The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-25 00:00:00

THE SUN. LONDON, FRIDAY, MAY 25, 1838.

heavens, was still the friend of the enslaved and oppressed, and before
whom there was no respect of persons.--(llear, bear.) He instructed
this cause too, because he was instructed every Sabbath to offer up a
prayer to God on behalf of " All prisoners and captives ; and recreant
should he consider himself to be to those principles in which he was
instructed by a sainted mother from the first hour that he could lisp the
name of Jesus, if now a mipister of Christ, he did not remember
those that were bound.—(Cheers.)—[The Marquis of Clanricarde
here entered, and, after shaking hands with Lord Brougham, took
a seat on the platform amidst great applause.] Great Britain has long
shone like a sun in the forehead of Europe, dispensing its light to all
the nations of the world, and they had long been in the habit of congra-
tulating themselves on the proud pre-eminence they occupied amidst
the nations of the world; but that sun when he looked upon it had got
its spots, and there was no spot that looked more gloomy, more horrible,
or more portentous than the black spot of slavery.—(Cheers.) No slave
could breathe in England, and therefore he had a right to ask, why, if
all men were free within the circle of our little island, slavery should be
permitted to exist in any part of the Queen's >dominions. It was
a matter of surprise to him that the Christian world had slept so long
upon this question ; for he considered slavery an outrage upon the best",
feelings of the human heart, and a violation of all the laws of God.—
(Applause.) In the result of the late debate in the House of Com-
mons he recognized the hand of God. It was the principle of Chris-
tianity that all men were brethren ; and it was that principle which im-
pelled Wilberforce to take tip this case, and carry it to its consumma-
tion. It was now inevitable that either Christianity or slavery must
give way in Jamaica. He was told the other day by a planter, that so
vicious was the state of society, even under the apprenticeship system,
in Jamaica, that Christi'anity could scarcely be said to exist in the island ;
to which he replied, " Let Christiaiiity go on and prosper, and trample_
slavery under foot." The providence of God was apparent in the, sore .
ring up of the hearts of men to put an end to this abhorrnnit, unchris-
tian, and inhuman system. Twenty millions had ben paid for emanci-
pation only, when it would have purchased the snetele of the West India
Islands, the planters, their wives, and tlof,, party coloured children.—
(Cheers, and great laughter.) The tenmp of the planter, and the luxury
with which his table groaned, wo'le purchased by human suffering which
it sickened the human heent to contemplate. The planters, in the
year 1834, anticipates+ a revulsion of revenge or retaliation from the
emancipated negro, but, on the contrary,' the dawning of the day
was hailed with prayers and thanksgiving—(Hear, hear)—and he
had the authority of a most unexceptionable witness—Lord Glen..
elg that the planters themselves were far less Christian than
their slaves, and that they had recourse to worse instruments of oppres-
sion than they ever employed in their most licentious days of proprietor-
ship. It was God that put it into the heart of that most excellent man
whonrhe would delight to honour if he could, Joseph Sturge,— (Tre-
mendous applause),—to go across the Antantic and to investigate the
real state of the case. He hoped to see the day when Joseph Stlirge
would be circulated over the country upon a gold medal, which he should
honour more than the king's head upon a sovereign.—(Hear, hear,)
Mr. O'Connell—Not than the Queen's.—(Cheering and laughter.)
lie thought that they had found out by this time, that it wae like pour-
ing oil into the tire. The information had gone out which he trusted
would have the effect of putting an end to the Bill.—(Cheers.) The
House of Commons had recorded their vote in favour of immediate eman-
cipation.—(Cheers.) He knew that Government weuldetell them, that
their Bill would do all that waS required, that they must wait for the
measures they would bring ichward would do every thing; he had
heard of those who said they could call spirits from the vasty deep, but
the question was, would they come —(Cheers.) The only way to give,
liberty to the slave, was to permit hini to choose his own master.—
(Cheers.) He thought it would be proper to put the planters under the
care of some lunatic asylum, in order that they might not commit them- -
selves in August, 183.—(('heers.) He had now done, he was
gruteful for what the House of Commons had done, but he confided in a
higher and a holier power :—(Cheers)
" A' mankind are unco weak,
An' faith we canna trust them."
—(Cheers.) He put his trust in the Almighty, under whose guidance
they must persevere until an Act should pass the British Legislature,
declaring that slavery should no longi r exist.—(Cheers.)
GEORGE THOMPSON, Esq. then came forward to support the resolu-
tion, amid tremendous cheering which lasted several minutes. When
silence had been in some measure restored, the learned and el,
quent gentleman proceeded to address the meeting as follows :—My
Lord, Ladies, and Gentlemen,-1 congratulate the friends of freedom
upon the spectacle that is this day presented within these walls, and
especially after the oracular intimation of an Hon. Member of the
House of Commons, who has been particularly referred to in your
Lordship's speech—l mean the Member for Devonport—who pro-
mised the Hon. House, if they would only carry the Bill—not the Bill
for that is to be carried presently—(Great cheering)—but the Bill th
had been sent down to the House from the Upper House which wou
effectually stifle the excitement created by Joseph Sturge, and his wet
intentioned, bnt indiscreet coadjutors, out of doors.—(Cheers.) I co
gratulate you, my Lord, upon the porter ,which I am sure you este
as such, of presiding over min a meeting as the present in the metr
polls of the Christian world far such an object. The object whi
this meeting seeks to eat/luxe is an object which is sought to be a
vanced by means of perfect unison with those which you, m
Lord, have all your life recommended to this country, and th
world, as the only just and omnipotent means of removing the exis
lug abominations of any country, and of blessing the world till tim
should be no longer.— (Cheers ) I congratulate this meeting upon th
presence of your Lordship upon your return from the continent, wher
you have not, I will venture to say, been idle in this great cause
(Cheers)—in health and energy to those duties which devolve upon you'
and to this special duty to which you are pledged years ago before th
assembled thousands of Yorkshire—(Cheers)—the duty of tearing u
by the roots the tree of slavery, and brandishing it in triumph ov
the heads of those who advocated slavery.—(Great cheering.) I co
gratulate this vast eressembly upon the present position of our caus
For w hat are we assembled here to-day ? To convert the country ?
That has already been done.—(Great cheering.) To enlighten the
minds of men upon this question ? That has been dote—well done,
and universally done. Is it to convey to the nieedbers of the two
branches of the Legislature the knowledge of Our feelings and wishes
upon thls question? That has been done:, znd sufficiently clone, as far
information goes, and the orey Thing remaining now, is with refe-
ence to the supply of adequate motives to the minds of Hon. Members
carry out the wishes--the known wishes of the British empire. All'
cse, and much more, hove been dote, and nobly dune. The City of
ndon has notOy done its duly. lam grad to be able to say, with the
ception of three—one fur tile city and two for the suburbs—ail the
have voted with us to this question —(Cries of " Hear,
.")I know that tee people of this country are with us.
n.
We know that England is with us.—(Cheers.) We all know thr t
Scotland is with us--(Cheers)-- and never was there a prouder, a nobler
manifestation of earnest and determined feeling than that which
your Lordship (addressing lewd Brougham) was the medium of bringing
before the Iloilee of Lords, the other night, in presenting a petition from
a city in which your Lordship is revered and respected—signed by
many more than 100,01)0 itilienitants —(Cheers.) We all know that
Ireland is with us—(Chars)—the " Member for all Ireland," (Mr
O'Connell, here bowed), knows that.—(Great cheering.) The Hon.
Member for Dublin well knows that all the representatives of that beau-
tiful isle joined to render Mr. Wilberforce's triumph complete—Great
cheering)--and though a I adieu' may not have deemed it expedient to
vote as we could desire on the late motions for abolition of the appren-
ticeship system--yet the chiefest and the noblest of them all have felt it
their duty and their privilege to vote with us, and, to be even with us, in
meetings like the preseet--((heers) —and I believe that if the just in-
fluence of our cause be exerted on the minds of the representatives of
Ireland, that the genius cf Ireland, who has been constrained to hang
her harp upon the willows, while her sons endeavour to reclaim the
character which they have partially lost, the genius of Ireland I do
believe shall again take her harp, and covering it with " wild arid beauti-
ful flowers," will strike t he bold numbers of" Erin-go-bragh :"--(Cheers.}
Nor do I speak of parties on this question as far as it regards mankilidai
Our sex, my Lord, ars one upon this subject, and right upon this subi
ject. I would congratulate you, my Lord, and the male portion of thisi
assembly, that woman is with us non tltis subject.—(Loud cheers.)
Lay aside for an hour, and for many hours, the darning needle and thei
distaff,—woman has come forth from the ha ee retirement she adorns saw
well, to appear as the neeleet, yet the undathited champion of the olio,
pressed, for the liberty of her sex in every part of the British dominions.,
—(Loud cheers.) Yes, my Lord, I think this is one of the most cheer-
ing :signs of the times.—(Clreers.) The world looking on has beheld,
700,000 of the maids and matrons of these Islands approaching the
footstool of the British Queen—wo.nan making an appeal to woman—to
a youthful maid and Queen on behalf of women. My Lord, I often ask,
myself, why are we heel Y The Church is with us, the Chapel is with us,.
the :Ileeting.house is with us,—we have the fireside of every :house.
with us, the Senate, at least a portion of it is with us, and ai
majority of the House of Commons is entirely with us,—so far as a ma-
jority of the Members on a division -after notice was given. Why,
then, are we here to-day ? Let it be known, let it be felt—let it be :
acted upon—(Cheers)—the country is with us, the Cabinet alone is
against us.—(Hisses.) I congratulate you, my Lord, ladies and gentle-
men, upon the complexion of our case in the Commons House of Par-
liament, as exhibited in the progress of the debates that have
taken place upon the subject. I might say, the debate, for
on Tuesday night there was no debate—there were three speeches
on our side, and something was said that was not heard very;
distinctly, and a few words fell, not very consistently, from one of the:
Members for Middlesex.—(No, no.) I beg pardon by the Hon. Member,
for Ki4senny. They‘cry out of danger and of further opposition. My
Lord, we will not be dismayed—we will not assume or use the language
of despondency—l see the question carried.—(Cheers.) I see the negro'
towering to the height of man.—(Cheers.) In the language of the poet,
" Tyrants and slaves this land no more shall see,
For God created all his people free."
(Loud cheers.) Our case now stands thus. Glad tidings are now going
over the blue waters to the palm-clad shores of our West India isles.
Revoke it who can.—(Cheers.) Revoke it who dare.—(Continued
cheering.) 'Tis done, and I speak the word—it shall not be undone.
—(Tremendous cheering.) In my mind the question is virtually carried.
I see the negro already walking abroad its his own majesty; I see him
swelling beyond the measure of the chains that burst from around him ;
and yet a little while, and I shall see him standing erect, magnificent,
man—emancipated and disenthralled by the irresistible agency of uni-
versal emancipation.—(Cheers.) Now with regard to the complexion
of the debate. It was well said by the Nolde Lord who fills the chair,
that arguments there were none, and yet I must beg his Lordship's par-
don—there were arguments on cur side, though there were none on the
other, for what was Sir George Grey's speech, and what did it prove ?
The unequalled fitness of the negro for freedom, I read the
speech of a Learned Membr of that House who spoke—l mean Sir Ed.
ward Sugden—and what is his speech, but an unanswerable
argument in proof not of the violation of a contract, but of the gross
and wicked infraction of an Imperial Act of Parliament. What is the
speech of Mr. Gladstone?—)Hear, and hisses.) It amounted only to
this—covered over as it is with arithmetical calculation—it amounted
only to this, a proof of the committal on the part of himself and his
party of an unrivalled stupendous robbery upon the industry of the
negro. —(Cheers.) Their speeches are ours—their arguments are ours.
The Learned Gentleman to whom I have referred tells us the contract is
null and void. Sir G. Grey tells us, through twenty pages filled with
extracts from Special Magistrates' reports, that the negro is fit for free-
dom ; and Wm. Ewart Gladstone, Esq., Member for Newark, demon_
aerates that every day and every hour is desecrated by the perpetration of
a foul robbery upon the involuntary industry of the negroes of the West
Indies. I congratulate you, then, my friends, upon the position of our
question, and now have we no reason to be dismayed. Is the literature
of the world ours? Are the sympathies of men every where ours ? Is
the smite of the departed dead ours ? Is the cheering voice of the non-
titudes and the millions ours ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") And shall
we be dismayed that a Noble Lord rises in his place in the House of
Commons, folds his arms, walks to the table, takes two steps
backward, and then tells the House that the anti-slavery agitators are
seeking to intimidate that Honourable House, and he puts it to the
honour and independence of Members whether they will thus be brow.
beat into a decision contrary to the justice of the case.—(Loud cheers.)
I think we are quite strong enough to smile derision upon such
announcements, and upon such advice.—(Loud and continued cheers.)
I assure that individual, that this excitement, however he may sneer at
it, is at present the most Russell-like excitement that ever was created
—(Great laughter)—for the attainment of a noble object. Before I for_
get I wish to put two questions through this meeting—one to the Hon.
Members of t?te Lower House of Parliament, and the other to the Go-
vernment of the country. My first question is this : I put it to, the Hon.
Member for Newark—is it true that since the late Sir J. Carmichael
Smith abolished corporeal punishment in British Guiana that application
was made by a gentleman of a certain name which I have recently
pronounced and need not repeat again—(Hear, hear)—that appli-
cation was made by him to the Government to rescind that ordinance,
on the ground that they could not do without flogging in that happy
colony ?--(Hear, hear.) I put that question deliberately arid advised,
arid I wait a reply.—(Hear, hear.) ;ile next question I shall put is this
—is it true that the Government of the country anticipating the arrival '
of the intelligence in the colonies that the vote of the House of Com-
mons has decided that the apprenticeship shall be abolished—is it true
that they have ordered troops on board her Majesty's vessels to plough

