The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, APEIL 1, iss4.

great fairness, which were recommended by the four re-
presentatives at Constantinople, were adopted by the Porte,
and transmitted to Vienna as the basis of negotiations.
Upon considering these terms, the representatives of the
four powers at Vienna, including the Minister of Foreign
Affairs of Austria, were entirely agreed with respect. to
their moderation, and they were forwarded to St. Peters-
burg, with a recommendation from the Austrian Govern-
ment, in the name of Austria, and in the name of the other
powers, her allies, requesting the assent of Russia to these
fair terms of peace. The first impression at St. Petersburg
was, that no answer should be given to this request. The
step actually taken was little short of that determination.
It was setting aside all these proposals recommended by
the four powers, to propose other terms, those terms con-
taining in substance the Menschikoff note which the Porte
had originally rejected, and containing, besides, an article,
regarding refugees which had not hitherto been proposed.
The Vienna Conference assembled, and they declared that
these terms were inadmissible. Still Count Buol, anxious
—and to his honour it should be said—anxious for the
preservation of the peace of Europe, suggested to Count
Orloff that other proposals might be made, that prelimi-
naries of peace might be transmitted to Vienna, might be
there considered, might be modified according to the views
of the four powers in conference with the Russian Mini-
ster, and might be transmitted to Constantinople for the
assent of the Sultan. Well, this proposal was not assented
to, but preliminaries were sent—pretended preliminaries
of peace, preliminaries as inadmissible as the former,
although the article referring to the refugees was not
contained in them, and it was not insisted that the Turkish
plenipotentiary should go to St. Petersburg or to the Rus-
sian head quarters, but, in all other respects, terms which
could not have been assented to. Again the conference
rejected these terms as inadmissible, and declared that
they could not transmit them to Constantinople. We
have, then, the agreement, not of England and France, but
of all the four great powers of Europe, that with respect
to this dispute between Russia and Turkey, Turkey has
proposed and is ready to assent to fair and moderato terms
of peace, and that the terms of peace proposed by Russia
are unjust, intemperate, and inadmissible. (Hear, hear.)
I think, sir, after this, considering how much connected
Austria and Prussia have been with Russia now for many
years, that the three northern powers were connected on
many occasions of European difficulty—l think that it will
not be denied that in this contest Turkey must have been
greatly in the right in order to have such an agreement of
the four powers. (Hear, hear.) The moderate proposals
of Turkey on the one side, and the inadmissible proposals
Russia on the other, seemed to preclude all hopes of an
amicable termination of these negotiations. The remain-
ing question was, therefore, whether or not we could any
longer maintain the position which we had maintained—a
position showing our interest in Turkey, and our sympathy
with her in her struggle, but at the same time taking no
active part in her support. Sir, it is obvious that, after the
court of Russia had rejected those terms, it must intend to
prosecute the war, The intelligence we have now received
puts that intention beyond doubt ; but there was moral evi-
dence of it without such intelligence. We therefore con-
sidered with the Government of France what step remained
for us to take. We came to the decision that we might
propose to Russia to evacuate the principalities within a
certain number of days, at the same time informing her that
her refusal to do so would be considered equivalent to a
declaration of war. That step we have taken ; but of course
no one would expect that the Emperor of Russia, having
refused reasonable terms, would yield to a summons so
peremptory. He has declined to give any answer to that
proposal, and it remained for her Majesty and the Emperor
of the French to consider of any other step, and what, re-
mained. They considered that no course but war did re-
main. (Hear, hear.) They considered that, having held
forth a promise of assistance to the Sultan, they were
bound to fulfil that implied promise of aid. They consi-
dered that the safety of Europe depended upon the main-
tenance of the equilibrium of which the integrity and in-
dependence of Turkey form a part. They considered that
it would be impossible to hope to maintain that integrity
and independence if Russia was allowed unchecked and
uninterrupted to impose her own terms upon Turkey. It
was therefore decided by her Majesty's Government at
once to address this house—to advise Majesty to send down
a message to the Houses of Parliament, •and at the same
to issue a declaration of war. That declaration of war has
been issued. We can none of us be insensible to the gravity
and importance of such a declaration—(hear, hear)—we
should all have been glad to avoided it—(hear, hear)—but
I hold that, consistently with our position, consistently
with our duties to Europe, consistently even with lithe
general interests of this country, we cannot permit the
aggrandisement of Russia to take any shape that her arms
might enable it to assume. Sir, there are, I imagine, but
few in this country who think that any other course was
open to us. There are, I know, some who think that this
country might remain altogether apart from the conflicts
of other European nations ; that we might be indifferent
when the independence of a power is assailed, when a
country may be obliterated from the map of Europe, and
some power already great may obtain a fearful preponde-
rance over the others. These persons, indifferent to the
triumph at one time of democracy, at another of despotism,
and to the aggressions that are made in the name of one
or the other, think it right to say, like the philosophical
husbandman of Vigil,
" Illum non populi fasces, non purpura regum
Flexit et insides agitans discordia fratres;
Aut conjurato descenders Dacus ab Istro:
Non res Romanis, perituraque regna."
