The Sun.
London, England, 1853-03-12 00:00:00

COVENT GARDEN.

-- -
The supplies of both fruit and vegetables on offer to-day
being very moderate, the general demand ruled steady, at
fully last week's prices.
FRUIT.—Pine apples, Gs Od to lOs Od ; hot-house grapes,
8s to 10s; Ha-nbro ditto, is to is 6d per lb ; apples, dessert,
8s Od to lOs Od; cooking ditto, 5s to 9s per bushel ; pears,
is 6d to 4s per dozen; lemons, is to 2s Od; oranges,
4s to 9s per 100 ; pomegranates, dto 6d each ; almonds,
6s per peck ; Barcelona nuts, 20s per bushel ; cob-rags,
1103 per 1001bs. ; chesnuts, 8s to 20s per bushel ; straw-
berries, 53 per do-en.
VEGETABLES.—Cabbages, is to is 6d ; Brussels sprouts,
2s Od to 3s Od per half sieve ; broccoli, 3s to 4s ; greens,
is Od to 2s per dozen bunches ; French beans, 3s to 5s per
100 ; asparagus, 5s to 91 per bundle ; sea-kail, 2s Od to
3s Oct per basket ; rhubarb, 9d to is 6d par Dandle ; cauli-
flowers, Oct to Os per dozen ; potatoes, 85s to 150 s per ton ;
turnips, 2s Od to 3s Od • carrots, 4s Od to 6s Od per dozen
bunches; cucumbers, Cd to sOd each; celery, ld to
2s Od per bundle ; spinach, 2s Oct to 2s 6d per half sieve;
onions, 23 Od to 3s Od per half sieve ; beet, is Od to s 6d
per dozen ; leeks, 2d to 3d per bunch ; shallots, 6d to 8d ;
garl'c, 6d to 8d per lb ; endive, is Od to is 6d per score
small salad, Od per punnet ; horse-caddish, is Od to 3s Od
Far bundle ;
mushrooms, 2s Odto 3s Odper bottle ; barsley,
2s Od to 3s Odper dozen bunches ; turnip greens, is 3d
per bushel.

NEWGATE AND LEADENHALL.
Geese, 4s Od to 6s 6d ; Turkeys, 5s to 10s each ; Ducks,
le 9d to 2s 9d; tame Rabbits, ls 3d to is 9d; wild ditto, 8d
to ls; Pi.;eons 6d to 1(k1 each; roasting Pigs, 4s 6d to 7s 6d
ev,070; Surrey Fowls, 6s Od to 9s Od; ditto Chickens, .11 Od
to 6, Od; barn-door Fowls, 3s 3d to 5s Od per couple;
Pheasants,
4s Od to 65 Od; Partridges, is 3d to is 9d; Hares
2s Od to 3s Od; Leverets, 2s Od to 3, od; ,
Woodcocks, 3s Od
to 4s Od; Grouse, 2s Od to 38 Od; Snipes, 6d to ls; Teal,
9d to is; wild Ducks, is 3d to 2s Od ; Widgeons, is to
is 6d; and Plovers, 6d to is each. English Eggs, 10s Od
lld to'
is 2d per lb. French dii 88 6d to 9s Od per 120; fresh Butter,

AD.
The prices of wheaten bred ad E
in the metropolis are from
rd to 8d; of household ditto, 5d to 63d per 41b loaf.
Beef, froth 2s 8d NEWPORT.
38 to 3s 6d; Mutton, 38 6d to 4s 6d; Veal,
6d to 48 4d; Pork, 38 4d to 4.8 Od per 81bs.
WHITECHAPEL.
Beef from 28 6d to 38 6d ; Mutton, 3s 6d to 48 4d ;
Teal, 3s 2d to 4.3 4d; Pork, 2s 8d to 4s Od per 81bs.
by the carcase.

BILLINGSGATE.
Turbots, 7sod to 12s Od ; Brills, is 6d to os Od; Cod Fish,
4s Od to 78 Od each Soles, 8d to 2s 3d per pair ; Eels, 6d
to is per lb ; Lobsters, 8d to 2s Od ; Crabs, 6d to is 10d ;
Whitings, 3s Od to 6s per dozen ; Haddocks, 6d to is Od. ;
Doreys, Os Od to 6s Od; Mullets, Od to Os each ; Common
Oysters, 7s Od to 16s Od; Natives, 30s Od to 36s Od per
bushel; Mackerel, 4d to 81 each; Smelts, Os Od per dozen;
Seater, 4d to 7d per lb; Shrimps, is 6d to 2s 3d per gallon;
Bloaters, is ld to is 3d per dozen; Fresh Herrings, is Od
to is 6d per dozen.

HIDES AND SKINS.
Market hides, 561 b to 641 b, 2-,id to Od; 64113 to 721 b, 26d
to 2id; 721 b to 801 b, %'d to 2d; 801 b to 881 b, 3d to 3id;
881 b to 961 b, 3id to 3iii; 961 b to 1041 b, 3W to 4d ; 104113
to 1121 b Od to Od. Horn hides, 5s 6d to 0s Od; calf skins,
light, is Od to 2s 6d; ditto, full, 5s Od to 03 Od; polled
sheep, 8s 6d to 10s 6d; Kents & Half-brads, 7s 6d to 8s 6d ;
and Downs, 5s 6d to 6s 6d.

HAY MARKETS.
SMITHFIELD.—Meadow hay, 3/ 5s to 4/ 15s ; clover
ditto, 4/ 5s to 5/ 5s ; and straw, 1/ 8s to 1/ 16s per load.
A moeerate supply, and a steady trade.
CUMBERLAND.—Meadow hr y, :2 8s to 4/ 17s ; clover
ditto, 4/ 0; to 5/ Os ; and straw, 1/ 8s to 1/ 17s per load.
Supply tolerably good, and trade firm.
WHITECHAPEL.—Meadow hay, 3/ 5s to 4/ 15s ; clover
ditto, 4/ Gs to Si 5s ' • and straw, 1/ 8s to 1/ 16s per load.
Trade steady, at full prices.

NORTH BRITISH RAILWAY.-it was announced yester-
day, in the action at the instance of Mr. Brewster
regarding the No. 1 preference shares of the North Bri-
tish Railway, the Judges of the Court of Session at
Edinburgh have affirmed their perfect legality. The
news was received with great satisfaction, since, if the
attempt to dispute these shares had succeeded, it would
have inflicted serious damage on descriptions of gua.
ranteed railway property.

