The Sun.
London, England, 1853-07-02 00:00:00

TII-E SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY Q, 1853.

HER MAJESTY'S STATE BALL.

The Queen gave last evening a State Ball at Bucking-
_ ham Palace. Their Majesties the Kin.. of Hanover,
their Royal Highnesses the Prince and' Princess of
Prussia, her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester,
her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, their Royal
Highness the Duchess of Cambridge, and the Princess
Mary, his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge,
their Royal Highnesses the Hereditary Grand Duke and
Grand Duchess and the Duchess Caroline of Mecklen-
burg Strelitz, their Royal Highness the Duke and
Duchess of Saxe Coburg Gotha, his Serene Highness
Prince Edward of Saxe Wemar, their Serene Highnesses
the Prince of Hohenlohe Langenburg and the Princess
Adelaide, and his Highness Prince Louis Lucien Bona-
parte were invited to the reception. ['he total number
of guests honoured with invitations amounted to two
thousand.
The Duchess of Cambridge and the Princess Mary
arrived at twenty minutes past nine o'clock, attended by
Lady Suffield and Baron Knesebeck.
The Hereditary Grand Duke and Grand Duchess
and the Duchess Caroline of Mecklenburg Strelitz were
attended by Lady Caroline Oust, Baroness Wenchstern,
and Baron Luhe.
The Duchess of Kent was accompanied by the Prin-
cess Adelaide of Hohenlohe, and attended by Lady
Anna Moria Dawson and Lord J. Murray.
The Duke of Cambrridge was attended by Lord W.
Paulet.
The King and Queen of Hanover arrived at ten
minutes before ten o'clock, attended by Lord Elphin-
stone, Major-General Buckley, and the ladies and gen-
tlemen of their suite. Their Majesties were received
by the Countess of Mount Edgcumbe, lady in waiting ;
the Hon. Eleanor Stanley and the Hon. Beatrice Byng,
maids of honour in waiting ; the Marquis of Breadalbane,
lord chamberlain ; the Marquis of Abercorn, groom of
the stole to Prince Albert ; Lord Ernest Bruce, vice-
chamberlain ; the Marquis of Ormonde, lord in waiting;
Viscount Torrington, lord in waiting to his Royal
Highness ; Major-General Berkeley Drummond, groom
in waiting ; Lieut.-Colonel Francis Seymour, groom in
waiting to his Royal Highness ; Lord Alfred Paget,
equerry in waiting ; Captain the Hon. Dudley de Ros,
equerry in waiting to his Royal Highness ; and the
Master of the Household.
Their Majesties were conducted to the Yellow Draw-
ing-room, in which the Queen received her royal guests.
The Foreign Ministers, Cabinet Ministers, Privy Coun-
cillors, the ladies and officers of the royal household, and
the Queen's aides-decamp, alighted at the garden en-
, trance, and passed into the Statue Gallery, which was
brilliantly illuminated by a number of gilt candelabra
projecting from the walls.
The ceiling of the gallery has been decorated in a style
similar to that of the Grand Hall in colours, the several
compartments being enriched with arabesques. The same
brilliant frieze of vermillion, white, and gold runs round
both apartments. The walls are pannelled in Sienna
marble and Irish marble ; the roof being supported by
white Carrara columns, with gilded capitals, the same as
those in the Grand Hall.
The company passed up the grand staircase to the
suite of state saloons, which were all opened on this
occasion.

A great variety of beautiful and fragrant plants and
shrubs were tastefully arranged on each side of the grand
staircase. The Green Drawing-room, Picture Gallery,
Grand Saloon, and the ball-rooms had also a most bril-
liant display of the choicest flowering plants. The cano-
pied haut pas for the use of her Majesty and her august
circle in both ball-rooms were hung with draperies cor-
responding to the furniture of each apartment, lined with
white silk, and were also filled at the back with the most
beautiful flowers.

The ball-room and the throne-room, in both which
quadrille bands were stationed, were most brilliantly lit
by a number of large crystal lustres, together with gold
candelabra.

The Yeomen of the Guard lined the Grand Hall, under
the command of Captain Parker Richford, the exon in
waiting. Lieutenant-Colonel Fitzmaurice, adjutant of
the corps, attended.

A gtiai-d of honour of the Coldstream Guards, with
the band of the regiment, was on duty in front of the
palace.

The general company began to arrive soon after nine
o'clock, and were ushered into the Picture Gallery.
The Prince and Princess of Prussia, the Duke and
Duchess of Saxe Coburg Gotha, and the Prince of Ho-
henlohe Langenburg, having joined her Majesty in the
Yellow Drawing-room, the Queen and Prince Albert,
accompanied by their august visitors, were conducted
by the Lord Chamberlain and the Vice-Chamberlain to

the Ball-room, where the full orchestra of M. Laurent's
quadrille band were stationed, conducted by M. Lau-
rent.

The Mistress of the Robes, the ladies in waiting, and
the principal officers of the Royal household, were in
attendance on her Majesty and his Royal Highness.
The Queen opened the ball at ten o'clock, in a qua-
drille with his Royal Highness the Prince of Prussia—
the vis-d-vis being her Majesty the Queen of Hanover
and his Royal Highness Prince Albert.
His Royal Highness the Duke of Saxe Coburg Gotha,
his Royal Highness the Hereditary Grand Duke of
Mecklenburg Strelitz, and other members of the royal
circle dancing in the same quadrille.
The music for this quadrille, " Prince Leopold," was
composed expressly for this occasion by H. Laurent.
The following quadrilles, waltzes, and galops were
performed in this room :

QUADRILLES.