But we, sir, who are following the maxim which, since the
time of William 111., has governed and actuated the coun-
cils of this country—we who have believed that we have a
part in the great question of the liberties and independence
of Europe—we who believe that preponderance cannot
safely be allowed to any one power—we who believe it is
our duty to throw our weight into the scale in these con-
flicts—we who have seen our country rise to power, rise to
reputation, rise, I may also say, in moral greatness, by the
assertion and maintenance of those doctrines—we who have
seen the country support burdens and incur sacrifices in the
maintenance of these maxims—maxims which I believe to
be connected not only with your honour and your dignity,
but with your very safety as a nation—we are not prepared
to abandon our position in Europe, and we ask you, by
agreeing to the address of to-night, to be firmly prepared
to maintain it. Sir, I may be asked two questions, sup-
posing that the house is prepared to assent to this address
—questions which I will not deny the privilege of any mem-
ber to ask—to which I should be glad if I could give full
and satisfactory answers, but to which I can only give
such answers as my duty will permit. I may be asked in
the first place, with what allies are we about to undertake
this contest? Now, sir, in the first place, we have, as I have
repeatedly assured the house, acted throughout these trans-
actions, we are acting in this last and final step, which ends
negotiation and begins war, in cordial concurrence with
France. I have not been able to lay upon the table any
formal agreement. We had proposed a formal agreement to
France ; in the then state of affairs, another form of agree-
ment was thought by the French Government to be pre-
ferable—that was only a provisional agreement, and there-
fore I cannot lay anything in the shape of a convention
before the house ; but the two Governments are agreed
that their concurrence should be put in the shape of a con-
vention, and I hope before long to lay a formal instrument
of that nature upon the table_ (Hear, hoar.) Buis while I
say this with respect to a formal document, the house may
rest assured that with regard to the spirit of the agreement,
with regard to friendly intercourse, with regard to frank
communication, no two Governments were ever more allied
than the Governments of England and France are at this
moment. Then, sir, we have to consider the position of
those other two powers with whom we have agreed in the
negotiations—with whom we have agreed, not only in tile
protocols that have been signed, but so far that the Go-
vernments, both of Austria and Prussia, recommended to
the Emperor of Russia to accede to the terms that were
proposed, and to evacuate the principalities at our demand.
But, sir, I must say that I can add but little to the state-
ment I made on a former occasion—that while it is per-
fectly clear to us what the interests of these great German
powers demand, we have no document, no formal agree-
ment that we can lay before the house, or even an assurance
that these two powers will take part in the war against
Russia. At the same time, the communications made
by the Emperor of Austria and his Government have been
most frank and direct. They have expressed an entire
agreement with us as to the necessity of maintaining the
independence and integrity of Takes,- ; but when we asked,
as I think we were bound to ask, some short time ago,
what, in case of a rupture, would be the conduct of Aus-
tria, the answer of Austria for the moment was of a satis-
factory nature. It reserved an application to the Govern-
ment of Prussia, and my belief is that if the Government
of Prussia had acceded to the views of Austria, I should
have been able now to make a most satisfactory communi-
cation to the house. It did not appear to the Prussian Go-
vernment that they could accede to our proposals, The
Prussian Government has stated to the world its views
upon this subject. I must say, those views at present
seem to me to be too narrow. (Hear, hear.) I had al ways
thought that Prussia was a European power—l had always
considered her as one of the principal powers of Europe ;
but in the document to which I refer, allusion is made
only to Getman interests, and tht duties of Prussia to-
wards Germany, and there is no allusion whatever to her
duties towards Europe. I trust, however, that a short
time may bring us communications of another kind. I
cannot but think that if Prussia means to maintain her
position in Europe, distinguished as she has been distin-
guished as she is, both in arts and in arms, she can hardly
allow that the disturbance of the balance of power of Eu-
rope, and the immense aggrandisement of Russia which
would ensue, can be matter of indifference to Germany,
still less to Europe. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, I state the
case to the house as it is—that negotiations are still going
on, and that even the passage of the Danube by the Rus-
sian troops has not brought from Austria an immediate
declaration that she will be in arms to oppose Russian
aggression. I have stated that I think she would have
been so prepared were it not for an apprehension that,
Prussia not concurring in her course, danger might sur-
round her if she proceeded to that step; but I repeat
again that which I have always thought with respect to
this subject—that it is impossible that this war should
proceed, and that the great German powers should not feel
that it is their bounden duty—that it is their interest,
fully as much as it is the interest of England, to assert
their independence, and to check this unjust and unprin-
cipled attempt. (Hear, hear.) Such, sir, is my belief—
such is my hope on this subject. The other question
which may be asked of us is with regard to what we ex-
pect as the object and termination of the war. (Hear.)
Now, air, I have said that I can state no more than that
which I consider it my duty to state, and I consider that
I should be departing from that duty—grossly departing
from that duty—if I at all restricted the Government of
England from at any time assenting to terms of peace
which that Government thought honourable and just.
For my part, I should not think any terms hononrable
and just that did not provide for the security of the
Turkish empire ; but with regard to the manner in which
that security is to be provided, we all know what are the
chances and contingencies of war, we all know how quickly
the aspect of Europe may change from one month to an-
other, and I think it would not be right, it would be a
course not only wanting in prudence, but in justice to the
people of this country, if I were to specify the details of
any terms that were to be procured as the terms upon
which peace would be concluded. (Hear, and cheers.)
This house well knows that if terms were agreed to which
it should think insecure and dishonourable, this house has
it in its power to rebuke and censure the Ministers who
should make such peace. This power has been exercised
—whether wisely or not is not the question—but this
power has been exercised, and the Ministers who signed a
peace censured by this houso were driven from office for
agreeing to such terms of peace. I think the house may
be satisfied to leave the question in this position—that,
having taken up arms from necessity, for the sake of sup-
porting an ally, our first object must be resistance to the
aggressor and protection to the ally, and that we shall
continue in arms so long as that ally is threatened by his
formidable opponent. I know not, therefore, sir, that I
can add anything to the statement which I have made in
respect to the course which these negotiations have taken
with respect to the causes of the war and to its object.
That object is plain and simple. An ally, one of the powers
whose integrity and independence :are sanctioned by the
public law of Europe has had his provinces assailed and
endangered, and is required to sign dishonourable terms

of peace as the price of the evacuation of these provinces.