PRINCE ALBERT AND THE TRINITY-HOUSE

The following letter from Prince Albert, as Master
the Trinity-house, to Mr. Cardwell, President of the
Board of Trade, with Mr. Cardwell's answer, will show
what it is proposed to have done for the future manage-
ment of revenues derived from light-houses, beaconage,
buoyage dues, and ballastage rates :
Sir,—l Trinity-house, London Feb. 15.
have communicated to the Court of Elder
Brethren the several propositions and suggestions which
her Majesty's Government are desirous that the Corpora"
tion of Trinity-house should adopt, in reference to the
future management of their revenues derived from light-
house and beaconage and buoyage dues, and ballastage
rates.

---- •
It has been explained to the Court that the objects
desired ley her Majesty's' Government are :
First—To establish a control by-Goverment authorities,
directly responsible to Parliament, over the expenditure
and application of these revenues.
Second—To institute a periodical audit of the accounts
saounitas,
connected with the receipt and expenditure of
revenues ; and
Third—To suspend the granting of new pensions or
charities, which have been hitherto dispensed by the ee..r..
poration from these revenues in virtue of, and in er_,
pliance with, the several charters'and patents which they
hold from the Crown, and of acts passed by the Parliament
of the united kingdom.
The Court of Elder Brethren have duly considered bow
these objects can be efficiently and satisfactorily sac°
plished, without any regard whatever to personal feeling:
Actuated solely by a desire to perform faithful our
the
Ho duties, and to forward the several objects for Dlt'
rn
the corporation was originally instituted, afr=recited
charter of confirmation granted by King James 'l,l vof
" The good government and increase of the navig"n
ileir
this kingdom," and the relief of the poor " mariners,
widows, andorphans,” and courting investigation by cp;s
petent authority as to the manner in which these d
are performed, the Elder Brethren will not offer any ob
jection to the first wad second obj:xt-i of her Majesty~'lsil
vernment, trusting that the contemplated control
exercised in such a spirit as will enable them to carry
with unimpaired efficiency, the public duties with w
hi
the Trinity-house has, during so many years, been °ll
trusted.
The Elder Brethren propose, therefore, that the norin;
tion shall open an. account at the Bank of Englanu,ub.
which shall be carried all payments received from the P
lic for light dues, beaconage, buoyage, and baLlastage•,the
That estimates shall be prepared from time to time °'
amounts required to be drawn from this account fur- til;
maintenance or erection of lighthou-nr, light vessels,
cons, and buoys, the ballast; department, the cost of Col'
tion, the house establishment, &c. . for
That such estimates shall be periodically submitted
the sanction of the' Queen in Council or the Board of Wriii.e."
That all increase of official establishments or expencb.c.eu
in connexion with the lighthouse, light vessel, or beaeoul
submitted
similar buoyage, or ballastage services shall be submi
similar sanction before being carried into effect.
That account; in such form as shall be preser--
ihed
her Majesty's Government, shall be laid before Parlial!!ent
,1
annually; and that such accounts shall be subgab;io
through the Board of Trade for audit to her Mai°t
Commissioners for auditing the public accounts. ra'
With regard to the important question of the coir
tion's charities, which have been hitherto main*.,,lou re
accordance with, and in obedience to, the several easq,,cl
from the Crown, acts of Parliament, and patents gran
to the corporation, the Elder Brethren have as 3"t_rof
unable to come to a decision concurring with.the view:o
her Majesty's Government. They desire time to erj.,4oos
them to lay before her Majesty's Government the cs of
strong grounds upon which the legal and moral Clain's ,„
destitute, aged, or disabled seamen rest for some relief fro
the revenues arising from light dues, beaconage, burg,
and ballastage, and respectfully to show that both by 7tb,
act 3d George IV. c. 111, and that of the 6th and
William IV. IV. c. 79, the power thereby given to the eu.,10.
ration of reducing rates, with the sanction or on the r"„cli
sition of the Sovereign in Council, is limited, so that 80—
reductions shall be " consistent with the charit4biltlon
other uses, purposes, and intents for which the corP°`"
has been established' and maintained." „ Lively
Government desire also to bring under the notice of her ,uu°47ivell
Government that Parliament has within a comPas,..i, neap
short period recognised the claims of wealthy and 'seed
tial individuals holding revenues from lighthouses,
which claims were founded upon precisely the same gilliOSe
as those which apply to the poor and helpless class
:Iv or
interests are now in jeopardy ; and under such "'cam
stances we do not despair of convincing her MajeatY:Blenet
vernment of the justice and policy of maintaining al; ' r
the present limited extent of the corporation's charitlr
of substituting for them a more extensive and coroPretitoe
sive scheme, such as shall do honour to the great mat be
and commercial character of the 'United Kingdom, ancor
in accordance with the recommendation of the Select i
mittee of the House of Commons on Lighthouses, sessj,
1845, as recorded in their report in the following w°'
namely—
. . " That a compensation measure be brought forward
vernment to form a fund for the relief and support of allb;t
titute and aged masters, mates, and seamen of the xnerete to
service, their widows and children, upon a scale adequa.,,,ith
their wants ; and that your committee have to state, 10-
much satisfaction, that the shipowners examined by thebe,- oiog
mittee, while objecting to any part of the light dues tr
„11
i.,
distributed in charity, declared themselves willing to c?
bute to any such charitable fund as would hold out :" the
British merchant seamen liberal inducement to remain inelief
service of their country, by entitling them to receive r
from that fund under sickness and accident, and also suPP°
in old age for themselves and families." • the
The Court of Elder Brethren feel that they stand 11.1 vs
position of trustees in behalf of and guardians of therso
of these poor men, their widows and orphans, to the eat"'the
at least of their claims on the revenues received IT 7„.
corporation under their several charters, acts of parlP
merit, and patents, and that itapinsrodt
phf
eae
,ivroa
ndurudatbyleeneiocttionintosidateabers:rd:
ttoheirbrinFagusiet, buuntdetrothuseeneovtieorey
y'e
fsaGotosvaenrndmare:unit.
of
Ihfe,raMftearjetsht
sary for the corporation to bringenutnsdlverhitchheictornnsld%,br:JEeoisi:
opinion in respect of these h •
her Majesty's Government, they shouldduty of
c arities, it Will be the •
, ouse to submit to such high authority • and
the Trinity-houseln
the meantime, until this important question is finally uto
tided, the Court will abstain from making any addition
the present list of
thenesioners. 1,,,f re set
author' ,
Trusting that several propositions herein'''',f,i„d of
forth for ultimately attaining the objects of yourse„,pko.,
her Majesty's Government will be satisfactory, 1
(Signed) ALBERT, Master of the CorPorat

