The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-15 00:00:00

one. But, my lords, it is not for us to encourage that; on the
contrary, it is the duty of the Government to resist these
feelings, very natural and very generous though they may be,
and to direct them into the course of prudence and of policy.
(Hear.) In adopting this course I know very well I must sub-
mit to the epithets which have been bestowed upon yay exer-
tions to maintain peace—such as cowardice, vacillatic,n, and
treachery. All this I must submit to, but, at the same time,
it seems to me that her Majesty's Government have sh own
more mcnsal courage in resisting strong popular impressio us,
because we thought them irrational and carried to a mischika-
vous extent, than in yielding to those common-places vrhiche:
am ashamed to hear applied by the noble earl. It is very wen
to say that war should not be entered into for its own sake..
Everybody, even the greatest conquerors that ever have af-
flicted mankind, have always professed to love peace and only
to make war to arrive at peace. This is language which is _
used upon ail occasions ; but when war ensues we must look
to that language which is really opposed to war, rather than
to the mere declamation of persons who profess not to go to
war for its own sake. When I say that the popular feeling to
which I have alluded is irrational and carried to a greater
extent than is wise and prudent, I must also include a cer-
tain number of persons in this country who are really bent
upon war, who think and who maintain, and who have at
meetings declared, that war is to regenerate Europe, and that
that is the mode by which Europe is to be regenerated. To bo
sure, such declarations are usually coupled with an allusion
to the guillotine, and I don't know what part that has to.
play in the regeneration of Europe otherwise than by bring-
ing about additional misery, desolation, and ruin beyond that
which ordinary warfare world necessary entail. But, my
lords, the real question is, practically, what the noble earl
would wish us to have done. He speaks, and he has repeatedly
spoken before, of what the noble marquis also calls our infir-
mity of purpose and our lack of vigour. If we had been more
vigorous and less infirm of purpose, says the noble marquis, _
we might have brought matters to another issue ; and the
noble earl brings the same accusation. I wish just to show
your lordships that the step taken by the Emperor of Russia
—the only step, the only act with which he could deal—was
the invasion of the principalities. Now, what would the noble
earl have had us to do in that matter ? He would have had
us threaten the Emperor with results the only practical mean-
ing of which was war. Now, I will put it to the house whe-
ther, .if we had held such language and taken this course,
under the circumstances in which the occupation of the prin-
cipalities took place, we could have hoped for the sanction of
Parliament or of the country ? (Hear, hear.) For, what
were the facts ? The Emperor had invaded the principalities,
and occupied the principalities, he said, as a material guaran-
tee for the claims he had made on Turkey. He announced
that the occupation was but temporary, that he did not de-
clare war, and that he did not intend to make it war. Tur-
key, at the same time, determined not to make it a case of
war, and abstained, therefore, from declaring war, being, in
truth, utterly unprepared to make war. Under these cir-
cumstances, if we had made such an appeal to the Emperor
of Russia as would have produced war, I ask whether we
should not have found in noble lords opposite the most inex-
haustible fund of censure and at tack which it is possible to
conceive ? (Hear, hear.) Whether we had found it or not,
lam quite sure we should have deserved it. If you look
early into the negotiations, you will see what Lord Strat-
ford thought of this very point of the invasion of the
principalities. In describing the interview which he had
had with the Sultan, he relates that the due position which
it was conceived the Porte should maintain was that
of moral resistance. It is all very easy after one course has
been taken, the event of which is known, to point to some
other course which, in the opinion of the suggester, might
have been taken. I can only say that, looking over the whole
transaction as it has taken place from the outset since nego-
tiations began, I cannot charge myself with any reason to
lament any step that we have taken in the whole course of
the transaction. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl is of opinion
that I have been more of a war Minister than I intended. In
saying this he has put forth more truth than he, perhaps,
contemplated ; for I can assure him, in good truth, that if I
have any misgiving at all as to our course, it is certainly not
that we have been too precipitate. (Hear, hear.) But we
have done the best we could to preserve peace, in our earnest
desire to accomplish that object. I believe the course we
have pursued has been that which was perfectly justifiable,
and I will say further that, on full consideration, I should
feel disposed to repeat it were the occasion to recur. (Hear,
hear.) lam totally of a different opinion from those who sty
that the exertions to preserve peace have been continued too.