Les Fleurs du Printemps Strauss.
The Cameronians DAlbert.
Les Mysteres d'Udolphe...
Le Pere Gaillard Lainotte.

WALTZES.

Chant d'Amour
Flowers of the Field
Rigoletto
Liebes Leiden
Le Chateau d'lf

D'Albert.
D'Albert.
H. Laurent.
Strauss.
H. Laurent.

POLKAS.

The Koenigsberg
Steeple Chase

Musard.

GALOPS.

The Etna ...
The Cuckoo

D'Albert
Gungl.

Messrs. Coote and Tinney's quadrille band was sta-
tioned in the Throne Room, and performed a number of
dances of the same description during the evening.
The Queen wore a dress of white silk with six flounces
of white tulle, alternately worked in straw and green
leaves.

Her Majesty's head-dress was a wreath composed of
red poppies, wheat ears, and green currants, ornamented
with diamonds.

The Queen of Hanover's dress was point lace over
pink silk, the front studded with large pink and satin
rosettes, each containing in the middle a diamond orna-
ment. The sides of the stomacher had a border of
large diamonds set singly on pink ribbon edged with
white lace.

Her Majesty wore round her head a wreath of red
roses, with diamonds interspersed, and also wore a neck-
lace of large rubies and diamonds. The Queen's satin
slippers were ornamented with diamonds and small
rosettes.

The Princess of Prussia wore a dress of white lace
double skirt over blue tulle and silk, trimmed with sil-
ver and blue ribbon, and ornamented with bouquets of
white and red roses, with silver leaves. The head-dress
was composed of white, blush, and red roses, and silver
leaves, a number of diamonds being mingled with the
flowers.

The Duchess of Kent wore a dress of lilac Indian silk
brocaded with gold, trimmed with gold blonde and tulle.
The head-dress formed of gold blonde, white feathers,
and flowers.

The Duchess of Cambridge wore a grey satin dress,
trimmed with point lace, the stomacher of pearls and
diamonds. The Royal Duchess wore a tiara of pearls
and diamonds, and a necklace of diamonds.
The Hereditary Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg Stre-
litz wore a dress of white tulle over white silk, striped
with gold ribbon, edged with blue. The dress was
trimmed with gold blonde, and decorated with bouquets
of blue and gold flowers. The stomacher was adorned
with diamonds and pearls. Her Royal Highness's head-
dress was composed of blue and gold flowers, and orna-
ments of pearls and diamonds.
The Princess Mary of Cambridge's dress was white
tulle, embroidered with silver, trimmed with bunches of
blue convolvuli and silver. The Princess wore a wreath
of blue convolvuli and silver round her head, with orna-
ments of diamonds and turquoise. The necklace and
the ornaments in the stomacher were en suite.
The dress of the Duchess of Saxe Coburg Gotha was
white tulle over white satin, trimmed with gold ribbon,
and having the stomacher adorned with diamonds. The
head-dress was formed of flowers and diamond orna-
ments.

MUNDER AND SUlClDE.—Thursday afternoon, about
two o'clock, as some boys were playing at Bankside they
discovered something floating near the Surrey shore, a
little above Southwark-bridge, which proved to be the
body of a young woman, with a child in her arms.
Information was immediately forwarded to the po-
lice, and the bodies on being landed, being found
to be quite lifeless, they were, by direction of Ser-
geant Golding, 7 M, conveyed to the dead house
of the parish ofe St. Saviour's. In addition to the child
being clasped in the arms of the deceased young woman,
they were found to be fastened together by a strong
cord tied round each of their waists. They were
both respectably attired, the young woman being
about twenty-two years of age, and the child about
six months. On the pockets of the former being
searched, a paper was found with the words " Jane
Papson, 15, New-street, Cloth-fair," written thereon; and
application being made at that address the bodies were
identified. The persons in the house, however, knew very
little of her history. She had come there to live a very
short time since, and they understood from her she had
not long since left service, in consequence of being a
mother. She had not been seen at home since Wed-
ato onedsdsatya_tainftgernoon. On her table were found two letters,
one addressed to her father, at Folkstone, and the other
a young man, who is supposed to be the father of the
deceased's child, both of which are written in such terms
as t 0
supposed that poverty was one o
Eleave no doubt that the deceased left home for the
that by the time they
purposepipEmefrodLeostoriocy::gsohceirElTifye, and that of her offspring,
wereeoipnenneend she should
be no '"?ro- No money was found upon her, and it is
Ivesto the
rash act.
—The ordinary meet-
ing of the Epidemiological Society will be held on Mon-
day evening next, the 4th inst , at the rooms of the
A
Royal Medico-Chirurgical Society, 53, Berners-street.
occasion the
as it
p faopiloewarinegd
ipn thee ,
r
will ap
Essay on Yellow Fever corn-
prisingOxford-street,i:s_toonr,y,
ofn which
that p
Island of Antigua in the years 1835, 1839, and 1842."
be
the read

IMPERIAL PABLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(TESTERDAY.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR took hip seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

PETITIONS.

The Earl of WICKLOW presented a petition from
solicitors in Ireland against the Taxing Officer (Ireland)
Bill, on the ground that it disqualified solicitors for the
office. The noble earl gave notice of his intention to
propose the insertion of au amerid:nent, with the view of
meeting the object of the petitioners.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said the Lord Chancel-
lor of Ireland and all the judges approved of the bill in
its present form.