He refuses to agree to these terms which he considers dis-
honourable ; we go to his support in resisting that aggres-
sion. We have already agreed to a convention with Tur-
key, a convention which, not being ratified, I am sorry
that I cannot lay before the house, but which provides that
Turkey shall not make peace without the concurrence and
consent of England and France. The convention does not
contain—l think it would have been very wrong if it had
contained—any stipulation with regard to the internal
Government of Turkey. (Loud cries of "Hear.") We
have proposed no such convention to the Porte. We
have proposed to her a convention in the nature of a mili-
tary convention, and which, when it is laid upon the
table of the house, I think will be sanctioned by the ap-
proval of the house as well as of the country. Well,
then, I leave the case as it at present stands in the hands
of this house, fully convinced that the great majority of
this house have at heart the honour and greatness of this
country • that they will all lament, as I do, that the ne-
cessity Of war should be brought to us, but convinced
also that they will not be disposed to shrink from a con-
test which is honourable to us, and which I trust will
end in securing the independence of our ally. The noble
lord concluded, amid loud and continued cheering, by
moving the following draught of an address :
"Most Gracious Sovereign,—We, your Majesty's most
dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament as-
sembled, beg leave to return to your Majesty our humble
thanks for your Majesty's most gracious message, and
for the communication of the several papers which
have been laid before us in obedience to your Ma-
jesty's command. We assure your Majesty of the just
sense we entertain of your Majesty's anxious and uniform
endeavours to preserve to your people the blessings of peace,
and of our perfect confidence in your Majesty's disposition
to terminate the calamities of war whenever that object
can be accomplished consistently with the honour
of your Majesty's Crown and the interests of your
people. That we have observed with deep concern that
your Majesty's endeavours have been frustrated by the spirit
of aggression displayed by the Emperor of Russia, in his
invasion and continued occupation of the provinces of Wal-
lachia and Moldavia—in the rejection of equitable terms of
peace, proposed under the sanction of the four principal
powers of Europe—and in the preparation of immense
forces to support his unjust pretensions. These preten-
sions appear to us, your faithful Commons, subversive of
the independence of the Turkish empire ; and we feel that
the trust
,reposed in us demands on our part a firm deter-
mination,. h co-operate with your Majesty in a vigorous
resistance to the projects of a Sovereign, whose further
aggrandisement would be dangerous to the independence
of Europe."
Mr. LAYARD might say most unfeignedly that no man
in that house had listened on morethan one occasion to the
noble lord the member for the city of London with more
pleasure, with more satisfaction,,indeed, he might say, on
some occasions, with more enthusiasm, than he himself had
done; and if the noble lord would not think him presump-
tuous, he would say that on the three occasions upon which
the noble lord had addressed the house upon this most
momentous question they had heard speeches worthy of
the occasion, worthy of the noble lord's great reputation,
and worthy of a Minister who ought to have, at such a
moment, the affairs of this country under his direction.
(Hear.) He had listened to the sentiments so nobly ex-
pressed upon all these occasions with a pleasure which
would be unmixed were there not other considera-
tions at the same time forced upon him. He (Mr.
Layard) was bound to inquire whether these sentiments
were the individual sentiments of the noble lord,
or whether they were the sentiments of the Ministry with
whom ho was acting. He was bound to ask whether, at
this moment, in another place, the noble earl at the head
of the Government was not expressing sentiments, if not
diametrically opposed, at least very strangely at variance
with the sentiments which they had just heard in this
house. He was bound to ask whether the right hon.
gentlemen on the very bench occupied by the noble lord
participated in that noble lord's sentiments. He regretted
to say there were good grounds for his asking that ques-
tion, and, were there not, he should not have obtruded
himself on the attention of the house on the present occa-
sion. Ho felt the solemn responsibility under which he
spoke at the present moment, but, at the same time, he
had a duty to perform from which he could not flinch.
When a man was convinced that he had a right course to
pursue, and did not pursue it, then it almost invariably
happened that he found cause for regret. He made this
remark, because under similar circumstances to the pre-
sent he, last year, yielded to the advice of those in whom
he had great confidence, and at the request of the Govern-
ment refrained from pressing on the question relative to
Turkey and Russia. He, however, now solemnly believed
that the discussion of the question at that time might have
evoked an expression of opinion in that house and the
country, which, perhaps, would have gone far to prevent
the unfortunate result to which the negotiations had now
led. (Hear.) At nearly the beginning of the session it
was his painful duty to review the conduct of the Mini-
sters in regard to the Eastern question. He disagreed to-
tally with their policy, and he felt also that that policy
was carried on in a way not worthy of the diplomatists
and statesmen of this country. At the conclusion of his
speech on that occasion, he stated that if the Government
would only adopt a policy which he (Mr. Layard) believed
to be equal to the occasion and worthy of the circum-
stances in which the country was placed, then he would
give the Government his most cordial though humble
support. Since that period, however, circumstances had
materially altered. Documents of an important na-
ture, which had thrown an entirely new light on
these transactions, had been published ; and he, there-
fore, felt bound at the present moment to recur to
the subject. Upon the occasion to which he had
just alluded he was taunted with not bringing some
definite question before the house, and therefore he would
at once state what it was his intention to do. He would
be the last man, on such an occasion as the present, to pro-
pose any amendment or take any step which might in the
slightest degree impede the general expression of loyalty to
her Most Gracious Majesty, or have a tendency to show
that this country was not united as one man in supporting
the Crown in the struggle about to commence. (Hear.)
But if it should be the feeling of the house, after what he
should state to them, that the conduct of the Ministers
should form the subject of a Parliamentary inquiry or dis-
cussion, he, humble as he was, should not shrink from the
duty thus imposed on him, and he should be ready to ask
the Ministers to fix an early day on which the matter
might be brought forward. (Hear.) The noble lord had
stated that the papers on the table had been so often dis-
cussed that it was scarcely of any use to recur to them.
