The Sun.
London, England, 1854-09-25 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 25, 1854.

THE CRIMEA.

Our dates froM the Crimea now extend to the 1,
16th of September, as will be seen by a telegraphic
despatch received by our War Minister, the Duke
of Newcastle, and published by his authority in
another column. ' It now appears that on the 14th
the troops were only 30 miles, instead of 40 or 50,
from Sebastopol—having been landed a consider-
able distance on the right of Eupatoria. It is
quite probable, therefore, that by this time—Sept.
25, eleven days after the landing of our infantry—
Sebastopol, with a slice of the Crimea, are in the
possession of the Allies. This likelihood tempts
the mind to project itself by conjecture into the
future. What effect is the news that the Crimea
has been wrested from the Czar likely to produce
in the interior of the Russian Empire ? Among
the Russians proper, the superstitious reverence for
the Emperor in which they are trained from child-
hood, and their bigotted attachment to their na-
tional church, joined with their utter incapacity
to estimate the comparative strengths of Russia
and the powers that are in arms against her, may
awaken an enthusiastic and obstinate spirit of
defiance to the foreign invaders. But the purely
Russian population of. the Empire is only met
with a great way to the north of Perekop, where
the Crimean Peninsula joins the mainland. South
of Kiew the indigenous population is made up
of Cossacks of various. ,denominations--of the
Ukraine, Don, and Ural, and Tartars, and Jews.
The colonies that have been settled among
those populations—on the seaboard, the Dnieper,
the Don, and the Volga—are composed in
the least part of Russians ; 'they are Germans,
Greeks, Armenians, Italians—fugitives or ad-
venturers from all nations, not naturally imbued
with much enthusiasm for Russian customs, and
alienated by Russian modes of government. If we
extend our view further to the north on the west of
Kiew we find ourselves in the Polish provinces
which have so often revolted, and are only kept
from again revolting by something very closely
resembling a permanent system of martial law.
If we turn to the provinces on the Volga, we find
numerous tribes of Tartars still adhering to the
Mahomedan faith, and cherishing their traditions
of consanguinity with tribes of the Crimea and the
regions which extend from the Caspian to the Chi-
nese frontier. The spirit of independence among
these non-Russian populationsmay have been broken
by long years of Russia's iron yoke—theirdisaffection
may have waned to a tame grumbling, linked with
an incapacity of bold action ; but they have all,
especially the Cossacks of the Don, been kept in a
state of chronic irritation and embitterment by
forcible levies, year after year, to recruit the armies
of the frontier, and by corvees (rabota) to make
roads and maintain the postal communications of
the empire. Since the war began, their customary
discontent has been aggravated by increased taxes
and more unreasonable compulsory levies of recruits.
The news of the fall of Sebastopol would be re-
ceived throughout the whole of these populations
with at least a passive pleasure. And if that event
were followed up by incursions of the Turks into
Bessarabia (which defective police arrangements
have allowed to become a kind of asylum for the
serfs who have escaped from other pro vinces)—by
incursions of Circassians and other hostile Cauca-
sian tribes of the Don and the Volga—and by
the occupation of Akerman, Odessa, Nikolaiev,
and Taganrog by English and French troops, the
allegiance of the provinces we have been passing in
review to the House of Romanoff would soon be in
a very tottering condition. The capture of Sebas-
topol will open to the allied powers a field of
action, by boldly precipitating themselves into
which they can easily, effectually, and permanently
clip the wings of Russia. But if they relax in
their efforts, and stand idly still, indulgingin vain
self-glorification, the capture of Sebastopol will
remain barren of results—a mere demonstration
that French and English soldiers combined can
thrash the Russians, a problem which -might safely
have been assumed to be self-evident.
Intimately associated with these anticipations of
what may or may not be about to happen, is the I
question, what is Austria doing ? This question
presses all the more urgently upon the mind that
there is a manifest disposition on the part of the
newspapers devoted to the Ministry to keep back
from the public all information regarding the doings
of the Austrians in the Wallachian provinces. Yet
the Austrian and other German journals devoted
to Austria are daily announcing, in terms less and
less equivocal, intentions on the part of Austria
tamely to acquiesce in which would be treason on
the part of the Western Governments to their ally,
Turkey, and to the two great nations in whose
name they act. The last circular addressed by the
Prussian Government to its envoys at the different
German courts complains that Austria, in sending
its armies into the Danubian Principalities, has not
been actuated by a pure regard to " Gerinau4nte-
rests." In reply to this imputation all the jour-
nalists in the pay of Austria have drawn their pens
to prove that Austria in occupying the principalities
has acted exclusively for the benefit of Germany.
A writer in the Allgerneine Zeitung says :
"The duty of Germany appears to be first of all by
unequivocal demonstrations to compel a peace (Friedea,
zu erzwingen). We say to compel, for it is certain that
the western powers know very well that the business
cannot be settled without the sword of Austria, and that