The Earl of EGLINTON presented a petition from
Glasgow complaining of the postal arrangements in that
city.

Lord BRCUGHAM presented a, petition from Scot-
land in favour of the bill abolishing arrestrnent for debt,
so far as regards the wages of workmen.
The Earl-of SHAFTESBURY presented a petition
from 500 incumbents, praying for i more equal appor-
tionment of church property, anc: for increased church
accommodation for the people.
SOUTH-EASTERN RAILWAY (CANTERBURY
AND WHITSTABLE) BILL.
Lord INIONTEAGLE moved tie suspension of the
standing orders, for the purpose o' enabling the Steam-
ship Owners' Association to be heard on petition against
the bill.
After a few words from Lord REDESDALE, the
motion was agreed to.

INDIA.
The Earl of ALBEMARLE presented a petition from
the mayor, town councillors, merchants, and other in-
habitants of the borough of Birmingham, praying that
the house, in any measure for the future government of
India, will abolish the existing sys;em of double govern-
ment, and establish a home adrninStration appointed by
the Crown, and directly responsible to the Imperial
Parliament. He wished, at the same time, to present a
Petition from the Manchester Commercial Association,
praying their lordships not to assent to any measure
with regard to India which did not make substantial im-
provements in the tenure of land M that country. His
lordship concluded by moving tEat both the petitions
which he had presented should be referred to the select
committee on India.
Earl GRANVILLE said that hnr Majesty's Govern-
ment had not, during the present session, shown any
desire to discourage discussions on the subject of Indian
administration, but he thought it was going a little too
far, when his noble friend took the opportunity, on pre-
senting a petition, to enter into an elaborate answer to
a statement made by a Minister in another place, and
to an article in the Calcutta Review. He should not
oppose the reference of the petitions to the select com-
mittee.

The motion was then agreed to.
ENCUMBERED ESTATES (IRELAND) ACT
CONTINUANCE BILL.
The LORD CHANCELLOR moved that the report
of this bill, with amendments, be agreed to.
Lord ST. LEONARDS moved an amendment, limit-

ing the duration of the bill to one year.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought their lord•
ships could not hesitate to admit that, by the operation
of the Encumbered Estates Act, great results, which
were long fruitlessly desired, had been accomplished in
Ireland. A new division of property had taken place,
which would be of the greatest advantage to that coun-
try, and a new class of landed proprietors had been
created. From year to year, as its working had pro-
ceeded, the mass of English and Scottish capital invested
in Ireland had increased, and not only had a new class
of proprietors been introduced, but new descriptions of
improved industry. On these grounds he must resist
the proposal now made to their lordships.
The Earl of DERBY said it appeared to be the inten-
tion of the noble marquis to continue this extraordinary
system, not for one year or two, but as part of the per-
manent legislation of Ireland. He was not prepared to
deny that great advantages, such as the noble marquis
pointed out, had been secured ; but, on the other hand,
there were many and serious objections to which the
operation of the system established by the Encumbered
Estates Act was liable. There were many persons pos-
sessed of property perfectly able to meet all their liabili-

ties, but being driven to come into court by the opera-
tion of this act, and being subjected to forced sales, the
effect had been that grievous and ttter ruin had been
inflicted on these proprietors. The noble marquis
wished to continue for an indefinite period an excep-
tional measure introduced to meet an exceptional state
of things. He (the Earl of Derby) wished to record his
desire to discontinue the system at the earliest possible
period, and consequently he should have no hesitation
in voting in favour of his noble and learned friend's
amendment.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE thought it a matter
of comparatively little moment what period was named
for the duration of the measure, inasmuch as he under-
stood Government to have given a pledge that there
should be such a considerable alteration of the law of
real property in Ireland as would continue to that
country some of the advantages which she had received
under the present bill. If he thought that such an
amendment of the law would be secured by the amend-
ment of the noble and learned lord, he should have no
hesitation in voting for it. What they should keep in
mind was the operation of the present state of things on
the whole landed property of Ireland, which was now
placed at immense disadvantage, because the Encum-
bered Estates Court was engrossing the whole business
of sales, and putting a stop to all the business of raising
money by way of mortgage or otherwise. He thought,
therefore, that this state of things should, by all means,
be brought to a conclusion.
Lord BEAUMONT wished to sae the Encumbered
Estates Court at an end, but he would rather continue
the act for two years than for one, because the effect of
prolonging it for the shorter period would be to glut the
market by forcing the sales of a large quantity of land.
The time of sale, however, must also be extended for two
years.
_ .

After a few words in reply from Lord ST. LEONARDS,
'heir lordships divided. The numbers were—
For the amendment
Against it

~ 36
. 45

Majority against 9
The amendment was therefore lost.
The Earl of DERBY wished to throw out a sugges-
tion. As the law at present stood the commissioners
had power to order the sale of an encumbered estate,
but they had no power to include in that sale the arrears
of rent due upon the property ; ant. it often happened
that great inconvenience was occasioned where the rents
were a year or a year and a half in arrear (as was com-
monly the case in Ireland), for, after an estate had been
sold, the former proprietor of the property had to collect
his outstanding rents, which gave rise to a conflict of
interests which it was desirable to prevent. The simple
remedy, therefore, would be to give power to the com-
missioners, at the same time that they sold an estate, to
transfer along with the property, for an additional con-
sideration to be allowed by the purchaser, all interest in
the arrears of rent. He had not ventured to prepare a
clause to effect this object, but he submitted to the con-
sideration of their lordships, and particularly of her
Majesty's Government, whether it would not be desi-
rable to introduce some such provision as he had indi-
cated into this bill.

