The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-14 00:00:00

SToerre
rjr-t, AT HOME AND STOCKS ABROAD.
---ui Pe,—
•LY uncertain state of the Money Market
Amu ht, tdve , rallan •,.. a cause for serious apprehension, and report says the
ice AN, tirarket,
._. are so overstocked that shipments are taking
from busin4l-',. Q and America. This is quite possinle, and arises
sx,"!cllabia articles which will not sell ; but the manufactures of
of profit. pia SON meet with a speedy sale at a surprising amount
Australian ma', in consequence of their perfect knowledge of the
ulnTht:nwAinnatetraciaefrui and constant advices from their large Establish-
'-'"Es and 8,,,.-"m4 now displayed at the Establishment of E.
Attire.
Fashion, and . and at its West-end Branch, exhibits Variety,
most favourably The ~,SuPeriority in numberless artistic styles of Winter
in Dress. Rats,—rY extraordinary low prices charged for every article
the ca
E. blosEs ovis.i.ronsa, Hosiery, which
scarce and pi. •.c circumstance could occur when money is
charged at a high rate.
a mania and SoN's Winter Stock affords the best illustration of
centr husin' ess conducted with a direct application to the
Seasnn. and
Merch,"Cyapgt°°dsainc• ostrheirpepderselsew. here.
ennifor, thanP eductive of greater advantages in quality, style, and
e argest Whol le Stock in the
the l and
world,a tEmigrantsx.ki mayo, selectand s
ofrom
The general superiority of t
to 'suit She markets and that's: goods, and their being made txpre.sly
n they will arrive, associated
with the most economical charges, deser
of all classes going abroad. Ship-taut: t the Immediate attention
outfits for Ladies and Gentlemen, may be itr.,..ZrrnonstliZticaandtiofull...lrisptsoosef
free.
CAUTION.—E. MOSES and SON regret ha , ~ public against imposition, having learned that% tbhishuradt- eeguiZt.lithke
falsehood of " Being connected with the'r E.'
the same concern," has been resorted to in many inatear," °I. " It's
obvious reasons, they beg to state that they have cos. and for
No CONNEXION WITH ANY OTHER HOHOR IN OA OUT OP Lorasolf,
except their own Establishments, as follows :
London City Estab"shment, 154, 155, 156, and 157, Minories, 83,
84,85, and 86, Aidgate, opr site the Church, all communicating.
London West-end Branch, 506, 507, 508, New Oxford-street, 1, 2
and 3, Hart-street, ueT
Bradford (Yorkshire) Branch, 19 and 20, Bridge-street.
Sheffield Branch, 36, Fargate.
Colonial Branch, Me bou ne, Australa.
Merchant Tailozs Clothiers, Hatters, Hosiers, Boot and Shoo
Makers, and General Outfitters for Ladies and Gentlemen.
IMPORTANT.—Should any article not give satisfaction, it will be
exchanged if desired, or, if preferred, the money will be returned
without hesitation. All goods are marked in plain figures, the lo west
price, from which ne abatement can be made.
The Establishments are closed from sunset Friday to sunset on
Saturdays, when business is resumed till 12 o'clock.
A new Book, "The Herald of the Seasons," containing hill lists
of prices, our system of self-measurement, facts relative to Australia,
advice to emigrants, Sec., may be had on application, or post•free to
any part of the kingdom.

A handsome Almanac for the year ending 1853 can be had gratis
OD application.

Ici Pon pane Francais. Qui al parla Italian°.
Wet sr richt man Deutsck. Aqua se habis Espanol

MEDICAL ADVICE ON THE SECRET INFIRMITIES OF
YOUTH AND .
DR. SAMUEL LA'MERT, 37, BEDFORDMATURITY -SQUARE, LONDON,
Doctor of Medicine, and Matriculated Member of the University of
Edinburgh, Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical
Society, Licentiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, &c., &c.
AIAY be consulted, personally, or by letter, on
the various disorders of the nervous and generative system,
resultingi from juvenile Irregularities and excesses, which have pro-
uced more misery in youth, degradation in manhood, and prema-
ture decay at all stages of life, than perhaps any other class of dis-
in eases known to modern pathologists. Long and practical experience
the treatment of these diseases has proved that there are in exist-
ence secret causes of self-acquired miseries and disappointed hopes in
existence traceable to certain pernicious habits, to which Nervous
Debility, various forms of Insanity, Unhappy and Unfruitful Mani-
-1_419. Impotency, Local and Constitutional Weakness, and their
'Tess modifications owe their almost entire origin.
_ tis absolutely necessary that all men should know that there are
rlnciples of personal management which cannot be violated without
Tleeurring grievous penalties, and when wisdom and regret succeed
heyday of inconsiderate self-indulgence, how these penalties
may be mitigated, how the sting of their bitterness may be removed,
and
how
the evil and its consequenc es may be avoided, and above all,
_ t there is scarcely any degree of physical infirmity or functional
derangement to which the timely aid of science cannot apply a cure
in DOCTOR LA'MERT has for a long series of years been engaged
an extensive practice in the treatment of these delicate corn-
plaints, and is the only legally qualified Physician who, regardless
of the taunts and envy of the hypocritical and mock-modest, has had
the confidence, through the medium of the public press, to direct
attention to these enormous evils, from which no grade of society Is
bee. ln selecting this department of practice, he has been amply
arded by the great success that has attended his efforts in the
—vattnent of these cases, which are too generally confided to the
care of unqualified and Ignorant empirics, who, with their pirated
Pliblicatlons umed foreign names and titles, and pretended virtues
of their Pateht nostrums, have inflicted serious injury on those who
-"le been induced to place faith in their pretensions.
At home for consultation daily from Eleven till Two, and from
till
Eight. All letters must contain the fee of 11., and advice and
medicine can be forwarded to any initials or address.
It ,
desirable that patients wishing to consult Dr. LA'MEET
•▪ nauld &rat obtain a copy of his work on
SELF.PRESERVATION.
teMneedlcal Treatise on the Philosophy of Marriage and Nervous and
rative Debility Illustrated by fifty-coloured engravings, and des-
_..lll3lllll in detail the v' aeons disorders resulting from secret habits and
v.ecesg"
; ench, SpanTilies
desert • perusal of this treatise will assist in the correct
ption of their cases, and may be had, price 2s 6d, in English,
Dutch, Italian, or German, of Messrs. Piper
Kann and Co., 23, Paternoster-row; Hannay, 63, Oxford-street ;
b n' ; Storie, Titchborne-street, Haymarket ;or free
:__Poe post for forty-two stamps, to any address from the Author's resi-
n e• e 7, Fteueous..egmAss, Lounost.

