The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-15 00:00:00

TILE "COURT"-EOUS SPY!

The Count can scarcely wish, moreover, to keep back
any information likely to be of service to his own coun-
try, and injurious to ours. If he refused to tell all he
may learn, he knows very well that the road to Siberia
is open day and night for noblemen and others who do
not exactly agree with the Czar, and this knowledge
would assuredly induce him to comply with the Czar's
wishes to the utmost of his ability. If he has any eyes,
while in England he will use them. If the information
be acquires by this means be of use to the Czar, it will
be certain to be reported.
It is, then, to say the least of it, a grossly indelicate
procedure on the part of a "Cabinet Minister" to appear
publicly patronising Count Pahlen in the way which
Lord Granville has done. The whole House of Peers
(Peers, as a rule, sympathising with despotisms) may
come forward and give the Count a good character ; but
this will not do away with the indiscretion of a Cabinet
Minister's publicly receiving and associating with a
nobleman from an enemy's country. Count Pahlen
himself is a sharer in the obloquy which must attach to
such indelicacy. If it was necessary that he should
come here at all, he should have done it quietly and with-
out ostentation. His noble friends would have acted
more consistently themselves, and better for him had they
told him to remain quiet, and not parade himself inso-
lently before the eyes of the English people. We have
gone to war sorely(against our wishes, but yielding to the
inevitable exigencies of the case. Now we are engaged
in war, we accept the heavy responsibilities which it im-
poses upon us without reluctance indeed, but with a
feeling of solemnity. The death of thousands, and utter
dissipation of immense resources, are not matters to be
lightly treated. It is an insult to England that subjects
of the very nation which has imposed this responsibility
upon us should be allowed to walk from club to club,
from soirée to soirée, as if there was no reality in the fear-
ful contest that is raging. It is more than probable that
half-a-dozen Count Pahlens would never be able to do us
mnch harm, but that is no reason why we should be in-
sulted by his presence here. We don't want him or the
Russians in England until their Czar and proprietor
has been made honest, and an honourable peace
has been secured. We shall be very willing to
shake hands with the Russians after their Autocrat
has been well set down as he ought to be, but, till then,
let them keep their distance. The Times, which sees
nothing but evil in the fact of French and English dining
together to celebrate their alliance, has not a word to
say against English and Russian noblemen performing
the dearest rites of friendship in time of war. The good
sense of Englishmen will detect the absurdity in either
case, and insist upon the absence of hostile noblemen,
who have all the opportunities (if not the will) to become
spies.

(Front the Morning Herald.)
The question connected with Count Pahlen cannot be
got rid of so easily as some of our contemporaries appear
to imagine. We earnestly hope that Mr. Butt will vin-
dicate his character for sincerity by asking the opinion
of the House of Commons upon that question ; but
whether he does or not, the Times may restassured that
the public will not be satisfied with the very dexterous
raillery by which our contemporary attempts to avert
attention from the true point.
To talk of this case as one involving any question of
civilising the usages of war is absurd. The question is
this, and this only :—Are we to allow the subject of a
hostile power to come into this country, not for the pur-
pose of residing in this country as a refugee from his own
Government, but with the avowed intention of returning
to his own nation in a few weeks? Lord Granville has
asserted for Russia the unlimitud right of sending any
number of agents into this country. If Count Nicholas
Pahlen can come without any licence from the Govern.
ment—any other Russian nobleman is equally at liberty
to come. If Lord Granville may domicile one Russian
nobleman in his house, any other British gentleman is
np a I perfectly
characternoiit ,
utt
ht
ieolfsnfth:euw theeiest
at liberty to invite over any Russian friend whome w
may happen to know. The true question a:el:est:id,
any
repeat, is this—whether Russia is at liberty
nageeninftnsaslihyeaptlewaaserswinfttho
Russia.
With while this nation is
Wtue-
rf efheiig•ehn ciemtpoe
importance
et Pthaahtl ent
the
eimgsreelafi ite
eiir.is,s t i
think, o
ti
Nicholas Pahlen all that his admirers in
° fromna l
any considerations question a tissue shouldthe
pbeerksoe
individual in whose instance thattruaqieutoeisrst.i.on is raised.
Suppose Count
presume,tho et
his character the more do
ei
a thehim.. asa
enemy
he is an unfit guest of an
of England. The
minded subject of the Czar
Etinlhi
:ogyhalilleesrshothuami ibserl traitorp
aiiensothifnust to
enghrßoyie.nrrudgs!ssaAsftsidsooaeheßsthx
aichegurahilsittbss.
is now our bitter enemy—the more high-minded he is
the more bitter is his enmity, and all the eulogiums that
owi egrhet stoe
nl adregdel, y h
interaupted h,
to
oens
fATfilisnht.
thatPahlen
h e
eo
un Tayghht unrestd
te
be suffered to be here.
be known—that the
e wetfohoLtlheeerdtfsra.ucttllNsteoattf
But, let us say—and it is well that the truth should
e dat h
bes
iyn
gel:
re.
n.
newoh aft
est
in
nth
toe Houseall
lordbli blinked ke
venturedd
in the House of Commons—that Count Nicholas Pahlen
is the brother of a gentleman who was the Russian Am-
bassador at Paris, and who is at this moment holding
official rank at St. Petersburg. This fact at once dis-
poses of all the sentimental cant that has been talked.
As none of the friends of Count Pahlen have denied it,
it is admitted. It is, indeed, toc notorious to be denied.
We ask of the English people to weigh this fact, and to
remember that a Minister of Queen Victoria has bad
domiciled in his house the brother of the Minister of 1
Nicholas.
The impulse of every one will be to ask the ques-
tion, whether Lord Granville has deserted the Queen,
or Count Pahlen abandoned the Emperor of Russia ?
One or other of these things seems necessary to have
happened. If Queen Victoria and Nicholas be really
and in good earnest at war, it seems very difficult to be-
lieve that the true minister of the one and the true sub-
ject of the other could live very comfortably under one
roof.