It was very true that the papers first laid before Parlia-
ment had been discussed, but nothing had as yet been said
with respect to the most important papers subsequently
laid on the table of the house. He believed that those
documents would go far to prove the justice of the views
he should submit to the house when those papers should
come under discussion. In 1829 the noble earl, now at the
head of the Government, was Minister for Foreign Affairs
in this country. At that period, as at the present moment,
Russia was engaged in a war with Turkey. The troops of
Russia succeeded in crossing the Balkan, and the Porte
was obliged to make a disastrous treaty' with General
Diebitsch. The noble earl at the head of the Government
claimed, within the last few days, the honour of framing
that treaty on which was mainly based the pretension
which Russia put forward for privileges and rights in re-
spect to the Greek population in Turkey. (Hear.) In
1842 the same noble earl was at the Foreign-office, and at
that time a most important revolution took place in Ser-
via, the governor of that country being expelled in con-
sequence of Russian intrigues. The Porte at that time
had the undoubted right to confirm the nomination
of the prince of that country, and to perform other
acts, but Russia upset that order of things. France
at that time was willing to go along with this coun-
try, but the noble earl now at the head of the Go-
vernment, approved the conduct of Russia, abetted
that Power in all its acts, and made the most extraordi-
nary statement, to which he had alluded on a former occa-
sion, that Russia had a right to put her own construction
on her own treaties,—an assertion which would justify
fully and completely every step taken by Russia in the
present war. (Hear, hear.) In 1844, when the noble earl
was again at the Foreign-office, it was not surprising that
the Emperor of Russia should have visited this country,
and taken the opportunity of proposing to the Government
of this country a scheme which was part. o.f the hereditary
t obfettlliveeeEn mhpime-
rpeorliceyf oßfußssuiassiagreementThe vis
and her Majesty's Government, which agreement had now
been laid on the table of the house. It was not now the
endeda
time to discuss that agreement, but it contained some
monstrous propositions, involving all the principles now
contended for by the Emperor of Russia ; for it was stated
that the policy of Russia and England would be to main-
tain the existence of Turkey as long as possible • but in
case it should be foreseen that the fall of Turkey must
come to pass, then that the two countries should enter into
a previous concert relating to a new order of things. He
did not know whether that memorandum was accepted as
a true statement in this country; but it so happened that
near the beginning of last year a change took place in the
Government of this country, and the noble earl (Aberdeen)
found himself at the head of the Administration. The
moment the Emperor received intelligence of this change
of Government he renewed those proposals which he had
opened in a former visited to this country. (Hear, hear.)
He (Mr. Layard) intreated the attention of the house to
very important documents laid on the table, because he
wished to show the extraordinary divergence of opinion
then and now existing between different members of the
Government. The first proposal was made on the 11th of
January, 1853. The Emperor of Russia congratulated Sir
H. Seymour on the return to office of a nobleman for whom
he felt a great regard, and had had an intimate acquaint-
ance with for 40 years, and almost in the very next
breath was mentioned the plan for the partition of
Turkey. (Hear, hear.) It was not explained very dis-
tinctly on that occasion, but it was a few days after
brought to Sir H. Seymour's notice in plain and
positive terms. Sir H. Seymour in communicating
this extraordinary proposition to the Government,
pointed out very ably the dilemma in which the Go-
vernment would be placed if they received the proposition
or took no notice of it. In the one case, he observed, they
would be called on to take part in the proceeding, and in
the other they would have it imputed to them that they
had tacitly sanctioned the policy of the Russian Emperor.
That despatch was received in England on the 6th of Feb.
last year, and on the 9th of Feb., three days after, the date
was important, the noble lord who had just spoken return-
ed an answer, which, though perhaps not equal to what
might have been expected, was quite sufficient to make the
Emperor of Russia believe that the English Government
could not entertain his proposal. Consequently, in the
next despatch from St. Petersburg, it was, stated that the
Emperor was very sorry to see that the English Government
would not listen to his proposal, but shortly afterwards Sir
Marchl(Ba 53,
H. Seymour had a most important and interestin._,, inter-
view with the Emperor. On that occasion the Emperor
explained his views very fully on the subject, and made an
offer in order to induce the English Government to join in
his nefarious project, Sir 11. Seymour lost no time in send-
ing to England an account of this interview, but, though a
form or despatch
ohadtheab
beenine
t answered
untilthe 13
within
th
three
1
° t answer was returned to this despatch for 19 days,
nor was
no
itsubmitted
be-
ing 7 days after its receipt. But what did the noble earl,
naiPe Secretary for Foreign Affairs, say in answer to that
despatch ? Instead of rejecting the proposal, as the noble
lord his predecessor had done, the noble earl began his de-
spatch by stating—

" I need not assure you that the opinions of his Imperial
Majesty have received from her Majesty's Government the
anxious and deliberate consideration that their importance de-
mands; and although her Majesty's Government feel compel-
led to adhere to the principles and thepolicylaid down in Lord
J. Russell's despatch of the 9th Feb., yet they gladly comply
with the Emperor's wish that the subject should be further
and frankly discussed."

When the Emperor received this intimation, he expressed
real and sincere satisfaction—and no wonder. (Hear.) The
result was, that that memorandum to which he (Mr. Lay-
ard) had referred, and which he conceived did contain da-
maging admissions, was presented, (Hear,) Ile had heard in

that house some talk of a policy of connivance or credulity.
As an Englishman ho should revolt at the appearance of
connivance, but the circumstances of the case were so ex-
traordinary that he could not understand them, unless it
was that, as there was two opinions in the Cabinet, there
had been both connivance and credulity, and that out of
that unnatural union was begot the bastard policy which
had brought the country to war. (Hear, hear.) He wai
going to refer to the 'Times newspaper, but not for the
opinions of that journal, because if there was any opinions,
he might quote them on all sides from hour to hour; but
when be found the opinions expressed there were those of
two members of her Majesty's Government, an importance
attached to them which could not be denied. (Hear, hear.)
