The Sun.
London, England, 1854-09-19 00:00:00

SWEDEN.

COPENHAGEN, Sept. 12.—The Govern en
mt has
given its absurd intention of prosecuting the
speakers at the Copenhagen meeting. It contents
itself, to begin with, with a new prosecution against
the Fmclrelandet, for its moderate and half-humor-
ous article on the opening of the Court-Junta
(Rigs-raad).
Lord Canning and Mr. Tritton are here with
their yachts. The French war-steamer Cycetto has
passed to the south. Several other vessels are
Corning and going.
Military evolutions on a large scale are taking
place in Schleswig, as well as round Copenhagen.
There has been a considerable fire in Stockholm.
The only vessel of the allies now near Stockholm
is the Austerlitz, to which visits are daily made.
The imperial eagle is everywhere on board ; but,
singularly enough, four landing cannons have still
their proud old inscription, " Republique Fran-
caise ; Liberte, Egalite, Fraternite.
Up to the last dates the fall of Bomarsund was
still kept secret from the Finnish papers.
A whole armfull of British ports has been de-
clared by King Oscar infected or suspected; his own
cholera residence is, of course, still excluded from
this legislation. And this we patiently submit to.
The Swedish half-official press, it is remarked,
has openly acknowledged that these stops are go-
verned by " other than sanitary reasons." True, it
has simply been a weapon more in the arsenal of a
Russian court.

FR AN CE.
ARRIVAL OF QUEEN CHISTINA.

PARIS, Tuesday Morning.—The French steamer
Newton arrived in the Garonne on the 17th, with
Queen Christina on board.

The article of the Moniteur, on the alliance be.
tweon France and England, is copied without com-
mentary by all the Paris journals of yesterday.
Some remarks of the Siede will be read with in-
terest, for they set forth in plain and unequivocal
terms, what was, from a reserve which will be duly
appreciated, intentionally vague in the Monitcur.
The Siècle says :
" The lh oniteur has published a long and important
political article. There are in it two very distinct things :
in the first place the eulogiums on the policy of the Chief
of the State, and afterwards a kind of declaration on the
affairs of the war carried on in common by the two ma-
ritime,powers. As we are not in a situation to discuss
the points of internal administration which the Govern-
ment journal applauds, we shall only turn our attention
to what regards the immense undertaking in which
France has now engaged her honour, her finances,
her army, and her blood. The Government, in order to
bring this undertaking to an honourable conclusion,
particularly relies on the close alliance of France and
England. The Moniteur does not mention the names
of the German powers. It confines itself to remarking
that generals from all the States of Germany have been
sent by their Governments to be present at the military
rnanceuvres of our camps. It thus supports itself on
the kind of European international verdict which has
solemnly condemned the ambition of the Czar. But it
is on this point, if we do not deceive ourselves, that the
article of the Moniteur becomes a kind of manifesto di-
rected not precisely against the powers of whom we have
just spoken, but against the absence of acts in support
of their first decision. All are convinced,' says the
official journal, that a prompt and energetic war is the
only means are-establishing peace on solid bases ; that
in short this war, commanded not by a spirit of conquest,
but for the honour and safety of all, was not undertaken
until after Europe, represented in a sort of international
Grand Jury, had delivered unanimously against the
guilty aggressor a verdict which it would have been
disgraceful not to have executed. Nevertheless in spite
of the d'sgrace which there woald have been in not exe-
cuting, it against the guilty aggressor, the Moniteur only
mentions France and. England as having resolutely
ranged themselves on the side of execution. France
and England could not,' says the official journal, `hold
back from that consequence. United for action as.they
had been in council the two great maritime powers•share
the glory of the vigorous resolution which forms the
security of the present and the guarantee of the future.'
But why are England and France alone to share that
glory of resolution and of action ? Why have they not
been followed on the fields-of-battle by the German
Powers ? What has prevented a verdict which has been
given unanimously from being executed unanimously ?
••
What has e.-enteti the gtilty ~.r who 1,1,,
been condemned by all from being also attacked by
all ? What is the reason that, in an enterprise
Promp4f4 by a gem of gotugai honour and taafety,

I the whole of Europe has not taken part in the action,
as it took part in the censure ? On this subject as well
as on that of the German powers themselves, the Mani-
teu;• has thought it its duty to maintain silence. It ap-
pears to us, however, that it would have been interesting
for the country to know what calculation may be made
on tho eventual attitude of Austria and on that of
Prussia, and in what light for instance is to be regarded
the occupation of the Danubian provinces by the troops
of his Majesty Francis Joseph. Assuredly France and
England, united in a close alliance, may with reason,
we are convinced, pronounce the Medea superest. They
may be without any fear as to the issue of the enterprise.
Their union alone inspires him who provoked the war,
with barbarous and senseless acts unworthy of true cou-
rage, and their union will, we hope, be sufficient to in-
sure victory. It is not, therefore, we who will ever excite
the Government to seek per fas ct nefas for an Austro-
Prussian alliance. The English alliance is sufficient for
us both as Frenchmen and as partisans of the revolution.
But we cannot prevent ourselves from observing that
the situation of Europe, if it should be prolonged, Iniglit
become anormal. There has been, as the Moniteur says,
a common judgment delivered, and has great interna-
tional verdict, up to the present time, has only been
carried into execution by France and England. Two
nations only fight for the safety of all. There is in this
a want of logic which cannot continue without prejudice
to, those who have created such a state of things.
Austria, and more particularly Prussia, ought to reflect
on this. A power of the first order, when it is engaged
in council, cannot, without danger to its own influence
and to its own honour, refuse its action ; when judg-
ments have been passed, it cannot without incurring a
loss of esteem abandon to others the execution of
them."

