The Sun.
London, England, 1854-05-30 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, MAY 30, 1854.

Dependent in a very great measure upon the
issues of the great contest now involving the fate
of Russia and of Turkey, are the political destinies
of nations as remote from each other as the Swedes,

the Greeks, the Poles, the Persians, and the Fin
landers. it is tolerably certain that the struggle
which has at length actually commenced must
affect in a remarkable manner, for good or for
evil, the fortunes of both the Osmanli and the
Muscovite. In itself, surely, a mighty and mo-
mentous consideration. A wonderful reflection,
when it is remembered that European Turkey
alone extends over nearly 200,000 square miles,
containing almost 15,000,000 as its popula-
tion : and when, in addition to this, it is
borne in recollection that Russia extends not
over 200,000, but over more than 2,000,000
square miles, and that its inhabitants number
altogether not 15,000,000, but more than
60,000,000 in the aggregate ! Supposing, there-
fore, that the result of the present contest were
calculated to influence the future condition of no
other countries besides Russia and Turkey, it
would be obvious at a glance that the war, even
thus restricted to the confines of the territories of
the immediate belligerents, must be one of a mag-
nitude and importance absolutely extraordinary.
But the effects produced by the present struggle
cannot by possibility be prevented by merely
human agency from extending in their operation
beyond the Russian and the Turkish boundaries.
With the destinies of those two empires are bound
up more or less intimately those of many adjacent
tribes and races, of many contiguous provinces and
principalities. It is not merely that the consequences
of the war must be felt peculiarly in Circassia or
in Montenegro, in the Crimea or in Herzegovina.
But, as already remarked, at the outset of these
observations, the result must in like manner affect,
for good or for evil, the destinies of Sweden, and
Greece, and. Poland, and Finland, and Persia,
and even Tartary. Defeat Russia, for example,
and you at •
of all her scattered er3ee;pardise to her the retention
and gigantic acquisitions.
Her enormous robberies from the Khan of TAR-
TARY, almost entirely embracing the whole of
the Aral Sea, extending northwards to Orenburg,
not far from the base of the 0
17
the al liosutnept Mountains—
eastwards —0 f
eastwards to the extremity 0
Ghirghiz, and westwards to the Caspian, of all the
seas of Europe the true Mediterranean. Con-
quer the CzAR,
and you would at once in like
manner loosen the grasp of his robber-
despotism
on his acquisitions from Turkey--stretching
downwards to a point not far removed from the
Persian capital of Teheran, and upwards to a spot
on the frontiers of Austria not exceedingly distant
from the chain of the Carpathian Mountains. A
disaster to Russia might, moreover, in a similar
manner, lead to the restoration to the Swedish
monarchy of the vast and valuable possessions
giving their owner the command of the Baltic,
and embracing, besides Lake Ladoga, the gulfs of
Riga and Finland. Destroy the prestige of the
giant tyranny of the AUTOCRAT, and you affect
at once, and in a remarkable and instantly appre-
ciable way, the policy of the Shah of PERSIA,
and overthrow for once and for ever the evil in-
fluence long exercised at Athens by the irrespon-
sible head of the St. Petersburg Government.
And—besides all this—there is Poland !.
Let England and France (as they " can,"
whenever they so please,) effectually vanquish the

fleets and armies of Russia, and the restoration
of Poland to her old position as one of the king-
doms of the earth no longer remains an impossi-
bility.
It is a wonderful consideration. And in it
may at once be rec ognised the meaning of these
long delays on the part of Austria and Prussia in
regard to the choice of friends among the
belligerents. " Poland" is the key to the
mystery of German hesitation. Austria and
Prussia know well enough that so far as the
partition of Poland is concerned, their destinies
are interwoven with those of Russia. They are
loath, consequently, if only on the principle of
" Honour amongst Thieves," if only in obedience 1
to the dictates of selfish interest, they are loath
at heart to adopt a course which would drive them
to the ultimate necessity of an open declaration of
war against the Northern ArrocaAT. Neverthe-
less, while they dread this as a result especially
to be avoided, they have other fears tending
in quite opposite directions. They have a
wholesome disinclination to draw down upon
themselves the united hostility of France
and England. Prussia dreads the possibility
of losing the Rhenish Provinces. Austria feels,
moreover, that now, and perhaps never again,
she may, by a bold movement, rid herself of the
overshadowing and crushing patronage heretofore
vouchsafed to her by the dread chief of the St.
Petersburg Government. Meanwhile, too, Aus-
tria and Prussia continue secretly jealous of each
other, each fearing lest its rival, by some happy
accident of fortune, may secure to itself a domi-
nant influence over the Germanic Confederation.
But apart from all these reasons, through all and
above all, there is Poland. There is the possi-
bility of its restoration. There is the chance
that out of the conflagration of the Euro-
pean war IT might come forth anew—the
Phoenix of Kingdoms. Would it be so
dread an evil ? Is it nothing more than an idle
day-dream ? This restoration of Poland ! GOD
knows. Happily, by some beneficent arrangement
of DM:NE PROVIDENCE, the horrors of the war
may only be a tardy retribution for an old and
stupendous, but not altogether irreparable, crime.
The half-prophecy of CAMPBELL may be fulfilled.
The glorious manes of KOSCIUSKO may be appeased.
The heroic shade of SOBIESKI may be solaced by
the reviving glory of his descendants. Europe
may yet witness the realisation of the beautiful
day-dream cherished alike in victory and defeat,
cherished as confidently in his place of exile as in
his fatherland, by the venerable and veteran
Prince ADAM GEORGE CZARTORTSKI.