with all the speed they can the waves of the Atlantic, and arriVe tffidn
the shores of the West Indies, in time to prevent, lats bristling bayonets
and ball cartridges, the enjoyment or that freedom, which the people
and the Parliament of the itountry have decreed is the moral, the na-
tural, and the constitutional right of the negroes.—(Vehement cheering.)
My Lord, before I sit down—(Loud cries of " No, no, go on")—I have
a Bill of indictment to prefer against the Colonial-office. I here arraign
the chief and she subordinate functionaries of that office of moral incom-
petency for the discharging of their duties. And now for the proof.
Lord BROUGHAM—Is it for over- activity; Of for being too much
awake ?—(Great laughter and tintring.) ,
Mr. TriompoN resumed—l assure this assembly that I am not going
to read the Tvhole of these voluminous records which I hold in my
hand --(Laughter.) I shall not be long in giving you the facts, though
the volume is large.—(A laugh.) There is an island called Mauri-
tius. (Cheers and hear, hear, hens.) I am not going to give you
the history of that Island, either ancient or modern—eirefy
page is written in blood down to this hour.—(Hear, hear, hear.) A
fouler or darker den of infamy is not to be found.—(Cheers.) A band
of more firm unrelenting Miscreants is not to he found—men from the
highest to the lowest banded in unhallowed compacts against the liber-
ties of mankind.—(Cheers.) I am not going to give you the history of
that Island, because it would not apply to the case in point; but I am
going to read an extract from a dispatch, purporting to be written
—I dare not swear it was—by Lord Glenelg, dated Dowing-street,
Aug. 5, 1835, and addressed to M- jor-General Sir William Nicholay:—
" 1 feel it my Stay, with reference to this subject, to call your parti-
cular attenS;on to the Ist and 12th clauses of the Act for the Abolition
of Sla-, cry, by which it is provided that the apprenticeship shall be ims
used only on those slaves who on or before the time specified in the Act
were duly registered as s'aves according to the laws then in force in
Mauritius; and that all slavesnot duly registered as before mentioned,
shall be entitled to the unqualified enjoyment of their personal freedom
on the Ist of February, 1835."
*I think there is an error in the date of this letter—it ought to be the.
sth of August, 1836.
s ,
" It appears morcovsr that a claim has been made from Mauritius, and
has been rejected by the Commissioners of Compensation, for including
lin the return of slaves in respect of whom compensation was to be
awarded. 2,000 or thereabout, admitted not to have been returned or re-
gistered. As these slaves come clearly within those clauses of the Act
to which I hzve.referred, and consequently could not be lawfully em-
ployed as apprenticed labourers froni the Ist February 1835, the day on
which the Act came into operation in Mauritius. I presume that you
havaaalready taken the necessary steps for declaring them absolutely free.
You will, I trust, also have taken the same steps with reference to any
others who may not have been duly registered as required by the Act.
Should you have omitted to adopt this course, I have to coovey to you
the desire of his Majesty's Government that you take immediate measures
1 for carrying the provisions of the Act of Parliament, in the cases I have
mentioned, into full effect "
Now, my Lord, you will admit that the liberty of 2,000 human beings or
i thereabout—l might say many more thousands.—A Gentleman behind
whispers 50,000.—1 will merely bring before you they admitted the
legal elates of 2,000 or thereabouts. Sir George Murray—a good Se-
cretary—admitted to my Lord Brougham that there were, while he was
in office, not less than 25,000 who, according to the laws passed in 1817,
were feloniously introduced, and therefore entitled to immediate and
iabsolute freeeom.—(Hear, from Lord Brougham.) But for the 2,000
is the liberty of 2,000 human beings a small thing in anypart of the world ?
Is it a small matter with Englishmen that 2,000 of those who owned the
sway of Victoria I. should be held in unmitigated captivity 2—(Cheers.)
Is it a small matter that this should be under the sway of Victoria
I. ? Well, there is the dispatch. Put I ask, has there been energy
enough- to carry it into execution? Has there been integrity
enough ?—(indescribable sensation.) What was the dispatch written for
—to do justice to the oppressed, alai vindicate the honour of this
country—or to sustain the character of the Minister ?—(Cheers.) lam
here to impeach their unfitness for oiiice—for this office.—(Cheers.)
Not ono of those 2,000 has been released—(Vehement expressions cf
indignation;—unless be or she has received the mandate of the Most
High to leave their manacled bodies upon earth, and to ascend to regions
where the power of the oppressor cannot reach.—[The last part
of the sentence we lost in consequence of the burst of
applause with which it was interrupted. Even at Anti-Slavery
Meetings we have scares ever seen such a manifestation
of enthusiasm. When Mr. I'. uttered the words, " Leave their mana-
cled bodies upon earth," there was an instantaneous expression of sym-
pathy the most extraordinary that ever was witnessed at a public meet-
ing.] Look to that very paradise upon earth, British Guiana ! You
horny-handed artisans of London look here ! You, Ladies of London,
whose duties confine you to the nursery, or to the kitchen, beyond two
o'clock of the day, look to British Guiana ! You artisans who toil to
sunset, look at the enviable condition of your dark brothers, who are
ashin; in the streams, or lolling by the road side in voluptuous indolence
'at two o'clock every day. Yes, I have before me a dispatch, written by
Sir W. C. Smith. The volume is a small one.—(Here Mr. Thompson
held up a very large folio volume amidst loud and continued laughter.)
It is not large enough to contain all the records of enormities. The
dispatch is 'addressed to Lord Glenelg, and it is dated the 13th of No-
vembar, 1837. It recommends to the serious consideration of the
Seers lary for the Colonies, and the Law Officers cf the Crown of Eng-
land, That the apprentices had not been correctly classified—that non-
praadi il apprentices had been set down as prmdial, and that thus they
were doomed to a prolongation of their labour, and an aggravation of
its es verity. They should be obliged to toil in the fields under a ten.
pica: sun, instead of