ON THE SECRET CAUSES OF SELF-ACQUIRED MISERIES
AND DISAPPOINTED HOPES.
In SixTign:lferggr Edition
CONTAINING THE REMEDY FOR PREVENTION OF' DISEAS L
Illustrated by One Hundred Anatomical Coloured Engravings
and
Cases.
New Edition, enlarged to 200
pages, price 2s. 6d., by post, from the
Establishment, 31. 6d. ps rrEIE SILENT FRIEND, in,
astam Medical Work on
-IL the exhaustion and physical deca of the systemr ,tphroodaubcoesde boyf
excessive indulgence, the consequences of infection, o
Mercury. with directions for the use of the preventive lotion, fol•
lowed by observations on Marriage, and the disqualifications which.
Prevent it. Illustrated by 100 Coloured Engravings. By R.
and
nfdd-
PERRY and CO. Consulting Surgeons, 19, Demers-street, OxorL r
street, London. Published by Sherwood and Co., 23, Paternoste-
row, and sold by Hannay, 63, and Sanger, 150, Oxford-street; Gor-
don, 146, Leadenhall-street; 95, Farringdon-street ; W. Sutton, 10,
Bow Church-yard ; Butler, 4, Cheapside ; R Johnson, 68, Cornhill.
Pater I. treats of the anatomy and physiology of the reproductive
"'gabs, and is illustrated by 28 Coloured Engravings.
PeaT 11. treats of the consequences resulting from excessive in-
dulgence, and their lamentable effects on the system, producing
Mental and bndily weakness, nervous excitement,
ncapacity. Illustrated by 10 Explanator3 Engravings.
and generative
PART 111. treats of the diseases resulting from infection, either in
theeir Primary or secondary form, and contains explicit directions for
th treatment. This section is illustrated by 62 Coloured Engrav-
nes.
PART IV. contains a Remedy for the Prevention of Disease by a
simple application, by which the danger of infection is obviated.
PART V. is devoted to the consideration of mirriage and its duties.
The causes of unproductive union are also considered, and the whole
SahJect critically and philosophically inquired into.
THE CORDIAL BALM OF SYRIACUM is exclusively employed
Per bottle.nery
In treating ous and sex debility,'lmpotence, Ike., ula and 33'.
The Concentra ual
ted Detersive Essence, an anti-syphilitic
remedy, for purifying the blood in cases or infection, secondary
yptons, eruptions, and the use of mercury, I Is. and 335. per
bottle. Perry's Purifying Specific Pills, 23, 9d., 4 6d., and I Is.
Per
s.
box, a Certain remedy for gonorrh
If. Chronic Inflammation of the bladder. Consultagtiloen
A minute detail et the ease is required ; t ,
fee,st stricture, tbuyr ei
e,
fat
enrd,
rnent o
00 in society. 5/. Packets, with advice, to beaghade, habits,
bthite'Eaantadbrissht
nly, by which the fee, 1/., is saved.
are in nttendanne, daily, at 19, Berners-streets
Messrs. Perry, Surgeons,
Oxford•street, Lon-
ila.2N irom Eleven till Two, and 48m-street,
to Eight; on Sunday from
4detti til Opt

WEEK DAYS. SUNDAYS.
..,
A , e
Fen- ;; 1 ?_, zle, e.. Feu- 5 ..?. 4) .... 4.
church '6' cj -a ii
~.9 church t 4! ..) 44 eV,
Street. 4 8 -6
I' 6 la Street. Ad. . r, 0 73
....m...1. • .a... ...a. ...a... a..... a..... a........ .. -. ..a. .a. a• ...a.
124 — 10
2U 11
51,4 —3%
5
Passages marked * are run direct.
Fore Cabin. Saloon.
To or from Gravesend and London•• —.... •• 10d. .. Is. 2d.
„ Gravesend and Blackwall or Woolwish Bd. .. Os. 10d.
Between Gravesend and Intermediate Piers.. 6d. .. Os. Bd.

To or from Gravesend and London— • • ••
~ Gravesend and Blackwall or Wooli
Between Gravesend and Intermediate Pie
BOAT TICKETS.—TweIve Months, 5.,
Three Months, 21. Os. ; to be had of thi
Packets; or of Mr. Monk, Terrace Pier, (
Oct.s , 1853.

.•• 10d. .. ls.
tab Bd. .. Os. I,
s.. 6th .. Os. Bd.
Os.; Six Months, 31. Os. ;
Collectors on board the
lravesend.

RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS.

THE GREAT NORTHERN RAlLWAY.—Traffie return for
the week ending Oct. 2, 1853 £18,710 8 1
Corresponding week last year 14,725 15 1

LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE RAlLWAY.—Traffic re-
turn for the week ending Oct. 9, 1853.. ..... 218,568 7 2
Corresponding week last year 17,068 6 7

CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAlLWAY.—Traffic return for
the week ending Oct. 9, 1853 £4,907 15 10
Corresponding week last year 3,700 9 6

Increase in 1853 £1,207 6 4
GLASGOW AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAlLWAY.—Traffic Te
'aim for the week ending Oct. 8, 1853 £ ',BOB 15 6
Corresponding week last year 4,36?, 15 9

Increase in 1853 £445 19 9
SCOTTISH CENTRAL RAlLWAY.—Traffic return for the
week ending Oct. 9, 1853 £3,230 12 3i
Corresponding week last year 2,740 11 54
CORK AND BANDON RAILWAY.—Traffio return for the
week ending Oct. 8, 1853 Ul4l 0 4
Corresponding week last year 192 18 10
WATERFORD AND KILKENNY RAlLWAY.—Traffic return
for the week ending Oct. 8 (29 miles) £l9O 8 5
Corresponding week last year (13 mile

tinned on the 23d of June last that an expedition was
MINING OPERATIONS, GREENLAND.— Jt was men
about to start from Portsmouth to test the mining capa-
bilities of the southern coast of Greenland, in conse-
quence of a grant having been made by the King of
Denmark to a Mr. Lundt. The Dolphin yacht, of 217
tons, which was fitted out for the purpose by Mr.
Albert Robinson, Sir Walter Trevelyan, and Mr. Regner
Westenholtz, .has now returned, after an unprecedented
passage of six days from Cape Farewell to Land's-end,
having on board upwards of 16 tons of copper ore, said to
average more than 50 per cent. of pure metal, and a
great variety of specimens of silver and lead ores. The
expedition was accompanied by Mr. W. C. Vivien, a
mining captain from Cornwall, and Mr. Hoff, a mine-
ralogist, on the part of the Danish Government ; and
their report is stated to be very satisfactory regarding
the metalliferous character of the entire country included
in the grant. Mr. Friis, a Norwegian mining captain,
and ten men were left at the mines to carry 011operatiehs,