long. I think that every additional day that peace has been
maintained has been an advantage, and I do not in the least
regret the time which has been spent in following out these
endeavours to effect peace. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl
has also found fault with us for not having at an earlier period
established an entire concert with France in the conduct of
these transactions. My noble friend, behind me has shown
that so far as the Holy Places question was concerned, we
could not act with France, not only because we were in a dif-
ferent position on the whole subject, so far as English in-
terests were concerned, but also, in truth, because we
thought that Russia had some ground of complaint on that
subject, and it was, therefore impossible for us, at that time
and on that subject, to establish a concert with France ; brit
so anxious were we that nothing should prevent us from act-
ing in strict concert with France, that noble lords will have
seen that, when Lord Stratford left England, in the instruc-
tions which he carried with him, drawn up by my noble friend
behind me, my noble friend instructed him, as be passed
through Paris on his way to Constantinople, to inform the
French Minister for Foreign Affairs that the English Govern-
ment had great satisfaction in believing that the interests of
France and England in the East were identical, and that
nothing need prevent their cordial co-operation in main-
taining the integrity and independence of the Turkish
empire. (Hear.) These instructions were written before
Lord Stratford left England, and yet the noble earl has the
courage to find fault with us for not having sufficiently early
cultivated concert with France. (Heat.) Now, let me say,
there is in the whole of this transaction, let it end how it
may, nothing which gives me greater satisfaction than this
very concert which the noble earl finds 'fault with us for not
having, as he says, entered early into —(hear, hear) --I say
further, from the outset, when Lord Stratford took those in-
structions to Paris, up to this hour, we have maintained the
most entire and cordial concert with France - (hear, hear)
and we have had every reason to be satisfied to the utmost
with the perfect loyalty, honour, good faith, and cordiality
with which we have been met by France. (Cheers.) Let
this negotiation end as it may, it will always, I say, be a
source of the utmost satisfaction to us that we have esta-
blished that concert and that mutual kindness and goodwill
between the two Governments. (Cheers.) That concert, and
that mutual kindness and goodwill will, I trust, continue, and
no endeavours shall be wanting on our part to preserve, and,
if possible, to strengthen, these frank and friendly feelings.
(Cheers.) The great object for which we first entered upon
these negotiations was the pro,ection of the Turkish empire
against the aggressions of Russia an object which we have
deemed of an importance paramount to any other considera-
tions connected with the question. Ido not look without
apprehension to the consequences of a war, let it end how it
may ; for there is so strong a feeling of disaffection in, the
Turkish dominions, and the condition of the Government is
such, that even a successful war wouldbe attended with great
danger to the future condition of that empire. Therefore it
is—wishing to preserve the existence of that empire as a Eu-
ropean necessity that lam doubly anxious to preserve it, if
possible, from the continuance of war. The noble earl has
made merry with the answer given by my -noble friend near
me to a question which he said was of very deep importance,
whether we are at peace or war. The noble earl said that;
being neither at peace nor war, and not being neutral, he
did not very well know in what position we are. At all
events, let that position be what it may, it is very far from
being unprecedented. We have been in it before, and very
likely we may be in it often again. Look at what happened
in the year 1827. Our ambassador was then withdrawn from
Constantinople; we blockaded the Turkish ports; we had.
our Sinope too. (Hear, hear.) We destroyed the Turkish
fleet in harbour, with an immense loss of life, and we
wore not at war. Not at all. There was no war, And things
continued for a year and a half in that state. We were not
at war, although there had been demonstrations such as have
not yet taken place between this country and the Russian
empire ; for as yet we have not struck a blow or fired sabot at
the Russian forces, and therefore we cannot be said to be so
much in a state of war with Russia as we were at the time to
which I allude with Turkey, with which we professed to be
at peace. Therefore, difficult as it may be to describe our
position, at least the noble earl will see that it is not unpre-
cedented. There are other instances of a similar kind. We
subsequently joined with the French ; the French army be.;
sieged Antwerp ; we blockaded it ourselves, but we were
not at war with Holland. Neuertheless, these demonstrations
took place, which, I say, were much more energetic than any-
thing that has yet taken place between us and the Russians.
