The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-06 00:00:00

It in, for the second time; the House of As-
-
ntbP.7 auged grantiog the siipPlies, sayiii,;---we will
appeal to the Paiiiament of England to know if they will
aanaioii cOiidiaci-r--Conauct, that citild be disgraceful
to 1 4.! tll6'sa kinU plaatid in the situa-
t ion ofColonialSscretary. They diclso—they refused t he sup-
plies, and this was the last time of their refusal. The last time
iris in iBsL—gaitisay it if you dttre. They appealed
to the English Parliament again, but one of those
strange things took place Which are occasionally wit-
ressed in this country. Your Lordships all know
that in the end of the year 1834, the then so
called Liberal Administration was displaced, and Lord
Aberdeen was appointed Colonial Secretary. Lord
Aberdeen determined to send out a Commission to
inquire.
__ But before this determination was ripened
before Lord Aberdeen could act upon it, the poor colonic•
were subject to a change—again they had a new master, and
its place of Lord Aberdeen Lord Glenclg was appointed.
Lord Glenda• determined to seize upon tins idea of a Com-
mission—too good ti thing to be lost—delay was admi-
rably forwarded by a Commission. Lord Gosford was made
Governor, and then was continued that system of deceit—
that system I hardly know whether I dare to use the right
words—l don't think I dare in this assembly—that
system of deceit, I say, of hypocritical pro' lion,
with a determination of no performance, was
practised on the Canadian Assembly. But, my Lords,
it was my duty to expose this plan of deceit to the English
people. I have exposed it once for all, and I willingly
leave the disgusting subject. Suffice it to say, that in
spite of their arts and mean devices, Sir F. [lead, whose
ctourderie has hitherto been farcical, though it has lately led
to tragical results, published his instructions, and thereby dis-
covered the intentions of the Colonial Minister, and the de..
ception practised upon the Assembly of Lower Canada. The
Assembly, therefore, refused for the present to pay the arrears
due to the public officers. But in order to prevent further in-
convenience they voted a six months' supply, and again ap-
pealed to the Parliament of England. At this period of my
argument, I must request you, my Lords, to take a retrospect
of this history, At the outset I told you that if there had been
ill conduct, such as deceit, vacillation, non-fulfilment of en-
gagements, petulance and low arts of deception and intrigue,
I would show the Assembly not to be the guilty parties, but
that I would fasten the guilt chiefly upon the agents of the
Crown. Have I not fulfilled my promise ? You are constantly
told that the people of Canada had since 1828 had all their
grievances redressed, and yet I have proved to you that in
spite of all sorts of boastful promises and professions, the great
grievances complained of in 1828 still remain. The Legis-
lative Council was as bad as ever. The judges were still
wholly dependent on the Crown, thus poisoning justice at
its source : the revenues, the growing revenues of the
country were withdrawn from the control of the Assembly,
while the only step towards reformation was the performance,
in 1831, of a promise made in 1794. But these three great
grievances, the parent source of all the sufferings and all the
Canadians, were the grand subjects of complaint in 1828.
They still remained in their pristine vigour, and yet are we
told that all was redressed. But during this period what had
been the conduct of the Assembly ? Did they act in heat and
with passion? Did they call in question the dominion of the
mother country ? Did they, like our English colonies, pre-
pare for armed resistance? No, my Lords, they did none of
these things, but they said, we arc tired of this state of things,
we have the constitutional power of regulating the supplies ;
and although we will carry on the Government, we will not
recede from our demands, will not concede to our opponents-
that which they seek to tear frosn us, before we learn the defi-
nite determination of the Imperial Parliament. Did this
conduct deserve punishment ? Was there here any abuse of
power ? How can any one assert that by such proceed-
ings the Constitution was suspended. Peacefully, calmly,
the Assembly appealed to the great governing principles of
that Constitution, and waited with confidence to see them pro-
duce their legitimate effects by the assistance of the Imperial
Legislature. The expectations of the Assembly were, how•
ever, doomed to a bitter disappointment. I now arrive at the
eventful period of 1837, and the Parliamentary proceedings
respecting the Canadian difficulties. The Commissioners of
the Crown sent home voluminous reports, which are in every
one's hands. I will not now stop to describe them. They
have been condemned by all parties, and need not my helping
hand to consign them to their due place in history. But now
came the grand determination of the Ministers, which may be
briefly described thus ;—.they flatly refused to amend the Le-
gislative Council by the mode of election ; they gravely as-
serted that the Legislative Council required reform; and
they thereupon determined to seize upon the money of the
colony lying in the provincial treasury, and to apply it as they
thought fit. Here was the first, the most flagrant, vio-
lent breach of the Constitution—a breach, too, of solemn
promises made in Acts of Parliament—promises made ex-
pressly to our North American colonies, and expressly on
this very point of application of the provincial funds. We
never, even before our experience gathered in the American
evolution, dared to try so bold an experiment upon the patience
and forbearance of any colony. Here was collected together,
under acts passed in reliance upon England's honour, money
the produce of three years' taxation; safe as the people of
Canada believed, because guarded by the authority, and sanc-
tion, and guarantee of this country, they slept secure, although
dr treasure was in the hands of others, because they believed
those others, honest as well as powerful, and because they had
our pledged faith and honour that we would never appropriate it
without their approval. Alas, alas ! for England's honour—