The annual conference of the friends of peace com-
menced at Edinburgh on Wednesday. It was originally
announced that the sittings should be held in Queen-
street Hall ; but in consequence of the great demand
for tickets of admission, which were issued gratuitously,
it was deemed advisable to change the place of meeting
to the Music Hall, a large and handsome building in
George-street, capable of accommodating about two
thousand persons. There was a numerous attendance
of delegates, appointed by the committees existing in all
the principal towns in England and Scotland. At
least one-third of the conference consisted of members
of the Society of Friends, many of whom arrived in Edin-
burgh by the Great Northern and Midland Railways,
which ran special trains at reduced fares, for the occa-
sion. Among those present on the platform were—the
Lord Provost of Edinburgh, president of the conference ;
Mr. Cobden, M.P., Mr. Bright, M.P., Mr. Cowan,
M.P., Mr. Miall, M.P., Mr. J. B. Smith, M.P., Mr.
Hadfield, M.P., Mr. Hindley, M.P., Mr. Bell, M.P.,
Mr. Joseph Sturge, Mr. Elihu Burritt, Mr. Henry
Vincent, Professor M`Michael, the Rev. Dr. Brown,
the Rev. J. Burnet, of London, and others. There
was also a large attendance of visitors, including a con-
siderable number of ladies, who evinced a warm interest
in the proceedings of the conference ; and in the body
of the hall we noticed several clergymen of various re-
ligious denominations.
The Lord Provost of Edinburgh took the chair shortly
after noon, and the meeting was opened with prayer by
the Rev. Dr. Brown. Four gentlemen were then chosen
to act as secretaries to the conference, and a committee
was appointed to arrange the order of business.
• The Rev. ROW RICHARDS, of London next read
' communications which had been received from gentle-
men in various parts of the kingdom, regretting their
inability to be present, but expressing their cordial ad-
hesion to the objects of the conference. Mr. Hume said
he was convinced, by what had occurred during the last
twelve months, that the course suggested by the Man-
chester conference was the proper course to be followed
by the Sovereigns of states to avoid war, and that it
accordingly ought to be persevered in. Sir David
Brewster was confident that the time was not far dis-
tant when war would be as impossible among civilised
nations, as duelling was among civilised men ; while Mr.
Brotherton, M.P., Mr. Kershaw, M.P., Mr. J. Silk
Buckingham, Mr. Joseph Price, the founder of the con-
ference, and Mr. Visschers, of Brussels, urged the
members of the association to renewed and more
vigorous efforts on behalf of the principles they had
espoused.
The LORD PROVOST then briefly explained the objects
of the meeting. It is well known, he said, to the gentle-
men here assembled that we are associated for a com-
mon end, and that we go all the length that we profess to
go by our resolutions and our constitution in perfect
harmony, but that beyond these boundaries there are
differences of opinion ; that the Peace Society consists
of two sections—those who hold the principle that war
in every form and for every purpose is unlawful, as being
opposed to the precepts of Christianity and to the whole
spirit of the New Testament. (Cheers.) Other members,
again, do not hold these principles, but still cordially
concur with the first-mentioned class in deprecating the
war spirit, wherever it may be found, and doing every-
thing in their power to repress it—thinking that the ar-
maments, not only of this nation, but of all the nations of
the world, are too powerful, and that they lead to war
inevitably from the great preparations made respecting it.
Then above all we hold that the great means of preventing
war would be an arrangement made between nations
when they are in a friendly position towards each other,
by getting clauses inserted in international treaties pro-
viding that, if any occasion shall occur in which a dispute
takes place which the parties cannot solve themselves,
arbitrators shall be named in the treaties, to whom the
questions shall be referred as they occur. We have
been misrepresented as being all non-resistants—that we
are for disarming the nation, and leaving it as a prey to
any unprincipled party that chooses to invade us. Now,
whatever opinions individuals may hold, the association
holds no such opinion. (Hear, hear.) We agree to
differ on points on which all cannot agree, and the mat-
ter is perfectly understood. There is another point on
which I should like to say a few words. We are not
met here as a political party. We are not at' ached to
any Government, or any section of any Government.
We have no wish to promote any party end whatever.
It has also been said by many of our opponents that we
are met together, at least that we are apt, to abuse mi-
litary and naval men, and make personal attacks on
them. Now, certainly nothing of the kind can be said
of this association. We all know that there are many
able and excellent men who have been in both branches of
the service. Every man who has much knowledge of
the world must have met with many such in the course
of bis own personal observation ; and, if it be that the
morale of the private soldier is lower than that of men
of other classes, it ought to be kept in mind that they
receive less than half the wages which any other class
t
offensive
affeo
kcet eeni
eee andtlootowa
ntwyh attack at
amgeyasno uwmwhec ahi
nel:nht ns
baoo
are
evt geret given mo
v e
vindicate
dor i o
oat of
jteheemi
cgt.
ph
sm
rcrin
tcaoiespsl
are
(Hear, hear.) We wish ton
say nothing that is personally
dis-
seminate the principles which we hold, and to treat all
courteously, and in that Christian spirit which we desire
to see propagated throughout the world. (Cheers.)
Mr. RICHARDS then gave a resume of the proceedings
of the society since the conference met at Manchester in
January last. He alluded to the fear that then prevailed
of a French invasion, and to Mr. Cobden's pamphlet on
the subject, entitled "1793 and 1853," of which 86,000
copies had been issued by the society. The society had
also distributed about half a million of tracts and pam-
phlets during the last nine months, and had besides held
meetings in nearly all the considerable towns in Eng-
land and Wales. On the 26th of February last, a depu-
tation, including sixteen members of Parliament, waited
on the Earl of Aberdeen with a memorial from the so-
ciety, in regard to the standing armaments of Europe,
and the wisdom and possibility of reducing them. The
deputation met not only a very gracious and courteous
reception, but one eminently favourable to the object
they had in view. His lordship, to quote his own words,
said he had never met any deputation with whose ob-
jects he more completely agreed. "No one could
more earnestly, he might say more passionately, desire
the attainment of this object—the security of the peace
of Europe—than he did ; and he believed that by no
other means could any Government more effectually
promote the happiness of mankind, and bring real glory
to the nation. These opinions," he added, "he had not
recently adopted. They had even formed the subject of
discussion ten years ago, between him and his late emi-
nent friend, Sir R. Peel." Finally, he assured the depu-
tation that, whether the object was attained or not, it
would not be for any want of inclination on his part to
promote it. In the course of last year they received a
communication from the friends of peace in America,
stating that there were certain treaties then pending
between the United States and our Government in
reference to the fisheries, and that they had waited
on the American Executive to suggest the insertion in
the treaties of stipulations binding the two Governments
that, if any misunderstanding should arise as to the con-
struction of these treaties, the question should be referred
to the judgment of some competent, impartial arbitrator.
This proposal, they were informed, had been received
with the utmost cordiality by the American Govern.
ment, who had expressed not only a willingness but an
anxiety to introduce such a clause, provided it were ac-
ceptable to the British Government. Under these cir-
cumstances, the committee presented a memorial toLord
Clarendon, asking him to give instructions to the nego-
tiators who were conducting the business on behalf of
England to insert such a clause. His lordship received
the deputation of the society on the subject with great
kindness, and said that, while he thought there could be
no objection to such a clause, it was rather a novel thing
in diplomacy, and he would take a little time to consider
it. These treaties had not yet bee completed, but he
(Mr. Richards) trusted when they were, they would be
found to have such a clause inserted. After referring to
Mr. Cobden's pamphlet on the Burmese war, of which
five large editions had been sold, Mr. Richards stated
that 8,000/. of the 10,000/. fund proposed at Manchester
had already been raised, and they were in hope of re-
ceiving a considerable addition from their Scotch friends
and others attending the conference. He then explained
that, seeing that the minds of the English people were
so inflamed at present with warlike passions, and so
filled with mistrust of their neighbours—so anxious to
put themselves in an attitude of defiance and menace to
the whole world—it was the deliberate opinion of the
committee that it would have been impolitic, as was pro-
posed at Manchester, to have held a conference at pre-
Sent on the Continent? or to go to France and Germany