Austria will not move a step without the decided sup-
port of Prussia, and the assured support of Germany.
If things remain as they are, Sebastopol and the Crimea
will be captured this year by the Crusaders in behalf of
the Crescent (Halbmondfah,rer) ; but next year the Rus-
sians, with redoubled might, will beat the French, Eng-
lish, and Turks, out of their land, and everything will
have to he begun anew."
We pass over in silent contempt the braggadocio
which represents the Western Powers as dependent
on the good-will of Austria, and the spiteful nick-
name bestowed upon them of " Crusaders in behalf
of the Crescent," to come at once to the exposition
of Austria's views on the principalities :
" Whatever opinion may be entertained of the demand
that the Russian protectorate of the Principalities shall
cease, it is certain that nothing short of their entire
iii-
dependence of all Turkish interference in their internal
relations, and a guarantee of their rights and liberties,
and even of their neutrality, like what has been given to
the Swiss, by all the great Powers of Europe, can set
them in the way to develope their resources. Even this
would insure but slender gain to Germany. Germanic
interests could only be maintained by placing those lands
under the exclusive protection of Austria and the Ger-
manic Confederation. Austria has allowed earlier op-
portunities of bringing about this state of affairs to
to escape it, and the Western Powers are not likely to
acquiesce in it now. The time for Germany to take
this point into consideration will be when the Western
Powers explain in detail their views with regard to the
future protectorate."
This is tolerably plain speaking. A writer in
the Vienna Lloyd throws some light upon the steps
that are being taken by Austria to realise its
wishes:—
" Austria, by occupying the principalities, has a
pledge in its bands that the Protectorate of Russia is at
an end. * * * The confidence of the Western
Powers in Austria is boundless, and the Principalities
will be entirely handed over to the Austrians. Stirbey
has to thank the influence of Austria that he has regained
his throne as Hospodar. M. Laurin, the Austrian con-
sul, has in this matter played a master-stroke of policy,
and prevailed upon Derwish Paella, whosleft Constanti•
nople with entirely different instructions, and Omer
Paella, who had quite a different plan for the recon-
struction of the Hospodarate, to comply with tine wishes
of Austria. This Prince is under suspicion for his tam-
pering with Russia, and the permanence of his power
will depend entirely upon the manner in which he con-
ducts himself."
In other words, Stirbey owes his re-appointment
to Austria, and will retain it only so long as lie
does whatever Austria wishes. In combination
with the indications of Austrian policy which we
have just been quoting, our readers will do well to
recall to memory the termination of the gene-
ral council described in the last letter of our Bucha
rest correspondent, when Omer Paella declared that
THE CLIPPER SHIP LIGHTNING.—LIVERPOOL, SA- rather than submit to the. re-appointment of the
TURDAY..—There appears every prospect of this ship ' corrupt and traitorous Stirbey he would resign
making the passage to Australia il7O days. notwith- his command. It is true that Vienna news is not
standing her having encountered hebt winds. The implicitly to be relied upon ; but all these ante-
Malcolm Browne has brought a bag of letters from her, cedents tend unfortunately to render more pro-
dated latitude 20 south, longitude 39 west, Juno 16. liable the announcement from Vienna which we
Up to that date she had experienced light winds and a
smooth sea, and had carried royal studdin sail and main 1, that tlitebTaturoknishtitnreoolp6s
ateg aac na, and tahrei instant,
skysail from the iime she cast off from the tun. • Pacha arrived at Rustchuk on his way to
RATHER C00f,.--We last week recorded°ln" • •
ills escapo
Varna, If this intelligence prove true, Austria may
of a prisoner from the custody of Police•constable * •
Furminger, by jumping out of the train while passing; in
considere ashaving .
d succeeded (fur the present)
of
game detaching;
through the Lewes tunnel. The runaway contrived' t-o
, in its selasli and unprincipled
effect his escape, and in spite of all the efforts made has the Principalities from Turkey to a greater extent
as yet avoided recapture. 00 Saturday week, however, than formerly, and of obtaining for itself greater
tidings of his "whereabouts" reached the constable ower over them as Protecting State, than ever was
the shape of a small but heavy parcel sent from Croydon' ,
possessed by Russia.
per rail, and addressed to Furminger at Three Bridges , How will the Western Powers look if they allow
Station. On the parcel being delivered, and 6d. for themselves to be thus outwitted by Austria ? They
carriage having been duly paid, Mr. Furminger opened will have broken their promise to the Sultan to
it with considerable curiosity, when lie discovered a pair i
his runaway maintain
the integrity of his empire. They will have
of handcuffs, with a polite intimation from W. llachi
that he had, with many thanks, returned the i
prisoner rescued the ans and Moldavians from the
W. ,
" bracelels," which were "rather too small"—a Natter, tyranny of Russia only to hand them over to the ty-
tl is co 1. with des -
however, rap y
which he, the runaway, had "no doubt they ranny of Austria., ,SI.
could make all right the next time they met." Poor potism they will ipt evensucceecl In putting au end to
Furminger's mortification was intense.—Sussex Adver- the war. The Emperor of Russia is not likely to for-
tiser. give Austria for having outwitted him. The German