Lord ST. LEONARDS thought that 'nothing could
be more inconvenient than the evil which his noble
friend (the Earl of Derby) had pointed out with regard
to these arrears of rent, and he hoped that the Govern-
ment would accede to his noble friend's suggestion.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the Encum-
bered Estates Commissioners themselves had urged upon
him the propriety of introducing some such clause as
the noble earl had recommended, and he had thought it
a sufficient answer to say that his only object in bring-
ing in this bill was to continue the Encumbered Estates
Court in its present form, merely removing some of the
existing anomalies, and he had supposed that the intro-
duction of such a clause as this would be objected to by
those who thought the powers of this court such as
ought not to be continued ; but he must confess that
there appeared to him to be considerable difficulty in
establishing such a provision in the case of the encum-
bered estates sold by the commissioners as that the
arrears of rent upon an estate should be treated and
sold as part and parcel of the property. If it was de-
sirable that the purchasers of estates should be the par-
ties to receive the arrears of rent, that seemed to him to
be a state of things that called for a general alteration
of the law in Ireland, for he did not see why an excep-
tional rule should be laid down with respect to arrears
of rent upon estates sold by the agency of the En-
cumbered Estates Court, which should not equally apply
to arrears of rent upon other estates which might be
brought under ordinary circumstances into the market.
However, he would take the suggestion of the noble earl
for the introduction of a clause on the subject into his
consideration, and if the object in view could be attained
he was sure it would be quite as satisfactory to the cons-
missioners as it could be to the noble earl.
After a few words from the Earl of DONOUGH-
MORE, approving of the adoption of the suggested
clause,
The report was then agreed to.

SOAP DUTIES BILL.
On the motion of Lord STANLEY (of Alderley) this
bill was -read a second time.

The Malicious Injuries (Ireland) Bill and the Public
Works Loan Bill were else severally read a second time.
The Whittlewood, otherwise Whittlebury, Forest Bill
then went through committee, and their lordships ad-
journed.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock.
NEW MEMBER.

The Earl of DALKEITR took the oaths and his seat for
the county of Edinburgh.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The British Electric Telegraph Company, Halifax
Waterworks and Improvement, and Ribble Navigation
Bills were read a third time and passed.
The Banbridge, Dublin, Newry, and Belfast Junction
Railway, and Llanelly Railway and Dock Bills were
read a third time.

what were the intentions of the Government with re-
' gard to the filling-up of the gap of railway communica-
tion which was left by the throwing out of this bill ?
Mr. CARDWELL said it was an error to suppose
that there had been any official interference in this case
• on the part of the Government.
Lord SEYMOUR wished the evidence taken before
the committee to be laid on the table for the purpose of
being printed.
The report was then laid on the table, and the evi-
dence taken before the committee ordered to be printed.
PLYMOUTH ELECTION.
Mr. AGLIONBY brought up the report of the com-
mittee appointed to make a further inquiry into the
alleged corrupt practiccs at the Plymouth election. The
report stated that a general belief appeared to have pre-
vailed at Plymouth both previous to, and at the election
for Plymouth in 1852 that it was not illegal for a can-
didate, or his agent to give a promise to obtain situations
or employment for electors who had pledged them-
selves to vote in his favour. Acting upon this
assumption, Mr. Mare and his agents obtained em-
ployment for several electors, as well in the dock-
yard at Devonport as in Mr. Mare's own dockyard,
and the exercise of this patronage had a great influence
upon the votes, by inducing many of them to promise
their votes to Mr. Mare. A Mr. George Churchward,
an agent for Mr. Mare, was chiefly instrumental in pro-
curing these situations, and that gentleman states
in his evidence that he obtained situations for twenty
electors in Mr. Mare's dockyard. He had some
30 or 40 applications for Government dockyard appoint-
ments, and in 25 of those cases he succeeded in accom-
modating the applicants. The committee did not think
it necessary to recommend that any further inquiry should
take place into this matter, but they desired especially to
draw the attention of the house to the defective provi-
sions of the sth and 6th of Victoria, which they thought
were not sufficiently stringent, while they felt that there
could be no effective inquiry into these cases of bribery
and corruption at elections, unless the inquiry took
place on the spot where such bribery had occurred, and
some additional powers were granted for compelling
witnesses to answer questions.