alas 1 for our character for common prudence or common honesty.
When we passed those fatal 'resolutions we set a dangerous and
fatal example of disregard of public faith and public morals. We
shook all men's faith in the most solemn compacts, and taught our
subjects to believe that whatever we had the power we should
believe that we had the right to do ; that we placed ourselves
above all moral rules, and decided upon our proceedings
solely with reference to our own immediate power and expedi-
ency. Let us not then complain if others do as we have
done, and imitate but too successfully the example we have
set. Remark, however, the forbearance, the prudence, and the
firmness of the Assembly at this pressing juncture. Ame-
rica, under circumstances far less exasperating, had at once
rebelled, and successfully resisted our attempts to assert our
dominion. The kind feelings of the Canadians were not so
easily shaken. Although their near neighbeurhood to the
United States rendered their situation in case of revolt, that is,
preconcerted and deliberate revolt, far more hopeful than was
that of America formerly, still they did not call out for re-
hellion, or prepare for resistance. They believed that the
strife would be one of no ordinary horror, and they shrunk
from the responsibility of beginning it. Still they determined
not to yield wholly and without compromise; but they did de-
termine, seeing the determination of Parliament, forhepdroei
sent to forego their desire of an elective Council, provided that
the promise of reform contained in the resolutions of the two
Houses of Parliament was fulfilled. The people, however,
:ermined to try what they could do by legal means to shake the
resolution of the mother country. They said, " If you determine
not to do us justice, we are not hound to be your commercial
customers, and we %s ill learn to depend upon our own re-
sources." In imitation of the Americans in 1774, non-inter-
course was established, and they also resolved to settle all
differences by arbitration of judges appointed by themselves
These last resolutions were of the people, be it remembered.
The Assembly met in August, 1837, and, to their astonish-
ment, they found the Governor asking them for money, threat-
ening them with the resolutions of the Parliament if they re-
fused it ; and at the same time they discovered that he had
done nothing to soften the rigour of this proceeding, by ful-
filling the promise of reforming the Legislative Council. Their
answer to this demand was—" l'erform the proinise of reform,
and then ask us for money ; until that promise is fulfilled, we
cannot entertain your demand." Had that promise been ful-
filled in its true spirit, I am prepared to prove by evidence at
your bar, that it was the intention of the Assembly to have
v t the supplies. adduce this evidence, and your
Lordships shall judge whether they who, through negli-
gence, or some worse reasons, did not obey the commands of
Parliament, are the persons who ought to be accusers in
the matter; whether the accused are not the innocent—
whether the accusers be not the offending parties. I here
solemnly charge the Minister of the Crown, the Secretary
for the Colonies ( Lord Glcnelg) with being the author of
all the calamities which have resulted from this fatal be-
trayal of his duty. Whether it was indolence, incapacity,
heedlessness, neglect, or intentional,disregsrd of duty, it i"
not fur me to inquire. I see the result, I know the cause ;
and I call on you, my Lords, if you seek to punish the guilty-,
if you desire to make answerable those who have disturbed the
peace of the empirs, have led to the slaughter of her peaceful
subjects, have introduced the horrors and calamities of warhe
into the peaceful vales of Canada, to look to the culprit who
sits besides you, to call on the Ministers of the Crown to. ar
alreadys w e
r this
e xcihs
tairngge
by allowing
not,ng t
this
entreat
dreadfulyou,
m measure
rt
eo tnheevrmul si?e?ns
your table to become law, and thus render confusion and dis-
memberment of the empire almost inevitable. Punish
guilty, spare the innocent. Throw out this Bill, which, h
ma rakienjuis)tisicedteofemneyecluiepnetns, athn)rdebeidgtrhaNceMainn(iistesreleomf
solemn charges.
e_
Some of you, my Lords, may smile at this idea, but be assured
that posterity, and the world at, large, will affirm the judo
ment which I have ventured to pronounce. I have now, my
Lords, brought to a close my history of the Assembly's pro-.
ceedings. As soon as the address was passed, to the effect that.
I have described, they were unceremoniously dismissed, with
out further explanation or application. Since that moment the.
Assembly which this proposed measure is to annihilate ha'
had no means of acting. The members composing it,
returned to their homes, were scattered over a territhCoarrvyo-i'ts
above 800 miles in extent, and are not collectively answerable
fur anything that has happened since. Looking back then,
my Lords, again, have I not made oat my first proposition.
vie , that the conduct of the Assembly has throughout bee"
wise, firm, forbearing, and Prudent? Spite of all the various
provocations they received (and I have passed, of necessity.
over many, lest I should tire your patience), spite of all the
trying injuries heaped upon them, spite of disc ointment 01
all the most cherished hopes, they never swerved from their
path of duty, and always evinced respect and obedience to.
England ; and yet are we now about to reward their ge-
nerous zeal for their country, their confidence in us,
their respect and attachment to our dominion, by degrad-
ing and insulting them amid their country, making them
an object for the scorn and contempt of the whole con-
Linent of America. If this be prudent, it is not just, it is
act generous. The world will wonder, I fear, at our rash-
ness, as well as our injustice. But it may be said, it is true,
that the Assembly are not to blame, but the people have re-
belled, and rebellion must be punished. And what so fit r•
punishment as depriving them of that power of self-govern-
ment which they have abused ? The answer to this assertion
is : —First, the people have act rebelled ; but a portion,
small portion, of the whole broke out into a riot in cense-