- .. _ „
LONDON.
CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD.
The Right Honorable the Earl of Aberdeen.
ORDINARY DIRECTORS.
F. Le Breton, Esq , 3, -rosby square.
John Lindsa*, Esq., 26, Lauren.!e Pountney.lane.
homas tl. Brooking, Esq , OW Broad street.
John Griffith Fri'h Esq . Austin-friars.
A exander Gillespie, Esq., 3, Billiter court.
Alec. Macgregor, E-q., Arlington-street.
J-hn • cott, Esq., 4, Hyde-park—greet.
Further information will be supplied at the Company's Offices and
Agencies.

WILL. THOS. THOMSON, Manager.
11. JONES WILLIAMS, Resident secretary.
London..B2, King William-stmt.
DI N BIT ILGLI • • 3, George-street.
LONDON ....82, Kin, Willi street.
DUBLIN.. Upper -nckville-street
GLASGOW • • ..35, i t. Vincent-place.

COMMISSION WANTED, by a Commercial
Traveller wh , has represented a highly-respectable house
for nineteen years, through the North at:d West of England, also
srotlan i twice a-year. References will be given both in town and
country. Address, Boa A 52, Post-office, Liverpool.

sovereigns are almost to a man the relations and
hirelings of the Emperor of Russia, and are more-
over not likely to be gulled by the pretence that
adding to the overgrown dominions of Austria can
in any way benefit them. Austria must hold its new
acquisitions by its own military strength. But to
move soldiers into the Danubian Principalities, it
has been obliged to withdraw them from other pro-
vinces. The troops recently marched into Gallicia
have further weakened the permanent garrisons
by which those other provinces are kept in sub-
jection. The object of marching troops into Gal-
licia is at best problematical. It has been somewhat
hastily assumed that they are sent to guard against
a Russian invasion ; may they not have been sent
to forestal a Polish insurrection ? This is one of
the nightmare visions which at present haunt
the Austrian Government. " What if Austria
agrees to attack Russia ?" asks the writer in
the Allgemeine Zeitung. "Is it prepared for the
re.establishment of Poland, the surrender of Galli-
cia to a new Polish Kingdom, the surrender of
Posen by Prussia, and the re-aequilition of Finland
by Sweden ? Would Austria be compensated for
these changes by obtaining the Danubian Princi-
palities_?" The truth is that Austria, scarcely able
at present to maintain its authority in the non-Ger-
man provinces would, by seizing the Principalities,
add to its difficulties without increasing its strength.
It would provoke at once hostile aggression from
without, atttl insurreticiii within. By becoming
the accomplices of Austria, France and England
would not only tarnish their honour—but burden
themselves with a threatened and helpless ally.—
Daily News.

MR. MACGREGOR, M.P., AT GLASGOW.