This was a momentous question, and he did not wish to
exaggerate it, but he would undertake to prove that these
secret and confidential• despatches were communicated, if
not the very day after their arrival, at least two or three
days after, and furnished materials for leading articles in
the Times. They were not communicated by any clerk in
the Foreign-office, because they could not at the time have
gone beyond the knowledge of one or two members of the
Government of this country. (Opposition cheers.) There
were, however, evidently men in this country endeavour-
ing to bring the country to consent to the nefarious tran-
saction to which he had alluded. In February and March,
last year, there appeared an extraordinary series of articles
in the Times newspaper, declaring that the time for the
dismemberment of the Turkish empire had arrived, and
that it was necessary to take into consideration whether
some arrangement could not be come to relative to the
partition of that country. He remembered being particu-
larly struck with those articles, which came out without
any purpose that he could make out, nothing having oc-
curred to lead to them ; but when these secret papers be-
came known, he recognised in them expressions which had
appeared in the articles published in the Times. Together
with a member of that house—a dispassionate man, but
not agreeing in his (Mr. Layard's) views—he referred to
the Times, and, to their astonishment, they found, in an
article published in the commencement of last year, the
very same words used by Lord Clarendon in one of these
despatches. If this were so, the question was one of
the utmost importance, for the interests of the empire
were at stake if the secrets of . the Cabinet, which could
not be divulged to the House of Commons, were to be made
use of to defeat the friends of the true interests of the
country, who were struggling to maintain its interests as
well as the interests of Europe. (Cheers from the Oppo-
sition.) The first of these secret despatches was received
in this country on 23d Jan., 1853, and on the 26th of the
same month appeared in the Times the first of those articles
to which he had referred. The next despatch was received
on 6th Feb., 1853, and on the 11th of the same month,
four days afterwards, there appeared an extraordinary
article in the Times, from which he would now quote. In
one part of the article it was stated—
" We do not suppose that it is the intention or the policy
of Russia to accelerate a catastrophe in the East, and the good
offices of this country will again be employed to lessen the
perils of a situation which is becoming critical. We cannot,
however, forget that the attempt to prolong the brutal and
decrepit authority of the Turks in Europe is purchased by
the surrender of fine provinces and a large Christian popula-
tion to barbarous misgovernment ; and we shall rejoice when
civilisation and Christianity are able to repair the injuries of
' the Ottoman conquest."
Again, it was stated in the Times on 23d Feb., 1853, after
various comments on the exhausted state of Turkey :
" With the utmost political cadacity, with a total want of
ability and integrity in the men who are still its rulers, with
a declining Mussulman population, and an exhausted trea
sury, the Porte unites, as if by way of derisory contrast, a
dominion over some of the most fertile regions, the finest
ports, and the most enterprising and ingenious people of
southern Europe. . • It is hard to comprehend how so
great a positive evil can have been so long defended by poli-
ticians as a relative good ; and, though we are not insensible
to the difficulties attending any change in the territories of
so huge an empire, we are disposed to view with satis-
faction rather than with alarm the approach of a period"
--How did the Times knew the period was approaching I—
" when it will be impossible to prolong the domination of
such a Government as that of the Porte over such a
country as that which is now subject to its authority.
Perhaps that period is less distant than is commonly sup-
posed ; and it may be the part of wise statesmen to provide
against such a conjuncture, which it is beyond their power
indefinitely to postpone. We do not believe, and we do not
mean to imply, that any combination of Austria and Russia,
hostile to the territorial claims of the Ottoman empire, is now
in existence, or is likely to be formed without the knowledge
of the other European Powers. We have strong grounds to
believe"—When the Times says that, we know what it means
—" that Prince Menschikoff is sent from St. Potersburgh
to Constantinople upon a special embassy, for the express pur-
pose of declaring, in the name of the Emperor Nicholas, that
as head of the Greek church he cannot submit, or allow the
Eastern church to submit, to the conditioni of the firman
recently obtained by the French ambassador with reference to
the Holy Shrines in the Land."
Now, the first intimation of Prince Menschikoff's mis-
sion was contained in Sir H. Seymour's despatches, re-
ceived February 14 and February 21. , It was important
to observe that on the 6th of March, 1853, arrived the
despatch giving the whole of the Emperor of Russia's plan
for the partitioß of Turkey. The answer to it, as he had
before said, was not returned before the 23d of March, and
no Cabinet Council was held until the 13th of March,
though certain members of the Government had seven days
previously received the Emperor's proposal. That proposal
was not submitted to their colleagues till the 13th of
March, but it had been previously submitted to the Times,
for on the 7th of March, the morning following the receipt
of the despatch, which then could not have been known
to more than two or three members of the Cabinet, and
which could not then have been seen by any clerk in the
Foreign-office, there appeared a particular article in the
Times. (Hear, hear.) The article said, among other
things, that
" The state of the Turkish empire and the relations of the
European Powers to the East are subjects on whieh it may
be useful for reflecting politicians and the independent press
to form and express opinions, though the consummation to
which these opinions point be still unwelcome and remote.
Statesmen, bound to transact the business of the day, and to
recognise at every turn the obligations of what is called State
necessity, are restrained within narrower limits, and would
probably be unable to give effect to any novel and original con-
ception, if it had not previously been entertained by the mind
and reason of the public."
He entreated the noble lord to mark the words which fol-
lowed, for they referred to the objection which he had
offered :

" We are therefore !by no means surprised that, in ad-
verting to the differences which have lately taken place in
Turkey, especially on its European frontiers, Lord John
Russell should have expressed his dissent from the opinions
which have been recently put forward on this subject, and
should have repeated in his place in Parliament, speaking
under the weight of official responsibility, the old story of
the integrity and independence of the Ottoman empire. We
ourselves, however, are not affected by similar considera-
tions." e
How did the writer know that the noble lord dissented ?
(Hear, hear.) The article proceeded :
"We do not, therefore, concur in the opinion of Lord J.