I could very much desire that we had seen the worst of this
state of things, be it war, or be it peace—(hear, hear)---but,
although I have ventured to say I did not think war inevi-
table, I never said I expected that war would not take place.
I not only hope, but most ardently pray, that war may not
take place ; but all I have said is, that it was not inevitable.
I cannot abandon this hope slender as it is—even now.,
What I may hope, or expect, or think, is not a matter of
very deep importance, but what is of importance is this --that
her Majesty's Government are making every possible prepa-
ration for war, as if it were inevitable. (Hear, and cheers.)
That is all the country can desire, and they may leave me
and ethers to indulge our hopes and our prayers as we think
proper ; but every effort will be made, and is making at this
moment, to carry on war -if war there must be—in such a
manner as becomes the character, and dignity, and power of
this country. (Cheers.) My lords, at this hour of the ni Plat
I will not fatigue you by saying more, but I am so far giad
th st this motion has been brought forward, because Ido
think that, in addition to the papers laid upon the table, the
clear justification of my noble friend, who has had the prin-
cipal management of these transactions, must have been stu3h
as to satisfy your lordships that no prudence, or foresight, or
skill has been wanting in the management of these me st
difficult and complicated negotiations, and I have not the
least hesitation in appealing not only to this house, but to he
country, not merely far an acquittal of her Is&ajesty's Govern-
ment, but I will almost venture to trust that we may have
their approbation. (Cheers.)
After a few words in explanation from the Duke of Ass
The Earl of ALBEMARLE said they had had seven hours
and a half's discussion upon one of the most unprofitable
questions that had ever come before them. They had been
debating on the past conduct of the Government, but they
had not beard what was to be ~heir future policy. -For lilt
own part, he should give his support to that future policy,
provided that it was suitable to the honour and dignity of.-the
country. (Hear, hear.) What he now wished to know was
whether we were going to war upon the status quo, or ea
Russia had now made all treaties mere waste paper, whatuer,
in any future arrangement, the Euxine and the Azoff, the
common property of mankind, were to be kept closed at the
bidding of a despot ? (Hear, hear.)
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE made a few observations
in reply. The noble earl at the head of the Government had
found fault with him for not specifying the nature and con-
tents of the papers which he moved for. Why, if he had been
the
country motion
should
put haintphosseaassskioedn
in possession of that information, what necessity would there
hilesamndakthineg
havefo wasbe,enthafotr
of such papers and such information • •
as would enable him to
tell what was the exact position we stand in with reogardi to
Turkey, and in making a motion to that effect it could hardly
follow that he was bound at the same tints to move a 'rote of
censure upon the Government. At all events, the motion he
had made, whatever was its fate, would have this effect, it
would satisfy the world that there was but one determination
in the house, as there was but one out of it, and that was to
support tho Government throughout this momentous struggle
in which we were about to embark—(hear, hear)—at the same
time ho could not help repeating his conviction, that if -we had
put on a bold front in the early part of these negotiations, such
an effect wouldhave been produced upon the mind of the Empe-
ror of Russia as would have inevitably precluded his a from
taking any daring steps against Turkey. The experience of
the last 23 years should have satisfied the Government of the
nature of the designs which Russia had ever and still enter-
tained upon Turkey, while the same experience, if it had
been well looked into, would have taught them that Russia,
had never ventured to make a single d.ep to advance her ag-
gressive views so long as she felt that the Western Powers
were opposed to her. No doubt the end of the contest would
be the withdrawal
of the impudent demands made by Russia ;
but if England and France bad evinced a decided opposition
to them in the first instance, much of the anxiety which we
had recently felt in the affair would have been spared us.
(Hear, hear.) And even now,' there was an uncertainty as
to whether the allied powers meditated =Win Buda wittls