The Sun.
London, England, 1854-05-05 00:00:00

Plaints as they received from the general public, and the I
board was always ready to promote the carrying out of
voluntary arrangements. But 'the house knew that
this voluntary arbitration did not effect its object when '
people'i pecuniary interests were on the other side. A.
more stringent mode of arbitration was now required, with
compulsory powers. The bill would give relief to any per-
son without exclusion or limitation, who was azgrieved ;
and if the Attorney-General were instructed on behalf of
the crown, he could apply, without costs, for any indivi-
ad.), far the sake of remedying a great public grievance.
No complicated form was necessary ; the simplest was suf-
ficient. If the facts were not disputed, there would be
an immediate decision ; if they were disputed, the
bill gave power to refer the matter to such en-
gineer or other competent person, as the court might
decide. Those were the two main provisions of the bill ; a
distinct statutory enactment that every company should
afford to the public all reasonable facilities, not only with
regard to its own line, but all those other lines with which
it intercommunicated, in order that the public might have
the full benefit of the whole system of railway communi-
cation throughout all its network, from one end of the
kingdom to the other ; and a. provision of the simplest,
mast ,efficient, and least costly mode for enforcing and
carrying out that remedy. Let the house go into com-
mittee on the bill, and those hon. members who had talked
with a disposition to sneer at the difficulties would not
find that the case was one so easy to dispose of. (Hear,
hear.) The Committee in their report gave an enumera-
tion of the various means that had been resorted to by the
house for dealing with railway questions—a proof of the
difficulties with which the subject was environed. Bear-
ing these facts in mind, the house would allow he was
justified in saying that they must first define the
duties before they appointed the tribunal. As to
amalgamation, they had thought it better that Par-
liament should assume some control over railways
first, and then carry out amalgamation afterwards.
This was the first attempt to carry out a reference
to the constituted tribunals of all disputed questions, at
the smallest expense ; and thus to ensure a benefit both to
the companies and the public at large. He doubted not
the willingness of the companies to co-operate in this ob-
ject ; and this harmony, so far from being an objection to
the measure, ought to recomin-Ind it to the adoption of the
house. Should the{ bill pass, it would not only increase
the value of railway property, but what was of far more
importance, would contribute largely to the convenience
of the public. (Hear, hear.)
The SPEAKER then left the chair, and the bill passed
through committee pro forma.
EXCHEQUER BILLS BILL.
This bill was read a second time.
CONVENTUAL AND MONASTIC INSTITUTIONS.
Mr. T. CHAMBERS moved to postpone this debate till
the 18th inst.
Agreed to.

MILITIA BILL.
On the motion for the second reading of this bill,
Mr. HENLEY asked for some explanation of the pros
visions of the bill.
Mr. S. HERBERT said that under the clauses of the
old Militia Act the militia could only be embodied in
case of invasion or dander thereof. Whenever war existed
there might be said to be danger of invasion, though not
any imminent danger ; and on that account it was thought
desirable to give the power of embodying the militia in
case of war. Since the bill was brought in, he had received
several applications from militia staffs asking to be em-
bodied, and expressing willingness to serve in any part of
the country. The best spirit preVailed, and Government
would take care so to carry out the act as to cause the
least possible inconvenience to the parties concerned.
Mr. HUME urged the importance of the militia and the
army being under the same general authority. The time
had come when the jealousy which created those different
authorities ought to cease. The militia was not under the
command of the Secretary .at War, but of the lords lieu-
tenant. It had originated in jealousy of the Crown; but
no such feeling now existed. A great amount of money
was expended on the militia, which might be lessened if
all were placed under one authority. He would abolish
the militia, and increase the regular force by the same
number of men. The enormous cost of the militia was
highly discreditable to the country, at a time when the
best application of the public funds ought to be made. He
protested against the principle on which the militia' was
conducted, and should take objection to the bill at a future
stage.
The bill was then read a second time.
OXFORD UNIVERSITY BILL.
The house then went into committee on this bill, com-
mencing with the latter part of the 6th clause, which de-
termines the constitution of the council.
Sir W. Heathcote, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
• Sir J. Pakington, also rose at the same moment, claiming
to move amendments ; and for some time the confusion
was so great that the Chairman hardly knew how to pro-
ceed. At length,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER obtained
a hearing, and said that he could not consent to accept the
clause as it was left by the committee on their last sitting.
It was now proposed that a professor of theology should
be elected by the professors as a whole. To this he ob-
jected, as the professors generally were not a fit body to
elect the professor of theology. He ought rather to be
chosen by the university at large. It was absurd to set a
professor of anatomy, of Sanscrit, of geology, of chemistry,
and other things, to elect a professor of theology.
The words objected to were then put and negatived
without a division.
Sir J. PAKINGTON moved to substitute for the word
" congregation" the word " convocation." He viewed the
former body with great jealousy and dislike, and wished to
see it got rid of from the bill. It was a body hitherto un-
known to the working of the university, and he believed
that it would have a very prejudicial effect. He thought
that party feeling might be brought into play to a danger-
ous extent by this measure. There was great danger in
his opinion that the tractariau party might exercise their
• influence under this clause, and the university should not
be exposed to such a risk. (Hear, hear.) He was of
• opinion that the convocation should have the power of
taking part in these elections, and would therefore move
that the word " convocation" should be substituted for
" congregation."