Feb. (5.
Board of Trade, Feb.!der
Sir,—The letter which your Royal Highness, alArAss'u—
of the Trinity-house, has done me the honour to
me I have laid before her Majesty's Government. their
It is very satisfactory to the Government, and, nof
opinion, highly honourable to the ancient corporaL'ivin- so
the Trinity-house, that the Elder Brethren have SD" woe
perfect a willingness to adopt the views which their s
of public duty has led her Majesty's Government
suggest.
The principles which regulate the receipt, contreliblio
Ana
expenditure of moneys compulsorily levied upon the Pfortb
for the general imposes of the community, will hence for
be applied to the sums payable to the Trinity-heuluos,
lights, buoys, beacons, ballastage—in short, to 311 the
without exception, levied upon and paid by the Ine`,u
*--
marine.
,ezint
The gross receipts will be carried to a separate ,7 be
at the Bank of England, from which no payment c; her
made except by the authority of a department ° psr.
Majesty's Government responsible to the Houses of
lament.
130111
The accounts will be regularly forwarded to the i-ros-
of Trade, and thence, after examination, will be
mittod to the Commissioners of Audit.
A full statement of the accounts of the past year yin b°
regularly laid before Parliament.
The provision of the statute 6th and 7th Willia— the
chap. 79, for reducing the dues upon the requisition ofifect
Sovereign in Council, will at all times be carried in_..,t°,°
so soon as, in the opinion of her Majesty's Gove,rl;eol
the state of the fund will admit, without any regaru,,,;- ve•
consideration whatever, except the efficiency of
ral services for which those dues are levied. iver
It appears to her Majesty's Government that the ,„a
cantile marine is justly entitled to these advantages,' uss
that the scheme proposed by the Trinity-house will °-
them.
;Tear
The Government will not fail to give a full and .--h O-00
tial consideration to the grounds which the Trinitr 100
proposes to lay before them for continuing the Peerst in
and charities ; but while it would be manifestly uNtivtar
the highest degree to depzive any individual of an Ad bielt
tage legally conferred upon him under the systernwt tbe
has hitherto prevailed, they are glad to observe t"ws if
Trinity-house have consented to acquiesce in their vie Win,
they shall adhere to their opinion, and that, in the 1:008
while, the Trinity-house undertake to abstain from re
any addition to the list. I have, Szc.,
Niro.
(Signed) EDWARD CARD

4.