The relationship of Count Nicholas Pahlen to a high
Russian Minister was a ;natter not considered worthy of

(From the Daily News.)
If any sober Danish soldier, at the time of Alfred's
visit to the Danish camp, had proposed to his drunken
chieftain the summary ejection of the fascinating harpist,
he would probably have been knocked on the head for
his pains. He would, at least, have been' called a low-
bred personage, one who could not understand the claims
of hospitality, or recognise the indubitable merit of a
good fellow. Nevertheless, every note on Alfred's harp
was the death-toll to the hopes of the revellers. 'While
his fingers were engaged his eyes were open, and the
knowledge that he obtained, says the legend, contributed
to ruin the Danes. It was thought impossible that so
boon a umapanion could be a traitor, so Alfred took the
measure of his enemies, and made such peculiar use of it
that he crushed them all.
There is an enemy in the camp in England: He may
certainly be very harmless, but he is a Russian. He
may be all that his friends say of him, but nothing can
wash away the Russian taint; and while England and
Russia are waging deadly war, we want no Russians
walking about our streets of London, and becoming ac-
quainted with many things which the Czar would be glad
to hear. Is the Czar famous for his courteous treatment
of Englishmen in his dominions ? Does he not, in vio-
lation of contracts, try to detain English engineers in his
country, fearful that they should publish reports of what
they had seen ? Has he not refused even to exchange
English prisoners, for the same cause ? We do not wish
to copy his brutalities, but we wish politely to decline
having Russians amongst us. Count Pahlen is a Rus-
sian subject, and if he had the good taste of a gentleman
he would have taken his departure long ago. Yet at
a time when the vessels of the two countries have
orders to sink, burn, and destroy each other, he is jaun-
t mixing with English society, where secrets of State,
which are ever oozing out, are sure to appear first. He
gets a Cabinet Minister to introduce him to one of the
best attended of our clubs. It is idle to say that he has
not the opportunity of acquiring, by these means, much
knowledge that the open and declared foes of England
would be glad to learn. But, even if this were not the
case, Englishmen have several remembrances of the way
in which the Russian Emperor and his generals have
treated English subjects. Lord Malmesbury spoke of
the spirit of chivalry and Christianity displayed by
General Osten-Sacken and his " most amiable wife" on
behalf of the English made prisoners at Odessa. Why
did he not enlarge on the spirit of "chivalry and Chris-
tianity" manifested in the way that those prisoners were
captured ? How very chivalrous and very Christian to
attack a stranded and utterly helpless ship with red-hot
balls ! How chivalric and Christianlike the " victory"
of Sinope ! There are a few other incidents of the war,
which we may say has only commenced, which incline
Englishmen to be rather sore when they see a Russian
nobleman diving into the recesses of society here, on
his way to St. Petersburg. The public opinion is ex-
pressed rather warmly, and then Lord Granville comes
forward with what he considers an " explanation" of the
affair, and the Russian advocate in the press bullies those
who have manifested a distaste to the company of a Illus.
covite. What does Lord Granville's defence amount to ?
Count Pahlen, he says, is a highly respectable Russian
I nobleman, greatly esteemed by many distinguished persons
in the country. He might say the same of half the Russian
noblemen who have ever been introduced into English
society. Lord Aberdeen would say as much of Nicholas
himself. Lord Alalmesbury did say as much and more
of Osten-Sacken. Count Pahlen is possibly an interest-
ing personage, but he is a Russian. But Lord Gran-
ville tells us with a sneer he did not introduce Count
Pahlen into English society. At the time of his lord-
ship's birth the Count was the intimate friend of his
lordship's father, of the Duke of Wellington, Lord Grey,
and of others. So again, it may be said, were a host of
Russian noblemen now alive ; but they are not the less
bound by their allegiance to their Sovereign to consider
themselves enemies to the English now. But this has
nothing to do with the ease. The true question is, did
Lord Granville's father, or the Duke of Wellington, or
Lord Grey, ever make it their business to strew flowers
in the path of the natives of other countries with whom
their own country was at war ? There is very little
doubt that the Queen, in the exercise of the rites of hos-
pitality, gave the Emperor of Russia a hearty welcome
when he came over h
vent her Preparing for heier.m a Thi
"s, however, does not pre-
feren warm welcome" of a dif-
t nature, should he ever venture out of the ports
which, at present, appear hermetically sealed.
Count Pahlen, when he returns to his own country,
will, it is presumed, have an audience of his own
Sove-
reign. From all that we know of Nicholas, have we any
right to suppose that the Emperor will be delicate in
putting on the screw to obtain whatever news it may
have been the Count's lot to gain while in England ?
The Czar is a despot, and Count Pahlen is the Czar's
property. Count Pahlen is not a free man. He is the
subject of an Autocrat, and must do the Autocrat's wig'