'Mr. Macgregor, M.P. for Glasgow, met a large num-
ber of his constituents on Thursday evening fn the Mer-
chants' Hall in that city, for the purpose of laying before
them an account of his stewardship during the last ses-
sion of Parliament. The hon. gentleman was accom-
panied to the platform by Bailies M'Dowall and Mac-
gregor, Deacon Convener Craig, Councillor M'Adam,
Mr. Jas. Henderson, Dr. M`Gregor, Mr. G. M'lntosh,
Mr. T. M'Gregor, Mr. W. R. M'Phun, Mr. A.. Paton,
and a number of other gentlemen.
On the motion of Bailie M`Gregot, Bailie D'Dowall
was called to the chair.

Bailie M'Dowen, on taking the chair, said he did not
expect, two minutes ago, when he entered the hall below,
that this honour was to be conferred on him of presiding
at a meeting where one of the members of the city :was
to address his constituents. Mr. Macgregor, - with ad-
mirable spirit, came before them annually as one of their
representatives, to detail what had been done in the House
of Commons, and he felt convinced they Would listen ;with
great pleasure to his statements. • They were all well
aware how diligent he had been in the discharge of his
duties, and no one, he (Bailie M‘Dowall) could say, 1 had
visited. London, on the municipal business of Glasgow,
but had been kindly received at all times by him, I and
every assistance in his power rendered them. There was
a great assemblage of talent in the House of Commons,
it was well known, but he felt convinced that therewas
no one better qualified for a seat there than their :repre-
sentative, Mr. Macgregor. (Cheers.) He again thanked
them for the honour of being appointed Chairman, and,
had no doubt they would be •highly gratified by; the
statement which would be laid before them. (Appleitse.)

THE PRUSSIAN CIRCULAR DESPATCH.