tions of duty, whether in honour or dishonour, in good
report or in evil report ; and secondly, that whilst no-
thing was easier than to fan the flame of a prevailing
passion, on the other hand nothing entailed a surer and
sterner punishment, when that passion had subsided,
than to have been the means of pandering to its indul-
gence. (Cheers.) If it must be so, he would rather
risk the ridicule and obloquy of the rising temper of the
times, than, when hostilities had taken place between
nations, incur the reproach of those whose homes had
been ruined and whose prospects had been blighted by
war. (Hear, hear.) But was he justified in assuming
that the majority of his countrymen were opposed to
the business and objects of this conference ? Undoubt-
edly there were many external signs which might appear
to indicate so much ; but those signs were frequently
delusive ; and possibly, if they were to analyse correctly
the prevailing and predominating feeling of the times,
they would find that they had mistaken somewhat the
spirit and temper of their fellow-countrymen, and simply
from paying too much attention to that which forced
itself to the surface of affairs. He was aware that the
great majority of the public press had fallen in on this
occasion, as it did last year on a previous one, with the
military spirit, and had endeavoured to represent it as the
duty of a patriot and a lover of liberty, and of toleration,
forsooth, to take part in the resistance to the aggressive
spirit of Russia. He would not prove recreant to his
order ; but he did not believe that the public
press on all occasions—and more especially on this occa-
sion, which involved the excitement of our passions--a
fair representative of the judgment of the country.
(Hear, hear.) After all, the writers in our journals were
but few in number ; they were exceedingly apt to mis-
take the temper of the times ; they followed each other
to a considerable extent ; they were gregarious in their
instincts—(a laugh)—and when the Times blew the
trumpet, almost all the weekly journals, and many of
the provincial ones, re-echoed back its sentiments. No-
thing was easier than for the press, supposing it to be
thoroughly well managed by those who had access to its
writers, than to get up a popular excitement upon any
subject in which the people might be thought to take a
lively interest. The utmost that could be said was, that
me
gtnl
bhhgteeto
progressnnp be eedtdfee,radd,abi
intffsfhdeunal sauotenttdaiyotnthnyhei throughout the
anything
tgngh Europejudgment,
wherebyewouldn t,o f;
would the
aatt hhnvaeedtrneigpt m
country
ewrhsoetaegahes rggeearasewaisdnstremtsotrftiouoiigs of Hungary inflicted in past times,
a large portion of our fellow-citizens. But he thought
the'y did wrong to interpret that vague sentiment as
though it were favourable to the adoption of a hostile
and warlike course. He referred to the warlike aspect
of matters on the Danube, and said that the Emperor of
Russia had taken under his care and protection the Greek
religion--and he was doing that in Turkey, or at least
he wished to do that, which perhaps some wished to see
done in Tuscany. (Cheers and hisses.) He would ask
of what earthly interest was the whole quarrel to this
country ? (Cheers.) He denied that there was any large
principle
con-
cerned.
principle interesting to humanity in the integrity and
cpogs of
in-
dependenceerrnerde.s of
societythe
'Turkish
wasin h
empire, t
e slightesto r one
e
in
degrwhichthne.

Mr. COBDEN, on rising to address the meeting, was
received with loud and prolonged cheering. He said--
It is well that our friends have explained what the
are
peculiar objects and what are the distinctive doctrines
of this association. My experience in past movements
of a public kind teaches me this—it is very difficult,
when you have got hold of a good cause, to bring your
opponents to a fair and candid discussion of what you
really mean. It is a great deal easier to misunderstand
than to confute you, when you happen to be right ; and,
therefore, instead of meeting us such as we are, and op-
posing our objects such as we represent them to be,
when we hold a conference like this, our opponents
raise the cry, "Oh, these are a set of fanatics, who, if
an enemy were at our gates, would cry, Peace, peace ;
they are people who wish us to disband every soldier
and sailur we have, in order to invite the invasion of
seme foreign foe ; they are people who want to lay us
prostrate at the feet of the first set of brigands who
choose to land upon our shores." Now, I wish to
make my profession of faith upon this subject as dis-
tinctly and as shortly as possible. I do not believe
that anybody is coming to attack us at all. (Cheers.) I
have never heard or read in modern history of anybody
who meditated an attack upon our shores. I will not
except even the case of Napoleon the Great, because when
he came and took a look at us he turned away to a more
inviting foe. What my reading and experience have taught
me is this—that the danger which Englishmen have
to apprehend arises from that peculiarity in their tem-1
perament, that idiosyncrasy of their nature—for nations
have idiosyncrasies as well as individuals—which leads
us constantly to go and seek grounds of quarrel and ob-
jects of hostility at the remotest parts of the globe. I
have seen that in past times Englishmen have been suc-
cessively fighting the battles of almost every people on
the face of the earth ; but I have likewise seen that whe-
ther the objects of our intervention in these remote
quarrels have been to advance the principles of civil and
religious liberty, as I have sometimes heard, or to pro-
mote the progress of freer commercial intercourse, they
have steadily elided our grasp ; and almost the only
practical result of this characteristic of our country is,
that we have loaded ourselves with an amount of debt
greater than that of all the nations of the world besides,
and that we are mistrusted and not liked by almost every
people in Christendom. Nor do I see that the spirit of
later times has been very much changed for the better;
for if we cannot be persuaded to go and attack somebody
else, it seems to be very easy to persuade us that some-
body else is coming to attack us. Now, I beg it, most
emphatically, to be understood that when I attend this
meeting, it is not that I wish you to bow down your necks
at the feet of an invader. Nobody wants or intends to
attack you. The quarrels and wars you have had, and the
debt you have incurred, hay° boon of your mu looking ;