During the many discussions on the state
of the national finances, and the ways and
means by which the Exchequer should be re-
plenished, in order to meet the extra war expen-
diture, one question of the utmost importance
appears to have been cautiously avoided by all

parties. Her MAJESTY'S Opposition have appeared
to be quite as unwilling to grapple with the sub-

ject as her MAJESTY'S Ministers. The public
journals of all shades and varieties of political

.
opinion. have exhibited similar abstinence, and,

with few exceptions, the interesting topic has
been completely tabooed. The country heard quite
enough as to the "conversion abortion" of last
Session, and the consequent reduction of the Ex-
chequer balances, but nothing was said as to the
legitimate and proper mode of replacing those
balances, and placing the country so far as
practicable in the same financial position
that it had previously been. Some were desirous
of preventing any addition to the funded debt—
of casting the entire expense of the contest in
which we are now engaged on the present gene-
ration—while others were equally decided in
thinking that, inasmuch as the war has been
chiefly undertaken for the benefit of posterity,
and in order to prevent a very dangerous increase
of strength to a Power already too formidable for
the general welfare, a great portion of the burden
should be cast upon our descendants. One
earnestly deprecated anything in the shape of a
loan, while the others demanded a large funding
operation, as a simple act of justice to the over-
burdened tax-payers. Neither, however, sug-
gested what would apparently be the simple
and natural course of disposing of the
funds offered to the dissentient South Sea proprie-
tors as equivalents for the stocks which were sub-
sequently paid off in money. And yet what could
be more equitable, what could be more judicious
than applying the value thereof to the public
service in place of the sums abstracted therefrom ?
The question of loan or no loan, of bearing the
expenses of the war ourselves, or leaving them as
legacies to our children, would then be placed en
a just foundation, and could be fully and fairly

debated. As it is, however, a preliminary point
arises that should be disposed of before the other
matters are properly at issue.
When Mr. GLADSTONE brought forward his
conversion scheme, he never for a moment con-
templated the probability of his propositions being
rejected by any large proportion of the fund-
holders. He anticipated the assent not only of
the proprietors of the South Sea and other stocks,
which he undertook to pay off at par, but of a

large proportion of the owners of Three per Cent.
Consols. His operation was, in fact, aimed not
merely at the 10, 000, 000/. more particularly
indicated, but at the 500,000,0001. remaining in
the background. And fortunate was it for the
nation that the Right Hon. Gentleman, in the
plenitude of his confidence, did not serve the
twelve months required by law on all the parties
to whom an option was afforded, in which case the

loss might have been not one, but fifty millions
sterling. Mr. GLADSTONE, however, considered
_ . .

it certain that some of his proposals would have
been accepted, and the 2 per Cent. Stock, of which
1101. was to be given for each 1001., for some time
appeared in considerable favour; so much so indeed
that he deemed it expedient to limit the amount
thereof that could be taken to thirty, or rather

thirty-three, millions of Stock. Had be for a
moment contemplated paying off ten or even five
millions, he would have met with the most
strenuous and decided opposition, an opposition
that would have nipped his auspicious project in