Russell, that no greater calamity could occur to Europe at
the present time than the necessity of considering what
ought to be done in such a case as the dismemberment of
that empire. It would, we think, be a far greater cala-
mity"—mark these words, because they occur in the Em-
peror's communication—" that the dismemberment com-
menced before any such consideration took place." Again,
he asked the house to mark these words, because they oc -
cur in the Emperor of Russia's communication. Why
this remark about the dismemberment having commenced,
was that the Emperor told us himself. The article went
on to say :—" And here we must be allowed to express
our surprise that any statesman should, for an instant,
confound the policy which it might be proper to pursue in
the event of a dissolution of the Turkish empire with that
which led to the partition of Poland." The next article
appeared on March the 10th ; and what does it say ? I
will give you the exact words :—Prince Menschikoff
arrives in a more strictly diplomatic capacity, and we
have reason to believe"—the hotise knows what that means
(Laughter) " we have reason to believe that his instruction
are more conciliatory than those of Count Leiningen." Now
I find that on March the 6th, in the despatch of Sir H.
Seymour, sent to the Earl of Clarendon it is said :
" His Excellency (Count Nesselrode) wished to assure me
that the instructions with which Prince Menschikoff would
be provided were of a conciliatory nature." No Cabinet
Council was held till the 19th, when the dispatch received
on the 9th was discussed and an answer returned on the
23d March. That answer commenced with the following
words :—" Although her Majesty's Government feel com-
pelled to adhere to the principles and the policy laid down
in Lord John Russell's despatch of the 9th of February, yet
they gladly comply with the Emperor's wish that the sub-
ject should be further and frankly discussed." To the hon-
our of the British press, although it could not command
that brilliant and epigrammatic pen which almost shook a
colonial minister from his place, it rejected with indigna-
tion the nefarious proposal that the Times wished it to ad-
vocate. Well, after the appeal of the nines to the public
mind, we have, the very same clay after the despatch that
had been kept back from the Cabinet Council for seven
days was sent to St. Petersburg, we have it announcing
that the proposition for the partition of Turkey had failed—
(Murmurs.) I would read all the articles on this subject,
and if I did it would only add to the strength of my case ;
but surely, surely—(a laugh)—no man in this house will
tell me, after what I have read, that the person who wrote
those articles' was not acquainted with these despatches.
Well, putting aside the charge against the person who made
these communications to the newspapers, I ask what must
have been the effect of these articles in Russia, where the
greatest care is taken to examine every shade of opinion in
this country ? -Again, do you think that Baron Brunow
was not aware of these conversations between Sir H. Say •
mour and.the Emperor of Russia, and of what passed at
St. Petersburg,h abd what must have been his surprise to
find almosrevery 'day after the receipt of these despatches
that the information and opinions contained in them were
re-echoed by the Times? (Hear, hear) I may be told that
after all,ialthough this information is of such a nature as
almost to 'preclude any doubt as to its origin, that it is
only evidence of a mere coincidence. I confess, sir, that
no doubt whatever remains upon my mind. Mark, I am
now endeavouring to show that there were two parties then
in the Cabinet, and that there are two parties now, and
that these discordant elements have been trying to counte-
ract the influence of each other, and that one of these par-
ties wishes to pursue a policy which I, and I believe the
country, most completely concur in. (Hear.) A very
curious thing occurs with regard to the speech of the Earl
of Clarendon, on the 25th of April last, in the House of
Lords, when the Marquis of Clanricarde asked a question
with reference to the alarm that had been excited at Con-
stantinople by the demands of Prince Menschikoff. The
noble earl said, after he had received all these despatches,
secret and otherwise—"lt is not for me to say that the
Emperor of Russia is to be blamed for not keeping the
public informed with regard to his envoy's proceedings.
There is no disguise on the part of the Emperor with re-
spect to his embassy at Constantinople, and no hesitation
in answering our questions. I can only say that her
as
Ma-
jesty's Government feels precisely the same confidence_.
my noble friend in the honour and integrity of the
Em-
peror of Russia." This was after all these secret commu-
nications ; and the noble earl added—" Exaggeratedi re-
ports of recent events have been circulated during the last
four days which are calculated to excite alarm, but your
lordships will be pleased to hear that her Majesty's Go-
vernment have recently received a despatch from Lord
Stratford, dated on the day after his arrival at Constan-
tinople, in which he states that he has great'reason to be-
lieve that the views of all parties upon the question are
such as to ensure a satisfactory result." Now, I want to
allude to a very extraordinary fact. The date of the de-
spatch has been changed. But I suppose there is some ex-
planation of the circumstance; but the Earl of Clarendon
made a mistake, and more than that, he deceived the
country. Does Lord Stratford de Redcliffe assert that all
parties believe that the disputes between Turkey and
Russia will be brought to a very satisfactory conclusion ?