i

t

1

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack
at -five o'clock.
The Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND presented a
petition from a place in Scotland against the admission
of Jews in Parliament.
Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from native
born Jews of Great Yarmouth, in vestry assembled, in
favour of the admission of Jews to Parliament ; also a
petition from a place in Montgomeryshire in favour of
the extension of county court jurisdiction to cases of
-bankruptcy.
The Earl of CARLISLE presented a petition from a
Place in Yorkshire to the same effect.,
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH rose to present a
petition from. the British and other Christian inhabitants
of Calcutta and the neighbouring parts in the lower pro-
vinces of Bengal, with respect to the renewal of the act
for the government of the Indian territories. The noble
earl said that the petition which he had now the honour
to present was signed by a class of persons entirely dif-
ferent from those whose names were attached to the
petitions recently presented on the same subject from
Madras and Bombay. The previous petitions were
signed very extensively by natives of India of the Hindoo
and Mahomedan religions. The present petition was
exclusively signed by Europeans, by natives of India of
half caste and of full blood, and likewise Christians.
The petitioners were about 1,280 in number, of whom
429 were either zemindars (that was, holders of land),
or superintendents of factories, or persons engaged in
indigo, cotton, or silk speculations, in the lower province
of Bengal ; 141 were persons connected with commerce,
principally in Calcutta, and amongst them were the
names of Jardine and Co., Ashford and Co., and several
other of the most considerable commercial houses in
Calcutta ' • 183 were tradespeople and others who were
possessed of considerable wealth in that country ; 29
belonged to the legal profession; 268 were uncovenanted
servants in the 'Government offices'; 99 were clerks in
private establishments ; land there were some others
whose avocations were not specifically stated ; but ,he
apprehended that the petition might be understood to
convey a fair representation of the opinion of persons
who entertained English ideas with respect to the go-
vernment of India. They were persons essentially in-
terested in the prosperity of that country. They stated
—and, as far as he had been able to ascertain, truly
stated—that the law of India was not only bad, but that
the judges were bad, and the executive officers inefficient.
They began by pointing out what the law was in the,
supreme courts established in the several presidencies.
They said that in the supreme court three different codes
of law were established—an English code for English
subjects, and Hindoo and Mahomedan codes for Hindoos
and Mahomedans respectively, as far as civil matters
were concerned ' • but that the English criminal law was
applicable to all parties of whatever race or religion—
that for nearly eight years these three different codes
had been administered to the "general satisfaction of -the
different races, thereby establishing the important fact
that English judges qualified to administer the English
law became qualified to administer the native law also.
With respect to the supreme court, he would just observe
that there wP.s this great practical inconvenience, that
when the charter for the foundation of that court was
established, all the statute law of England, together with
the English common law, was imported into that
court, but that since that period no acts of Parliament
that had passed in this country extended to India, unless
they had been specifically so extended in the acts them-
selves, er unless they had been made part and parcel of
the law of India by act of the legislative authority
of that country. The procedure -of the court was
directed by the procedure of Westminster Hall ; but
their lordships would perceive that a judge proceeding to
India to officiate in the supreme court, had to learn both
ilindoo and Mahomedan law, of which he knew nothing,
and to forget a large portion of the law of England, with
whieh he was acquainted. The petitioners then 'stated
what the law was in the East India Company's courts,
Which had jurisdiction over matters of succession, inhe-
ritance, caste, marriages, and religious usages. There
was also a Hindoo 'and Mahonaedan code of law fer
liindoos and Mahomedans, which chiefly related to pro-
cedure or to the revenue • but the petitioners alleged
that no code of equity had been established, no maxims
or principles laid down, but that it had been altogether
left to the courts to work out a system of equitable juris-
diction, which after sixty years they had not done.
When he (Lord Ellenborough) was at the Board of Con-
trol in 1830, having a proposition to make for the re-
newal of the East India Company's charter, he thought
on that occasion it would be of great importance to con-
solidate the statute law of England which related to the
East India Company, and also to consolidate the regu-
lations of the East India Company in their courts in
India. He offered, from the surplus funds of the Board
of Control, to undertake to bear the whole expense of
the consolidation of the statute law of England, and he
communicated with Sir Charles Grey, then recently re-
turned from Bengal, where he was Chief Justice, and
Who was now Governor of Jamaica, and with Sir Ralph
Price, and declared his intention to entrust them with
the consolidation of such statute law. He also proposed
to the chairman and deputy-chairman of the East India
Company that they should undertake to consolidate the
government of India in the company's
reeettiti. Thoefs the
theereggeunitaiteirnonesnhadh been framed from time
to time by
councils of the severalpresidencies.vo happened to be in the
wholly unacquainted with law, a not These
os gentlemen,ssin
precision of language, wrote the regulations verygmaunel3:
in a conversational style, and gave directions that were
understood by themselves, but which it was extremely
difficult, from their ambiguity, and from the use of dif-
ferent words expressing the same thing, for any other
man desirous of conforming to the law thoroughly to
comprehend. He had also suggested the consolidation
of the statute law of England affecting „India, because
he knew that in the course of that process its deficiencies
would he discovered and corrected. From that time to
this, however, twenty-three years had elapsed, and not
one stroke had been struck towards the consolidation
either of the statute law or of the regulations of the
East India Company. During the last twenty years
110 doubt the legislative authority of Bengal had im-
proved the general language of the regulations, but the
regulations remained in their old condition (as we under-
stood the noble earl, who was at times very indis-
tinctly heard). The petitioners further complained that
great inconvenience arose from the number of appeals, and
from the requirement that all the evidence should be
• taken in writing ; they complained also of the enormous
amount of the stamp duties levied upon all documents
used in every stage of civil or criminal proceedings. He
(the Earl of Ellenboroug) saw no excuse for the imposi-
tion of these excessive stamp duties, except it was from
the financial difficulties of the Government ; but these
difficulties were no reason why obstacles should be
thrown in the way of the administration of justice. The
Petitioners went on to allege that there had been a
general impression amongst Europeans that in the na-
tive courts the greatest corruption prevailed, and that
eighteen months ago, when corrupt practices were
charged against those courts, the civil judges, who in-
quired into the matter, did not come to the conclusion
that the courts were exculpated, but made a general re-
port that they were now improved. The petitioners
next observed upon the appellate jurisdiction, which
they alleged rested wholly with the civil servants of the
East India Company. They stated that the administra-
tion of justice in the Zillah Court (a Zillah being a divi-
sion like a county, containing perhaps a million of in-
habitants) was the cause of universal dissatisfaction—
that the judges of those courts were appointed without
proper professional qualifications, and that they had not
formed any general body of rules, or any system of
equitable jurisdiction. Now, be wished to observe that
there was very great and almost insurmountable diffi-
culty in establishing in the provinces of India a body of
judges by whom the administration of justice could be
well perfovaed in India where there was no enlightened
bar, no Europeans, no public (as was the case in Eng-
land), before whom a judge in open court had to exer-
cise,. his functions. He (the Earl of Ellenborough) bad
himself, at various times, most anxiously looked at this
subject, and he thought it the bounden duty of Parlia-
ment, or of the government of India, to provide that
those persons who were to fulfil judicial functions should
have the means of acquiring, and should actually pos-
tess, a knowledge of the law they were to administer.
Indeed, he believed it would be almost advisable that,
after a certain period of service, the- judicial servants of
the East India Company should be compelled to select
their future branch of service, and that after they de-
cided upon a particular branch, in that branch they
should remain unless the Government considered it ex-
Pedient to change them. The petitioners stated that
...14 the company's courts, the criminal law, which was
111 ndamentally Mahomedan at present, was inapplicable
to the Hindoos, the immense majority of the population,
and therefore suggested that the English criminal law as
11 , now stood should at once be extended to India. To
this, however, there was this difficulty, that the criminal
'awfor England itself was at present the subject of inquiry,
and was yet undecided ; and, further, it was a question
Whether it would be expedient to have a body. of gentle-
'lieu in India and require them for the first time to exe-
cute English criminal laws, of which, up to the present
inoment, they were utterly ignorant. The petitioners
heat came to the subject of the police force, in
thdia, which they alleged was totally inadequate for
e prevention of crime or the protection of life and
Property, and that it had become an engine of oppres-
si°ll and a great cause of corruption. They said that
10,000 or 11,000 police was under the control of a single
i!lagiattate (as we understood) who was compelled to
reside in one place, and had no power of locomotion ; that the distance of the magistrate's court from the place
f''here offences were committed was often from fifteen
ar fifty miles ; that a prosecutor was unwilling to go so
difficulty in getting his witnesses to appear in court ;
t:!: that in many cases it was the practice to imprison
t prosecutor and his witnesses in order to compel them
tl-." appear against an offender. Sometimes when neither
extraordinary
nor his witnesses would attend, the
b4et_goerduinary anomaly was witnessed of a true charge
n supported b false witnesses, who were not re-
sent at P
0, „ and knew nothing personally of the commission
offence. He (the Earl of Ellenborough) had him-
'4lli thought the total inefficiency of the police force, as
Present constituted, was one of the grefatest grievances
„la the internal state of India, and he had made some
prog.res
sin reforming it. He had certainly intended to
'Lend a
ten , system of military police over the whole of the
gal provinces, and he was satisfied that such a mea-
10``feewould have given the Government the means of
itur effectually preventing and punishing crime • and
thewer°o.ld also have had the further advantage of enabling
thitieiver.ninent to place in the hands of the police many
s which were now performed by the regular army.
"—'4 been stated by a high authority that if that were

