over other Sovereigns —that through a life
of vicissitudes he had mixed with society of all grades
and classes, that he had lived a long time in this
country and knew it well, that he was acquainted with
its peculiarities—be (Lord Malmesbury) would not
say its eccentricities--and he perfectly understood that
the speeches of a Minister had various meanings accord-
ing to the period at which they were uttered and the
place in which they were spoken. These speeches were
therefore excused by the Emperor ; but it was certain,
and he (Lord Malmesbury) knew it to be a fact, that
the circumstance of such speeches having been uttered
so soon atter the accession of a Ministry upon whom the
eyes of all European Governments were fixed, made a
strong impression upon those Governments that, in
their inmost minds, some, if not all, of her Majesty's
Ministers were averse, if not hostile, to an alliance with
the new dynasty of France ; and he believed that the
Emperor of Russia was deceived by these things. Ile
(Lord Malmesbury) agreed with the noble marquis in
thinking that more energy and vigour in time might
have saved us from the impending war. God forbid that
he, or any man on that (the Opposition) side of the
house, should not be ready to praise her Majesty's
Government for doing all in their power to avert a war.
It was not for endeavouring to avert a war that he
blamed them, but for not having taken the best means
to avert a war— (hear, hear)—for exhibiting vacillation,
for not having taken the ball at a bound, for not having
seized the proper moment when they might have given
Russia to understand that France and England were
determined to resist the aggression. The noble earl
then passed a warm eulogiam on the patriotic spirit
which Turkey had exhibited, and concluded by depre-
cating the introduction of any of the measures of reform
which were suggested in the Royal speech.
Lord GREY reserved his opinion upon the Eastern
question until the papers were before the House, but in
the meantime, he thought the course pursued by her
Majesty's Government stood greatly in need of explana-
tion and vindication. (Hear, hear.) So far as he was
yet acquainted with the facts, he confessed that, in the
first place, he was not satisfied that they ought to have
interfered at all in this matter. (Hear, hear.) He con-
curred in opinion with the noble Secretary for Foreign
Affairs that, the flames of an European war once lighted,
no man could tell how far the conflagration might ex-
tend, or foresee the depth of human misery which might
be occasioned. He argued that, even if the war were
ever so short, it would be attended with infinite
injury to the interests and welfare of mankind. All
those measures of improvement which in this country
and in others had made such wonderful progress within
the last 40 years, if not absolutely arrested, would at
least be materially retarded when n's e
menergies_ ai
de-
thoughts thoughts were occupied in devising their mutual e-
struction, When the country would be called upon to
make the greatest sacrifices, and when misery would be
carried into many families by the loss of their friends
and relatives. These considerations struck him with
horror and apprehension ; and, knowing the character
of the Turkish Government, knowing to what a condi-
tion the fairest region of the earth had been reduced
by four centuries of Turkish rule, knowing, too, that
to this day the Christian subjects of the Porte were
labouring under an oppression as severe as that to
wbich the negro population in our own colonies were
subjected before slavery was abolished (for he believed
that even to this hour the evidence of a Christian was
not received against a Mahotnedan in a Turkish court of
justice, whatever might have been the wrongs that he,
or his family, had endured); and remembering what the
calamities of war were, it would take much to convince
him that this country bad any interest in supporting
Turkey against what he admitted to be the entirely un-
justifiable demands of Russia, which could for one mo-
ment be set against its immeasurably superior interest
in the maintenance of European peace. If, however, we
were to go to war, he urged that young and intelligent
officers should be appointed to the principal commands,
and justified his recommendation by the examples of al-
most all the great names in our military annals. Colonel
Eyre, who had distinguished himself in the Kafir war,
had been promoted, and he hoped that precedent would
be followed until both the army and navy were efficiently
offieered. He thought the question of reform by no
means pressed to immediate solution, and hoped that it
5,-ould not be ailowed to interfere with whatever might
be nerary for the v;goroua prosecution of the war.
The Lail of DERBY, after briefly alluding to the
" moot awful crisis" in which we were now placed, ad-
verted to some of the minor topics iu the Queen's Speech,
expressing his opinion of the difficulty of dealing benefi-
cially with the law cf settlement, declaring his strong
doubts of the advantages anticipated from the measures
proposed for the Universities, and remarking on the omis-
sion of all mention of the great subject of general education,
the negotiation still pending with the United States, and.
the conclusion of the treaty by which the River Plate had
been opened to the commerce of the world. He then en-
tered into a criticism of the long negotiation with Russia.