and what I want is—and it was never more necessary
than at present—to put a check, however feeble, uponthat
tendency of a large portion of the people of this coun-
try, erroneously assumed to be the majority, to erect
into a maxim for public opinion that which we have
hiterto imagined only appertained to princes and despots
—" Our people seem to learn nothing, and to forget
nothing." When I speak of the people, recollect I do
not mean to make an admission which would place me
in the disadvantageous position of saying that I am op-
posing the deliberately settled Lopinions and convictions
of the great mass of my countrymen. No, the great
mass of my countrymen upon this question are standing
observing, and waiting to be convinced. (Hear, hear.)
But I speak of those who, if we were not here would
take possession of the public mind, and you may depend
upon it that if they could convince the whole people
they were right and we were wrong, the policy of this
country would soon be conducted according to their
views. We have seen already that it is not difficult to
persuade the English people that others are corn:ng to
attack them. Ido not want to refer to what occurred
six or nine months ago for the purpose of triumph or
exultation. (Hear, hear.) I have never alluded, in
the House of Commons or elsewhere, to that most con-
clusive triumph which this conference has obtained
in the change that has taken place, since our last
meeting in Manchester, on the subject of the French
aggression; but it is necessary to refer to it now, be-
cause the very same pens are being dipped in gall to re-
cord jibes and sneers at this conference which we had to
encounter at Manchester ; and though I do not want
to deprive them of the pleasure of either abusing or cari-
caturing us, yet we have every right to ask the people
of this country to estimate the value of the present at-
tacks of these individuals by the value of their opinion
just six months ago. (Cheers.) But more—l say that
the position in which this country is placed, with refer-
ence to the Emperor of Russia, is distinctly to be traced
to the conduct which these foolish people pursued nine
or six months ago. (Cheers.) Ido not speak igno-
rantly or idly—l speak from information short only of
information derived from the first parties acting in these
transactions—when I say that what has been done in
the East by the Emperor of Russia was done upon the
deliberate calculation that it was impossible that France
and England would unite to oppose his encroachments
upon Turkey. (Cheers.) We all know that it is an
old and traditional policy of the Russian Emperors to
encroach upon the dominions of the Mahomedan people
that are at their side. That has been the uniform
and regular policy of Russia for the last 150 years ;
but we know also that the encroachments of
Russia upon Turkey have been steadily resisted
—not at all times manfully, but still resisted-- by the
combined action of the Western Powers of Europe.
Now, the Russian Emperor saw, not only in the public
prints of this country, but he perceived in the speeches
of our statesmen in the House of Commons, expressions
of dread, of mistrust, and of horror at the character of
the Sovereign of our next neighbours, the French. He
saw that in the House of Commons we made preparations
for calling out the militia, avowedly in order to resist a
French invasion. He heard men who are now believed
to be the unswerving peacemakers of this country, say
that in one night 60,000 French soldiers might come
from Cherbourg and land upon our shores. We were
told that if we ventured to assume for a moment the pos-
sibility that the Emperor of the French was not a bri-
gand and a pirate, or to urge that the French people
were not prepared to throw themselves upon our shores
without notice or declaration of war, we would be the
most credulous and foolish fanatics in Britain. The Em-
peior of Russia saw all this, and naturally concluded that
it was utterly impossible that France and England could
unite in order to resist his encroachments in the east
of Europe. His plans have been laid in the southern
parts of Europe ever since last September or Octo-
ber, when the outcry about a French invasion was first
raised ; they were steadily pursued as the foolish spirit
of hostility to our neighbours, the French, was more
and more manifested in high quarters ; and now the
consequence is, that the Emperor of Russia has found,
when it is too late, that the foolish people whom he mis-
took for the public opinion of England have entirely mis-
him. (Cheers.) And how do we stand ? We were de-
nounced as being most credulous and foolish for thinking
it possible that the Emperor Louis Napoleon did not
necessarily meditate an invasion of our shores ; and yet
I myself heard the very Minister who talked of the
French coming from Cherbourg in one night say that
France and England were now united in one common
bond of interest, aid were actuated by sentiments of
mutual confidence and esteem, and that united they
formed a power against which it was in vain for Russia
to contend, because all Europe would be helpless against
such an irresistible combination. And what did I read
at the end of the session, in the Queen's speech ? As
if to climax the triumph of the peace party, not
only did the Queen in her speech to Parliament
declare that she was oil' the •best terms of amity rwith
the French nation, but she rather went out of the
way to add that she was also on the best footing of
friendship with the Emperor of the French. (Cheers.)
Now, I have often thought, suppose an individual had
been ordered, as many persons are, for the benefit of
their health, to leave our shores last January, take a
voyage to Australia, and return home again at the end
of nine months—he would have left England preparing
her militia and fortifying her coasts ; he would have left
general officers writing to me, offering to lay a wager
that the French were coming—(laughter and cheers)
he would have left artillery and other military officers
holding consultations, sketching plans, inspecting our
fortifications ; he would have left deputations from the
principal railway companies waiting upon the Admiralty.
and Ordnance to see how soon the commissariat and ad-
vance supplies might be transmitted from the Tower to
Dover or Plymouth ; and he would have left in the
minds of all a dread of a French invasion. Well, he
made the circuit of the globe, he saw no newspapers—
for one reason why invalids are ordered abroad for the
benefit of their health, is that their minds may not be
harassed by politics, and what they read in newspapers
—and the month of September saw him landed again in
England. The first thing he reads when he takes up a
newspaper is that the French and English fleets are
lying side by side in Besika Bay. He immediately says
to himself, There is going to be a great battle. (A
laugh.) He turns to the first article in the very news-
paper which told him in January that the French Em-
peror was a brigand and a pirate, and that the French
people were coming to attack us without notice or de-
claration of war, and he finds it declared that England
and France are now so cordially united that their Joint
fleets in Besika Bay are under the command of Admiral
bundas, and that we are prepared to place an army.
under the command of a French general, with li:ltissr view
of acting against the forces of the Emperor of
The first question he naturally feels inclined to ask is,
can you trust the individual of whom you were saying,
when I left England, that he was
that the friends of peace
a brigand and a pirate ?
If so, you are bound to admi
were right, and you were
wrong. What security have
you that the Emperor of the French, when the joint fleets
go into action in the face of the Russian navy, will not,
n accordance with a recent engagement with the Em-
peror of Russia, demolish your fleet with his guns, in-
stead of turning them against the Russians ? Moreover,
having thus destroyed your ships of war, what security
have you that he will not attack your coasts, sack your
towns, burn down your houses, seize the Bank, carry off
the Queen, and commit all those nameless atrocities
with which you frightened the people nine months ago ?
(Cheers.) I must confess—and I say it with the greatest
regret—my experience of late does not make me think
more highly than I used to do of the ability of states•
manship in this country, because if those who had the
conduct of public affairs were in earnest in what they
told us six or nine months ago—if they were not mere
impostors and charlatans—what is the meaning of this
kaleidoscope exhibition t They have given us no reason
for the change in their opinion with respect to the Em-
peror of the French. The same men are now in power
who were calling out the militia for the purpose of re-
pelling an attack from France ; and, I ask, if they were
in earnest then, how can they be justified in trusting
our ships alongside the ships of such a man, and if they
were not in earnest, what sort of men have we got at
the head of affairs ? I want to have an explanation
about that. Well, after all, we need not say anything
more about this, because they are sufficiently humiliated
already ; and if I did not sincerely pity them, I could
not have had a greater triumph than to have brought
down those papers, and read extracts from the articles
they wrote about us at Manchester, and which they
will doubtless repeat in a day or two. You ;must all re-
member tile caricature in which your humble servant
was represented with long ears, because he declared he
could not believe the French were coming to invade
England. (A laugh.) Who has got the long ears and
fool's cap now ? (Cheers and laughter.) I have alluded
to all this to show that there are a large number of
people in this country who are ready to believe any-
thing that is told them about some foreign foe coming
to attack us. The fact is, we can never be suf-
ficiently informed of what is going on in other
countries. That is one great reason why one
should hesitate before interfering in the affairs of
other countries. In the first place, however intelli-
gent we may be, we must naturally know a great deal
more of our own affairs than those of any foreign nation
whatever. The Spaniards have a proverb to the effect
that a fool knows more of what is going on in his own
house than a wise man knows of what is going on in his
neighbour's. I have seen with great amazement an
amount of ignorance regarding the condition of the
people of Turkey which is absolutely astonishing—
ignorance precisely similar to that which prevailed some
time ago respecting the affairs of France ; and mani-
fested by the same persons. For instance, with respect
to the condition of the Christian part of the population
of European Turkey, I find that the great body of our
people, who I should have thought would be actuated
by democratic sympathies with other countries, sympa-
thise with the minority in Turkey—with the tyrannical
and dominant classes, who are oppressing
.the large ma-
jority of the people. Ido not say there is any ground
why we should go to war to remove the evils existing.
T if
in 'Turkey ; but I mean to say this—thatyou are go-
ing to war, it is necessary to know what you are going
to do, otherwise you may incur as large an amount of
debt as was occasioned by the French war, and at the
same time fail to accomplish that which you desire to
effect. I tell you, from my knowledge of the Turkish
empires that not only all the king's hems and all the