" Capering in a lady's chamber ;"
and for their trifling offences they should undergo the punishment of
the driver's whip, instead of the lady's frown. Sir W. C. Smith
wisll,l to have the advice of the Government at home as to what should
be care, especially in Demerara and George Town. In consequence of
the discoveries which had been made by my friend J. Sturge, the att: ntion
of the Governor was drawn to the state of the apprentices in this colony.
I-le presses this point upon the attention of the wakeful (?) Secretary in
Downing-street—(Laughter:—and he says, he "awaits with anxiety
instructions upon this point;" and on the 22d January, 1836 (I beg
pardon, the first despatch is dated 1833)--on the 22d January, 1836,
Lord Glenelg says, as regards the classification which has already been
made of the apprenticed labourers, " is final and conclusive."—(See
page 104, Part 3(1, of Papers relative to" the Slavery Abolition.)—
Many of the apprentices have been erroneously classified—l say frau-
dulently classified as prsadials, when they should have been put down
as non_prwdials. And who have swan) to these returns ? The
masers themselves.—(Hear, hear.) Now I will quote from the last
Parliamentary Paper on the subject. I know not how it was pub-
lished a few hours before the last division. I am very glad that it
has come to light at all, and we will profit by its revelations.—(Great
laughter.) I will read an extract from a despatch of Sir J. C.
Smith, dated October 24th, 1537 :—" My Lord, in a despatch of
1535, I took the liberty of drawing your. Lordship's attention
(The Learned Gentleman then read an extract from Part V. of Papers on
Abolition of Slavery, p. 143, dated March 9, 1838.) There is a balance of
468 hours in favour of the prxdials, with respect to erroneous registration.
and I think Sir James Carmicheal Smith added, that between prandial
labour, and non-prxial labour there was a great difference.—(Cheers.)
Now hoar Lord Glenelg's reply ; but just permit me by way of
parenthesis to state, that the Colonial office is to be taught
jus ice by a governor of British Guiana—a man who was livifig
In the regions of slavery, writes home to instruct Mr. Charles Grant,
now Lord Glenelg, in morality.—(Cheers.) The reply was as
follows :—" I have received your dispatch (Nos. 390, :392, in Part 5, p.
146) of the papers before alluded to. I will trouble you with one extract
more, and them! will lay down this blue book. Here is a dispatch from
Sir James Carmichael Smith, and which Gays, " With reference to your
Lordship's circular of 1837, upon the subject of Commissioners being
appointed to the Colony, &c. (see p. 147, part 5.) Nor would they
have had one if Lord Glenelg had listened to the advice
of Sir J. C. Smith, candidly given in 1835. He told Lord Glenelg
that when the Commissioners did arrive, such would be found to be
the state of the Colony. [The extract was then read, in page 148, of
5111 part of papers relating to Slavery.] And when you remem-
ber that this dispatch is from a Governor who has tried to
conciliate the Pianters, you will not fail to consider th
weight and importance that attaches to the language of Sir J.
Smith, when he says " that consequences will take place highly discre,,
disable to the parties concerned." I had intended to have taken u
another blue book, but he would state the case from them. It w
si nply this:—Lord Sligo, early in the progress of his Administration o
the affairs of Jamaica, wrote to Lord Glenelg, asking his advice wi
reference to the eight hours system, the effect of which was to talc
away from the negro the time which he had for cultivating his moura
tarn provision ground ; and Lord Glenelg's answer was, that cons'
dering tone of the planters that it would be better to take that time fro
the negroes than to widen the breach between the Douse of Assembly an
the planters. Now, upon these three grounds, I rest the accusation I no
grasftly bring against the Colonial office, and I think I hav,
strewn upon moral grounds that they are utterly incapable
governing such largo colonies. Now, what is the duty of the peopi
of this country ? We heard in the opening speech of the Noble Lon;
who presides, of the dismissal from oilice of a high-minded nobleman
for an honest and conscientious vote in favour of the negroes. He sv
an honest man, and a 'Vice-Chamberlain one day—he was an hones
man, but not a Vice-Chamberlain on the naxt.—(Shame, and cheers'
And has it came to this ?—(Loud laughter.) And has it come to this
that the advisers of the Crown shall not permit her Majesty to have about
her royal person, one man who dares to give an honest vote on this plai ..1
question of moral right and wrong.—(Cheers.) Mr. O'Connell, uport
a late occasion, said that what was sauce for the goose was sauce,
for the gander.—(Loud laughter.) That old adage will equally appli
to turning out—l speak not of the Administration—l leave that out
of the question. But I say that M inchester can turn out.—(Cheers.i
It must be shown that others can turn out as well as the Cotton-spinners.,
—(Cheers ) Let Manchester take a lesson from these Cotton.spinners,
Let Stroud take another.—(Loud cheers.) Devonport might also very'
well follow the example, and Gla,gow ought to follow. I understand
that Lord W. Bentinck is on the continent.—(No, no.) At all events,
he voted against us upon the first occasion, and he was nowhere in
the race upon the last. Then we have an Attorney-General who walked
out of the House on the first occasion, but on the second he walked
into the Hove and voted against us.—(Loud cheers.) After the
emotions of the nation have been treated as nought, are we to be
told that we have a popular Administration, and, worst of all, are we to
be denounced as agitators and incendiaries ? What is the consistency,
to say nothing of the justice, of the present Government ?—(Cheers.)
Born and nurtured, as they were, in excitement—bred up in excitement
—and, when expelled by faction, brought back to power and office by
excitement.—(Loud cheers.) To be told, I say, by creatures, the very
fungi of excitement—(Cheers)—to he told that this excitement, above
all of the excitements, the purest, the loftiest, and holiest by which our
, land ever was distinguished since Smithfield's soil drank the blood of
Protestant Martyrs—(Cheers)—shall we be told by such an Adminis-
trot ion they will stifle excitement, and that if we dare to encourage hopes
of freedom in the negroes' minds, troops shall go out to these
1 beautiful colonies, to steep with fresh blood millions of Martyred
' Aborigines, the receptacles of millions of immolated Africans,
(Cheers.) Is it come to this ? if it is, let us see which is the strongest.
—(Great cheering.) Let us know whether we are not as strong as the
Mauritius—whether we are not as strong as the 45 smoke dried legisla-
tors of Jamaica.—(Great cheering and laughter.) It seems they are
strong enough to beat the Government—yes, they either cozened, or
. conquered the Government, fur the things complained of, were never
rectified. Of what value are Lord Glenelg's dispatches? Grammatical
dispatches they may be—long and eloquent—the wax may be bright,
and the tape very diplomatic in appearance—but of what worth are
these dispatches to the negro, if they bring home no substantial good—
if they promise him what he never tastes—if tbey cheat him with the
name (f liberty, while his hands are bound with fetters—if they drive
him like a wreck down the rough tide of fortune without one hand to
save him from destruction. I speak to-day, not the language
of affectation or of party. I never have done so. This platform
vindicates me—my own speeches vindicate me—my own life
bears testimony that I never made a political speech, and I have not
made one to-day. I have spoken of Government—l have not named
the Government. I say, if they would keep the pedestal on what the
suffrages of a once admiring nation has placed them, they must take
the lead in the matter—they must cleanse this Augean stable, the
Colonial-ottice—(Hear, hear, and Cheers)—they must open letters that
have never yet been opened. Let but the people of this mighty
empire again summon their moral energies to the task, and that
people which brought down Lord Stanley, the framer of that measure,
who carried it through in despite of the remonstrance and entreaties of
Mr. Buxton—as that Minister came down to the House of Commons,
and reluctantly declared that the voice of the people had spoken in a
tone that no Minister could resist, the present Colonial Secretary or his
successor, shall come down once again and declare the voice of this
christian empire spoken in tones which no Minister can resist.—
(Loud cheers.) I leave this question with you to make way
for better advocates who shall succeed me. " England expects every
man to do his, and every woman to do her dut7—and doing their duty
with asingle mind, with unfailing energy and strong faith in the provi-
dence of God, our wishes shall be realized, our ends attained, and the
negro shall be free. Mr. Thompson resumed his seat, amidst loud and
enthusiastic cheering.
HENRY HANDLEY, Esq., M.P. moved the next resolution. Were he