f?„Testions of reislietion in that country; it was necessary
'Unit the Cot.knen should be so remodelled as to deeerve
this confidence of the pV6ple. , hey alto Cilienanded that
the Governor should rot h'encetorth be allowed to take out
of the teroY-inktlate chest moneys Without their consent, thus
iehbldg the public Exchequer ; and that 4ie Judges
should be rendered inderudent of the Crown, and that
justice should :to longer be poisoned at its Sotiret 1%4
Vords, the Committee decided; ie BecenelaN.,,c with
alle
these dereande, And iiaevett Very strong censure upon
th bileno 440,.' lliment. It has been said, I am aware,
and Pioliably many of your Lordships lately heard it stated,
that all the grievances of Aida .the colonists complained
in 1828 have been redressed. Now, my Lords, I as-
sert that not one of these capital complaints has re-
ceived the slightest alleviation—that all these grie-
vances exist in their rampant and pristine vigour ;
that the Legisletive Council by the authority of all par-
ties—by the testimony of every one—by the testimony of
the Crown Commissioners—by the testimony of your own
resolutions, is at this moment unworthy of the confidence
of the people. Furthermore) I will prove that money has
been taken out of the t hest of the people, vithout their sauce tion—ethat their btollequer has been robbed. I won't say more
from 'respect for your Lordships ; but I go farther and
will say that the judges are in precisely the same situation
now—that they are dependent on the Crown as heretofore.
And if I make out these facts, I sh ill make out
that the complaints are purely without founds ien,
and that the conduct of the House of Assembly,
in order to get rid of those complaints, was the only course
of conduct which the Constitution afforded. My Lords,
after 1828, and the Report passed by that Committee,
great expectations were raised in the minds of the co-
lenistc expectations of a new era. They fancied
that now their grievances were about to be redressed, and
they waited patiently for the conduct of Ministers. In the
year 1831, to shew their confidence in the Ministry—
to shew how completegy they were persuaded that
the honour of England would still be maintained—they
determined to do that, which would maintain that
which they supposed to be a species of compact—.
they passed a Bill in 1831, which made the Judges
independent of the Colonists, by making their sala-
ries permanent. Now, this is a point always slurred
over by all the ministerial defenders of ministerial
deeds ; but I will adduce the authority of the then Go-
vernor to show what was the conduct of the House of As-
sembly in 1831 respecting the Judges of the land, and will
show to your Lordships also the expectations of that Go-
vernment of what would be the future consequences if that
raft of the conduct of the Assembly were not given effect to.
the then Governor was Lord Aylmer. Lord Aylneer wrote to Lord Goderich on the 26th
ef January, 1833,
the following dispatch.—[The Hon. Gentleman proceeded
to read the dispatch. It commenced by stating that the
writer, on the 15th of December, 1831, had the honour of
communicating to his Lordship a message sent down by
him to the House of Assembly, calling upon them, in
obedience to his Lordship's directions to make a permanent
provision for the salaries of the Judges of Lower Canada.]
The message was referred to a Committee, who brought
up a report on the 28th of December. That report was
taken into consideration by a Committee of the whole
House, and it was resolved by a majority of five, the
numbers being 34 against 29, that the whole of the
Judges should be disqualified from having seats in
the Legislative Councils, no exception being made
in favour of the Chief Justice. The exclusion of the
Chief Justice would, under the instructions of their
Lordships, render it impossible to sanction a Bill
containing such provisions, but when it was again discussed
the objectionable clause was lost by a majority of 34 against 24.
The Bill for making the Legislative Assembly into a Court
of Impeachment passed the House of Assembly by 13 to
42—the Bill subsequently passed the Legislative Council
without a dissentient voice, and it was taken to be
a sign of a good disposition on the part of the House of
Assembly. With regard to the Chief Judge having a
seat in the Council, that question was given up for
a time. The Bill did not receive the Royal Assent,
because Lord Aylmer conceived it to be so contrary
to the instructions upon which he was acting. Yet he
used these remarkable words in his dispatch :—" At
the same time I take leave, with the utmost submission, to
recommend the Bill to the most favourable considera-
tion of his Majesty." And the grounds upon which he
made that recommendation was " That in my opinion
at no time can we reasonably expect that we will get a Bill
passed, or the dispute settled upon such favourable terms."
Then, with respect to the same Bill, the same Governor said
.‘ I cannot avoid noticing the Bill for establishing the inde-
pendence of the Judge. I think it necessary at the same
time to inform you, that although the principle of this Bill
coincides altogether with the views of his Majesty's Govern-
ment, it contains one or two provisions that impose on me re-
servation until I know his Majesty's pleasure." Now this pro-
phecying of Lord Aylmer is fulfilled to the letter. That Bill
was refused—it never passed the House of Assembly after.
Lord Aylmer told the House of Assembly it, agreed en-
tirely with the principles of his Majesty's Government. He
told his Majesty's Government they had made great conces-
sions to pass it ; that unlike the people of Massachusetts
they did not break out into open rebellion when asked for
further information relative to the Judges, proving them-
selves, therefore, more patient and forbearing than our
English descendants there. They passed the Bill—it was
refused ; they never passed it again, and why ? I will tell
your Lordships—and I wish your Lordships to bear in
mind this, and what followed, because you will understand
then the state of mind that arose in the colony immediately
after. At the same time that they passed a permanent
salary for the judges, they refused a permanent Civil List.
The then Colonial Minister determined to lay his hand on
certain revenues, and out of them to pay the salaries
of the Governor, and certain other officers whom he
chose. That was the first item that caused discontent.
That outrage was remarkable in all its circumstances. Three
citizens were shot, persons not at all concerned in the riot ;
and no means of redress were afforded to the people whose
fathers and brothers were shot, and the military who shot
them were thanked in general orders by the Governor.
Whereupon the House of Assembly said, even with an-
nual salaries we cannot get justice ; with perma-
nent salaries it would be impossible. Furthermore at
this time various • communications took place with
the Governor, concerning an alteration in the Le-
gislative Council. All oyes were turned on it,
and the people said—Now we shall have a proof
whether the Government at home, know the means of
redressing our grievances, by putting into this Assembly
men worthy of our confidence, or whether they are de-
sirous of shaking that confidence further. The al-
terations made in the Legislative Council gave very
great offence to the people. They saw clearly that
the men put in were not intended to alter the composition
of that body. All the evils of the old body still ex-
isted. They said, we have a Legislative Council and
Judges still the same independent
of us, but dependent
on the Crown ; and we have our revenues seized by
the Colonial Minister. My Lords, these were the three
complaints made by the Canadians in 1828. They refused,
therefore, to provide a Civil List ; but in the year 1833 they
passed an Annual Supply Bill, and that Bill was thrown out
by the Legislative Council. Thus commenced the war of
refusal of supplies on the part of the Legislative Council.
The year 1834 came—the House of Assembly called upon
them to provide a permanent Civil List, which they re-
fused ; and furthermore sayina, that none of their grievances
had been in any way redressed. They said we hate
:pplied to the Crown—we have applied to /be King's
Ministers, but all in vain. We will now apply to-Parliament
again, and then in 183-i, for the first time, they refused
supplies. Expecting that the Legislative Council would act
as they had hitherto done in 1834, and apply to Parliament
for redress, petitions were sent over to this country, one to this
House, and one to the House of Commons ; the latter of
which I presented, and upon which I moved for a Commit-
tee of Inquiry, which Lord Stanley, who was then Secretary
of State for the Colonies, refused. He made a motion
of his own, and a Committee according to his desire was
appointed. That Committee did nothing—they made
inquiries, but" they came to no Report. Why did
they not ? My Lords, lam going to speak of men in
high station. lam going to describe conduct disgraceful
to any man, whatever his situation might be. Mr. Rice was
then Colonial Secretary, by one of the shifts and turns so
rife in this country—those political changes, which turn out
one Ministry and bring in another—one of those
changes something like a phantasmagoria box—ore of
these changes, my Lords, inflicted upon the Colonies
a new Colonial Secretary—Mr. Rice, in the room of Lord
Stanley. Mr. Rice desired not to be hampered by pre-
determinations ; he indulged in vague liberalities, but lie
made one definite promise to the agents of the Colony and
myself—that the servants of the Crown and the people who
had not been paid, should not be p lid without the sanction' of
the Assembly. My Lords, at my su;gestion, and I beg
pardon of the Canadian people for having induced them to
place faith in a Cabinet Minister, the agents believed this
Lords, we had scarcely left the office before
iptro%sm,aisse
'broken ; and a dispatch, dated almost the same
day, was sent out ordering the authorities there to pay the
salaries which had been refused by the Assembly ; and
Lord Aylmer did pay them, and in 1833 came down to the
Assembly, end asked for (as we understood) a vote of the
31,0001., which had been taken from the public chest.
Now I beg of you to mark this peculiar case of assisting
them to go time. I beg your Lordships at-
; elongMinister raised expectations which he
knew n
would to
on for
The a
be raised by the language he used, but
lt .
which he was determined never to fulfil. He made:
uromises the most solemn that any man in such a position
could make ; and he brought them to a belief in those
promises with the facility of dicers' oaths. He dis ippointed
them—indignation was the consequence of that disappoint-
ment—resistance the consequence of that indignation ; and