king's men," but all the horses and men of all the kings
and emperors in the world, cannot maintain the Maho-
medan population in Turkey in Europe. The seeds of
decay and dissolution are everywhere visible. I may be
excused of presumption in speaking thus confidently,
but I have been in Turkey and examined its condition
for myself; my attention has been directed for the last
20 years to this subject--that time having elapsed, as my
friend, Mr. Tait, the publisher, whom I see present, can
te3tify, since I published a pamphlet upon the subject of
Russian aggression ; and though I do not pretend to know
more than other people who have considered the matter,
yet I have seen with utter amazement the ignorance that
exists in this country as to what we aregoing to fight about.
We are going to fight for the maintenance of the Maho-
medan rule in Europe. Now, I say that the laws of the
Koran are in opposition to the laws of nature and of God,
and that a Mahomedan people, subject to that Koran, can-
not be permitted in Europe alongside a Christian popu-
lation. Ido not want a religious war. I want them to
be left alone ; and if you do so you shall now see the j
operation of those laws. In Turkey there are, it is said
—for there is no census taken in Turkey, and therefore
we cannot be sure of the number—from 3,000,000 to
4,000,000 Turks, and between 10,000,000 and 12,000,000
Christians. Well, the Turks have been for 400 years
the dominant race. They have all the power in their
own hands ; every department of Government is en-
trusted to their charge; the Christians are treated like
dogs and are called dogs, and have no social status what-
ever. The Koran acknowledges no relationship between
Christian and Mahomedan but that of master and slave,
and therefore up to this moment no other relationship
exists between the Mahomedan master and the Chris-
tian subject. What is the result of all this ? The Turks
have constantly and gradually decayed, until Lamartme
says that Turkey is perishing for want of Turks • so that,
notwithstanding all their advantages, the Turks are
declining and diminishing in numbers, whilst the Chris-
tians are constantly increasing by their side. Besides
all the accumulation of wealth, all the enterprise, all
the knowledge, all the progress in fact, whether moral
or material, belongs to the Christian population of
European Turkey. You may hear of a, superior race
governing an inferior race, as in the case of our Indian
empire, but it is when all the knowledge, wealth, and
progress are on the side of the dominant race ; but you
never yet knew, nor ever will know, a race which per-
petuated its rule over another with these conditions all
reversed. This being the condition of things, the Em-
peror of Russia steps in and says, I intend to secure to
these Christians in European Turkey the same treat-
ment which the Christians under the protection of the
French Government have in Turkey. That is what he
asks. England and France come forward to resist this,
and bid the Sultan oppose it ; because, we say, Russia
meditates some selfish and aggressive design. That
is very true ; but let me tall you that the people
—that is the non-privileged masses of all countries
have ever gained their privileges and franchise by
being befriended by some noble or tyrant who had a
sinister object in trying to enlist their sympathies. No
doubt the Emperor of Russia had some sinister object in
view—it was to gain the confidence of the Christians in
Turkey—and I have no doubt he has succeeded. The
Christians are very glad indeed to get increased tolera-
tion and security against Mahomedan violence and op-
pression by the intervention of the Emperor of Russia or
anybody else. Take one fact. It has come out that
until Russia made this encroachment, the Christian
population of Turkey in Europe could not give evidence
in a court of law against a Mahomedan murderer or
thief, or one who committed any act of violence on their
families, their persons, or their property. An edict,
however, has been issued from the Sultan, giving
Christians the right to give evidence against a Mahome-
dan in a court of law. Does anybody doubt that the
Christians attribute that great boon to the interference
of the Emperor of Russia ? My opinion has been from
the first that there has been a great mistake in this mat-
ter and that, if we intetfezed at all, we should have done
what I believe we shall yet come to do joined with
Russia in insisting upon the fullest religious toleration
to the Christian population in European Turkey. I find,
however, that there is a very general leaning towards
Turkey, simply because we are told that Russia has some
sinister design in view, and because also there have been
some curious representations made as to the condition of
the people in Turkey. I never was more astonished in
my life than to hear a nobleman who has been himself
ten or twelve years Foreign Minister of this country, and
who therefore ought to know the condition of Turkey in
Europe as well, if not better, than any other man in Eng-
land, declare in his place in l'arliament that the Turks
had made greater progress ift every'respect during the
last thirty years than was, perhapsr-aver made by any
other country during the same period. 'Where, I say, are
the proofs of thA ? Cot:wilt every writer who has visited
Turkey, and where will you find,such proofs ? What did
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe say when a public entertain-
ment was given to him at Constantinople ? Did he not, in
the strongest terms, allude to the corruption of mind
among the Turks. Did he not
,say, among other things,
that he regarded with the profoundest grief the scenes of
weakness and error by which he was surrounded ? And
that is what is said by a brave, a sedate, and a long-
experienced diplomatist, speaking in public. I must
confess I was never more astonished in my life ; and it
appears to me that we are again running precisely the
same career as we did on the occasion of the French in-
vasion of which we heard so much. I declare my deli-
berate and solemn conviction that Lord Palmerston
would be the very last man to desire to see that language
reproduced on any future occasion. Are we to go
blindly into this war, and to attempt to accomplish an
impossibility Does anybody suppose that such a war
would leave the Turks remaining as a people of Europe ?
Does anybody doubt which side they would take in case
of hostilities ? I say, therefore, why are we now to rush
blindly into this war ? It is possible that our Govern-
ment has told Turkey that if she would resist those at-
tempts of Russia, we would support her ; and I have
no hesitation in saying, if that was put forward as an in-
ducement to Turkey, that we are bound to support her.
But we are not going to have a war now. Wars do not
happen on the Danube in the month of November or
October ; we have got to wait till A
meantime, all these matters will besporil'changednda' in the
that
your position will be totally reversed. The sooner the
English people understand the condition of the Turks
the better. This is a Russian invasion on a neighbour-
ing and unoffending power. Russia has got a ground
to quarrel with the Turkish Government ; but is it on
that ground that we are called upon to resist Russia ?
Why, we have a Great Mogul shut up as a puppet in
Delhi, and we are tumbling down an empire with as
little ceremony as a man who would go into a market
and kick down an apple stall. (Laughter.) Are we,
then, to exercise vengeance on any other power for doing
the same thing ? (Loud cheers.) Again, is it because
we have treaties that we are to undertake this battle ?
You are not going to fight for treaties, for you have
none. Take up any of those newspapers that are rais-
ing this war-cry, and you will see the phrase, " the
fulfilment of our treaties with Turkey." But they do
not know of any treaty by which we are bound to fight
for the maintenance of the Turkish territory. The thing
is absurd ; we have no treaty of the kind with Turkey ;
we are not bound by any treaty to defend the integrity
and independence of the Turkish empire. We are bound
not to violate those treaties which we have made, by
disturbing settlements to which we have been a
party'
but we are not bound to fight for the maintenance of
territorial arrangements if other people interfere with
them. It has been again and again decided by Lord
Aberdeen, the Duke of Wellington, and the Whig party,
that, though we are bound not to violate the treaty
of Vienna, to which we were a party, we are not bound
to defend the territorial arrangements of countries that
were marked out by that treaty. If, therefore, you see
anybody filling up a sentence by a phrase about a treaty,
ask him to tell you where the treaty is. Then, again,
mention is made of " our great ally." But we are not
more the allies of Turkey than we are of Russia. Divest
the question, then, of those matters, and you bring it to
a question of self-interest. I am not, however, going
to discuss that question now. I will do so at the public
meeting to-morrow evening ; let us have that question
largely and fully debated ; and then it will be for you to
say on which side the truth lies. (Loud cheers.)
The LORD PROVOST then put the resolution, which
was carried unanimously.
Mr. HADFIELD, M.P., moved the second resolution :
—" That as an appeal to the sword can settle no ques-
tion on any principle of equity and right, it is the duty
of Governments to enter into treaties on behalf of the
nations they respectively 'represent, binding the parties,
instead of assuming an attitude of armed and mutual
menace, to refer to the decision of competent and
them
im-
partial arbitrators such differences arising between.
as cannot be otherwise amicably adjusted, and to abide
by such decision."
The Rev. Dr. BROWN, of Dalkeith, seconded the re-
solution in a brief speech.
The resolution was put by the Loan PROVOST, and,
like its predecessor, carried with acclamation.
The Conference then, at half-past three, adjourned
until seven o'clock in the evening.