Lord J. RUSSELL said the object of the amendment
was to exclude altogether from the bill the congregation as
proposed by the government. The substance of the amend-
• ment was that there should be no such body as that which
the Government proposed. He thought the real question
in this respect was whether or not it was desirable to
have a body composed of all these residents in Oxford
who were conversant with the business of teaching,
whether they taught as professors or tutors, or whether
they were there for the purpose of study. This was a
very material part of the bill, and one which the Govern-
ment would be disposed to press on the committee. The
right hon. gentleman said that congregation would be
carried away by party feelings of various kinds, especially
on subjects of religion. He heard with considerable dis-
may statements to the same effect, but in still stronger
language, from the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr.
Henley), and the hon member for Stroud. The right hon.
gentleman seemed to admit the truth of the statement
• made by the hon. member for Stroud on a former occasion.
He (Lord J. Russell) could 'not pretend to deny that
statement, but if it was true, then the case seemed to
him to be hopeless altogether, because if these persons who
were the principal persons engaged in teaching in the Uni-
versity of Oxford, were so deeply imbued with party feel-
. ings—varying from day to day—at one time possessed of
a tractarian, and at another time of a rationalistic spirit—
he should lOok with apprehension to the future education
of the youth of the country. If the case of that university
was as represented, he thought it should be put under the
management of another body altogether,-or should be abol-
ished entirely. (Hear, heisr.) If the University of Oxford
which was an institution of ancient fame, and which, he
thought, had hitherto maintained a consistent spirit in our
history, though it was not a spirit which he much admired
—which Lord Chatham accused of Jacobitism, and which
in later times exhibited a strong conservative spirit—if it
was true that such an institution might change from day
• to day—and that the statements of the right hon. gentle-
man and the hon. member for Stroud seemed to support
that allegation—if it might bring up the youth of this
country, its gentry, and its clergyinthe rationalistreligion
of the German theologians, what could he feel but despair.
• But he came to the conclusion that these statements were
not a fair representation. His own opinion was that those
persons who made teaching a business -who stuaied it in
all its aspects, and who were acquainted with the practical
effects of modes of teaching, were the fittest to be entrusted
with authority. When questions of improvements in edu-
cation had to ho considered, it seemed to him that it would
be an inconvenience and a disadvantage to bring together
from various parts of the country a body of 3,000 persons,
about 2,800 of whom had not turned their minds to the
' subject of education for perhaps 10 cr 20 or 30 years. Per-
sons who had been brought up in the University of Oxford
some 30 or 40 years ago, would have the opinions and
principles which they imbibed there at that time ; and
- if they called up from Cornwall or Northumberland
• some five hundred clergymen who had not attended to the
subject of education at all, and who might have imbibed
prejudices fr om some circular letter telling them that some
dreadful innovation was to be made in order to bar by
their votes the improvements in education which might be
proposed by those whose lives were devoted to the subject
of education, it would in his opinion be a great misfortune.
' (Hear.) He hoped, therefore, the committee would adhere
to the plan of congregation. He would say admit all
those
, to
were resident in Oxford, and who were compe-
tent
subject,
'th give an opinion from their daily acquaintance with
and do not allow their votes to be swamped by
utheei
vveorat yof those who were constantly absent from the
*imitations made r.) At all events he hoped that the repre-
, had _ of the dreadful state into which (Wend
4,4,rri`tr aZwannt tt) great danger there was that it might be
• Mr. HENLEY me rationalist doctrines were unfounded.
said that the noble lord had given a
• colouring and something
- the other night. Re more to the statements he made
be led away by rationalist et 'say thatt ?xford was likely to
Stroud, indeed, said that
ezi: e hon. member for
riti,Ttwbiling like that might hap-
en. But if they narrow
• tion of not more than 100 pee ruling body to a small sec-
• number of persona in Oxford, sal% they might find that
FY might be found in
any other place, who might give an
the university such principles, but there had
• ciples. (Hear, hear.) He did
not impetus to such prin-
- at large of countenancing any
been small sections floating in the
from time to
mare ardent
• time, consisting of the younger and
who held peculiar opinions which be wiihenenthspiiits,
bringing to bear upon them the larger holy of thee ec%ebry
city. The younger memhers, if they joined with them the.
professors, of whom the right hon. gentleman had given
so
graphic a description, would have an undoubted majority,
• The members of congregation might be divided into two o;
three categories. There were first the young men from 21
to 35 years of o
age. At the latter age they began to leave
the university to fill livings or parties
to marry. When these
' left the university, and spent!light or ten years in the
world, would they be less qualified to pass judgment on
improvements in alncation than persons of 25 years of age
who were just beginning to teach ?, (Hear.) Was the
opposite, or the hen. and learned
right hon. gentleman high in
member for Kidderminster, who stood
give an opinion on improvements
.
eity, less competent to
of the unt-
in education because they were non-residents
• varsity? (Hear.) In 99 cases out of 100 the decision
would be left to the resident body; it was only on some
particular and strong case that the non-xesidents would be
brought up. Such cases might arise, and then it would be
unwise and unsafe to leave the decision to the resident body
alone. By this proposition of the Government they were
creating a narrow oligarchy, instead of setting up a free
representative system. (Hear.)
Mr. H. DI:7IO4OND slid that whether it was from a
want of apprehension on his part, or from an improper sus-
picion of others; he could not help thinking but that in this
reattenboth parties were figh tine with gloves, and that there
n
which
was something at bottom-they were unwilling wholly
to acknowledge. He bad a Suspicion that each party was
4013devonring through this bill, end especially through this
clause, to strike at some party which they no would not name.
He thought the mere number could not be of such great
importance. One right hon. gentleman said that if the
body was
.composed of a greater.number they would be
divided into two factions. But Was it not-olour tittat vilot4tu