- ------- ,
Mr. MACGREGOR was received with loud cheering,
He said—My friends and fellow citizens, your worthy
chairman has intimated in fitting terms the nature of
my present appearance among you. Since he had; met
them, he said, a year ago, at the prorogation of Parlia-
ment, mighty and great and most important events had
taken place connected with the progress and civilisation
of the world. As to the proceedings of the late session
of Parliament there was only a meagre account to give.
They were mostly taken up with the great question of
war and peace, and the best means of curbing 'that
ambitious tyranny which was endeavouring to .sub-
vert the liberties of the world. Little else could be
thought of. Yet there was a considerable advance
made in the right direction. (Cheers.) He was happy
to say that five or six good bills had been passed in re-
ference to Scotland ; but he regretted the loss of one
intends il greatly to liberalise the system of education
pursued in Scotland, and to make it as non-sectarian as
circumstances would admit of. We, in the House of
Commons, passed it, but it was unfortunately lost in
another place. This he was grieved at. He had many
letters.from his constituents and different parts of Scot-
land, urging him to support this bill, and he never sup-
ported John Raunsys
eol
in,
se
Rw
ei
ft
ohr
mg r
Billea great e rwpleasure.i
ri(Cohee erri sg.h) t
direc-
tion, roercd.
tion, though not exactly such a measure as he would
have framed ; but, if passed, it would have led to some-
thing a great deal better. (Cheers.) Lord John
Russell, he believed, proposed and even withdrew the
Reform Bill in perfect good faith, and we must now
wait for a more favourable opportunity. He had not
much to say of other measures. He would now address
himself to the great question of the day—to that series
of events now progressing, pregnant with mighty results
to the fate of mankind. No year as been so remarkable
as 1854. A power whose characteristics were the sup-
port of tyranny, the robbery of its neighbours, the
slavery of its own subjects, was attempting to over-
throw liberty and crush progress and civilisation. In
the year 1689—the year after the revolution in Eng-
land, when the liberties of the nation had been secured
—the encroachments of the Czar of Russia began. At
that period he had a population of 15,000,000. At the
death of Alexander, in" 1825, the population had, by
unprincipled conquests, been increased to 58,000,000 ;
and at the present moment, by the same means, it had
68,000,000 of the family of mankind, who were held in
the most deplorable slavery and the lowest degradation.
For himself, he could sincerely say that he was opposed to
all wars, except when they had to fight for their liberties.
England bad carried on many great wars, all of which
he condemned. Since the time of William the Third,
when the French war commenced, we begun a system of
accumulating a national debt. From the peace of Rhys-
wick to that of Utrecht, we bad added 68,000,0001. to
the debt. We followed until. 1816 the system then of
drawing upon posterity, but now we are acting on a dif-
ferent principle—we are paying the cost of war as we
proceed, making each year meet its own expense. We
have no right to saddle posterity with our debts. We
must no longer tax, people without consulting them.
(A. laugh.) He reprobated all these wars, as they were
unjust. That which ended in 1713 was undertaken to
destroy Louis XIV. Be placed his grandson on the
throne, however, in spite of us, and the war was ended
by the peace of Utrecht. We fought against the power
of Napoleon, and did, indeed, re-establish the Bourbons;
but what` is the consequence? All is overturned, for
another Napoleon sits on the throne of France. (Cheers.)
And it is fortunate for Europe that he rules over that
empire. The alliance between England and France was
a blessed reality for the liberties and civilisation of Eu-
rope. It was my gOod fortune (said Mr. Macgregor) to
be on terms of intimacy with Louis Napoleon when he
was an exile in this country. My house in London was
one of the few houses he visited. He (Mr. Macgregor)
did not boast of this ; but he valued the sentiments
Louis Napoleon entertained with regard to a perpetual
alliance with this country—an alliance which would
constitute the greatest epoch in the history of civilisa-
non. He knew it was the desire of the Emperor to
bind the people of the two countriea together by material
interests, and to do away with those commercial and
mercantile restrictions which had so lon, existed, and
of which the Bourbons, and especially Louis Philippe,
were the greatest supporters. The Emperor of the
French knew it was the best policy he could pursue.
It would unite the people of France and England
in close intimacy with each other, for the advancement
of social progress, and the cultivation of all the virtues