EVENING MEETING.
The Conference resumed at seven o'clock, the plat-
form and the hall being crowded. Mr. Cowan, M p
was called to the chair.

The CHAIRMAN, after some remarks on the horrors of
war, said—l do not agree with some of my friends around
me, for whom I entertain the highest possible respect. I
hold that the defence of ourselves and of those who are
dear to us—that the defence of our Queen and country,
if they should be attacked—is a most sacred and impe-
rative duty—(loud cheers)—and I wish to go just one
step further, as the subject is now exciting the greatest
possible interest in this country, and to say that if a de-
mand has not yet been made for the release of our fair
fellow-countrywoman in Tuscany, I do not know what
means I would not use (Great laughter and cheering.)
Allow me to finish the sentence. I say that I have no
wish to go to war with the people of Tuscany ; but I
hold that we are bound to make such a demand as I
have indicated for the release of our fellow-country-
woman, who is now confined to a cell by that miserable
miscreant who unhappily rules and oppresses fair Tus-
i cant'. (Hisses and cheers.)
I The ROY• J mu; of Ludo, proposed the neat
- -

resolution, to the effect that the standing Armaments
with which the Governments of Europe Ulenace each
other, amid professions of mutual friendship and confi-
dence, and which have greatly increased even during a
time of peace, being
rap,,,n n as
rolnifi.e sosubrdceboaftiosnoacilalsoimmora-
lity, fina
while they exc: _ Dust mietude and irritation
among the nations, and J...opardise the continuance of
peace, the conference urge upon the Government the
necessity of entering, by mutual consent, upon a simul-
taneous reduction of their armaments. The reverend
gentleman supported the resolution at some length,
maintaining that, as far as military fame could make us
renowned, we were renowned throughout the world—
that as far as slaughter might make us great, we were
already very great—and that as far as successful but-
chering was concerned, we were among the most suc-
cessful butchers in the world. (Cheers.) He was more
disposed to blame the people, however, than the soldiery,
for if they would only refuse to contribute towards the
expense of the wars, they would very soon come to an
end, and our standing armies would not stand long.
Mr. BRIGHT, who on rising was loudly cheered, after
a few observations, said I think that whatever people
out of doors may say about us—whether we have a
" screw loose," which, I believe, is the favourite term.
—(a laugh)—or whether we are men that are for peace
at any price, this, however, they will allow, that we are
men having certain principles and views which we value,
and that in spite of that portion of public opinion which
is now rather uneasy in some parts of the country, and
in spite of what newspapers may say or any body else
may say, if -- are men of peace, we are not so cowardly
as to shrink from the expression of our opinions, and
from the defence of those principles which we believe to
be essential for the public welfare of. this country.
(Cheers.) Now we are here to-night to contest proba-
bly that which will be allowed by all men to be the
greatest evil apparent on the surface of society through-
out the Christian nations of the globe. We are here to
protest against the small progress that nations have
made of late years towards that consummation for
which all good men hope, when war shall be no longer
known among civilised and Christian communities. We
stand humiliated when we recollect that we are in the
thirty-eighth year of peace—that since 1815 there has
been no general or considerable war in Europe -- and yet
j that all the nations of Europe are in a position as much
prepared for war as if but yesterday the treaty of peace
bad been signed. Within the memory of many persons
here, Europe has undergone a conflict of 25 years' dur-
ration—a conflict such as has no parallel in the modern
history of Europe. Sacrifices were then made which
can never be reckoned ; results were supposed to be
gained that prove now to have been no results at all ; a
congress assembled at Vienna, great settlements were
arrived at, and there was a grand song of triumph and
of peace throughout all the kingdoms of Europe. Since
then, too, we have had a general annual congratula-
tion that we were at peace. And during all that
etabmeeer,inwghetno hasthoebrseervet
at not btebernouganbouat Europectualwa great
war, it i 9
improvements have taken place ; portions of that con-
tinent which were never traversed by roads before have
been freely and entirely opened out ; railroads are now
penetrating into remote districts ; telegraphs are to
be seen almost everywhere ; industry has made great
progress ; towns have become larger, cheaper, and more
healthy ; their decorations are observable on every side ;
education is more extended, and travelling is so common
that it is almost as cheap and easy to go to the other
side of Europe as it is to stay at home. Notwithstand-
ing all this, there has been, unfortunately, a mistake in
principle or in practice. The nations of Europe have
been extending more and more from year to year their
preparations for war, which war was said to be the
more distant the longer the peace continued. While
the Government have asserted that the probability of
war was annually becoming less, the expenditure has
increased to an incredible amount. It is said the na-
tions of Europe are spending more than 100,000,000/.
per annum, perhaps 150,000,0001. per annum, in the
maintenance of those armaments which they say they
do not intend to use. If the military expenditure in-
creases, as a matter of course the taxes must increase,
for all this expenditure must come out of the labour and
the sweat of the men who toil from suirise to sunset,
and to whom all this labour gives but a very moderate
share often of the necessaries and always of the luxuries
of life. (Cheers.) And taxes and expenditure are gene-
rally followed by something approaching to bankruptcy.
Loans are constantly to be required. It is not long
since Russia required a loan, and it is a hundred chances
to one that she must come for another loan in a short
time, The expenditure she is now undergoing —al-
though not exactly engaged in war—which is,wholly un-
necessary, and which arises merely from ungovernable
ambition —that will force Russia to come for another
loan. The loans of Austria are just so many and so
often as Austria can find dupes to lend her anything.
(A laugh.) I have here the amount of the deficit in
Austria during the last six years. In 1847, it was