I confess, he said, I could have wished that the language
of the Speech had been more distinct and clear on this
point. lam left, as the noble marquis who alluded to the
question, has observed, to conjecture whether we are at
this moment at peace or at war. If I were to presume
that wo were actually at war, not oaly would it be /DIM e-
diatos' repudiated I'Y the noble earl Ist the hid of 4 ET

the wish and desire of the Emperor of Russia himself.
In either case it was in the interests of peace, and in
the interests of the Sultan, to allow further opportunity
for the ascertainment of the real issue, and for the dis-
covery of some form of note distasteful to either party,
and sufficient to carry into effect the intentions of both.
Austria and Prussia entirely agreed with us as to Rus-
sia's occupation of the principalities, which they consi-
dered not only unjust and dangerous as a precedent, but
as dangerous to themselves, and menacing to the peace
of Europe. They therefore asked, at this crisis, to en-
ter into the negotiation, and to assist in an attempt
at
the settlement of these differences ; and they earnestly
deprecated any declaration of war on the part of the
Sultan until all peaceful means of settling his differences
with Russia had been finally exhausted. And, whatever
the noble lord may think, I doubt not that your lord-
ships will own it was of great importance that the four
Powers should be thus united, that Austria and Prussia
should join with England and France in isolating Rus
sia in her wrong, and in letting Russia to understand
that she would not be able to reckon on that support
from Austria which, for more than one reason, she
might have expected. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's
Government never doubted that the occupation of the
Principalities was a cases hear)— but
the Government, recognising it as a cases belli, con-
sidered also the declaration with which it was accom-
panied, and, under the impression that that might be
sincere, did not advise or press the Sultan to treat it
as such, and so end all chance of peace. Take the
other case, that Russia was not sincere. A declaration
of war at that moment would have furnished the Em-
peror with just the very excuse he wanted. It would
have absolved him from his promise, and from the re-
sponsibility of commencing hostilities, and would have
left him in a position to say, "I occupied the Princi-
palities, but I declared it should only be for a short
time. I did not desire war. I was -ready to accept
peace ; but my assurances have been disbelieved. War
has been declared upon me, and I now consider myself
bound in honour and dignity to accept the challenge.
(Hear, hear.) Ido not say that the argument would be
just ; but it would be as good an argue many
others employed in the course of this affair. And your
lordships must be aware that at that moment Turkey
was wholly unprepared for resistance, her fortresses
ungarrisoned, and her army weak and undisciplined.
Were not these most cogent reasons on our part for not
recommending the Sultan to declare war ? By our not
doing so, he gained time—time for settling affairs peace-
ably, time for making preparations for war. And before
this opinion of her Majesty's Government could be con-
veyed to Constantinople, we found that her Majesty's
ambassador -there—who, being on the spot, was a better
judge than ourselves of what was for the interest of the
Sultan—had tendered the same advice, that the Sultan
had accepted and determined to act on it, and that, with
such a hope of a peaceable solution, it would have been
most unjustifiable in ns to urge the Sultan on to war. I
trust your lordships will consider these satisfactory rea-
sons why we did not then press on those more active
measures which my noble friend considers to have
been necessary; and I assure him that our not
doing so was not from any abject indisposition to
war, such as he seems to attribute it to ; for I do
not think that any Government in this country
with a just and righteous cause, would be allowed to
want the support of the people of England in carrying it
out. And here, lam sure you will not think it out of
place if I declare my testimony to the straightforward,
friendly, and perfectly honourable policy of the French
Government on this question. The two Governments
have been in daily, I may almost say hourly, communi-
cation. They have formed, as it were, but one Cabinet ;
and I can assure my noble friend that there have never
been more differences between the two Governments than
are to be found in the same Cabinet—differences that
have only increased our respect for each other and ren-
dered the harmony more complete. And this union that
exists between the two Governments is not only con-
fined to the Eastern question, but extends to other mea-
sures, in which happily the policy of the two countries,
hitherto antagonistic, may be now seen to be harmo-
nious. This good, at least, then is secured, that two
great and hitherto rival countries have learnt to know
and appreciate each other, to detect the fallacy of con-
cluding themselves natural enemies, and to act heartily
together for a just and righteous cause, to which their
common sympathies attract them. There was another
point on which:the noble lord dwelt on which I may
say a few words, reserving myself in all matters of
detail till the papers are before your lordships. As re-
gards the Vienna note, it should be stated that after
Prince Menschikoff left Constantinople, the Austrian
Government suggested suoh a note as, whilst not unac-
ceptable to Russia, should have regard to the indepen-
dence of Turkey. In the meanwhile the French Go-
vernment prepared a note on the same basis ; and they
submitted it to us. We did not think it a note likely to
he sucoassful, but as the French Government had a ma-