ADVERTISEMENT DUTY.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—With re-
gard to the next resolution, I shall not at this moment
make any statement respecting it, because I have already
made a statement of the genera/ principles upon which itis
founded at an earlier period, except to explain to the house,
1 hope clearly and distinctly, two alterations that have been
made in the proposition of the ctovernment. When the
plan was originally proposed in the financial statement; it
was combined with a propesition with regard to supple-
ments to newspapers which has since undergone material
modifications in two particular; which I will now state.
In the first place I have, I must frankly confess, through an
inadvertence which I hope the house will excuse on ac-
count of the multitude of important subjects which more
immediately pressed upon my mind, proposed that the pri-
vilege of freedom from stamp duty upon supplements
should be confined to such supplements as were filled with
advertisements only. But a very brief consideration of the
question makes it quite obvious that the effect of that pro-
position would have been to neutralise almost the whole of
the beneficial consequences of the boon ' and to do more
than to neutralise it in some respect; because it would
have given to the subject a very invidious direction, except
in a very limited number of cases, with regard to which it
would assume, therefore, the character of legislation in the
spirit of favouritism. A change, therefore, was made ; and
the proposal which is made is that which is printed in the
Stamp Duties Bill, with regard to supplements. It is a pro-
posal that is entirely irrespective of the question whether
the contents of supplements may be news or advertise-
ments, or a mixture of both. The other point in which
the proposition has been materially changed is that instead
of a general removal of the stamp duty upon newspaper
supplements, the removal or freedom from stamps is con-
fined to what is commonly known as the single supplement.
I mention this because the technical language in which the
enactment is necessarily conveyed may not carry to the
minds of those not familiar with the language of the pre-
sent Newspaper Stamp Act a correct idea of what the in-
tention is. In point of fact the most correct description of
what is intended is this—it is not so much the removal of
the stamp duty upon supplements as the simple enlargement
of the newspaper space. By the present law the stamp of
a single penny will only cover a newspaper—that is the
printed superficies upon one side of the paper—not exceed-
ing 1,530 inches. I propose to enlarge this space by 50 per
cent.—that is, to raise it to 2,295 inches, but leaving it to
parties either to enlarge the sheet, or to alter the folding of
it as they please ; or, if they choose, to obtain the maxi-
mum size of the sheet, and print it as a supplement. In
fact, I impose upon them no limitation whatever with re-
gard to the employment of the space of 2,295 inches, except
the single limitation that they must not distribute it into
more than two sheets of paper, which of course has refer-
ence to the possibility of evasion by parties who might
wish to make use of it for the purpose for which it was not
intended. These, then, are the changes we have made—an
enlargement of 50 per cent, is made to newspaper space,
and we remove the stamp duty upon supplements. The
effect of that enlargement will be to allow of the publica-
tion of a single supplement without the stamp duty ; but
when they pass beyond the Unlit of 2,295 inches, a further
stamp duty will be payable at the rate of ld. for each
2,29sinches, or id. for each moiety of 2,295 inches.
Mr. BRIGHT—I beg the right hon. gentleman's pardon;
but I thought the subject of the resolution we were about
to discuss was the advertisement duty, and not the duty on
supplements. (Hear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The hon.
gentleman is quite right ; and I do not wonder at the re-
mark of the hon. member at all. The question before us is
strictly and exclusively the advertisement duty; but, partly
for the reason that nothing is printed in this resolution
with regard to the stamp, nor with regard to the enlarge-
ment of space, and partly because the connection between
the two subjects is so close, I have thought it desirable to
bring before the house the alterations that have been made.
in order that hon. members may clearly know what they
are. (Hear.)
The CHAIRMAN then read the follo wing resolution
which was moved by the CHANCELLOR of the EX-
,
CHEQUER :
That from and after the sth day of July, 1853, in lieu of
the duties now payable on advertisement; shall bo paid:—
For or in respect of any advertisement con-
tained in or published with any gazette or
other newspaper, or any other periodical
paper, or in or with any pamphlet or literary
work
20 0 6
Mr. GIBSON—I wish to move an amendment to that
resolution ; to leave out all the words after " that," in order
to insert these words—" all duties now chargeable on ad-
vertisements be repealed, in accordance with a resolution
of this house on the 14th day of April last." (Hear, hear.)
I shall not refer to the statement of the right hon. gentle-
man with regard to the stamps upon supplements, because
the question is not before us. But I remarked that he was
candid enough to tell us that the remission, so far as the
stamp upon supplements was concerned, would have refer-
ence to one, or at least to but a limited number of news-
papers—
The CHANCELLR of the EXCHEUER—No, no ;
nothing of the sort.O That had reference to what passed
before. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. GIBSON—WeII, when we come to consider the
stamp upon supplements, we shall discuss that question. I
am sorry to be under the necessity of troubling the house
again upon the question of the advertisement duty.; and I
shall not presume to trespass long upon their time, or to go
again at any length into the objections to the advertisement
tax. But I did fancy, after the decided expression of the
opinion of the house, by a deliberate vote—(hear)—not
surprise, not an accident, but an expression of opinion as
fairly obtained as any in this house—that the advertise-
ment duty would be repealed—l did fancy that the right
hon. gentleman and the Government would have bowed to
that decision, and settled the question by simply repealing
the duty. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman un-
doubtely said that after the resolution of the house he would
reconsider his proposition. Now, when a Minister says he
will reconsider a proposition, and hear what is to be said,