which adorn humanity. He knew also that by so doing
he would bind them together by the strongest of all ties
—that of material interests. The French required many
of our products, we required many of theirs ; and we
taxed their wines and many other articles too high. War
was a sad alternative, which only ought to be had re-
course to in defence of our liberties ; but, without a
single claim to justice, the tyrant, as he might call him,
of Russia, had taken possession of oountries that were
sacredly allied to France and England by treaties. The
whole of this aggression and the pretensions and demands
of the Czar had been submitted first to England and
France, and also to Austria and Prussia. But there
were only England and France who had earnestly taken
up this question. He admitted that England might not
have gone to war. The power that was in the most
dangerous position was Austria, consisting of antago-
nistic nations, speaking different languages, and all hat-
ing eaoh other. This was the country that had most to
fear from its late suicidal policy, by inviting Russia to
come in to crush Hungarian liberties. That was the
country that ought to have dreaded the aggression ; but
Austria kept back. We saw clearly that if the Emperor of
Russia had taken possession of the Danubian provinces
as Catherine 11. had done of the Crimea, he would soon
take possession of Constantinople ; that the Greeks—a
race he did not much respect—that really had inherited
the vices and few of the virtues of their ancestors—he
meant the vices of mendacity and unfaithfulness—would
immediately join Russia. We saw that Asia Minor
would be occupied, that the commerce of the Danube
would be closed, and that in fact the civilisation of
the world would be retarded at least a century, if a stop
were not put to this terrible and aggressive despotism.
We resolved to protect Turkey— that we should establish
a balance:of power, which would arrest that dangerous
aggression which had encroached over a great portion of
Europe. Since the accession of Peter the Great, the
Russian territory had increased five times. He could
state, upon undoubted authority, that it was the deter-
mination of the Governments of England and of France
—[A. Voice, " Tell us of Scotland 1 —that peace should
not he concluded till guarantees were given to both Go-
vernments that Russia should never attempt to invade
the territory of her neighbours, and that each nation
should be governed according to the opinion of its own
people. He supported the present Government because
he believed it to he the best that could be formed at the
time. Their policy was that of protecting ; and not of
interference with the internal affairs of other • nations.
Turning to another subject—that of the policy of the
British Government in reference to foreign states—he
would mention that a citizen of Glasgow had written to
him lately to know if the statement was true that Go-
vernment promised to aid Austria to put down the
Hungarians or Italians, supposing they should attempt
at the present time to assert their liberty. Now, he em-
phatically declared that the British Government had no
such intention. He (Mr. Macgregor) had spoken lately
to a member of the Government on the subject, and said
to him, "If you had given such an assurance I would
be the first man to move that you be impeached in the
House of Commons." (Cheers.) He replied, '` We
would deserve impeachment if we attempted anything
of the kind." In fact, ho knew, and could,'
although not connected with Government, give any assu-
rance that the policy of the Government was only to
interfere to preserve the balance of power, and defend
the weak against the strong. Even in 1830 the Duke of
Wellington said that the policy of the Government, Has
to preserve the balance of power, and prevent the ng
gression of one state on that of another, the very thing
we are doing at present. In 1848 I even met at Lord
Palmerston's the two Ministers who came from Sicily.
We immediately said, if you establish an independen',
Government yourselves—you, the people—we will nc
knowledge that Government; will receive your Ministers'
will do that which we have done with regard to France
d ohereafter,ne in lBwsi2t h
with regard
re
gt
ao r alld to
(rtiwhatayleoaiunr we in relation to the revolution of 1830 ; yes, we will do
policy
wish
tt
ou
dispel
tthe
e acknowledgedelusion
i u thesion Government
that
tilthe
Government
o vtehuereanrgtilimi
t'it'atttevintii
Itwece,:e
mayinterfere
establishptleerfeor
fe
tin,l a
putting
üBo
trrt
British
ni:themselveshdoewninpti
ri :e
that would
ourand
I
peopleolwifkoteuhl i
would rise
in-
terfere
col
rawofi
ssuigent every
oiitawrtty,the
eawncncloo
liberties
nla.edttrnhrtdeyieev
ses
pary
liberties of any people. I trust that great communities
be impeached if you wouldadttooa
rlitiMinisters,
eis anything
nteartsu,
•