hot Well Persuaded that their case would not suffer from the. futileness
of the advocates—were he not assured that in a meeting like the pre-
, sent, composed of firm faces, and warm hearts, it required no eloquence
like they had just heard to promote their cause, he should have shrunk
from the task. He came forward for two reasons—first, to express his
concurrence in the resolution ; and secondly, to enter his protest
humbly, but decidedly, against portions of the speech of the
Noble and Learned Lord in the Chair—(Cheers, followed by hissing)
1 speeth (taught in some respects With great peisonl injustice; bat
'what he complained of still more was, that he thouggt nothing was more
likely to peril their holy and righteous cause than the outpourings of
private pique or disappointed ambition.—(Much confusion.)
The Rev. Mr. BuaNza-r rose to order, and with some difficulty ob-
tained a hearing. Their cause was ruined if they went on in that way.
Let them not act thus when their cause was just acquiring strength which
could never be subdued, and become their o*n executioners. He mould
say then let there be less noise, that the Hon. Gentleman may be heard.
Their very enthusiasm was a waste of time. There was no need of their
being afraid of any one attacking Lord 13rougham.—(Cheers.) They
wanted to throw their shield over one who did not want it. If the
Hon. Gentleman thought it necessary to adopt the course of attacking
the Chair, no one was more able to defend himself than that Noble Lord.
Lord Baoumitast then rose, and the most vociferous cheering, with
waving of hats and handkerchiefs, was continued for some minutes. His
Lordship said—Though I do not at all wonder that you should feel a
little of that astonishment which I own I myself feel, that a speech in
which I thought I had kept as entirely close to the subject-matter which
brought us together as it was possible for man to keep—had not tra.
veiled one hair's breadth beyond it, neither to the right hand nor
to the left hand—should have been stigmatised as a speech made
for party purposes— God knows what party to serve—(Cheers and
laughter)—for the sake of showing personall
pique.— (Laughter.)
suppose I never till now had any pique against slavery, or in favour of
the abolition of slavery, and to pour out the same thing—l don't know
what—the gentleman was very figurative--something about disappointed
ambition; my ambition having been to emancipate the r earoes
which I :hewed in the year 1839, as much and certainly as
violently as I have ever shewn it in the year 1838. I don't
at all wonder you felt a little of the astonishment I feel.--(Cheers and
laughter.) At the same time, allow me to ask you to hear the gentle-
man.—(Cheers.) If he thinks he will be a better Chairman at this
meeting, or a more ussful advocate, let him take the chair.
—(Laughter.) He has c..ine in at the twelfth hour; I hope to God the
twelfth hour is now striking for our cause.—(Loud cheering.)
He comes at the twelfth hour, in opposition to one who
has laboured for thirty-fle years in the cause. If lie thinks he would
make a better Chairman than me, in God's name let him come forward
and do us all the good he can ; hut if he thinks also he is doing good to
the cause by sowing divisions among us—(Loud cries of " Hear,
hear, hear")—in a place where I never saw any discrepancy
before—where all men give up their private personal prejudices against
one another, for the sake of the •common object we all have in view ;
but I tell him one thing, that I won't in order to gain his vote, or
to keep him silent—much as I care for the former, but nothing
for the latter--. 1 wail to do either—say I approve of the conduct of the
Government, which is the only obstacle to the success of ear views.
Major HANDLEY said the Noble Lord, in addition to his ordinary and
characteristic eloquence, has enc;eavoured to overwhelm us with art
avalanche.—(Confusion) 17e says that I came at the II th hour. In
that lie is wrong.—(Hisses.) From the first introduction of the measure
of emancipation in 1833. I have given voice and vote for the entire,
complete, and immediate emancipation of the negroes.—(Great
applause.) Let the Noble and Learned Lord know that I
opposed the apprenticeship clause—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—
that I opposed the grant of twenty millions—when the Noble Lord
did not show any unwillingness to procrastinate the suffering of the
negro, or to put his hands into the pockets of the British people.—
(Hisses, cheers, and great confusion.) I supported that excellent man
Mr. Fowel Buxton, when he said that before we should pay the price let
us see that there is a chance of the bargain being completed. It is
true that when the Noble and Lear( rd Lord thundered forth
the declaration that—" I have made the negro free." I said that I
doubted that he had done so, for I never could consider that the negro
was free whilst he continued an apprentice—(Applause)—and the liberty
which the Noble Lord conferred upon him was slavery in fact, and
the money which he paid in the name of the people of England
was given in fraud, and without an equivalent—(Great confusion)
I only say to the Noble Lord before his face what I consider my duty
to tell him, and what hundreds say behind his back.—(Loud cries of
" Off, off, chair, chair.") I venture to suggest to the Noble Lord if