one is inclined to take rather a favourable view of the future;
and, during the interval of two months and a half that the
right hon. gentleman has been reconsidering his original
proposition, I have been in a sort of fool's paradise, fancy-
ing he would agree to the decision of the house. But it
turns out that we have been, not to speak too strongly,
trifled with ; for the right honourable gentleman comes
down now, setting at defiance the previous vote of the
house, and proposes to enact a fresh duty upon advertise-
ments. (Hear.) Now, I simply ask the committee to
agree with the vote of the House of Commons, that the ad-
vertisement duty shall be totally repealed ; and I would
remind the committee that the principle upon which that
vote was come to was not the amount of the duty—nobody
talked of the eighteenpence. We did not ask that it
should be reduced to sixpence, but we said it was a tax
unequal, unjust, and impolitic, and that it ought not to
be made a source of public revenue. If you are of opinion
that this is a proper tax, I prefer the eighteenpence ; for,
if we are to have the expense of collection—if we are to
have the vexation of sending all these papers and publica-
tions to the Stamp-office to be examined—let us, at least,
have some revenue for it. But the decision was founded
upon the principle that advertisements were not fitted to
be a permanent source of public revenue ; and the Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer was called upon to make such finan-
cial arrangements as would enable us to repeal this duty.
(Hear, hear.) The inequality of a small duty is just as
great as the inequality of a large duty. (Hear, hear.) I
am afraid that the right hon. gentleman, in coming to his
conclusion upon this question, has put himself into the
hands of certain large newspaper proprietors, who fancy
that, in this remnant of the advertisement duty, they see
a small protection ; and that the large number of adver-
tisements which would undoubtedly rise up, especially in
the agricultural districts, would perhaps be the means of
feeding and supporting struggling papers that might come
into competition with the more successful papers at this
time. This, I admit, is somewhat of an assumption ;
but it is not without foundation, for I have heard the
name of a gentleman mentioned, as a high autho-
rity for it, from the county of Sussex upon that
question ; and I am quite sure that the ground he took,
among others, was that these duties were in the nature of
protection to established papers. (Hear, hear.) I should
like some of those established papers that have been such
violent freetraders as to the articles of corn and other com-
modities, to try the effect of free-trade in newspapers ; and
I am for repealing the advertisement duty for the very
purpose of enabling advertisements to be inserted in the
smaller and struggling papers, to be a source, and a legiti-
mate source, of support to those papers. The right hon.
gentleman, however, cannot pass the resolution in the form
he has submitted it to the house. I contend that the
wording of the resolution as it now stands is fatal to it.
He proposes to impose an advertisement duty upon every
advertisement, in any pamphlet or literary work; that is
to say, in any pamphlet or in any book. No doubt it is
just that, if an advertisement be taxed when it is in a
newspaper, and when it is in a periodical, it is right it
should be taxed also when it is in a book or in a pamphlet ;
but let me ask the right hon. gentleman whether he means
to enforce that part of the resolution ? Let me ask him
whether it was not in point of fact a mere pretence to show
a sign of impartiality when there is no intention, and when
there exist no means whatever of collecting the duty upon
advertisements in books and pamphlets ? The right hon.
gentleman has no intention I suppose of bringing in a bill
to enable him to collect the duty upon advertisements in
pamphlets and books. (Hear, hear.) Let me ask the right
honourable gentleman to explain when and where, and to
whom, and under what circumstances the duty upon ad-
vertisements in pamphlets and books is to be paid? He
knows there are no provisions in any statute which will
enable him to collect that duty. I contend, therefore, that
it is an absurdity to impose a duty upon an article without
at the same time providing the means of its collection. It
is as if a man who built a house with several stories should
fancy he had made a complete structure when he had for-
gotton the staircase. But I complain of this, because there
is a show of impartiality and justice of levying the duty in
all cases, when in reality there is no intention of levying it
except upon advertisements in periodicals and newspapers,
thus placing the periodical and newspaper press at a disad-
vantage, and tasking it the interest of every man to find
out some other mode of advertising rather than in the le-
gitimate way—namely, in newspapers and periodicals. It
is an indirect and most effectual mode of crippling and
restraining the press, and of injuring its independence,
inasmuch as it deprives the press of this legitimate source
of support—namely, the fund that is derived from adver-
tisements. (Hear.) You will still continue to see, if you
enact this duty, the untaxed advertisements upon your
walls, in your books, in your pamphlets, in omnibuses, and
in every situation that can be found to direct the public,
because there is a direct premium on them there, instead
of going to the legitimate field of advertising, namely,
newspapers and periodicals. (Hear, hear.) Upon these
grounds, then, I ask the committee to support me in the
amendment I now move, which amendment I beg, with-
out further trespassing on the time of the committee, to
leave in the hands of the chairman. (Hear, hear.)
The question having been put,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said—l am
very reluctant to occupy the time of the committee upon
this subject, but at the same time it is my duty to state
distinctly to the committee the reasons why the Govern-
ment have not thought it compatible with their obligations
to acquiesce in the vote to which the House of Commons
came upon an earlier day. I think, however, it will be
felt that such a resolution upon the part of the Govern-
ment, is a resolution that requires, explanation ; and I
shall not decline the duty of affording that explanation.
(Hear.) The right honourable gentleman has, however,
stated several things to which I must refer in the first in-
stance. He says in the first place that after the vote of
the House of Commons ou thi9 subject, I promised to re-