Ha says the very contrary. I suppose it was the despatch
that Lord Stratford sent on the day of his arrival at Con-
atautinopla that Lord Clarendvu meant to quote, but he j

certainly quoted the despatch received on the day after he
made his speech. The despatch written on the day of
Lord Stratford's arrival consisted only of half a dozen
lines, and was written before he could have had an oppor-
tunity of seeing anybody. Well, (lid the despatch justify
Lord Clarendon in the confidence he expressed ? After
announcing his arrival that day, he says :2—" I have
only to add that while the Turkish minister intimated a
strong sense of anxiety and alarm as to the eventual in-
tentions of Russia, the impressions of the Austrian lega-
tion, founded on the language of the Russian ambassador,
are favourable to the .existence of moderate views on the
part of that power, and to a friendly solution of the pend-
ing question." I ask what must Russia have thought,
what must have Baron Brunow thought ? Why, that
there was a party in the Cabinet who were screening him
and his Government—a party keeping the country in the
(lark. (Hear, hear). There was a very remarkable fact :
whilst all this was going on, on the 22(1 of March, Lord
Clarendon, writing to Lord Cowley, expresses his regret
and condemns the French Government for sending their
fleet, and says that her Majesty's Government were dis-
posed to place reliance on the Emperor of Russia and in his
solemn assurances that he would uphold the Turkish em-
pire, and that if any change took place in his intentions,
he (the Emperor) would communicate it to her Majesty's
Government without reserve. And'yet her Majesty's Go-
vernment had received all these secret despatches. He
goes on to say :—" No such communication having been
made, her Majesty's Government were bound to believe,
until they had proofs to the contrary, that the mission of
Prince Menschikoff was not of a character menacing to the
independence and integrity of Turkey." On the 23d of
March he says, writing to Sir H. Seymour—" Her Ma-
jesty's Government have felt no alarm, and have not
shared the apprehensions which the facts above alluded to
(the reports current about Prince Menschikoff's mission,
he.) might appear to justify, for on more than one occa-
sion they had received personal assurances from the Em-
peror of Russia that it was his determination to maintain
the independence of the Turkish empire, &c." Thus jus-
tifying the whole proceedings of Russia, and screening
her. I may be told that, although the despatches just
published show grounds for distrust in Russia, yet that
the assurances in the secret despatches given by the Em-
peror, on the word of a "gentleman," were such as to re-
move all apprehensions. But I find in the secret de'
spatches, as well as in the public, that Sir H. Seymour re-
peatedly warns the Government of the double-dealing of
Russia—warns them that she is preparing the dis-
solution of Turkey. The word " fradulent" has
been used with regard to the conduct of
the Emperor of Russia ; and if I had not seen these secret
despatches, I should have said his conduct was fraudu-
lent. But I do not wish to screen the Czar, and I say that
he has been guilty of gross fraud. But then that is the
policy of his country, and a policy that has been pursued
by Russia for years, and almost for centuries, as every-
body who knows anything of the policy of Russia must be
well aware. But what I complain of is this misleading of
the public in a solemn manner before the most august as-
sembly in this country, the House of Lords, and the put-
ting forward of opinions directly contrary to' the facts. I
will not press the same argument from the conduct of the
Government during the recess, when greater latitude s
perhaps used, and things said" i
that a Minister would not
always like afterwards to be bound by. But I remember
reading the speeches delivered by the noble lord (Lord J.
Russell) in Scotland, and by the rightjhon. gentleman the
Chancellor of the Exchequer in Manchester. The noble
lord's speech led everybody to believe that the integrity
and independence of Turkey would be maintained, but the ,
right hon. gentleman expressed a diametrically opposite
opinion ; and there was the greatest difficulty in coil et-
ing what was the policy of the Government. Here then
were the eminent members of the Government giving
opinions of a diametrically opposite nature on a question
of the most momentous importance. I might continue this
line of observation up to the present moment. Her Ma-
jesty's speech at the beginning of the session was a docu-
ment almost unworthy of the occasion. It spoke of the
quarrel as if it involved no. great principle ; but the noble
lord (Lord J. Russell), in the debate upon the address,
made a speech to which I listened with intense plea-
sure, and I thought after all it was perhaps better not to
place in the mouth of the Sovereign any strong expres-
sions of opinion, and that the noble lord's speech was to be
taken as indicating what the Royal speech meant. There-
fore, I do not rise to move any amendment or make any
remarks on the address. But my astonishment was 11W
bounded when I found that thenoble earl at the head of the
Government, in another place, had quite different language
—stating that we were at peace—that he hoped to maintain
peace—and that peace was the policy of the Government.
The true policy of a great country
,was neither peace nor
war, but the maintenance of its honour and its interests.
Similar declarations were made by the Premier at the
Mansion-house and elsewhere about a policy of peace. (-4'
laugh.) But the question was—were we at war ? If one
noble lord says we are at war, and another noble lord sale
we are at peace, who are we to believe ? Ido not want to
hear any inflated proclamation • but let the-people of Eng'
land be told plainly that they have great interests at stake,
and tell them what we are going to war for Let them
know that this is a question not only of eivilisTtion, but of
our material interests, and that if it is not taken up noe4
it will have to be taken up by and by, and that in the
meantime it may lead to disasters which nothing that We
can do will be able to avert. (Hear, hear.) Early in the
session, when I expressed my opinion of the mismanagement
of this great question by her. Majesty's Government, the
right hon. gentleman at the head of the Admiralty got ttP
and admitted all that I had said. He said, "It is veil
true we may have been vacillating ; but see what we hale
I
done ? Why, we have got Austria and Prussia with us. ;
(Hear.) That was the triumphankresult of all their too'
porising. But where are Austria and Prussia now ? What
has the noble lord told us to-night ? No man can coup
upon the armed neutrality of Austria, which means no'
thing at all. (Hear, and a laugh.) But were we everjug'
tified in believing that Austria would join with us. In the
memorandum of 1844, long before Austria was under her
present obligations to Russia, the Emperor of Russia said,
that between Russia and Austria there exists already an
entire conformity of principle with regard to the affairs of
Turkey. This is repeated distinctly in two, or three, of
four clespatches.of Sir H. Seymour's, in all of which he teal
us that he (inspects there exists a distinct understanding be,'
tween Russia and the Austrian Government. I believe suet
an understanding existed as early as 1842 between Austria
and Russia; with regard to the manner in which thef
would jointly deal with the Turkish empire. And what have
we got now? In one of the last despatches that have been
placed on the table, which is very important in solerespects, I find a most extraordinary paragraph :—lt is toI
this effect :—" I wrote on the 18th of last month abort
these measures (the accumulation by Austria of forces gee
the Turkish frontier), upon which tranquilising assurances
were given to the Porte that they were not of a hostile
nature, but were intended to preserve the frontier from iv'
suit and to prevent the contagion of insurrection frole
spreading; and that even if armed intervention on the
part of Austria became indispensable, it would be carrie;
out with a firm intention to preserve, in all respects, tlt
status quo of existing treaties between Russia and the
,
Porte." I ask the Government, have they agreed to airy
such proposal ? (Hear, hear.) Are we, I ask, to go I'l
war to restore old treaties' and the status quo ? (Hear'
Is that the understanding we have entered into with Al;
tria ? (Hear, hear.) But observe the dangers into whie,,,
this divergence of opinion has led us. If it were merely
confined to debates in the Cabinet, it might be all ver.f t
well; but look to the state we are in with regard to 0„,.`" 1
preparations for war. (Hear, hear.) In making these 7,
marks I make them with a deep sense of the responsibili" I
that I incur in making them ; but I can state, for infortedr
tion I have received within the last two hours, that in Cr,:
stantinople no adequate preparations have been msel
Not a sack of corn has been got, not a horse has been g° i
to assist in the moving of the troops. (Hear) Andt:.