done it would be possible to diminish the regular forces
in India by 50,000 men. The large attendance on the
magistrates of India rendered a great additional number
of the military forces necessary, and yet, as regarded the
prevention of crime, they were of little or no use what-
ever. With regard to the civil service, the petitioners
remarked that there was reason to believe that it pro-
duced at present a smaller amount of distinguished ex-
cellence than formerly, and they complained of the
monopoly of high offices as unjust, and as prejudicial to
the interest of the public service. They said, moreover,
that the salaries of persons having the powers of magis-
trates and in positions of high trust, were very little
more than those of youngsters on their first arrival in
India, and that changes of employment took place in
rapid succession without reference to the aptitude and
ability of the parties, the consequence being that
civilians were often found at the head of offices and
courts of the business of which they knew little or
nothing. He feared that it must be admitted that this
grievance had existed, and to some extent still existed.
The petitioners concluded with prayer that such
changes might be effected in the arrangements for sup-
plying the public service in the civil department as
might be considered desirable, and particularly that
inquiries might be made into the nature and number
of the public employments in India, and the salaries
attached to them. That was a prayer which un-
doubtedly deserved the most serious consideration, and
he would call upon their lordships to endeavour to find
some principles by which they might be guided on that
point. He had always held that the best form of go-
vernment was that which afforded the greatest facilities
for the discovery of superior abilities, and the employ-
ment of them in the public service. But in the anoma-
lous situation of India there was this very commanding
principle, which, in his opinion, overruled all others—
namely, that it was absolutely essential, if we desired to
preserve our • dominion over that country, that every
person in the employment of the Government should
have a deeper and a nearer interest in England than he
had in India. It was absolutely necessary to prevent
anything approaching colonisation, for colonisation was
the same as separation, and it was necessary to pursue
the same means in preserving our dominion which we
had employed in acquiring it. But he was by no means
sure that these apparently conflicting principles might
not be united. He should object to giving the Governor
of India the power of selecting any person whom he
might think competent, and placing him in the highest
office under Government. That system would, un-
doubtedly, lead to much intrigue and improper conduct ;
and, above all, it would conflict with the great principle
that all persons employed in India should depend more
upon England than upon India. But he saw no objec.
tion to a modification of the general rule in any peculiar
case of great fitness for high office, and the Governor-
General, with the previous permission of the home autho-
rities, might be permitted to place a person peculiarly
qualified in a high office, where he might perform good
service to the State. If such an arrangement were
adopted, the Board of Control ought to have the power
of overruling the decision of the Court of Directors as
fully as it did now in all political matters. When he
(Lord Ellenborough) was in India, there was an uncove-
nanted servant of the company, Mr. Greenlaw, the se-
cretary of the marine board, with whom he had had
occasion to communicate in reference to the expedition
to China, and whose zeal, ability, and cordial devotion
to the interests of the public service had alone unabled
the expedition to be dispatched in time. That gentle.
man he (Lord Ellenborough) would have recommended
to the home authorities for promotion had he remained
in India. There was also another gentleman, of supe-
rior abilities and trustworthiness, whom,. after a little
longer experience, he might have recommended for
similar promotion. The representations of the petiti-
oners on the subject of police were well worthy of consi-
deration. The petitioners stated that every landholder
was at present obliged to keep bodies of men armed, in
order to defend his property against midnight gangs ;
and as it was the custom of some dishonest indigo planters
to sell their crops to different persons, it became necessary
in some cases for the buyer to keep an armed force on
the field, in order to secure the produce. With regard
to the spirit licenses, the petitioners stated that the
selling of them was entirely contrary to the prejudices
and habits of the people, and that, in pursuit of revenue,
the Government was demoralising the population. He
(Lord Ellenborough) had always objected to a reduction
of the duty on salt, unless the reduction were very great,
but on three occasions, recently, small reductions had
been made, amounting to about one-sixth of the tax, oc-
casioning a loss of about one eighth of the revenue, or,
200,0001. He doubted whether those reductions of! the
tax had been felt at all by the people, and he believed
that more good would have been effected if the money
had been devoted to the improvement of the great lines
of communication in which the body of the people were
interested. The petitioners recommended a considerable
addition to the Legislative Council, and especially
from the commercial class. The least satisfactory part
of the business of the government of India, was cer-
tainly that which was connected with the legislation.
The Legislative Council had not time to attend to their
important duties, and the frequent replacement of one
officer by another, was highly objectionable. He thought
that in many respects alterations might be made with
advantage in the constitution of the Legislative Council.
We ought especially to avoid giving it a local character;
the same legislation was not equally suited for the pro-
vince of Bengal and the other provinces ; you could not
legislate in the same manner for men who never left
their homes without a sword, and those who never left
them without an umbrella. (A. laugh.) With respect
to the home authorities, the petitioners were most de-
cidedly opposed to the present double government of the
Board of Control and the Board of Directors, and, in
regard to the latter, the petitioners stated that there was
no security for its members being qualified for the high
functions which they had to discharge. He (Lord Ellen-
borough) was much disposed to agree in this opinion of
the petitioners. They expressed a hope that the facts
which they stated in their petition might suggest the ex-
pediency of making arrangements for the government of
India for a shorter term, and, in the first, instance, for
only one year. (Hear.) It was usually said, in reply to
complaints of the government of India, " Oh, it works
well." It might indeed work well for those who were
employed in its administration, but the question was, did
it work well for the people of India, and did it present
any appearance of stability and permanence. Our Go-
vernment had unquestionably conferred great advan-
tages upon India, in the extinction of the Maharattas
and other tribes, and in the establishment of internal
peace. But all these advantages had been conferred by
our military successes, by the courage of our officers and
troops, and by the enterprise and genius of our generals.
But, he would ask, what did India owe to our civil go-
vernment ? We had indeed effected great alterations,
and the changes which had taken place in the distribu-
tion of property under our rule had probably been
greater than were brought about in. England by the
Norman conquest. But when he had gone through
the provinces, and seen the ancient roads, and tem-
ples, and mosques, and all the other records of the
great government by which we had been preceded, he
owned that he had felt humiliated. (Hear.) What we
had now to endeavour to discover, was a form of Go-
vernment by which a good administration might be
given to India. We should also endeavour to obtain
the assistance in the government of India of the most
able and trustworthy persons ; and he cared not whether
we resorted to the principle of election, or to that which
he believed would be a more certain means of attaining
the object, namely, that of judicious selection. But let
them, as far as possible, exclude ordinary men and men
of mediocrity from the government of India ; and, above
all, let themthe
geexde
ycleuremjeoebtberefs; ledainadeeleet them endeavour
the
with
hdeakeveowur-
to have
e apnedepplzbiatyed, andnet
awleitnhe ateretyartdetfo
tthhee
rl interestseudlgeres, . a boi oft tyt
(Hear,h
his noble friend had drawn the attention of the house
hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM said that the subject to which
dutywa s ofup theon
the g r e aGt eosvt
epr
no possible iebnl
te importance;and Parliament and
of
f imposed a
this
u lceodgnet country
dt o
talents. a p p l y t o
Heit wa a
sl the
no t r
prepared
sr oe up ra cr ee sd o
tof theirsay t
hk
anto w
he-
agreed in the conclusions at which his noble friend had
arrived after his experience in India and subsequent re-
flection at home, but he was prepared to give the sub
ject his best attention whenever it should come before
their lordships, and to approach it with the feelings
which his noble friend had expressed, namely, a desire
to consult for the good of the people of India, and
thereby to consult for the true glory and honour of Eng-
land. An appeal had lienitir&to him (Lord Brougham)
in consequence of a remark that had fallen from his
noble friend upon a recent occasion, when this subject
of India had been broached, and he had been called upon
to vindicate the local administration of justice from the
charges which had been brought against it. He might
answer that appeal by repeating a statement which he
had made on a former occasion, that upon a comparison
of the results of the appeals from the English and from
the native courts in India to the Judicial Committee of
Privy Council, and disposed of by that court, it ap•
peared that in the case of appeals from the native courts,
extending over ten years, there was an average number
of two reversals for two affirmances, while the appeals
from the English courts showed seven reversals for one
affirmance. But he must be permitted to say that it
was by no means so certain as might be supposed from
these figures that the administration of justice was supe-
rior in the native courts to what it was in the English
courts. The real cause of the discrepancy was that in
appeals from the native courts, when questions both of
law and of fact came before the committee, the court
being a state of comparative ignorance of the man-
ners and habits of the people, was inclined to sup-
port the decisions of the native judges, unless manifestly
erroneous. (Hear, hear.) But in dealing with appeals
from the English courts there was no such leaning
at all on the part of the Judicial Committee. (Hear.)
The comparative scantiness of the appeals showed that
expense occasioned by delay and 'distance made the
appellate jurisdiction capable of affording a very insuffi-
cient remedy for the natives. The noble lord had truly
described the law taxes by which the suitor was so
grievously oppressed. This was an enormity so prodi-
gious that without the most positive demonstration of
the fact it would appear utterly incredible, and, as had
it could
uoulededor whichnly h
be explainedte
governmentthe
of India
financialia
ebmeebnarsraasi said,
was labouring. What Bentham said sixty or seventy
years ago in his immortal work—the greatest ornament
to his great fame as a lawgiver and as a jurisconsult—in
his protest against law taxes, was perfectly demonstrable,
and the.way in which he had ettablished his point had
never been answered, for in point of fact it was unan-
swerable. He said, "Itis a common remark, that he
who objects to a tax is hound to find a substitute. I
admit the principle, and I willingly accept the condition.