worm/mm=4
consider the proposition of the Government. The right
honourable gentleman is totally mistaken; I never used
any such expression. I did use an expression upon the
subject ; but the expression I used was the direct reverse
of that which the right honourable gentleman has attri-
buted to me. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. GIBSON—I can assure the right hon. gentleman
that, upon the question being put to him several times by
myself among others, he stated that he would be prepared
to state what the ,ifttentions of the Government were upon
thrvtOte at a future daY, and that ,the subject was under
consideration. The meaning of a subject being under con-
sideration is well known to the house. (Hear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The right
honourable gentleman there makes an explanation ex-
tremely different from his statement. My statement, as
the house well knows, conveyed a sense totally different.
I did say something was under consideration, and some-
thing was under consideration—namely, the plan of the
Government having reference to supplements. Nor did I
mean to deny that this was under consideration ; nor did
I mean to deny that the whole proposition, until it was put
to the house, was under consideration. But the right hon.
vaticenan says I stated that I would reconsider it—which
is a totally different thing. (Hear, hear.) With regard
to the wording of this resolution I shall be very brief. 1
have moved it in precisely the terms of the present law.
The question whether there is to be a duty on advertise.
ments in pamphlets and books is a question that may be
very fairly considered by the committee if you please ;
and if you wish to alter the phraseology of this law, it is
open to you to do so; but I have thought it right and
more convenient to adhere to it. At the same time, I ad-
here to it, because the object has no connection with the
main point at issue, which is whether advertisements
ought to be subject to one rate or description of duty or
not. The right honourable gentleman spoke of the ex-
pense of collection. Well, no tax is collected without
some expense. But if the right honourable gentleman
means to say that the expense of collection constitutes
an especial burden in the case of advertisements as com-
pared with any duty of similar extent, and that that is
one reason why the duty should be condemned, I differ
from him, for I say it constitutes no such burden whatever.
Then he says that a small duty is as unequal as a large
duty. No doubt every rateable duty is necessarily an un-
equal duty. The penny postage in one sense is an unequal
rate ; it is an unequal rate, if you look upon it in this way, that you pay just the same for the conveyance of a letter ten miles as you do for it being carried five hundred ? Yet
that is a duty very satisfactory to the public, because,
though there is inequality in it when it comes to be criti-
cally and microscopically examined, yet it is moderate in
amount in relation to the service performed. (Hear, hear.)
The right honourable gentleman renews the objection that
this reduction is a boon to large newspapers ; not only
does he say that, but he says it is a boon to one, or at
least to a very few, of the large newspapers. That it is a
boon to large newspapers, in one sense, I have not a doubt,
and in that sense only is it a boon to large newspaers—
th at is to say, those papers which are successful in p
their
trade will derive much more advantage from your fiscal
revisions than newspapers which are unsuccessful. But,
if the right hon. gentleman means to say that this reduc-
tion is a boon only to one or to a few large newspapers,
from that doctrine I beg leave to dissent. He has himself
moved, or some other hon. member has moved, for a re-
turn connected with this matter, from with it appears that
out of the sum of 30.0001., now levied in stamp duties upon
supplements, 22,0001. are paid by a single newspaper—the
Times. I conclude, therefore, that the right hon. gentle-
man means it to be understood that this is a boon to the
Times, and to nobody else. (Hear, hear, and no, from Mr.
Gibson.) Well, he does not. I will not pretend to answer
him, then, as to that, but I will just point out how far it
is a reasonable assertion or otherwise that this reduction
will be of benefit only to the great newspapers. No doubt
with the exception of the Illustrated London News, and
certain papers in the provinces, the Times is the only news-
paper that can afford to give large supplements stamped.
The other newspapers are prevented in a great mea-
sure by the supplement stamp from giving supplements.
But what has been the case in other articles where the
duty has been reduced. Take the case of coffee. When
the duty upon coffee was 3s. 6d. per lb. it was consumed
only by the rich ; and it could only be obtained in small
quantities by the poor. Now the duty is 3d. per lb. or
thereabouts. Will the right hon. gentleman contend that
that reduction has been only a boon to the rich ? By re-
duction you let other consumers into the field ; and not
only that, you let in other competitors, and by this reduc-
tion of duty you give effect to the reduction of the adver-
tisement duty. What would have been the effect of a re-
duction of the advertisement duty without an alteration
in the newspaper space ? The small papers are anxious for
the reduction of the advertisement duty, but they are in-
different as to the increase of space. Let the committee
mark this. You allow the penny stamp to cover only a
certain space, and you charge advertisement duty. Well,
there are certain portions of the press who say, " We are
indifferent about the enlargement of space, but we want
the advertisement duty off." What, I ask, would be the
effect to the public of a great increase in the number of ad-
vertisements without an increase of space ? It would be
this, that a greatly increased number of advertisements
would compete for the possession of the same space, and
the numbers being increased, you know the consequence.
The object of the remission or reduction of the duty would
be' lost to the public, but a large additional profit would
be obtained by the proprietors. This is the question as re-
gards the duty upon advertisements, but it is impossible
for the committee, if they are disposed to enter into this
question, to take so narrow a view of it. The total aboli-
tion of duties of this character is a very serious matter,
and the committee ought to consider whither the principle
of such 'abolition would lead them, and where it is to stop.
Let us look at the case of the advertisement duty in con-
nection with the other taxes that are popularly, and by a
sort of cant phrase, called " taxes on knowledge." I do not
think the term " taxes on knowledge" is applicable to the
advertisement duty ; it appears to me that the advertise-
ment duty is rather a tax upon trade and labour—(hear,