Malta we are told that the troops are living fourteen
gather in a small and miserable garret, not fit for the
commodation of one or two men. (Hear.) From the
counts that have arrived, we find there are small cano,
tents, in which fourteen or fifteen men are living togetlieto
Why, I ask, should they expose fine men, with prospe 0
no way brilliant, to the damp and dew. (Hear.) The •
an account is given of the rain falling upon the Ilig,a
lenders, and how they are suffering; and it is asked if the;,,
be no ordnance or hospital board to see how these men 9,,,e
lodged ? Then look to the fleet. Every day I see in
~.",t
papers that the fleet is at Beycos Bay. (A laugh.) NST'of
I ask, is the fleet doing at'Beycos. (Hear.) We hes(„J
the Russian fleet going out to sea, and landing troops ai'',o
stores on the Circassian coast. It is true we are told e;rt
that they are not at sea ; but then we have heard a ren°lo
that the men have left the forts—that the Russian P
0
have been set on fire—that, very wisely, they have taltet
away from them the garrisons that would become an en
prey; and more than that we are told that they have lanu'l
troops and stores our , while fleet is at Beycos Bay. The°o
am told that our fleet have no coals. Why, they have bej,l
lying there these two months doing nothing, and why sho f
they remain for two months without coals. (Hear.) %,
said, on a former occasion, that we should have some ee
planation about Sinope, and the right hon. gentleman ,'d
First Lord of the Admiralty on that occasion contradio of
me when I said that under the instructions of the 8t11,43
October the fleet could have acted. I say now they ovot
have acted under those instructions; and if they could 1301
have acted under them, I ask why the Government toles
that we should have an explanation ? (Hear.) I see a
in
spatch which contains a communication that was made it
the British Minister at Constantinople to the 0tt00,04
Secretary of State, to whom he puts categorical questieof
respecting the fortifications at ISinope, and the sending p
the fleets there. It is rather curious language to use t,„°e
Prime Minister. He asks the Prime Minister for infoll'd
tion on these subjects—he asks to be fully informed •m
these points ; and begs, if Reschid Pacha cannot give 'o{o
the required information at once, that he will take sterol',
get it. I want to know where after that coramuniopoo
is the independence of Turkey? He asks who is to bl:oet
for sending the fleets there ; but (lid that justify our Poo
remaining in the Bosphorus while the Turkish fleet 'er
destroyed? He asks who sent the Turkish fleet to Sio°Joa;
but that is not what wo want to know ; we want to 1010'
why ourjleet (lid not prevent the massacre at Silad
Brit what has been the consequence of all this delay ? ,e'V
Russians are crossing the Danube. (Hear.) The isoP- of
ance of the position of sKalafat is misunderstood—it j-4/4,
prevent them getting at Servia, for if they g° ale
political as well as of military importance. It is imPt° to
ant to
may raise an insurrection. The Russians Servia they
bound to keep a large army at ICalafat, for if it be ellecoti'
fully attacked, and if they defeat Omer Paeha, ConsOtee
It is stated that we are going to eas),;',V
nople will be in the hands of the Russians in three Int tie
at G ll' '
a ip oh to save the capital ;but 'the,
camppthe heeds of the Russians, where is cote
alle (Hear,ntTreunr ckhheeeyals. ric.3)ain
in
use of saving the capital. It is said that Lord strat'oa'
has been hammering out of the unfortunate Turks co
cessions in favour of the Christians, but is that gelle,ri,°eo
Wear, hear.) Is it fair, for the assistance we giver.,.fitis:
to get out of them concessions in favour of the ‘''ei
tians ? (Hear, hear.) Is it politic, I ask ? (Hear( f,teethe„
You have got at the head of the Turkish Governinoll'tet
most enlightened of Turkish Ministers. He is a man fel"
will make concessions ; but give him time, other-11,0°0os'
will undermine his authority and strengthen the failibitele party in Turkey, and the result may be that you will
or
a rebellion in Turkey. (Hear.) I read a letter frool oe
stantinople in which it is stated that some delay hasope
lfj
curred in the signing of the convention between EOgeot
France, and Turkey—that the conditions were prot ito
against'—that it was said that they had better give 'lf:,
the Missians at once, for then they would only ha thorn'
master—that no doubt it would be mortifying to psi
but that submit they must. I ask, is that politic? . toll
you are doing all you can to prevent these Chrlsseil
having these privileges. (Hear, hear.) You area O
the Turkish Government to put the Christians int°otre:A
army, and to subieit them to conscription. If you 0 01 r'„
to check the progress making by the Christians, °.. plie't
render them miserable, you could not devise a bet4el., e° i
than that. (Hear.) What will be the result ? You 1331:1"t tll j
take advantage of these conventions and articles, bli 60
French and the Austrians will do so, and you "elders'
persons going to the French and Austrian aunbass'o sea
and seeking their intervention; and we shall have 130 r
of interventions every day. Then it is said they olog
abolish the capitation tax ; but remember the great t
Of Kernine yen cell upell the Turkish GroTeraul— fir_