My answer is—you may substitute for law taxes any
one other tax that the wit of man can devise." (Hear.)
Lord MONTEAGLE, as a member of the committee
up stairs, would take the liberty of stating that the peti-
tion presented by the noble earl comprehended heads of
inquiry into which the committee had, as yet, had no
means of inquiring or examining at all. (Hear, hear.)
It opened a vast ground for further examination, which
it was not only necessary to enter upon but to exhaust
before it would be possible to determine in whose hands
the government of India ought to rest. He would take
this opportunity of remarking that an impression foreign
to the fact had gone abroad relative to what passed in
the committee last session. It had been stated that the
opinion of the committee was, that the legislature was
prepared to decide upon the affairs of India at the close
of the session. Now, so little was that the case that
the resolution moved by a noble friend near him was
framed expressly to exclude and negative that conclu-
sion, and simply to state that in the evidence before
them there was a tendency to show that the principle
of the government of India had been productive of good
consequences. He thought it would be the greatest of
all calamities to legislate in the present session as to the
permanency of the government of India. (Hear, hear.)
An eminent writer had charasterised " rash haste as the
mother of delay," and any "rash haste " in legislating
on the subject of India would not only be "the mother
of delay " but most detrimental to the good government
of India. (Hear, hear.) The powers already entrusted
to the government superintending the affairs of India
during the last twenty years had not been an adequate
protection against the evil's which had been described,
and Parliament ought not to rely on so frail a founda-
tion. There was no change better considered or more
calculated to meet the evils which existed than the enact-
ment introduced into the last charter for the appoint-
ment of a law commission, for the purpose of improving
the general administration of the law in India. But
what happened ? The provision was found inconve-
nient, for it imposed a restraint on the action of the
governors of India. They said, "We mean to apply to
Parliament • for a repeal of the clause. They, however,
never did apply to Parliament. But what did they do ?
They practically repealed the act, by ceasing to fill up
vacancies until by lapse of time the provision constitut-
ing the legal commission expired. (Hear.) By the act
as it originally passed, whenever a vacancy occurred the
court of directors were bound to return four candidates
for the civil service of India, and the best of the foul. was
to be chosen. But in 1837 they obtained an act of a
very singular character. When the bill was introduced
into the House of Commons, it enabled the board of
directors and the Board of Control jointly to suspend the
operation of the provision, and to recommend only one
candidate for every vacancy. The bill was amended in
their lordships' house, and in place of its being a bill
authorising the suspension of the power, the words " to
suspend or revive" were inserted, thereby showing that
it was intended to revert to the original act. But from
1837 to 1853; that power had never been exercised, and
the company was now left without the wholesome re-
straint imposed by the act of 1833. (Hear.) Last year,
when the question of the law was under consideration,
it was stated that full authority had been given to the
East India Company to pass Mr. Macaulay's-code, or
any other they might think fit • but up to this time it
did not appear that any effectual step had been taken on
the subject. He did not see that any approach had been
made towards meeting the great difficulty arising from
the present mode of appointing civil servants as judges
in India. No legal education was provided. ' When a
man was appointed to a judicial office, it was utterly in-
defensible that, under any circumstances, he should be
removed from that judicial office, and, at an increased
salary, be appointed to a political or revenue office. The
fact was, that under the present system men were ap-
pointed to the appellate jurisdiction in India who had
never presided in a tribunal of the first instance. It
was, as had been formerly said, like teaching young sur-
geons by making them practice living dissections. If
Parliament intended to do its duty towards India, he
trusted they would not pass any permanent act during
the present year. (Hear, hear.)
Lord BROUGHTON said he saw no reason whatever
why Parliament should pass a bill fixing any particular
number of years. It appeared to him that any act on
this subject ought to be like any other act of Parliament,
liable to be repealed whenever it should be thought ne-
ce.sary. The reason for fixing stated periods in former
bills was this. The East India Company were a great
commercial company, in possession of most important
vested interests, having large assets ; and in the act of
1833 it was thought proper that a certain term should
be given them to realise those assets, and wind up the
great concern with which they had, been so long
entrusted. A bargain was, therefore made between the
then Government and that great commercial corporation.
But now the East. India. Company would cease to have
any such privileges. They would cease in fact to be in
possession of any one character entitling them to more
than an ordinary act. (Hear.) He had not heard this
proposal mentioned before, but having in the course of
the day named the suggestion to one of the highest
Indian authorities—a gentleman formerly connected
with the Indian government, and latterly with the home
Government--that gentleman said, " I see no objec-
tion to it, and moreover I proposed it to a noble lord
myself in the year 1832. . At that time, no doubt, the
East India Company had not wound up its concerns ;
its commercial character had not been put an end to ; it
had large assets, and it was only in consequence of this
that I did not make the proposal to those who had the
drawing up of the India Bill." (Hear, hear.) But no
such reason existed now. The East India Company had
now no claim upon the country or upon Parliament.
They had only the right to ask Parliament whether they
had so conducted themselves in the government of those
great territories as to entitle them to a share in their
future government, as trustees for the Crown. (Hear.)
No doubt a great quantity of fresh matter was rising up
every day. The three petitions which had recently been
presented contained materials for long and searching
examination, and the more he considered the subject the
greater were the difficulties which presented themselves
to his mind. With new information came new lights,
and, so far from any one of the points being speedily
settled, there were various matters on which the best
thinker and the closest investigator might justly doubt.
(Hear, hear.) The noble earl, on presenting the last
petition, expatiated on the question of education, and
said on that point we were stopped in limine. And
why ? Because if you educate the people of India be-
yond a certain extent the people of India will cease to
belong to England. He quite agreed with the noble
earl, and that opinion was entertained by Sir Thomas
Monroe, Sir Charles Metcalf, and other eminent au-
thorities on that subject. He had mentioned these mat-
ters for the purpose of showing the enormous difficulties
which existed on the subject, and trusted that the sug-
gestion which he had thrown out would receive the con-
sideration of the Government.
Lord GLENELG said that the bill of 1833 was
founded on an agreement and compromise between the
parties, and unless mutual sacrifices had been made it
would have been almost impossible to effect any change
in the government of India. Now, with respect to the
question of education. It was the universal opinion in
England that it was the duty of this country to com-
municate to the natives of India the best education in
our power. (Hear, hear.) This was our duty and our
mission. It was the vocation to which we were called.
We were bound to perform our duty unflinchingly, and
in this as in every case it would be found that if we per-
formed our duty, consulting only our duty, we should be
best consulting our safety. It had been truly said that
the natural condition of man was progress, and he was
convinced that the scruples of any legislator would not
retard that progress. It was in our power to make
that progress formidable and dangerous. It was not in
our power to nullify it, and say with respect to education,
" Thus far shall it go, and no further." (Hear, hear.)
Was it our bounden duty, was it our best safety, to
pause, to scruple at a certain point, and say, "Be this
thy great circumference—be these our bounds ?" No ;
but to say, " We are called on to do our duty both
to God and man, and at any hazard we will execute that
duty." (Hear, hear.) It was impossible to .retard the
progress that was now slowly taking place in India, and
if ever the day should arrive when the native would be
in a capacity to govern himself, it would be a most
glorious day for England. We would be looked at with
more affection, with greater good feeling, with more
gratitude, and establish a bond and security against any
danger which the wit of man could invent. (Hear, hear.)
He would not now enter into the question of the future
government of India, but would just advert to the un-
happy state of the law throughput that country, which
afforded matter for the deepest consideration. Provi-
sions were introduced in the act of 1833 expressly to
meet that commission provided that there should be one
law throughout the whole of India. The law commis-
sion was directed to frame a general code, and the same
to the e
AEnggelnisehraal seowdeelwl asas tfhraemneadtifvoer
IstaahunwbejEpewnucatgrpssiihsfoemh, aeaarpn:Mdl it was a rule wisely laid down that if
applyyaejnt into that country he must not ex-
tthoebEe
uornoepeowafnas
o privilegedthat vaclsatssierrlctooryw,
wthereefascuth
subject
to take their cases for trial at a
natives to compel them
only to the SupremeanCoauhrsto,leuxtecepdteninialcasofes
juosftipueetttoy
tashe-
)s
thataeuu
lt t
moment the natives
n hadalluded was intended to
act to which he
law. The
corrected so far as the law com-
mission distance of 1,000 miles.did o(tHpeoasrs,ehs
se atrh.e) p
rAo
ttetehtieo
np present
theent
and it was
correct the evil. It was
but
"four hnohnr-
d no intention of occupying
, The Earl of DERBY had roe cisstsaeiydo.ninw(fHaascetcauaru,nedheerrauerea.ld)4 it wwashyquiittehiadmpousostiblbe
which he confessed that
the time of their lordships forshmotreu
ethuatenrainvteuryafueywthminog
like a discussion of topics with -
ments, for it was not his wish
en
wastreated avteerdy p
bi my
his rfe
entolyb l ea acquainted—topics
frienduai
a thorou 1 knowledge of the subject, and
which Pideswhich
hhada
petition with
mw huiscth
uhuamd
mb eueund ent
hfoutcreeds tthfualpresented
ntevidhu toha
-
ships. Although he could not say that, as far as his
limited information went, he was prepared to acquiesce
in the sweeping conclusions at which his noble friend
l
powerattention and
oafb ability
r whichlo d-
had arrived, yet he had listened with great respect
Ito the statement of evils and inconveniences which
his noble friend had vouched to a great extent on his
own authority. (Hear.) The object for which he alone
rose was to express his concurrence, to a great extent,
in what had fallen from his noble friend on the cross-
bench, and to ask the noble earl at the head of her
Majesty's Government to reconsider his determination
of legislating permanently for the affairs of India during
the present session. He frankly admitted that at the
time when, filling the station which the noble earl now
occupied, he had the honour of proposing a committee
of investigation into the affairs of India, he, did so in the
hope that the inquiries of the committee might be so rar
advanced this year, that it might be competent to the