tiii,:' stthi, L.p..11.)0.N, ki UTINDAVI..ftiIittIARY 6, is3B.

pence of what-they conceived a crying injustice committed
by the authorities. NeXt, in this riot there was no abUse of
the powers of self-government—there was no connexion be=
tween the Assembly- and the eitst, The riot took place merely
in consequence of some proceedings which the people thought
unjust, and which they resisted: The people, in fadt, had re-
eisted the reecetion of -certain writs as he had no doubt their
,Lordships knew from the tieWipapers'. There vies evidence
that tar 9oyernment had knowledge of the preeCeralnee of the
deople for a length of time lonfere they chose to take any
men have d :e;
notice of it ; at last, however, they sc,
disco-
ered that a conspiracy existed somewhere, and their me-
thod of taking measures to provide for the public safety
rsas curious. They forthwith dismissed a number of offi-
cers of militia, much in the same way as a certain Go-
vernment had once dismissed Earl Fitzwilliam from a
high situation for attending a meeting for the Reform
Parliament;of nearly in a similar way to this were
those officers of militia dismissed for attending a meeting, and
Hong with them were dismissed also a number of magistrates ;
and a new Commission was issued, leaving out almost all in
whom the people had confidence. Their Lordships must un-
derstand that just at this Juncture the Jury Act had expired,
leaving it in the power of the Crown, by means of the Attor-
ney-
General, an offiCer of the Crowns and appointed, paid, and
dismigsable by the Crown, to ifels just whomsoever he pleased
to serve on juries. Just at this tune, Lord Giosford issued
warrants against persons on account of acts ddmttlittki three
nonths beforo a thoea were directed chiefly against M. Ilapi-
ecau and his associates, but lief agairiei hi. Papineau himself
in the first instance, though very sign&arii tHrtiinr was
.riven that it was intended to issue a warrant against
pinean shortly. Such are the facts of the case; and were
your Lordships called upon to disfranchise a borough, or to
deprive a Corporatirn of its charter, upon such a case, you
would give a flat refusal ; and yet here in a case where the
outrage upon existing vested interests is for more marked and
extraordinary, there seems no hesitation. Compare the con-
duct pursued with regard to the Canadians with that to-
wards the people of Bristol. A dangerous riot occurred in
that town, yet nobody thought of depriving the city of
their representatives nor of their charter. Look at the
daily riots of Ireland—whole counties, not parishes, de-
clared to require martial law, and yet there is no proposal to
deprive Ireland, or even the disturbed counties, of their repre-
,entatives. Take again a yet more striking case—Scotland
in 1715 and 1745. At that time the whole of Scotland was
on the side of the Pretender, and actually in willing subjec-
tion to him ; and yet Scotland was not deprived of her repre-
sentatives. Even the supposed parrallel case of Boston affords
nothing like the present Bill. An outrage in that case had
been committed expressly against the authority or, Parliaments
the whole people of the provittee of Massachusett's Bay ape
plauded the rioters, and refused to give them eel, and turned
out in arms to resist the Government. Yet then, all that was
praposed to be done was to give to Boston a Constitution simi-
lar to that which Lower Canada now has. There was no at-
tempt to destroy their means of self-government, their House of
Representatives remained, but the Council was now to be chosen
by the Crown instead of being elected by the people. The
truth is, my Lords, and we cannot hide it from ourselves or the
world, this riot is but a pretext. The Ministers found that the
Government of Canada, with its present Constitution, was a
..ainful and difficult matter, and they took advantage of the
fright which this riot created in Parliament to persuade
them that the source of all this confusion and terror was
the House of Assembly, the fact all the time being, that the
imbecillity, the vacillation, and deception adopted by the Mi-
nisters were the true causes of the disturbance. Pretences
were wanted to cover this disagreeable filet, and the riot came
opportunely to their aid. Nevertheless, it may still be insisted
that some change is necessary, because the populations, Eng;
fish and French, are divided and hostile, and the French ma-
jority are said to oppress the English minority. Having thus
proved the injustice of the proposed measure, by describing
'anctdefending the conduct of the Assembly—having, as I be-
lieve, successfully justified that much-injured, much-calum-
niated body, and repulsed the various attacks which malice
and ignorance combined have made on it, I now proceed to
that part of my duty which is comparatively light and easy.
I am no longer on the defensive; I am about to attack the so-
called healing measure on your Lordships' table, and to prove
it to be for good purposes wholly inadequate, while for mischief
it is but too potent and effective. Let us, at the outset, clearly
understand what the measure is, and what it is intended to
effect. The Bill is called one for the Government of Lower
Canada. Difficulties have arisen in the Government of that
colony—difficulties such as I have been at some pains to de-
sscribe ; the machinery created by the Act of 1791 has been
found not altogether perfect; the Assembly has exercised its
powers in a manner to give offence; and you are in conse-
quence called upon, to do what? Amend the faulty parts of
the machine? so to arrange the now conflicting powers of it,
thot it may proceed to its accustomed and useful work ? No,
'my Lords, this is not what you are now asked to do. The
!bright idea of mending the machine by first destroying it has
`Suggested itself to the Colonial Minister ; and because the
['great mass of the Lower Canadian population are already
.somewhat displeased with the treatmnnt they have received at
cur hands, it is deemed the height of wisdom to take a step
which will inevitably increase their discontent, and render
their allegiance the result of physical coercion, and not spon-
taneous and affectionate attachment to our dominion. Now,
my Lords,- must presume to differ entirely from the policy of
this proceeding, and I will at once endeavour to show your
Lordships how all the present difficulties attending our