hear)—principally upon trade, but partly upon labour.
That, I think, is a fair description of it. Now the taxes
that affect newspapers at present affect it in three ways—
by the paper duty, by the stamp duty, and by the adver-
tisement duty. The stamp duty, whatever it may be in
its form, is in its substance neither more nor less than a
charge for service performed. ("No," from Mr. Gibson
and others.) What ? I hear some honourable gentlemen
say no. Are not newspapers carried free all over the
country, posted and re-posted as often as any person
pleases ? Is that a service performed, or is it not ?
Whether it is performed in consideration of the penny
stamp or not, it is a service performed. Now, Ido not
want to entrap any honourable gentleman into an admis-
sion whether this is a good mode of making the charge or
not, for this is not the question before us. Whether the
charge should be by a uniform stamp, as it is now, or in
what manner newspapers should go through the post, is
not the question. But certainly in the intention of Par-
liament, and in point of fact, the stamp is a remuneration
for service performed. I have made it my business to
ascertain some facts on this subject ; and a calculation has
been made in the General Post-office, by persons of the
highest authority, from which it appears that the 400,000/.
received for the stamp on newspapers do not do more
than remunerate the Post-office for the actual labour
performed in connection with them, and for the payments
they have to make on account of the mails. (Hear, hear.)
The second of these duties is the paper duty. What
view does the committee take of the paper duty ? There
again a very serious question will probably be raised
upon the earliest opportunity that the state of the re-
venue will admit. The paper duty I maintain ought,
when the state of the revenue will permit it, to be alto-
gether abolished. (Hear, hear.) It appears to me that the
paper duty is an inexpedient and an impolitic duty. Why?
Because it imposes upon the trade of the country an amount
of burden totally disproportioned to the receipt of revenue;
it interferes with the diffusion of employment through the
country in the worst and most inconvenient form, because
the paper trade, if it were only free as a trade, would not
be confined to the great centres of population, but it would
find its way, according to the conveniencies of locality,
throughout the country, and would diffuse and equalise
employment among different classes of the community.
Therefore I say the paper duty is a duty which is bad in
itself, and one which, as soon as the state of the Treasury
will allow, ought upon general principles, if.the house take
that view, to be repealed. (Hear.) In the same way the
advertisement duty is bad in itself. Then the right hon.
gentleman raises this issue now—he says, "Itis a bad
duty, and we are determined to get rid of it ;" and he pre-
fers the ls. 6d. duty, if we are to have any duty at all.
Well, if he prefers the ls. 6d. duty, he may gain his object
more by
this
an motionto leave
because the effect of the motion is nothing
ththe ls.
He ma , therefore 6d. duty in force. (Hear, hear.)
y ,
gain his purpose ; but I hope the com-
mittee will look closely at this question ; that they 'will
consider whether this source of revenue is a source that
ought or ought not to be got rid of. I venture to say this
that, if upon such arguments as have been made against
the advertisement duty, the committee is prepared to con-
sent to its abolition, the principle that will carry the abo-
lition of that duty will carry us a great deal further. The
advertisement duty is not a tax on knowledge • it is a tax
upon trade and labour. Are you to strike off 'from your
statute book all taxes, I want to know, upon trade and
labour. Well, that is a very serious question, and there
are many other taxes you will have to consider upon' the
same ground. With regard to the advertisement duty, I
hold it is undoubtedly a bad duty if it is extortionote in
its amount ; but it is not bad or unreasonable in its gene-
ral operation, provided the amount be moderate, while the
objection of inequality will apply to every rate of duty
whatever. Upon what principle, I will ask, do you tax
bills of exchange ? Are not the taxes upon them a distinct
impediment upon commerce ? Of course they are. There
is not a bill stamp in reference to which it may not be said,
so far as it goes, it is an impediment to commerce. But
would you part with-the-614,000/. you derive from bills of
exchange ? And what do you mean to do with the duty
upou insurances ? There is a tax upon trade, and it is
as distinctly a tax in the nature of a discouragement neon
prudence. The right hon. gentlemen wants to get rid of
indirect taxation. But I want the committee to see
whither this will lead ; and if they do not take the conse-
nqouefnacniest ionftmio tnhee.ir I
saewy,
tlhwatililftianktehicas
vreotiolyoshosallreb.ecafrrryom.
minusg
toufint tdheaprsinubcsitpilteuto! ienldseirwechtertea.xatrionk,noofwnepereeststlyty
wellyou
what " elsewhere" means. " Elsewhere" means the realised
property of the country. But it is desirable
road
ande shouldw hero
consider well how far we are going on this
we mean to stop. Ido not mean to lay down any extreme
opinions upon that subject, but I must call the attention
of the committee to what they are doing. I have just now
referred to about 2,000,0001. of indirect taxation, and we
have had a distinct intimation from the right hon. gentle.
man that he is quite prepared to follow up the principle
on which he acts, and to part with that 2,000,0001. of in-
direct taxation. But I beg the house to consider how we
stand in that view of the case. The right hon. gen/emu'
says that this motion must be carried because the House
of Commons have voted it before. If that is a reason why
the motion should be carried, what answer am I to make
to my noble friend the member for Middlesex when ha
makes his motion for the repeal of the attorneys' cer-
tificate duty ? No doubt that in April last the division on
the advertisement duty was, ayes, 200 ; noes, 169. The
right hon. gentleman says that is a reason why we are pre-
cluded now. Well, I say if that is a good argument in the
case of the advertisement duty, it is a good argument in the
case of the attorneys' certificate duty. What is the opinion.
of the committee about that ? It is true that by a sing:ie
vote the House of Commons declared it was expedient. to
repeal the advertisement duty, but with regard to 0,6 at..
torneys' certificate duty what has been the case ? 1850
you declared that that duty ought to be abolishes by 155
to 136 ; in 1850 you again declared the same by, 139 t 0122;
and a third time in 1850 you declared the s,:.me by 105 to
103. This was but a small majority; but in 1851 you im-
proved, for then you affirmed the same by 162 to 132.
Thus, there were few successive declarations by this house