Government, guided and aided by their labours, to deal
with the question in a satisfactory manner. The little
progress, however, which the committee had made,
owing to the immensity of the subject, and the con-
stantly increasing demands on their attention, led„,him
to the conclusion that if the Government legislated
during the present session they must legislate wholly
irrespective of the labours and opinions of the committee
in that and the other house of Parliament. He believed
that the committee had only heard evidence on two
topics, and it was perfectly open to them to call for
other evidence which they might think necessary even
on that limited portion of the inquiry, and it was clear
that further information might be given which would
induce them to re-open it. He understood the two com-
mittees divided their inquiries into eight heads, and only
two had been gone into, namely, the constitution of the
government at home and the naval and military estab-
lishments of the Indian service. If, as her Majesty's
Government had said, they were prepared to legislate
permanently, he hoped they did not mean to legislate
piecemeal. Least of all could they, with proper respect
to the labours of the two committees, legislate on the
constitution of the home government without a full in-
quiry into the other topics which were left for investiga-
tion, because, after all, concurring, as he did, in that
which must be the opinion of every man among their
lordships, that the object which Parliament had in view
was to frame such a form of government as would pro-
duce the greatest contentment, and advance the mate-
rial prosperity and moral progress of India—such a form
of government as would work best for the benefit of the
inhabitants of India, and uot for the inhabitants of this
country merely—looking, he would repeat, to that as
the object which Parliament had in view, and the ques-
tion being whether it was desirable or not to continue
the existing machinery of Indian government, he con-
tended it was impossible to escape from this conclusion,
that the propriety of continuing or modifying that system
of government must depend upon the working of that
government, as proved by experience in the course of
the administration of Indian affairs. The government
of India was now practically on its trial, whether uprn
the whole it had worked beneficially for India or not.
There might be theoretical anomalies in its constitution,
but the great test and trial of its merits was, whe-
ther the administration of the government had pro-
duced benefits commensurate with, or greater than,
the advantages derived from any other system.
Inquiry must be made into the financial, the political,
the judicial, and the moral system of the government,
and in solving the question whether that government
should be continued in jts present shape or be modified,
the test must be—what-had been the practical result of
our administration of Indian affairs
under all those dif-
ferent heads on which the committee had not even com-
menced their labours ? He confessed his opinion on that
point was strengthened by what had fallen from his no-
ble friend over the way (Lord Broughton) who was for
so long a period President of the Board of Control. His
noble friend had reminded their lordships that in the new
legislation upon which the Government 'were about to
enter, it would not be necessary to limit the ope-
ration
hoafdthane billepp forert utnenityorerty years,
leengialating
for India just as
might be done with any other act of Parliament, which
might be passed in one session and repealed in the next.
But if this were true, what was to become of permanent
legislation for India ? Was it wise or statesmanlike to
pass an act, and then to repeal it ?
Lord BROUGHTON— You leave it like any other
act of Parliament.
The Earl of DERBY admitted this to be the case,
but if it were wished to make a measure a monument of
Parliamentary wisdom, it would not do to legislate this
year, and call the measure permanent, and then to come
back next year for the purpose of repealing this act of
legislation. He was sure that no member of the Govern-
ment could have in this matter any other desire but what
was common to their lordships, namely—that their legis-
lation should be creditable to the country and to Parlia-
ment, and should give satisfaction to the people of India.
Upon this species of legislation, differing happily from
any other, it was hardly possible that party struggles
could be brought to bear, and surely the inconvenience
of a temporary act was not to be measured, for a single
moment with the paramount inconvenience of legislating
—not only without information but absolutely in repu-
diation of those committees which Parliament had ap-
pointed to obtain information on the subject. If he
might venture to suggest any course—which he knew he
had no right to do—he would suggest the introduction
of a continuing act, not exceeding four or five years, but
for a term sufficiently long to enable the committee to
complete the investigation, and to enable the Government
to weigh the recommendations of the committee, provi-
sion being made that Parliament should be at liberty to
legislate before that time, if it thought proper, instead of
having recourse to an annual renewal, which would un-
settle the minds of the people of Ind'a. By taking a
continuance of the present system for a period of five
years, with a reservation to Parliament of power to deal
with the question, he thought there would be the best
chance of solving the great and difficult problem with
which Parliament would have to deal, and of legislating
in a manner which would not only conduce to the in-
terests of the people of India, but would redound to the
honour of the empire generally.
The Earl of ABERDEEN deeply participated in the
hope expressed by the noble earl, that we might arrive
at the result which would prove most beneficial to the
subjects of the great empire for which we were about to
legislate, but he could not agree with him in thinking
that it would be desirable to introduce a continuing act
with a term of four or five years. Of all the suggestions
which he had heard, this appeared to him to be the least
adapted to effect the object desired. He (the Earl of
Aberdeen) had heard that the committees of both houses
had arrived at a clear opinion that the inquiry had been
completed so far as to enable the Legislature to deal
with the question of the home government. Though the
committee of their lordships' house had not expressed a
decided opinion, yet he understood that the inquiry was
closed so far as related to that portion of the inquiry,
and he felt that Government were competent to deal with
it without embracing the whole number of heads into
which the committee had divided the subject of inquiry.
The petition which had been presented no doubt com-
prised very important matter for inquiry, and detailed
many grievances which were worthy of their lordships'
attention. Their lordships would be justified in giving
this petition their most serious consideration, but when a
committee was now sitting for the very purpose of in-
quiry into those topics which had been urged by the
noble . earl, and when, as he understood, the judicial
system in particular was under the consideration of the
committee at the present moment, he confessed that it
appeared to him to be rather inconvenient, and indeed
irregular, to go into those topics into which the com-
mittee were inquiring. He had heard a great deal of
the lamentable government of India, and the noble earl
had said that he felt humiliated when he compared the
public works which we had executed with those left be-
hind them by our predecessors. He confessed he thought
that an insufficient test of the merits of a Government.
He would as soon draw an inference from the pyramids
of Egypt, and conclude that their builders were superior
to us in moral qualifications. He believed that the Go-
vernment of this country had been attended with great
and extensive blessings to the people of India, and that,
as compared with all former governments, we could have
no fear in putting ourselves forward. It was still our
desire to increase and to extend those blessings, and he
confessed that, as the result of the inquiry now carried
on before the committee, he hoped that the Government
would be able to produce a measure which would tend
materially to improve the government of India. He
believed it was necessary that the present system should
form the foundation of any future system of government,
though it might be susceptible of some modifications.
It was too early to express any opinion about there, but
he must protest against what had been said by the noble
earl about a continuing act.