nifest desire to send it, by way of peace offering, both to
Petersburg and Vienna, we offered no opposition of
course, and it was duly forwarded. The Russian Go-
vernment, however, gave no answer to it, having already
accepted that of Austria. No answer being received at
Vienna this note was adopted, and was sent at the same
time to Petersburg and Constantinople. At Petersburg
it was said to be unsatisfactiry, but the Emperor never-
theless professed himself ready to accept it, wit'' no
alt-ration. The Porte objected to accepting it without
certain modifications. These modifications being consi-
dered simply as means of rendering more clear the bona
fi,t3 intentions of both parties, were, on that ground,
adopted at the conference of Vienna ; but they were
rejected by Russia. We did not, of course, think that
the note originally exposed the Porte to the dangers
supposed, but the changes made were made on that sup-
position, and were merely such as more clearly defined
the first meaning and intention of the note. Great mis-
apprehension exists on this point as to the part taken
by the Four Powers. The Four Powers, be it re-
membered, had merely offered to mediate between the
two parties ; they were not arbitrating, and are not to
be considered as arbitrating. They were not there
to enforce the note, of which the first proof is, that,
as I have stated, they at once and unhesitatingly
adopted the modifications pronounced requisite by
the Porte. But her Majesty's Government did not
suppose the note to be of the dangerous character
supposed by the Porte, until Russia explained the
use it might be turned to ; then her Majesty's Govern-
ment said no more in behalf of it. The conference, after
having signed the protocol, determined to ask the Porte
on what terms he would be prepared to negotiate it, and
the Four Powers offered their bases for the consideration
of Russia. By the protocol they affirm that if Russia
does net accept them, she is the sole obstacle to peace,
and must be held responsible for war ; and that is the
present state of affairs as far as negotiations are con-
cerned. No answer has been received from St. Peters-
burg ; but I am inclined to agree that such fair and rea-
sonable propositions as those are not very likely to be
rejected. As regards the position of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, when, notwithstanding that negotiations were
going on, that horrible disaster at Sinope happened—
when, the Turkish fleet not having been employed that
I know of in the way stated by my noble friend, but
simply lying peaceably in harbour—when this Turkish
fleet was destroyed in the barbarous manner it was—
(hear, hear)—in the harbour of Sinope, her Majesty's
Government with France determined at once to protect,
not only the Ottoman territory, but also the Ottoman
flag. They determined then to extend their protection,
and, as in honour bound, they sent notice of their inten-
tion to the Russian Admiral at Sebastopol and to the
Russian Government. That is the present state of our
oommunications on this important subject, and, as I have
said, I shall refrain now from entering into any details.
I have merely endeavoured to meet some of the main
charges brought against the Government by the noble
lord, leaving it for the house, when your lordships have
the papers before you, to say whether the interests, the
honour, and the dignity of the country have not been
well cared for. We may even then possibly be charged
with having laboured to long, too far, and too hard in
the cause of peace, but such will not, I think, be the
opinion of the majority of the house. On the contrary,
I think that in the event of war we shall be able, with
all the greater force, to appeal to those pacific efforts,
when, if we must, we call for the hearty and energetic
assistance of the people of this country in aid of a just
and righteous cause. (Cheers.)
The Earl of MALMESBURY said—The first para-
graph of the speech from the Throne, in reference
to the
Eastern question, seemed to take away any hope that
might have remained of the settlement of that unfortu-
nate affair in a peaceful manner. There were in that
red to him
first paragraph several omissions whioht
aplpace, he must
of an important character. In the
firs
say that it appeared to hint most remarkable that no
mention was made of two 'reit of the three countries
which were in alliance with us in this most important
question, Austria or Prussia. Another omission was
purpose for which the people were to be
that of the real
invited to support an increase of our armaments—the
maintenance, namely, of the independence of Turkey—
whereas the only object assigned in the speech was the
support of her Majesty's representative, and the more
effectually contributing to the restoration of peace. The
only explanation of this omission seemed to be that, in
point of fact, Ministers were not earnest in their eupport
of the independence and integrity of Turkey. Lord
Mahnesbury then complained that the Government had
withheld from their lordships the means of forming an
opinion on their conduct, but had allowed one of the
most important documents in the negotiation to be pub-
lished in the Times, within a fortnight, he said, of the
time when Earl Clarendon refused to produce the reply
of the Government to the second manifesto of Count
Nesselrode, on the ground that its production might
endanger the solution of the question. The paper
in question appeared at full length in the Times
newspaper, and was introduced by the language and
preamble which, by all who knew that newspaper, were
perfectly understood as indicating that it was a sort of
official announcement. The paper was stated to be a
correct version of the noble earl's reply to Count Nessel-
rode's manifesto, an incorrect version having been given
in Some other journal. Now, he (the Earl of Nakao-