rule will be greatly aggravated by this fatal measure—to
point out to you the portentous evils with which it
threatens us, the dire calamities which must of necessity
flow from it. But still it may be said, something must be
done. I allow it. This admission, however, does not yield
anything in favour of this Bill. The measure makes bad
worse : where under present circumstances you have one
difficulty, under this brilliant specimen of Colonial Legis-
lation you will have to encounter a hundred. When I have
proved all this, my Lords, I will go one step further, by
showing that it is wanton mischief—that a dangerous
path has been chosen--that you have, while a safe one
'was open to you adoped a course in which you have the
'danger of war, in which you certainly incur enormous ex-
pense, which will probably produce calamity without limit,
and yet attain no security for the future—that you do
this, when it is possible with ease to allay all discontent,
without incurring any danger of hostility at the present
time, and also to provide for our future security from
any evil that may threaten us in consequence of the great
and rapidly increasing power of the great federal Republic
of North America. The Bill, in the first place is a
temporary measure. You suspend the Constitution of
Lower Canada till the year 1840, and in the meantime you
send out a Dictator. The question immediately arises—in
what better condition do you suppose you will be in the
the year 1840 than now ? What do you suppose will take
place when the Constitution revives ? Will not the same
difficulties which now beset and obstruct it revive also? But
we intend to provide against them. By what means ? And
why are those means at once adopted ? Why do you not now
amend the Constitution in place of destroying it ? You know
the whole case. More information cannot be obtained. Why;then, then, delay to act ? Why ? Because they who have the
power have not the courage to face the real difficulties of the
question. This sending out a Dictator, this temporary sue-
pension of
the Constitution, is a part of the old system which
lids produced the present crisis. The great object of all Mi-
eisterial endeavours seems to be to stave off a difficulty. Man-
fully to grapple with it requires courage, requires knowledge ;
and courage and knowledge are qualities, unfortunately, which
are far too rare in the rulers of mankind. At this moment the
Ministers of the Crown are reduced to this dilemma—.either
they know what ought to be done, or they do not. If they do
know what ought to be done, there is no need of delay ; if they
do not know, they never will. Let us not, however, hide the
ruth from ourselves.
s. They who have governed England and
her colonies for the last ix years have always been halting between
o
tw opinions, and subject to the influence of two sorts of prin-
ciples diametricay opposed. They have obtained power under
the guise of liberality—under the promise and pretence of re-
form. They have
endeavoured to retain power without any fulfil-
ment of their promises. The consequence has been that their Go -
vernment at home and in our colonies has been one conti-
They oave allowed expectations to arise that
nued shuffle.
they determined not to satisfy. They seek to make men
Idse upon hope,
and themselves desire to enjoy all the odour
of liberality. Discontent, however, attends disappointment,
and all our present difficulties in Canada are the result of dis-
content and anger, raised by the diqi.ppointment of hopes pro-
duced by this unwarrantable system of promise without per-
-formance. Habits, however, are not easily eradicated ; the
Ministers of the Crown will not take lessons from experience
and are determined to continue their old game of procrasti-
nation and delay. But, my Lords, I appeal fe irlessly to
your common sense, anti to your honour and hone4v, and I
ail: of you, possessed as you are of all the knowledge
which the case affords or requires, whether it would not be
more prudent, more honourable, more honest, at once to say
what you will, what you will not do, to satisfy the wishes
of your colonists? Take your measures like bold, like honest,
min; tell us what they are. Establish your system of colo-
nial rule—that system to which you determine to adhere,
and at once frame that machine of colonial Government
which you believe to be the best one. Do this, and there is
no need to suspend the Constitution of Canada. Change it,
if you so determine ; but do so at once, and do not fly to sub-
terfuge. Do not come with hypocritical pretences of sor-
row—hollow lamentations over the necessity which com-
pels you to act, and under the guise of sham liberality per-
petrate this cryiug outrage against common sense and com-
mon honesty. If you intend permanently to destroy the
Representative Government of Lower Canada, say so at
once, and do it avowedly and openly and do not, I
entreat of you, adopt the poor, the paltry screen of saying
that you suspend it only. If you do not intend to destroy but
to amend it, let us at once know what those pro nosed amend-
ments are. For your own sakes--for the seise of that cennee-
tion between this country and the Colony—which all in this
House and most of those in the other House of Parliament
prize so highly—I beseech you, my Lords, to adopt this manly,
this honest course ; for depend on me when I tell you, that
the moment this Bill becomes a law, all hope of any peaceful
maintenance of that connection may•at once and for ever be
discarded. I know the people of whom lam speaking ; I
know the circumstances by which they are serrounded, and
without hesitation I assert, that they will deem this measure
one of great, of unmitigated injustice; they will consider it
part of a system, and that system they will believe to have for
its .object the establishment
of such a colonial dominion ac
will leave them but the shadow of freedom. They will feel
that this measure is an insult, as well as injury ; it will de-
grade them in their own esteem—it will degrade them in that
of their neighbours. They will make comparisons between
their own position and the happy situation of the free citi-
zens of the United States, and they will, while they im-
precate curses upon the rule under which they are compelled
for a time to crouch, look with longing eyes to that mighty
people who dwell near to them, and will in secret cherish