The New Prussian Gazette, the Augsburg Gazette,
and other German journals, publish the circular
despatch on the East ern question, addressed by the
Cabinet of Berlin to its diplomatic agents at foreign
Courts. The New Prussian Gazette, in giving this
document, says that since it was written the Prus-
sian Cabinet has drawn more closely towards Aus-
tria ; but at the same time, this journal denies the
statement in the Vienna journals, that some of the
German Governments, particularly Saxony and
Bavaria, have expressed an intention to support
the demand made upon Russia for guarantees. The
New Prussian Gazette, which, as our readers know,
has the reputation of being an organ of the Russian
party, asserts that very different accounts of the in-
tentions of the German Powers have been received
at Berlin. The circular, which is dated the 3d
instant, is as follows
"Shortly before the adjournment for some weeks of
the sittings of the Diet, the Eastern affair was brought
forward in the respective committees ; but no resolution
was taken, the envoys not being provided with sufficient
instructions. As, consequently, it is to be expected that,
after the re-opening of the sittings of the Diet. the united
committees will again occupy themselves with this im-
portant affair, H.M. the King, our august master, has
thought it his duty in consequence of the intimate rela-
tions which exist between him and his German confede-
rates to communicate to the Governments of the latter,
with entire sincerity, the views which will be for him the
pivot of his conduct in this affair. The reply of the
Cabinet of St. Petersburg to the Austrian despatch of
the 10th, supported and recommended by that of our
Cabinet of the 13th, has reached the Government since
the above-mentioned last sitting of the committee of
the Diet. It is contained in a despatch of Count de
Nesselrode of the 14th (26th) ult., addressed to Prince
Gortschakoff, and which has been communicated to
us, acc,enpanied by a short despatch. in reply to the
communications we addressed to the Cabinet of St. Pe-
tersburg. A copy of the said despatch of Prince God-
schakoff is annexed hereto, and I invite your excellency
to communicate it confidentially to the Government to
which you have the lionourao be accredited. We regret
that the Emperor Nicholas has not thought fit to
accept a base of negotiations for peace, which responded
to the wishes of our august master. However, in
examining the situation resulting from this refusal, and,
above all, in taking into consideration the declaration
made at the end of the Russian despatch, and according
to which the Russian troops, when returned to the
territory of the empire, will observe an attitude of a
pureiy defensive character, we cannot disregard the
great importance which ought to be attributed to it,
both in a military and political point of view, as far as
German interests are concerned. We conceive that by
such a declaratioh, of-sso precise a character, the fear of
a Russian attack in general, and above all, against
Austria, ought to be altogether set aside ; the im-
portance of the retreat of the Russians cannot be com-
promised, because Russia again alleges strategical mo-
tives to justify that retreat. The Cabinet of St. Peters-
burg has already made an abstraction in her declaration
of June 29, of the theory of pledges, by designating the
occupation of the Principalities exclusively as a military
position. She evacuates not only these latter at present,
but still more, she declares that she will hold herself al-
together on the defensive within the Russian territory.
If, notwithstanding, that it was intended to regard the
danger of a possible re-occupation of the Principalities
as a question which would compromise German interests
in a durable manner, and deduce from it military obli-
gations, that mode of viewing the subject would lead to
this pradoxal result, that whilst all Europe, including
the Western Powers, did not at the time look on the
occupation of the Principalities by the Russian troops
as a cases belli, in a similar case would be found at pre-
sent in the fact that they have been there. Looking at
these considerations, his Majesty the King is convinced
that the additional article Df the treaty of alliance
which has reference to precise and real suppositions,
should be regarded as accomplished, and that the reply to
the question as to whether there exists at this moment a
necessity for any other protection for German interests,
conformably to Article 2 of the treaty of alliance, sup-
poses a previous understanding. If that be applied to
the four well-known points, the question is to know
whother they so respond to German interests as to Make
it advantageous for the contracting parties to take them
as the exclusive basis for future negotiations. If, as had
been supposed, the acceptance of this basis was not only
by Russia, but also by the Western Powers (which
many symptoms make appear as more than doubtful),
and if there had been connected to it negotiations for
peace and the suspension of hostilities, such a result
would doubtless have been calculated to remove the, un-
certainty which still prevails on the subjects of the prac-
tical signification of the four points for German interests.
I abstain from discussing tie scruples which may be
raised on this subject. I will only call to mind that the
difficulties which would attend a common protectorate
over the Principalities and the Christian rayahs might
readily assume a character which would be less than
favourable to German interests. I will add that, al-
though we wish to see in the entrance of the Austrian
troops into the Principalities a guarantee that German
interests shall be there energetically protected, never-
theless the simultaneous entrance of Turkish, and per-
haps other foreign troops, into those provinces, setting
aside the military complications which may result from
it, cannot be considered as a state of things favourable
to German interests. Now that these bases have been
rejected by Russia, and that thus, even if they were
considered by the Western Powers as obligatory for
them—which is not the case—no immediate negotiations
for peace can be connected with them. His Majesty the
King, however warmly he might have desired an imme-
diato negotiation on these bases, cannot find it compatible
with his convictions to recommend to his German confe-
derates the acceptance of the four points, in a manner
which might and must lead them into charges and en-
gagements which do not appear to be called for by the
spirit and object of the alliance. His Majesty the King is
moreover resolved to persist in the firm and consistent
execution of the alliance as a guarantee for the indepen-
dent development of German power, and he also thinks
it his duty cynscientiously to keep aloof from the sphere
of engagements which do not belong to the clearly re-
cognized general interest of Germany. His Majesty
hopes that he shall be in accord with his German con-
federates in this view of the state of things, and he also
entertains the fullest confidence that the Emperor of
Austria will not only appreciate it heart and soul, but
a ill also share in it as a German prince. The well-
known wisdom, the moderation, and the love of country
of his Imperial Majesty are for the King, our august
master, a fresh guarantee tbat Austria, secured by the
declarations of Russia against any attack on her part,
will also abstain on her side from any aggressive mea-
sure against her will thereby avoid complications the 1
necessity of wLich cannot be deduced from the protection
of German interests, and to which consequently Art.ll.
of the alliance cannot apply. Our envoy to the Ger-
manic Diet will be invited to declare himself in the corn-
mittes and in the Diet itself, in the sense of these con-
siderations, and to support them. In making this
known to the Government to which you have the
honour to be accredited, and communicating this des-
patch, be kind enough to express the great importance
which we attach to being informed, as soon as possible,
what instructions the other representatives to the Diet
have received on the subject.
"Berlin, 3d September."

"Di 1111CTEUFFEL,

THE BRITISH ARMY IN TunKra.—We have received
a letter from Varna, dated 2d of September, from a re-
gimental surgeon, in which it is stated that the regi-
ments from England have suffered very much more than
the acclimatised ones, or the:e that have been up the
Mediterranean the last three years. A large number of
medical men and officers have gone home sick.—M edical
Times. . •• •

THE NEW DUTIES ON BILLS OP EXCHANGE AND
PROMISSORY NOTES.---The new Stamp Act will take
effect in a few days, when one penny bill stamps will be
issued. A return has just been issued showing the gross
produce of the revenue arising from the sale of stamps
for bills of exchange and promissory notes from 1830 to
1854. In the quarter ending the sth January lust the
largest sum arose on. 49. 6d. stamps, producing in Eng-
, land 17,3071., in Scotland 3,7171., and in Ireland
2,8671.