his own good taste has not already suggested it to him that in any
case it is but a bad return for the services of public men
that the public whom they
have served, and those who have been asso-
ciated in their acts, should turn roinid and revile them. I did not ex-
pect t, hear him name Lord John Russell, as he has this day named
him, and esyecially for his conduct when the Noble and Learried
Lord was a M'ember of the same Cabinet.—(Loud expressions of disap-
probation.)
Mr. BLsia —My Lord, I rise to order.—(Much applause.) The
motion vQich the Hon. Member has had put into his hand has reference
to the question on which we are assembled. In the discreet and
guarded speech of your Lordship not a word has fallen from you which
could justify such„an attack as is now made, and I appeal to the meeting
whether it will allow it to go on ?—(Applause.)
Mr. HANDLEY here sat down, and at the same moment Mr. George
Thompson, Lord Brougham, and some others rose to address the meet-
ing. There was very great confusion, with cries of " Chair, chair,"
"Thompson, Thompson," when Lord Brougham sat down.
Mr. THOMPSON said: An attack has been made upon the chair. The
Noble and Learned Chairman has been invited, and as it is impossible for
him to interfere in his capacity of Chairman,l hope the meeting will allow
me to suggest that the Noble Lord shall leave the Chair, and that an-
other Chairman may be appointed, before whom the personal question
may be argued.—(Applause.)
Lord BROUGHAM rose and said—Really I am very much obliged
to my friend for his suggestion, but I think I may save
the meeting the trouble of deposing me.— (Great applause,
and laUghter.) I know if you were to depose me, you would immedi-
ately have the trouble of restoring me, and as far as history informed
me, whenever there is a restoration tyranny is renewed.—(Laughter.) If
you leave me the question to decide, I am bound to say that I must
decide in favour of this gentleman—l beg pardon, I don't know
his name.

Mr. HANntEi-Oh, yes Handley.
Mr. BLAIR—My Lord, its Major Handley.
Lord Buovou AM-Oh, yes, Major Handley, I recollect. Wellthen,
I decide in favour of the Hon. lieut.'s attack upon me, and 1 hope he
will be allowed to go on for an hour and half, or longer if he likes.—
- (Great laughter.) The Gentleman was going to give me some advice:
and as no one is too old to learn, I have no reason
to be ashamed of listening to advice.—(Cries of hear, hear.)
Perhaps he has the more right to adviseme, because he was right in
1833, when I admit I was, in error. I am not a prophet, like Mr.
O'Connell, who belongs to a thurch which has an infallible head. °
Mr. O'CoNscu.— Oh, no; an infallible body.—(Laughter.)
Lord BROUGHAM— Well, well, let it be an infallible body, and
though I have been to the North, I have not the gift of a second-sight.
—(Laughter.) I admit I was wrong, but, however, I gave my most re-
luctant assent to the grant of twenty millions, and also to the appren-
ticeship clause, I did the best I could do, when I found that I was
wrong. I did not persist in my error when my eyes were opened.—
(Great applause.) Ido not complain of Major Handley, because he saw
clearer than I did, but I think I have a great right to complain
of those who continue to support this abominable system of appren-
ticeship, after their eyes have been opened so much as mine. I assure
the Hon. Gentlemen that he is grossly deceived that I said one word
against the Government,which was not called for by the necessities of the
case, and justified by their own conduct.—(Much applause.)
Major HANDLEY rose amidst loud cries of" Order, order, Chair,
chair." He said—My Lord, I was about to meet the wishes of those
who called to order—in point of fact it is they that are disorderly,
but I hope I have the good taste not to intrude upon those
to whom the observations which I may make are dis-
agreeable. (Hear, hear.) However, the observations which
I have made have had the good effect., They have drawn from the Noble
and Learned Lord a declaration, which I have never heard before,—
(Loud cries of " Oh, oh.")
Lord BROUGHAM—Oh, yes; I have said so in this room before
now.—(Cheers.)