4; •'
TC:i',Dit;:: 7

\
'711;

future better government of Cana,
of a Convention ; and the Member- o fcp,
Lower, Canada arc to be elected ega, e `o that
country. Now at this moment I will *"... • ' 6'ff 0 the
wisdom or folly of this proposed arrangement, but I call
attention to this remarkable circumstance. The very same
pin-sons—viz., the Ministers of the Crown—who drisad
the Opening of the Parliament of Lower Canada, whon
dread also a nele election, yet have no fear of calling
the people together for the election of Delegates to a
Convention. It is obvious, then, that they do not fear
assemblies of the people ? Wnat, then, do they dread ?
And 'why do they not allow the Noble Lord who is to go out
as paefileator after peace is established—why not allow him
to call tog,jller the Parliament ? I heard a whisper and
a suggestion in did other House of Parliament, which to me
explained the mystery. There will be some plan devised to
narrow the cenEituency of o,at country, and the ignorant
meddlers in politics, who have .ltitherto ruled the destinies
of that unfortunate country, are so I.Lucl as not to see the
consequence of such an attempt. You aeel told, my Lords,
t'-at all the wca'th of that country is in the haetels of the Eng-
lish, and you believe what you are told. Now, itear my ver-
sion of the story ; all the real wealth of the country- is in the
hands of the agricultural community, and they for t:ee moss
part are French, while the pretended riches of the merc.hants
of Montreal and Quebec, who are chiefly English, are me're, -
show than reality. Few are rich—few arc solvent; and the,'
real cause of their furious outcry is the dread of bank-'
ruptcy in peaceful times. Create a riot, and to be a bank. ;
rupt will not be dishonourable. Keep the country quiet,'
and, if they break, then men will scan closely the honesty
of those who have deluded their creditors. However, make
your electoral qualification higher, try the experiment, and
you will not have one Englishman in your new Parlia-
ment, Your only chance is by extending the suff, age ; but.
this does not accord with notions predominant here, and
we are all lent too prone to fancy the rest of the world
I:ke ourselves in every particular. The Noble Lord who is
about to go en this mission of supposed peace will find all
his pl ins of good enined by the suspicion attendant on this
Bill. He is popular, it is said in this country. I suppose
that he is known to the people by sonic great achievement in
their favour, by some great service rendered them. But to
the Canadian people he is unknown, except as the dictator
who strode over the ruins of their Constitution, and the near
connection of one they deem their bitteeest enemy. He may
surround himself with pomp and parade--he may enact the
Viceroy, and play with what or vigour he plea Lees the farce of
mock royalty ; but when he sends this Bill as his harbinger,
be assured that he will play to empty benches ; he' Tvtll be
no popular favourite ; and, though a star from Londors, the
provincials will not run after him. Scme few fools nay
gape and say, " God bless him !" but the national feeling
will be such towards him that no man need envy him his ,
power, even with all its tinsel concomitants ; nor will I.e,
if he have the heart of a man, long stand up against
the concentrated hatred and indignation that will on all
occasions break out against him who could seize this unhal-
lowed sceptre, and consent to play the dictator over an in-
jured and be!pless people. Perhaps in the day of his failure
he will remember the words uttered this night. But
what, then, ought to be done ? Let me answer that queston
in one sentence :—Do justice to Itiada. You wish to retain
your dominion ; you wish to maintain: peace ; you desire to
have your Colony a profitable possession. If you wish these
things, reign over them with justice ; but jt,..stice here means
grant the demands of the people. What are +,.4e;' ? Freedom
are in this
from irresponsible rule. The interests of Engleetei
the same as that of the Colony. England gains noteing by
an irresponsible Legislative Council. Give the people A Go-
vernment which shall provide fur their interests anti for
yours, and mot for those of the hungry band who have so
long preyed upon the vitals of the Colony. 11)w is this is
be done ? As follows :—A careful and provident Statesman
would in all his measures respecting the present Government
of Canada keep a steady eye on the future destinies of the
Coloi:,v—would be careful so to arrange his plans as to render
it impossile that any junction with the United States and
our present colonies should ever take place. The present con-
dition of those provinces gives you an opportunity of doing
both the things which you now reek to effect, viz., to allay
the discontents of the lower and sipper province, and provide
against the extension of the power of f S. United States. The
mode of allaying the discontents of Canat;o I last year pro-
pounded to the House of Commons, and have lately again set
forth to the head of her Majesty's Government. That plan
contemplated the abolition of the Legislative Council, and the
creation of a Council of Advice, to be chosen by each succes-
sive Governor. By this means resposibility would be fixed
upon a single person, who would have all the advantage that
could be derived from advice. In order to protect the genoval
interests of the colonies and England's interests, it was pro- '
posed that there should be a General Assembly composed of
persons elected by the various Legislatures of the different colo-
nies ; that by a wsitten code the powers of this body should be
cicternained--one of their functions being to hear impeach-
ments ;ireferrA by the Colonial Legislatures. Besides this
body, it was mposed to institute a superior court of judica.
ture, to try all juJicial questions between the several colonies,
and such as should are from calling in question the limits of
the powers exercised by
Geecral,Assembly and the seve-
ral Colonial Legislatures. Such a machinery as this would
keep your colOnies one compact body—world keep them sepa-
rate from the United States, and when the tereie comes, which
must come, in which they are to heindependent of our domi-
nion, they might form themselves into a northern cemfedera-
tion, balancing and contesting the powers of the United States
of America. Such, my Lords, is my plan of pacification,
to which no objection can be brought- but such as results
either from misconception of the real ins rest; of England.
or a too nice perception of personal interest. But, before
you decide upon this or any other plan, I woad beseech
you, my Lords, gravely and seriously to inquire into the
benefit nhich you hope to derive from opposing the gene-
ral wishes of your colonists, and then to set against this sup.'
pj-sed benefit the real evils which you have, by obstinately
opposing yourself to the just wishes of our subjects. At this
moment every one of you must feel that war with the United
Sta'es has been risked by this insane quarrel with our colonies.
No greseer calamity could happen to mankind than such a war,
and yet have we heedlessly, may I not say criminally, incurred
the danger of it, and for what? To maintain a wretched
band of heavy officials in the possession of ill-used as well as
'el-gotten power —to shelter a few peculating servants from the
just indignation of their robbed and insulted masters. This;
my Lords, is the real end of all our great expense, of all our,
loss of money, time, and blood, the magnificent object farwhich -