be bud. But he aimed at " conversion," no

"liquidation," and his boast that he would,• if
necessary, pay off the dissentients out of the Ex-
chequer balances was regarded as a mere " figure
of speech," of which it was unnecessary to take
serious notice. His project was adopted on the
understanding that the new Stock or Bonds
were to be issued in place of that about
to be cancelled ; and any deviation from
that understanding might subject the Right Hon.
Gentleman to a charge of bad faith to the com-
munity.
The liquidation of any considerable portion of
the public debt would be a matter of too much
consequence to be disposed of by a side-wind.
Various enactments had from time to time been
passed for regulating the management thereof.
A body of commissioners had been appointed for
the especial purpose of effecting reductions there-
in, to whom a certain proposition—one quarter
of the surplus each financial period—was to be
there handed over. Justice to the public creditor, as
well as the tax-paying community, required that
therethe
shownlittl_h
be no tampering or underhand
dealingfunds,
first unlessduly had with
ap d tl
e
assent of the Legislature ob-
tained. Even if Iti
GLADSTONE had contem-
platedthe
paying off entire ten millions, or any
portion thereof
(andiwnj we not e
ofnot do the Right
tthlemepaousatihbeility of
an supposing for a
wouldmomentHon.Genu not be fair to such Parliament to sanctioni ut entio n s )u, ith
a proceeding,
The project unfortunately failed. Eight mil-
lions were required to satisfy the demands' of the
dissentients-; but towards making up the amount
there would have been either eight millions of
Exchequer Bonds or eight millions eight hundred
thousand pounds in Two-and-a-Half per Cent.
Stock. One or the other should have been sold, and
by that means not more than a million would have
been required to defray the loss on the operation.
It appears to us, then, that we cannot be accused

of placing any improper burdens on posterity
if we require matters to be replaced in the status
in quo, and that we would not be increasing the
funded debt by disposing of the finds which were
deemed equivalents for, and were intended to re-
place, those which were paid off in January and
April of the present year.

However much personality may with reason be
deprecated within the walls of the Legislature, it
must be acknowledged to impart at times a de-
lightful and refreshing savour to the debates in
Parliament. It is the salt of discussion.
Or a seasoning it may be called, a season-
ing, sometimes hot, sometimes pungent, some-
times bitter enough in all conscience, but ever
agreeable, ever invigorating, and, so to speak,
ever to the jaded taste, or exhausted pallate
of the public—appetising. Witness the colli-
sion of opinions last evening in the House of Com-
mons—when the chiefs of the opposing parties, the
Leader of the Treasury side and the Leader of the
Opposition—accompanied each by men of mark
and metal, contended on the floor of the Senate,
as the Knights of old were wont to do within
the lists of the Tournament. Mr. SPEAKER
as the Umpire, and the SERGEANT-AT-ARMS as
the Poursuivant. There were no covert thrusts
made under a mask, as it were, by innuendo—but
swinging blows dealt each at the other's reputation.
Occasionally, among the clash of burlier
implements of intellectual combat, there
was visible the gleam of that rather
startling rhetorical weapon, wittily compared
by SYDNEY SMITH to a sword-stick—irony----
a weapon at first sight apparently very innocent,
but out of which suddenly leaps forth something
keen, deadly, and incisive. Of this delicate
but formidable weapon, Mr. DISRAELI and Lord
JOHN RUSSELL are each masters—SALADINS
in their way—the one severing at a glance
the downy pillow of place, or the other the
gauzy folds of some taunting argument. As
debaters not only the Leaders but some also
of their more conspicuous followers showed last
evening conspicuously their skill in fence, and
one or two among them really consummate dex-
terity. Not a few at the close of the contest were
evidently smarting under the wounds received
during the sharpest moments of the. encounter ;
but the public generally, harmless lookers-on,
have the privilege all the while of enjoying the
spectacle of these brilliant and notable jousts-.--
wholly scatheless themselves.

COURT CIRCULAR.

OSBORNE, MAT 29.

The Queen and Royal family were unable to walk in
the grounds early this morning owing to the unfavourable
weather.

The Court will return to Buckingham Palace to
morrow afternoon.

Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, attended
by Lady Anna Maria Dawson, Lady Augusta Bruce,
the Baroness de Speth, and Lord James Murray, ho-
noured the performance of French Plays with her pre-
sence last evening.
Mr. Horsfall, M.P., Mr. Liddell, M.P., and a depu-
tation had an interview with the Right Hon. E. Card-
well, and Lord Stanley of Alderley, yesterday, at the
Board of Trade.
Despatches were sent by a messenger to her Majesty's
Ambassador at Constantinople, last evening, from the
Foreign-office.
Despatches were received at the Colonial-office yester-
day from the Governor of St. Helena.