Major HANDLEY—I have not heard before the Nob'e Lord's admission
that he was in error.

Lord BROUGHAM—I have made it over and over again.
Major HANDLEY—I regret as much as any body can regret the faults
of Lord John Russell.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) I regret that
the light of future days has not been perceived by him
as shrewdly and as soon as by the more acute Noble Lord
who is now in the Chair.—(Great cheering and laughter.)
Whatever may be the opinion of the Meeting, I can assure you that I
have not at all wished to threw the apple of discord into the meeting.—
(Cheers.) I conceived that that had been done by the Noble Lord.—
(No, no.) I thought so. I have now much pleasure in moving the re-
s9lution put into my hands.
The Reverend Dr. MORRISON.—My Lord, after a storm I hope we
shall see the atmosphere cleared, and I shall be very happy if I can
arike a note of harmony so as to contribute to that object. Then I say
that I stand before the meeting as the representative of no one party,
either politically or otherwise, either in Church or state, but as the
lover of my country, and as a friend to humanity.—(Loud cheering.)
I wish we could blend all parties into a love of good, and into a shaming
of our Colonial policy, and to make free 800,000 of our fellow subjects
who are constrained to suffer from the most bungling and unstatesmanlike
piece of Legislature that ever found its way into the Statute Book.
I believe! that a large number of all classes of politicians—of all
schools, and of all doctrines, have long ago fully anticipated what
would be the practical working of the apprenticeship clauses.
I believe that it was well meant.— (Cries of " Hear, hear,"
and cheers)—but it certainly was one of the worst
pieces of legislation
that ever was passed. If the slaves were prepared for freedom, then
these clauses were too formidable weapons to trust in the hands of the
planter.—(Cheers.) What was the intention of the Legislature in
introducing these clauses into the Bill of 1833 ? Was it in-
tended as some compensation over and above the twenty millions
which were paid them ?—(" No, no," from Lord Brougham) What
were the intentions of the makers and preparers of the Bill—
was it for further compensation, or was it intended as a prudential and
a precautionary measure.(—Loud Cheers.) Ido contend, my Lord,
that the latter, not the former, was the intention of the Act.
Lord BROUGITXM—I stated it so in the House of Lords.

The Rev. Dr. MORRISON—I am quite aware of it, my Lord, I heard
you make the avowal at the last meeting.--(Loud cheers.) The
main advocates of the clause, who saw in it so much
advantage for the negro race, did not, . to the best of my
knowledge at the time the measure was under discussion, speak of
it in the light of compensation to the Planter, but spoke of it as a
preparatory measure for freedom, not knowing whether the slaves
were prepared to enjoy it. Now I want to ask this ques-
tion—and I appeal to all men of observation, and moral
and religious feelings, is there not every thing in the conduct of the
negroes, from the passing of the Act in 1833, dowz. to the present mo-
ment, that proves to demonstration that they are prepared for free-
dom as ample• and as unrestricted as that which is enjoyed by
the labouring classes in the mother-country._(Loud and con-
tinued cheering.) If it was not intended originality on the
passing of the apprenticeship clause, that it should be in the na-
ture of compensation—if it is shown that the negroes have behaved
themselves under the most bitter sufferings, does it not follow that the
Legislature has the liberty and the power, without any compromise of
honour or good faith—without any violation of principle, to strike ()tithe
restrictions which that clause imposes.—(Cheers.) Under these circum-
stances, what is the duty of the Legislature ? Is it, I ask, to amend and
patch up the apprenticeship clause, or is it to give a new day of grace to
the planters?—(Cheers)—and put into their hands the means for
new aggressions upon the most patient, peaceable, and suffering
race that ever trod the face of the globe._(„,,,nd cheering.)
I say, no, my Lord, but the duty of the legislature, is to
deprive them of the power to oppress others which they have
never failed to exercise to the injui y and oppression of that most un-
happy race.—(Cheers.)
I say from August next or earlier, let it be
said to these poor individuals--4o free—possess your own limbs—
possess " your wives and children—possess your own property
—possess the controul . over your own toils—possess that
blessed boon of freedom to which as men and as Britons, you are en-
titled.—(Cheers) I ask, my Lord, if it is not the duty, if it is not the
high moral duty, of all intelligent, humane, and religious men in this
country to draw themselves more closely together to accomplish the
most auspicious object ?—(Cheers.) Let the moral voice of this great
and free country be uttered loud and simultaneous, and our Legislators
must bow wit h submission to it. If they will not stand forward as the
friend of the lte:pless and oppressed, let them know that
there is a feeling of freedom in England that will
not be suppressed—let tern know that there is a spirit of liberty in the
bosom ,f millions in the land that will break down all oppgession.
Let them Ittiow especially and most of all, that there is a wide
spreading religious comm,tnity in this land, within and witl out
the pale of the national establishment, who dale not allow

themselves to think of slavery as a mere party question, or one
of temporizing interest, or as a mere political qUestion ranking
its advocates on the right hand and on the left ; that there is a Wide-
spreading religious community, both within and without the pale of the
National Estab ishment, which looks upon slavery as an outrage upon
our common Christianity and a hideous affront to the majesty and
mercy of the Father of All—(Loud cheers)—who will not cerse
day and night to testify against it, until the demon evil, sshose name
is " tegion," is dilven for ever from the British colonies, and from off
the face of the earth, of which it has beciii the bane, the scourge and the
curse.—(Cheers.) _ _

The Noble CHA►RMAN, in putting the resolution, observed that he felt
some difficulty how to act. He had been censured for rebuking the
Government, and yet ta resolution in the strongest possible terms
condemnatory of the Government was put into his hands by the
same Honourable Gentleman.—(Loud cheers, and laughter.) Really the
Hon Gentleman Must be obliged to him, if he was not convinced
by his speech to vote against his proposition.—(Muth laughter.) Mind
the resolution was not his but Mr. Handley's—(Hear, hear, hear)—
it did not emanate from his private pique or disappointed ambition at
not being in, the very memorable position of some persons whom he
knew.—(Great' cheering.)
The resolution was then put and unanimously agreed to.
Mr. O'CONNELL rose, and was left speaking.

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LONDON :
FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 25, 1838

We rejoice to find that Mr. CRESWELL'S motion, relative
to the Danish Claims, was carried last night by a consider-
able majority. After a smart discussion, in which all the
argument was on one side, the House divided, when there
appeared 115 for the motion, and 81 against it. When the
question was brought before the House in 1836 by Mr.
CLAY, the motion was lost by 59 to 51. Fora minority of eight,
the friends of justice and good faith, have happily exchanged
a majority of thirty-four, and that too, as we are given to under-
stand, in spite of very-considerable exertions to procure a con-
trary decision.