Not one word has been said in the House of Lords in-

TILE TWO NAPOLEONS ; OR, FIFTY
YEARS SINCE.

Exactly half a century since an Emperor, in the first
blush of unparalleled triumphs, stood on the heights of
Boulogne, and reviewed a vast armament that cost him
years of preparation. He saw around him an extensive
encampment, including every arm of warfare, ready to
march anywhere at a moment's notice. Below, in the
Lianne, and in various fishing ports up and down the
coast, lay a flotilla of innumerable small boats, the crews
of which were trained to embark and land again, with
many thousand soldiers, in fifteen or twenty minutes.
Rewards and honours were distributed on that field of
hope ; imperial bulletins and decrees were dated from
heights that were to be known to fame ; a pompous
pillar was commenced, and orations were continually
made with the never-failing point that Albion was
in sight, and two or three hours were sufficient to
carry an army over the narrow strait that inter-
vened. It was true that whenever the skies them.
selves did not interpose a sufficient obstacle, there were
seen far off amid the sunny waves certain dark spots that
showed who were masters of the sea. It was true that
many centuries before another Emperor had stood on
those heights, gazed at the wall of cliffs stretching along
the northern horizon, claimed a triumph, and gone back
to Rome. Nevettheless, Napoleon only left that spot
for the easier work of subduing the whole continent to
the alliance of France. His legions marched from Bon-
logne to Austerlitz. Though diverted from his object,
he never gave it up. He was proclaimed Emperor
within sight of this island. This was the better part of
his empire still to be won, and the new world to be wept
for. In order to inflame, not only the ambition, but the
animosity of his soldiers, England was traduced as the last
stronghold of a tyrannical aristocracy; as the oppressor
of her own people, and of all other nations, and the
sole remaining obstacle to the progress of an empire
that was destined to overspread and to civilise the
world. The presence of so vast and determined
an armament within sight and sound of our shores
was anything but agreeable or softening to our feelings.
It took all our faith in England and all our oontempt of
armadas to make life tolerable in those days ; and it is
no wonder if we carried our national hatred of Napoleon
Bonaparte somewhat beyond the bounds of dignity or
reason, when we know that he was actually looking at
us for months together, and waiting only the pleasure of
the winds and waves to ravage our territory, destroy
our Government, and reduce us to a province of his
empire.