the darling hope, that the fortune which ever pursues injus-
tice, even though she be halt, and lame, and slow, will
yet inevitably overtake it, and bring with the turn of
her fatal Wheel sit opportunity of punishing their oppressors,
and tindicating their own honour and freedom. I speak
prophetically, my Lords," not as one wishing the misfortunes to
nneland whith I note predict e, but be you assured that now,
in scorti and Contereptuoua disregard of worthy men and
worthy feelings, iff! Pi‘e sowing Seeds of discontent and resist-
?eise_i which some day not Mt distant, we Shall gather into our
garners With !sees of sorrow and te,f shame. it is the fashion,
eve Lords, to talk of the ignorance of the Canadian pFeple ;
aad asse,eions are recklessly hazarded, which greater know-
ledge of the people iner.l their actual condition, and also of the
true criterion of education, would altogether have prevented.
We are prone to believe that America and Europe arc the
same, and to fancy that the agricultural serfs who in Europe
form the mass of the inhabitants find a counterpart in the in-
dependent possessore of the soil in America. Never was there
committed a more gross or ft more fatal error. America at
this moment is governed by the habits of thought and feeling
[catered, perpetuated, and extended by that remarkable band
of religious and political enthusiasts who criginally settled in.
New England, and whose sons now swarm in every part of
the federal union of the United States. The political creed
of these men has, in reality, become the political creed
of the whole continent, and is entertained as well by the
descendants the French colonists on the banks of the
Mississippi and the h. Laverenec, as by the immediate heirs
of thoaa English who originally seized and settled on the
shores of the flUdsesn or the Coifnecticut. Yuu are treated
often with dissertations upon the feudal laws and burdens
exist in Canada. Belietv me, my Lords, when I tell
you that a foetal schism is unknown in that country; that
ihe people are ndt driven but persuaded ley their leaders,
and that the influence of' Papineau and his friends at this
moment is precisely the same sort of power as that poseessed
formerly by the Adamses, the Joneses, the Warners, and
the Washingtons of America. How do I prove this? I
do so by stating two facts, for which I challenge and defy
contradiction. Let any seigneur change his present po
litics, and take part with the oppressors of Canada—
let the priest of the parish preach the same doctrine,
and then let these two persons combined go to a poli-
tical election against a Liberal candidate, and I will abide by
the result. The seigneur and the priest will fail. Why do
I assert this? Because the experiment has been tried and
failed. Well-known instances must suggest themselves to
every one conversant with the affairs of that county. But if
this be so, what becomes of the assertions concerning the ig-
norance of the Canadian people ? Do you usually find an ig-
norant and dependent peasantry turning a deaf ear and refus-
ing obedience to the commands of their territorial lords, and
their priesthood combined ? Never. Such a phenomenon
was never seen. But in America, where the farmer is his
own master, living In great plenty and celtsfort, and surrounded
by circumstances which tinily eall for great activity of mind,
of great ingenuity, under novel difilcultiee, which task his se-
gacity in the application of means to ends, the former, I say,
who is thus situated acquires habits of independent thought and
action; he listens to him who comes armed with reason and
with facts, and despises any attempt which would subject him
blindly to authority. Talk not to me of reading and writing
as the only interim of education ; I have seen many a
farmer who knew nothing of scholastic learning, yet was
well read in the book of nature and experience, whose judg-
ment was far more sane and accurate, whose sagacity was
far more acute, and whose mind was much more thoroughly
euarded against the assaults of prejudice and superstition
than those of many a learned but still ignorant book-worm,
whose only knowledge was the pretended science of the schools.
Furtherance, nay Lords, when we speak of ignorance, let us
realetnba)r this fact, the moment that the means of scholastic
education were placed within the reach of the Canadian people
the whole population at (meg availed themselves of the advan-
tages thus offered to them. And let us never forget that they
who are ever harping upon this ignorance of the Canadian peo- '
ple, the Legislative Council, in the year 1836, did from political
hate, and to serve their own base purposes, deprive 40,000
children of the means of instruction, by shutting up the na-
tional schools. And this ignorant people have cherished and
.will cherish the memory of this wrong, so that when the day of
,retribution is come they may not forget the punishment due to
the crime. I now, my Lords, invite your serious consideration
.of the peculiar condition of the American continent, so that
,when you have well weighed the various and extraordinary cir-
cumstances there existing you may be able to form some-
thing like an accurate and vivid conception of the probable
effeete of the proposed measure, and the influence that
it is likely to have upon the future peace and security of
our American colonies. Any person who should for the first
elate look upon the map of North America would naturally
have his attention irresistibly attracted to that immense ter-
ritory which stretches from the Atlantic to the Pacific across
the whole Continent, and which extends from the Gulf of'
Mexico to the chain of lakes which have their outlet to the sea
by the St. Lawrence. His astonishment would undoubtedly
be created if he learned that this immense and fertile tract, si-
tuated within the most favourable degrees of latitude, possess-
ing every conceivable natural advsntage, belonged to a people
teaching one language, and united under one government.
His opinion of the pourer of this people would be undoubtedly
greatly rased when he also learned that the whole of the va-
rious sections of this stupendous country were self. governed,
and that the people took every precaution to increase and im-
prove their own education and that of their children. His
ideas of this people's greatness would receive no diminution
when he learned that their commerce extended to every realm,
and that every improvement in science was by the ingenuity and
enterprise of the people immediately on its becoming known
applied to practical purposes —that by this means a system
of road, railroads, canals, was there to be witnessed which
defied the world to parallel it--that steam with all its wonders
had there almost its birth, and was there certainly hourly ex-
tending the dominion of man over nature. Would he not ex-
claim when he was told that this gigantic potter was only in its
infancy—Woe unto those who shall cross this mighty people in
the hour of their meridian greatness ; and blind must be those
statesmen•of other nations who, if they have the power, ne-
glect the means of creating a counterpoise to such a domi-
nion ! Such, my Lords, however, is the United States ; and
the influence of her opinions is already paramount upon that
continent, and affects the habits of thought and feeling of
every inhabitant of its boundless regions. Now, the leading
dogma of this people's political creed is, that all men ought
to be self-governed, and they look down with ineffable con-
tempt upon all who submit to the domination of others. The
Canadians, living in daily intercourse with the bold-think-
ing and free-speaking Republicans, have necessarily acquired
their habits, and adopted their political dogmata. What
will be the necessary consequence of your depriving the Ca-
nadiaus of that highly-prized privilege, viz., the right of self-
government ? You will at once excite the indignation of the
whole population of the United States, and create intense
sympathy with the suffering, and, as they will call them, the
oppressed and enslaved Canadians. Not a newspaper among
the millions that circulate within the American territories but
will contain violent philippics against you and your enact-
ment. You at ill be unable to prevent these papers circulating
throughout the Canadas. Besides, you cannot prevent the
expression of opinion reaching the Canadas through per-
sonal communication. Every trader coming front America
will exhibit his indignation of the oppressor, and his sym-
pathy for the reluctant, and contempt for the willingly suf-
fering and submissive. Deep shame and bitter hatred, and
cherished hope of revenge, ample and immediate, will be the
inmates of every Canadian bosom. Your armies may for a
while enforce obedience, but a thousand accidents may at
once, and for ever, drive you from the continent. Any dispute
with America, which shall again, as in 1812, bring her armies
on your frontier, will not find you with a population en-
thusiastically attached to, and ready to die fur, your do-
minion. No : in place of this, the Americans would find the
Canadians stretching out their arms for succour, crying with
piteous voices and bitter wailings and curses, " Aid us in
throe ing off the yoke of the oppressor. Come, brave and
generous people, sympathise with cur wrongs, and alleviate
our misfortunes." Your dominion will end. Should any
national calamity occur which would cripple our power
and our resources, they will, if possible, rise in open rebel-
lion, and again would they stretch out their arms and cry fur
succour from the already sympathising Americans. My
Lords, this is no idle fancy of my brain—no fantastic product
of a heated imagination. At this moment the picture that I
have drawn may be seen in the life. You are told, and I be-
lieve truly, that the American Government sincerely desiies-
peace with England; but in America it is the people that
govern. There you cannot neglect or contemn the popular
feeling ; neither can you easily suppress its working. Is not
the federal Government at this moment powerless in its
attempts to put down the excitement now existing on their
northern frontier in favour of the Canadians? This excite
ment has been created simply by the fact of revolt agai'ast
the mother country (for as yet they knees, nothing of this
measure of revenge). Their own revolution is ever in their
thoughts. The cases, in their opinion, seem almost iden
cal, and they believe that the God of the oppressed bids
them aid and assist the Canadians. The revolt, in spite of all
theAe formidable difficulties, may be suppressed ; but where
is your security for the future ? Your at ell-trained soldiers.
may defeat the rebels, but they cannot convert them into
attached and faithful subjects. Every act of this fatal tra-
gedy only renders more certain the painful and, to us, humi-
liating result. Hostile separation and war with the United
States will some day inevitably follow. Then, my Lords, see
what follows. This already too gigantic power will add to her
Union the whole continent of America. They are shallow po-
liticians who cannot see the immense temptation which is held
out by the free navigation of the St. Lawrence to all the mo-
ther states of the Union. The very question which, of all others,
appears most likely to create dissension in the Union, viz,, that
of slavery, renders, under present circumstances, the annexation
of the Cenadas, as a collet Tpoise to Texas, almost inevitable, un-
.ess timely and wise precautions be taken by England to prevent
ie Ceti such precautions be taken ? Do any means exist
by which this fatal junction might b prevented and our dis-
contented colonies firmly attached to our dominions? illy
Lords, I think there are such means, and to those means—to
that measure which ought to supersede the direful experiment
you are about to venture, I will almost immediately apply
myself, and shortly describe it, as the best apology I can offer
ao your Lordships for the trial I have made of your patience
and attention. I would, however, before Ido this add a few
observations upon the consequences likely t ) result from the
precious specimen of legislation before your Lordship. It is
clear that this suspension o': the Canadian Constitution is rot
needed for the suppression of the revolt. It is clear also that
the Noble Lord who is to be the dictator of Canada is net to
employ his powers to that end, otherwise he would proceed
immediately to his government, and not await the coming- of
fine weather in the spring. Except, then, for the purposes of
vengeance, the objects of this Bill aro all prospective. By the
preamble as it originally stood, and also by the instructions to
Lord Durham, which have been printed, we are told that
one of the means which his Lordship will adopt for the