IWe have carefully perused the speeches delivered on both
sides, and we unhesitatingly declare that in the whole course
of our experience we have never seen so lamentable a display
of imbecility in argument, combined with so great an obtuse-
ness of moral perception, as the debate of last night afforded
on the part of those who opposed the motion. What rea-
son, or fragment of reason, or shadow of reason, did they
bring forward for refusing to recognise the claims of the
British merchants whose ships and goods were confiscated by
the Danes? Not one. Their single and solitary answer to
the overwhelming arguments with which they were as-
sailed and borne down, was this---‘‘ Nothing was done
by the Danes in this case contrary to ' the law of nations,
and therefore the sufferers are not entitled to compen-
sation." Wa.s there ever a more contemptible quibble
than this ? Was injustice ever attempted to be wrapped
up in a more transparent disguise ? Would any man,
whose natural notions of moral equity had not been ob-
scured by the influence of his political position, have dared to
advanc:e a plea so utterly and obviously futile, that it is almost
an insult to our readers to examine it seriously.
It is no violation of the law of nations, say these gentlemen,
to seize ships and goods at sea, though it is to seize book debts
and goods ashore, and ships and goods in port. Granted. But
under what circumstances is it no vi-dation of international law so
to do? clearly under ordinary circumstances—that is to say, when
war has been declared according to the usual forms ; the obser-
vance of which forms is intended for the express purpose of
warning the subjects of both the belligerent powers of their
impending danger,, and giving them time to provide against
it. The omission of these universally recognised formalities
alters the whole complexion of the case, and, on every
acknowledged principle of equity lays upon the omit-
ting party the obligation to make amends to those
who may be injured through his act and deed. Would the
ships and goods of our merchants, 'we ask, have been in the
Baltic at the time they were seized, had war been duly pro-
claimed ? Certainly not. They were in fact lured into a
snare by the Government, which, in order to make its coup de
main more complete against Denmark, by lulling asleep the
suspicions of that State, did not merely conceal its warlike
intentions, but actually deceived, by false information, the
owners of thole ships and goods which afterwards fell a prey to
the enemy. There is therefore no difference whatever in the real
and substantial character of the three classes of claims. Justice
and humanity equally demand that they should all be placed
on the same footing; and we cannot but think that those who
endeavour, by subtle distinctions and paltry technicalties, to
evade the force of the demand, and who advise the Govern-
ment to wriggle out of a responsibility which it cannot honestly
shake off, are not the best friends either to the Government or
to public morality.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL, was last night obliged to postpone the
Corporation Bill for Ireland, which stood for this day, to
Monday, on account of the debate on Sir JAMES GRAHAM'S
motion, " for leave to bring in a Bill to disqualify flawiek as
a polling place for the county of Roxburgh," having been ad-
journed to this evening. Sir JAMES, as the Tories had col-
lected their whole forces, and as he hal made his criminatory
speech, wished the debate to conclude last night, but justice
to the LORD ADVOCATE, the old friend whom Sir JAMES on
this occasion, according to his wont, had selected for his at-
tack, forbad the House to assent, and accordingly the debate,
to the postponement of all other business, was adjourned to this
day. What, then, was the important question which Sir
JAMES GRAHAM thought worth) of Eo occupying the attention
of the House ?

At the last general election the er,unty of Rcxburgh was
wArbily contested by the rival chieftains of the houses of

Scott and Elliot. All the animositie3 and rivalr'!es of these
ancient feudo families were no doubt remembered on iiie"
occasion; and though the manners of the age did not allow
the people to ge the leflgtis of attaeking each other's houses
and of carrying off their cattle—slaughtering all who opposed
them—the recollection of former feuds added dom,iderable
asperity to a severe election contest. In the riots which tools
place some persons were injured ; and the defeated party made
the country ring with their complaints. The Scorrs prose-
cuted seine of the partizans of the ELLIOTTS in the Court of
Session, who were punished according to • law. The
offence_ committed at Hawick, therefore, is already provided
for by the law, tile repressive power of which has been called
into operation. That, however, is not sufficient for Sir JAMES,
and he insists on punishing, in addition, the whole town of
Hawick for the offence whia the law has already punished.
The Scorrs, too, did not limit their desire for vengeance to
to the prosecution in the Court of Session. On account of
these riots they petitioned the Douse of Commons to unseat
Mr. ELLIOTT. The petition was investigated by an Election
Committee, which decided that the riots had not impeded the
SCOTTS from getting to the polling-booth, and that the return
of Mr. ELLIOTT was legal. Twice, therefore, and by two re-
gular trtbunals,.has this trumpery affair of riots in the border
town of Hawick, between the SCOTTS and the ELLIOTTS,
been exposed to a solemn investigation ; but Sir JAMES GRA-
HAM is a very glutton when ancient friends arc to be eaten up,
and he again brought all the.eircumstanecs before the House of
Commons. If Parliament had nothing to do but investigate
the factious brawls of those rude borderers, the public•might be
as much amused by the•faree .in which Sir JAMES was ptie-
cipal performer, as by any oilier sir, filar exhibitiim. But when-
the Parliament is overwhelmed by business. when there is no
less than 35 Orders of the Day, and 29 Motions, standing in
the list for discussion this night, all of which must be lint off—
when the blood-red tithe grievance of Ireland gapes for redress,
and an alienated population of seven millions demand the
attention of the Legislature, it is a-puißic insult to waste two.
nights of the public time by a motion—which is a mere pre-
text for making a party attack—to declare Hawick unfit for a
plaCe. What other place will SirJAMEs select ? What
part of the county will he find tvhece the same recollections till
not embitter election contests? Sir JAMES did Lot explain
these points ; he only made a fierce attick on a most respectable
Gentleman, the Loeb ADVOCATE, Who hoNever, unSniu-
nately bestowed his intimacy and his kindness, a;. is JA ias
acknowledged, for many years on the recreant Baronet.
a isord did Sir JAMES say in defence of the motion, except
by quoting evidence of riots which may take place in any
teten, and which the Tories very often encourage. But Sir
JAMES IS a borderer himself ; he resides in the neighblrhood
of Ilawick, and shares in the traditionary- feelings. He now
sidesaith the SCOTTS, being anxious apparently to exchange
the Pembroke livery of Sir J. OwEet for the higher set-vice of the
bold BUCCLELTGH. Some despicable motive of this kind, and some
wretched ambition of signalizing himself in the cause of his
new friends, by attacking his old companions and colleagues,
were probably the inducements of Sir JAMES GRAHAM tO waste
the time of the Parliament by his trumpery and factious mo-
tion about Border quarrels, to the disgrace and .disparage-
ment of the assembly which listened to him, and did not, now
that Legislation is so much in arrear, hoot him front the
floor. But the House, through the whole evening, seems to
have been in a condition worthy of such motion, and was mare
like a troop carrying on a Border Foray than a LegislatiVe
Assembly.
Sir JAMES was ably answered by Mr. ELLIOTT and Mr,
rießsmAN ; but, as the debate is not yet over, we beg to Fug -
gest one argument against the whole proceeding. It is not yet
two months since the termination of the Shaftesbury election,
and since Mr. BOULTER was called to the bar to answer fur a
breach of privilege. In the discussion on that occasion, Mr
O'BRIEN (we believe) made a motion to postpone the subject
till the evidence taken before the Committee was published,
in order that the House might be able to judge whether Mr.
PontrEa's accusations were well-founded. This motion was
resisted by all the Tories and many of the Whigs, because
that-would be revising the decision of. the Committee, which
the law says shall be final. Now, the Roxburgh Committee
decided that the riot did not infringe the liberty of election,
and Sir JAMES GReIHAM'S motion is-in fact a 'declaration that
the decision of the Committee was wrong. It asks the
House tar Commons to re-julge the question, contrary to law,
and directly contrary to the decision of the Tories themselves,
in Mr. POULTER'S case. But the factious Tories, we have no
doubt, will, on Sir JAMES GRAHAM'S motion, vote directly
contrary to their former decision.