The mind of nations ever runs upon precedents, and
if ever such a scene has occurred to the recollection, or
its recurrence been thought possible, it was only as a
slavish repetition of what had once been. Within a very
Paris,m
•
nhafn eatee the
thhynTeeo
rabwowratreshrtn,ceehtomyepup.oecofareoewsesnus
ttrbsrrhithalsani
ottnnoeyucrroi
fht
fe orncrefeoai once,
sgmteahei
willlnas steam
ewl
reatniacnroiseegibsgw armament,
dr panicihoaodbfnwgotneui
nrtogihvn, hasfe r arisen
eegraaptnrrbdi
army
provinces.
nfhhrc e
gaoi
There was no lack of motive. Louis Philippe had a
popularity to retain, Louis Napoleon a relative to avenge,
a family to establish, and a defeat to repair. If there
never was any immediate concern, it was because there
was no navy or means of embarkation on the spot.
Time certainly has brought round the old pageant, and
fulfilled these dreams, rather earlier than wont, and this
day we actually see a French Emperor, of the family of
Napoleon, superintending at Calais the embarkation of
an army collected at Boulogne. Here is the very thing
so often imagined. Such a thing, indeed, would have
been thought impossible ten years ago ; only too likely
and too formidable three years ago. Yet historical pre-
cedents, like dreams, are sometimes to be interpreted
by the rule of contraries, and Fate seems to amuse her-
self with a species of antithesis which carries out the
whole resemblance except in the most important par.
ticular. The army which Napoleon 111. embarks this day
is not designed against these shores, but against oar cnms
mon enemy, Russia ; the place of the famous satins
is supplied by British ships, and the two nations are
more unanimous in their wish and more firmly allied
than for centuries before. Had any one ventured to
predict such a concurrence but a few years ago, he
would have been censured, not so much for its improba-
tbe n it
wouldbility as
hafvoer its utterbeenreru ared, incongruity.isbundEvetoon a
novelist,bserve
stounr e a-
os
or f things,gngss,
ass n din h
they
are.i s
wildest inventionwriter t
of
fables
keep a
bles pmayer-
introduce lions and sheep acting like men ; but then he
must not make the lions timorous and the sheep brave.
So it would have been said that an Anglo-Gallican ex.
pedition against Russia is not only certain not to occur
—it has not even verisimilitude, or the colour of truth.
It has not even the requisites of melodrama, and is
told,tooelo As
egtl
iyrsloeotta
ehen set qteuthlheue
eef ea:in:at htlaohegelset
ea
egoen to those who reckon too
.
yfuotfurtehe
apnasdtt.bs Twhiseeeptapsrot,
he that best reads the
page of! history. That, doupwbhteelesstarig:
His
etaruveen;
nboutthtih must
nothing is
it also be remembered that with
plc s ui
ens ,
bo aet
fntodbreethumasetrwtehe is impossible, yet everything h
oni-
reenlcieurierkdr e
nthe that tofb
despair.i
events.nod
of no
tnl loe future to the past
releVointhoiltialiitsioen,
we
need fear no overweening ambition of empire, however
so far unchecked. We no more believe that it is in the
power of any one empire to conquer the world, than that
the ocean will be permitted to overrun the land. No
power en earth can stand the union so signally and so
unexpectedly illustrated this day. What may be done
in the Baltic on the arrival of this new force it is not for
us to conjecture. But we do not doubt that a boundary
will be imposed to the most encroaching and absorbing
empire of modern times, and that the selfish policy which
aimed at the dominion of Europe will receive the rebuke
it deserves. Pushed too far, too confidently, and with
too little reserve, it has taught the two great Powers
of Western Europe to forget their animosities, and to
seek glory in an amicable rather than in a jealous ocal'
petition. With a great identity of races, and still more
of interests, no good reason can be given why England
and France should not make common cause for madame
to come. All their quarrels have hitherto been historical
and accidental, on questions of dynasty and religion.
Ever since the day that we were expelled from the soil
of France, from that very Calais where a British squad-
ron
the
interest day
f receives
sovereigns a
nrenc othh
Fexpedition,sides
the it
c hnhaasn e bee
l tno
foment mutual jealousies, and to intrigue with the dia-
affected in one another's realms. The motives for these
crimes have now ceased, and with them the crimes too
on
may now be forgotten ; nor can any reason new be as-
signed why England and France should not find in
unanimity that strength and dignity their rulers ont`n
sought in dreams of mutual subjugation.—Times.