The Revue de Deux Mondes takes the following
view of the course pursued by Austria in the
Pastern question :
" Assuredly we have every confidence in the loyalty
of Austria, and do not suspect her of an arriere-pensee.
She has given proofs of her good faith. She has even
given pledges that she will act in concert with us, by
lending her name, not, perhaps, without some regret, to
the conferences on Eastern affairs, thereby affording to
Russia an honourable and safe retreat. We can account
for her embarrassments, and respect her scruples. We
can also make every allowance for her methodical habits
in politics. All that is well, ae far as it goes, but there
are others, as sensible and as moderate as ourselves—we
mean the crowd, who judge by facts, by instinct, who
are not always mistaken, who are sceptical and suspi-
cious, demanding acts, not words, and tempted on all
occasions to repeat those words of the poet—" La foi qui
n'agit point est-ce une foi sincere ?" Therefore, this
auditory, who follow the march of events with lively in-
terest, have at this moment, we must confess, serious
misgivings as to the result. They loudly applauded the
declaration of Sth August. They saw in it, even sup-
posing it to have no effect on Russia, a determination to
act with vigour and prudence, since our troops, with the
Turkish army in advance, being masters of the
Danube could have easily united with the Austrian
army. It was generally supposed that, in the event
of Russia refusing to accept the four guarantees,
the Court of Vienna, after so many fruitless at-
tempts at conciliation, all her military preparations
being completed, with nothing to fear on the side
of Servia, Montenegro, and Bosnia, would have frankly
joined the alliance of the Western Powers, that she was
resolved beforehand to act with them in case it should
be the intention of Russia not to make the slightest
concession until compelled thereto. But they were
greatly mistaken. Austria had decided otherwise, for
without a moment's hesitation, without wasting time in
deliberating, contrary to her usual habits, she determined
not to consider the negative answer of Russia as a casus
belli. This resolution was adopted at Vienna, not only
with incredible promptitude, but, what is more extraor-
dinary, was published with the same rapidity. We can-
not take on ourselves to say whether the Governments
most interested were apprised of it before the newspapers
and the public, at least we may have some doubts on
the subject, as the news spread so rapidly. The Russians,
pre-occupied with our preparations for the expedition to
the Crimea, and dreading an open rupture with Vienna,
knew at once that they had nothing to fear from Aus-
tria, at least for the present. It was evident the Aus-
trians were about to enter the principalities, but Omer
Pasha was already at Bucharest, and, for a reason we
cannot explain, Prince Gortschakoff's army was retiring
behind the Prilth. Therefore, since there was to be no
collision, since the Austrians were not to pursue the
Russians into their own terrritory, the occupation of
Wallachia by the Austrian troops was of very little im-
portance as a political demonstration against Russia, and
does not sufficiently compensate for the embarrassments
and susceptibilities which it must cause both at Con-
stantinople and in the principalities.
" It is to be hoped, for the honour of Austria, that
she will not content herself with merely applauding the
removal of all obstacles to the free navigation of the
Danube, or with marching her soldiers into a territory
which no one contested, as it would not be a safe game
for her to play. We look for ward with great confidence
to the success of the expedition to the Crimea, and we
are convinced that our success is alio desired at Vienna.
For that reason, it is not from fear of a check in that
direction, which would allow the Russians to re-enter
the Principalities or to threaten Gallicia, that we consi-
der the attitude assumed by Austria both injurious and
unaccountable, as it implies neither war nor peace. It
is because we think the capture of Sebastopol will not
put an end to the war, for, having to deal with a Power
so tenacious and proud as Russia, whose territory is
sheltered from all attacks, it will be of very little use to
strike a blow towards its extremities, no matter what
humiliation and damage might be the consequence. The
taking of Sebastopol would never insure peace. The
belligerents might be driven by the force of circumstances
and by reciprocal engagements to seek or to adopt
modes of warfare which they could not have anticipated.
Then will Austria have cause to regret not having thrown
the weight of her sword into the scales. She cannot
possibly expect to have the same weight when she did
not share the same dangers. And if, in the development
of a situation, of which nobody can foresee the issue, she
experienced embarrassments peculiar to the conditions
of her existence, can she expect support from Powers she
has not assisted in an enterprise, though she approves it,
and is already reaping the benefit of its success."