Letters and Papers from Madrid to the 17th inst. have been
received this morning. Preparations were making for carry-
ing on the,war with vigour in Arragon and Valencia. General
PARDINAS, at the head of 2,000 men, was to march from
Madrid for these Provinces in a day or two, where he was to
be reinforced by a body of 4,000 men detached from the
main body under the immediate command of ESIARTEIIO.
ORAA was likewise to receive reinforcements, to enable him to
make head against CABRERA.
The Loan Committee has been finally appointed. It con-
sists Of MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA, Count DE MORITIJO, Senor
SATONAS, Deputy for Bare:lona, the Marquis DE MONTE-
VIRGEN, and Senors D'OLABBARIAGIIIIE Y 13LANCO, EGFA, and
MORENO.

On the 14th Sir GEORGE VILLIERS entertained a distin-
guished party at the British Embassy, previous to his depar-
ture fur England.

The Paris journals of Wednesday have all been receivt d
According to a telegraphic despatch received from Bayonne
Don.CARLOS left Estella for Guipuzcoa, on the 19th instant.
Brigadier Don DIEGO LEON, at the head of his division, h: .s
established himself at Lerin.

The Journals continue to dwell upon the character of
Prince FERDINAND, of which they almost all take different
views. The sincerity of his rc turn to the bosom of • the Ca-
tholic Church is likewise a subject of much contention.
The Committee of the Peers has Clif.,sen M. ROY as its re-
porter upon the Five per Cent, Interest Reduction Bill.
M. Roy is known to he decidedly l•ostil- to the principle of
reduction.

In the course of the debate on the Marine Budget, in the
Chamber of Deputies on Tuesday, M. IsAmnEirr complained
that French merchantmen were not suffered to cuter certain
ports of the American Union, provided any of their crews
were persons of colour This was a violatio❑ of the law of
nations. The Minister of Marine admitted both the fact and
the inference drawn from it ; but stated, in extenuation, that
it arose from the hostslity of the Americans to the emancipa-
tion and voluntary employment of negroes. It would be folly
to quarrel with a country for the ignorance of a portion of its
people.

FRENCH FUNDS.--Pnats, MAY 23.
rive per Cents., 1119 f. 35c. 2:.c. 15c. 10c.
Three per Cents. 81f. 30c. 2Lc. •
Bank Actions, 2,710 f.
:tense de Naples, 1111 f. /olf. sc. 10c, sc.
Roman Five p,:,r Cents., 101%.
Spanish Actives, 22%1,, 14,
Spanish DifFeres, 9.
Spanish Passives, 5.
Portugue Loan, Three p(.r Cents. 243 24.
Excn/mcCON 1,1,051 N
e inonth, paper, 25f. 40c.: inoiley, 251. 40c.
:-Iree months, paper, 25/.. 27%,. money, 25/ 27V
LATEST PRICES.
Five per Cents. 109 f. 30c.
Three per Cents., Blf. 20c,
Bank Actions, 2,710 f.
Romans, 101 t:..
Portugue:e Three per Cents., 241 A.
Spanish Actives, 2t lA.
Spanish Passives, 5

Letters from Hanover, of the 18th May, state that sixty-
seven Deputies had takers their seats in the Second Chamber.
The remaining sixteen were daily expected. Bolls Chambers
evinced a stern resolution not to yield one jot of that part of
the old Constitution, which gave them the controul of the
Budget. M. Vox SCHELE was stated to be on the eve of re-
signing the Presidency of the Council. A report was currant
that King ERNEST would henceforth take the duties and it-
sponsibilitics of that office upon himself. We cannot believe
that any Sovereign. could be guilty of an act of such eggre-
gious folly.
The following extract contains the only news in the Ger-
man Papers :
BERLIN, MAY 14.—Prince Albert went the day before yesterday to
Landsberg, and the Crown Prince and Princess, William and Charlea,
went this morning to Dittersdorff,to meet the Empress of Russia. The
arrival of several racers of distinction in the immediate service of the
Emperor, gives reason to expect that his Imperial Majesty would soon
arrive. To day, at half-past two, the King and the Princesses drove to
Freidericksfeld, to meet the Emperor and Empress. At five their Ma-
jesties, and the Princes and Princesses, came in at the Frankfort gate.
The King, the Empress, and the Grand Duchess Alexander were in a
coach drawn by six horses, which were ready at Friedricksfeld. The
Emperor followed, with the Grand Duchess or Mecklenburg Schwerin,
and then the Princes and Princesses. The Empress, soon atter her ar-
rival, appeared in the balcony, and was welcomed with loud acclama-
tions by the people. •

ii BMA AN I. 13 NDS—BaussELe, `,BAY 1.3,4:1.i
Actual Debt, 2 t.', per Cont. ...
Rothschild's Loan, 5 per Cent. ln2 •
Loan of Thirty Millions ,.3
Loan of City, 192:2, 4 per Cent 97
• Society of Commerce, 4'.", per Cent 16.1
Bank 01 Belgium, 5 per Cent, • 141,
National Society
6rusAs Papers, May 23.
- - AUSTRIAN FUNDS.VIENNA, MAYI6.
live per Cents.'lldetalliques
~.., ilo i 44
Four per Cents.
Three per Cents.
Bank Shares
14555,
—Allge2neine Zeilung, May 20.

On Monday an inquest was held hero• on the nod),
of an infant, three months old. From the evidence of the witnesses, it
appeared that the fatiferof the child is a chain maker, anti with his wife
given to habits of intemperance; thidt tho poor 'child liar; bten, ever
since the time of its birth, very much neglected, the m••ther frequently
going out as early as ten o'clock in the morning, and not returning fill
late at night, leaving the child without any one to • look after it. Mr.
Hetling, surgeon, .stated that he had examined the body, arid it was
little better than a skeleton; there were no marks of violence, the
stomach and intestines were filled with air, and there was no appearance
of food; in his judgment the child had died from hunger. The mother,
in her defence, said her husband only allowed her from Ss. to 9s. a-week ;
that she had two other children ; that she gave the deceased as much
food as she could afford, but she could not suckle it as she had no milk.
Her husband said he earned from I Os. to tils.'a week on an average,
that he allowed his wife 10s., and did not know the child had been
neglected ; he was a great deal from home. 'The Joey returned a ver-
dict of " Manslaughter" against Elizabeth Edwards, the mother, and
she has since been committed to jail on the Coroner's warrant, to abide
her trial at the ensuing Sessions.—Bristol Gazette.