700,0001. ; in 1848, 4,500,0001. ; in 1849, 12,000,000/. ; in
1850, more than 5,000,0001. ; in 1851, more than
6,000,0001. ; and in 1852, more than 5,000,0001. ; the
whole of the deficit of Austria in those six years being
upwards of 34,000,0001., or an average of more than
5,700,0001. per annum. You may endeavour to imagine
what must be the pressure of taxation on the people
where the deficit is annually going on at this,,fate. It is
iiitpossible for-a Government, by any turning a die
taxation screw, to make up for that deficit ; and the
Government comes continually to the various moneyed
capitalists of Europe to ask for a loan. I see in the
papers of yesterday that the Emperor of Austria has con-
tracted for the loan 7,000,000/. sterling, with this
curious condition attached, that the money is only to be
lent in case Austria does not go to war. (A laugh.)
France, again, is placed almost in the same circumstances,
though not so seriously involved. Though we may not
approve of absolutism in France, there is throughout th o
country a fine soil, a fine climate, and a people actually
engaged in producing articles of great value ; but still
it is rumoured that France finds herself so far involved
that a new loan will soon be asked for. Well, then, we
come to this country. We are not asking for loans yet,
but if you allow Turkish sympathisers and men of infirm
understandings and robust consciences—(hear, hear)—to
draw this country into a war, you will have our Go-
vernment coming for a loan ; then you may bid adieu
to further reductions of taxation, and Mr. Gladstone's
visits to Scotland and Manchester will not be of that
cheering character which I believe he has been lately
and is even now enjoying. England is less military
than the other nations of Europe—our constitution has
made it necessary and unavoidable ; our position is dif-
ferent ; we can have no kind of need for a great standing
army in this country, unless our Government be at war
with our people ; and I am happy to believe that from
year to year there is a greater feeling of accord spring-
ing up and strengthening between the Government and
the people of every portion of the United Kingdom.
Since, at any rate, the people knew that they were not
mulcted in order to advance Ahe interests and increase
the receipts of a privileged class, there is a consciousness
in all classes of the people of the United Kingdom that in
the main great justice is done them, and that, whenever
Justice still fails, by the press and the platform, by orga-
nisations and combinations, and a greatly improved re-
presentation, everything that yet remains to be dono
may be done. And there is no feeling in this country
now out of which insurrection can spring, from which
ultimately might come disasters to the throne, and to
every valuable institution of the country. (Cheers.) But
yet, situated as we are—not having had a coup d'etat_
not having Lombardy on one side and Hungary on the
other—not having a great semi-barbarous empire like
Russia to govern—not being sunk to every conceivable
degree of corruption, like the Governments of Italy—
having none of these reasons to maintain a standing
army and keep up a great military position, this country
is spending more, I believe, on its military objects every
year, than any other nation on the face of the earth. I
suspect that we have borne the burden of that debt so
long that we begin to fancy that it is not really so heavy
as it is. But we pay 28,000,000/. for the unfortunate
policy of our forefathers ; and there may come a day
when the burden will just make all the difference be-
tween us and the great rival on the other side of the
Atlantic. I was talking the other day with an Ameri-
can gentleman, and he was adverting to the fact that in
the United States they have so large a surplus revenue
that they do not know well what to do with it. It is a
question whether they should not at once pay all their
debt, or expend the surplus in making a great railroad to
connect the Atlantic with the Pacific. He contrasted
the state of his country with that of England, and he
said 28,000,0001. a year was an incredible sum. " We
cannot comprehend it," said he ; "it is not to be reck-
oned in dollars and cents"—(laughter)—but he said he
reckoned there would come a day when England and the
United States would be neck and neck, and when that
28,000,0001. of debt will tell something against the
United Kingdom in her race with the United States.
But we are not content with the experience of the twenty-
five years' conflict to which I have referred ; but now, in
this very year of 1853, after thirty-eight years of peace,
and every year making war less probable, we spend
17,000,000/, of the taxation of the people of the Unittd
Kingdom in the maintenance of our army and navy.
We are not content with this even ; we are the occu-
piers and rulers of a vast empire in Asia, and under the
joint hocus-pocus government of the Board of Control
and the East India Company we take from the people of
India a gross sum of 29,000,0001 per annum in taxes—
from a people who do not get more than 2d. or 3d. a day
in wages, who have no steam-engines,
i who have a rude
agriculture, who have no roads, who are deprived of
almost every advantage which in this country we have
of being a great producing country—we take from them
a gross revenue of 29,0007000/. per annum, and we spend
12,000,0001. of it yearly in military armaments in that
country. Yet, it cannot be denied, and I suppose it
will not be denied, that we are a Christian country.
But look at our progress from 1835. We laid out in
that year 11,000,0001. in army and naval expenditure,
and we spend now 17,000,0001., so that we have in-
creased our expenditure on those objects by 6,000,000/.
a-year since 1835. An author who wrote a great many
years ago—the celebrated Arthur Young, says :—" A
very little calculation would show that the expense of
our three last wars, which had no other effect whatever
but to spill blood and fill gazettes, would have made the
whole island of Great Britain a garden—her whole coast
a quay—and have converted all the houses in her towns
into palaces, and her cottages into houses." Now, this
was written and published before we entered on the
French war, and if Arthur Young had lived until now
he would have written another chapter on the same sub-
ject, and he must have shown that we were little wiser
than our forefathers, if any, and that there was some
danger of our becoming more foolish than even they
were. Now I will advert for a moment to the county
of Lancaster. That county is the most populous of the
Kingdom, having a population of wore than