./7

we have stayed all improvement in Canada, • for which we now
seek to outrage the feelings of the whole continent of Ame-
rica, for which we have already risk; the chance of the most
disastrous calamity which ignorance tied wickedness com-
bined could inflict on mankind. Is not this, my Lords, a
magnificent requital for such a risk ? And Are we not, by
cur procee.'iings, exhibiting to the world a scene humiliating
to the national character for sense, for honour, and generosity.
To you, my Lords, as the supposed guardians of our ancient
honour, I appeal to save us from this degradation and disgrace:,
(The Learned Gentleman, after reading out in a very audible
tone part of a protest recommending conciliatory measures to
be pursued towards the Colonies, a protest which had been
entered on their journals by some of their most illustrious
ancestors, among whcm he mentioned the names of the Duke
of Richmond, the Duke of Devonshire, Earl Fitzwilliam,
Lord Falkland, and Lord 13,:nscnby, concluded by stating that

he would not trevas:s further upon their indulgence, but
would reserve to himself the right of at a future stage
of thr, Bill, evidence to prove the various tarts which he had

stAed in the course of his speech. )
Lord BROUGHAM observed, that as the Learned Coun-
sel in his very able speech had suggested the probability of
tendering evidence, he thought that their Lordships might go
into Committee pro forma, so that if their Lordships might
be so disposed they could suffer evidence to be given. He did
not think it was a matter of course permitting evidence to be

given at the bar.
Lord GLENELG proposed that their Lordships should go
into Commiace upon the Bill.
Lord BRO UG II Alll said that he by no means intended to
offer any vexatious or harassing opposition to a Bill respect-
ing which he differed so widely from so jnany of their Lord-
ships. He should reserve the re.narks he haq to make to d
future stage of the Bill.
The Earl of RIPON felt it necessary to retrark, in con-
sequence of the observations that had been made at th,? bar, that

the House of Assembly had suspended the Constitution, and
actually compel:ed them to adopt some measure of the kind.
Their Lordships then went into Committee, The Bill
ptissccl through Committee. It was reported without amend-

inents, and the third readily!, fi>ed for thur;day next.
The Earl of ABERDEEN wished to kno.,v if it were in-
tenled to wait the proclaiming of the Act uatil the Noble
Lord appointed by the Government had gone out to Canada;

or whether Sir John Colborne was to Ilse a discretional
power in proclaiming it?
Lord GL ENELG replied that it was intended to confide
the powers given by the Act to Sir John Colborne before the
arrival of the Noble Lord appointed by the Government.
The house then adjourned.

We understand that the 'different carriers by wacr
from Manchester to Hull and Goole, have advanced the rate
of freight 2d. per cwt., in consequence, as they state in ,a
circular addressed to the principal Shipping houses, " of the
important change which will shortly be produced by the Man-
chester and Leeds Railway, now rapidly advancing to com-
pletion, which, if it do not altogeJicr deStroy our trade; will
at least to a very great extent cuLtail it, and throw upon our
hands a large and valuable stock of boats,. &c. unsuited for
general purposes."—Times.
MISS MARTINEAU'S PERSONAL NARRATIVE.
—The distinguished success of Miss Martineau's first has pro-
duced, this s: cond work cn America, which consists of the
liglter snd more anecdatical portion or her impressiJas and
experiences of Adventures, sletches of life and scenery, and
pictures of women and men ; of all the books in tjic Itltiglish
!anguage on her subject, her society in America is iacompara-
,a,r,charelyq,t:e(sitned2
bly the ablest and most instructive, and we can conscientiously
say of her new work, " Retrospect ,of Western_ Travel," that'
it distances all her competitors• in the qualities which yield
~,Dideakycsil—s,
Esq.
e, ILz„,.
amusement and delight —London and Tire.stnvnster Review.
LITERARY :\NNOUNCEM::
I. Memoirs of Joseph
to state that tlie new work by .1. Fenimore Cooper, Esq , author
1,
7e7; i t IN:V(i e
of " The Pilot," " The Spy,"
vols. Foot 8vo), is published this day by Mr: Beniley, New
Burlington-street, Pub isher in 'Oidinary to her.Maj,sty ; who
) author
of " The Pickwick- Paper=," "Oliver Twist," tt,,,e ; with' ‘Grirlilmaalldsio, eiduibtelidshbvhC' haarlefes
nu-
merous characteristic iilustratious by George Cruikshaak,
2 vols. post Sea. 11. Vienna and the Austrians, by . Mrs.
Trollope, author of " Domestic Manners of the Americans,"
" The Vicar of Wrexhill," &e. ; with fourteen engravings,
c. .
2 vols. evo.