rth e 2
a 5
tt h
Goodwood,, 20th, au 2t7hteh
Thamesult . c las hNi nag.
THAMES NATIONAL REGATTA.—Owing to the fixture
tional Committee have determined upon a postponement
to the Bth, 9th, and 10th of August. This would have
been done some time since, but a difficulty arose from
wofitthhitshreeggraetatat
meetingfo
the fact of the Manchester and Salford Regatta being
fixed for the only days to which the Thames National
could be put off. This is now obviated by the former
being delayed, and hence advantage has been taken to
change the latter to a more convenient time. Entries
Will u be opal till 2cl August.
___

notice in the House of Lords. Another incident in Count
Pablen's history appears equally to have been overlooked.
Ho has not come here from Madeira; he has spent, if WS
are not misinformed, the last four months in Madrid.
Now we know that it is the general belief that Russian
agents have been engaged in getting up recent disturb-
ances in Spain. It is, at least, a singular coincidence,
that this very same Count Nicholas Pahlen has been in
Spain exactly at the time when Russian agency is said
to have been in mischievous activity there, and comes to
England when all the mischief that could be done in
Spain has been done.
This is a fact easily capable of ascertainment. Has
Count Nicholas Pahlen been any time in Spain ? If it
be true, as we are assured it is, then comes the startling
question, why has this been concealedfrom or suppressed
by his friends in the House of Lords. Lord Granville
distinctly stated that " he came here not from the Con-
tinent of Europe, but from Madeira." Now if it turns
out that he came here, from Madrid, the very place where
Russian intrigues are said to have been moat active of
late—the suspicion, strong enough in the bare fact—be.
comes doubly so when we find that in Lord Granville's
apology the fact of the visit to Madrid is altogether sup-
pressed.

consistent with the allegation that Count Pahlen came
here charged with a secret mission. Lord Aberdeen de-
nied that he brought any mission "to him ! 1" Nobody
ever asserted that be did. Lord Aberdeen is not one of
those upon whom Russia throws away a special embassy.
Russia is quite sure of him already. If Count Pahlen
be an emissary •F Russia, it is not upon friends of forty
years' standing that his mission is intended to have effect.
Let us ask why, if there be no object concealed be-
neath this Russian's visit, he has not himself so stated
Nothing could have been easier than for Count Pahlen
to have given his host, L-ird Granville, either a verbal
or a written assurance that his mission to England was
wholly on his own private business, and entirely uncon-
nected with politics ? He has not done so. More thee
this, Lord Granville bas not ventured to tell the House
of Lords that he asked his guest for any such assurance.
In what position, then, does the matter stand ? A dis-
tinguished Russian nobleman, connected with a family
high in the Imperial favour, arrives in London. One of
the Queen's Ministers immediately asks him to his house.
He does so without any explanation as to the object of
his visit. He does more. Lord Granville vouches fot
him at a club of English gentlemen as a fit person to mit
with them in their most unguarded moments of social
intercourse.
Those who will believe, after this, that Lord Granville
is really sincere in making war upon the country and the
Sovereign of Count Nicholas Pahlen have a credulity ~
that we may admire, but cannot envy. Men may talk
of precedents as they please ; but never before in Brit-
ish history did an English Minister receive into his
home as his honoured guest the subject of a Sovereign
at war with England, who came here with the avowed
intention of returning to the country which claims his
allegiance, and, therefore, his hostility to ours.
But, we say, at all events let two facts be cleared up.
Is it true that the elder brother of Count Nicholas
Pahlen is the distinguished diplomatist who some time
since represented Russia at the French court
Is it true that be has come to England, not from
Madeira, but from Madrid ?
The general principle is, indeed, untouched by these
facts. That principle is simply this—that Russia ought
not to be permitted to send agents into this country at
her pleasure. If Earl Granville has done nothing wrong
in his treatment of Count Pahlen we know not where
the permission is to stop. No one will certainly be able
to say that it is without precedent if next week we dis-
cover that Prince Menschikoff is a visitor in the house
of Lord Aberdeen.