The Marquis of SALISBURY hoped the Govern-
ment would reconsider their decision on the question of
legislating permanently during the present session.
The conversation here terminated.
The County Polls Election Bill was, on the motion of
the Earl of CARLISLE, read a second time, after a
declaration by the Earl of DERBY, that he should not,
individually, offer any opposition to the progress of the
measure.

Several bills on the table were forwarded a stage,
and their lordships adjourned at a quarter before eight
o'clock - •,.
•
• HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YESTERDAY.)

The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.

WIGTON ELECTION.
Mr. MILES reported from this committee that it had
come to a resolution declaring Sir John M`Taggart duly
elected.
The Windsor Election Committee were sworn at the
table.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The Imperial Continental Gas, and the Saint George's
Harbour Bills, were read a second time.

PETITIONS.

A number of petitions were presented against the ad-
mission of Jews into Parliament.

Mr. BOWYER presented a petition from distillers in
Ireland, in favour of British spirits being placed on the
same footing, in regard to drawbacks, as foreign spirits.
Mr. COBDEN presented a petition from Canterbury,
in favour of the reduction of national armaments.
Sir G. STRICKLAND presented a petition from
Lancashire, praying for the !imitation of the daily
working of machinery in factories.

Mr. TURNER presented a petition from Liverpool,
against taxes on knowledge.
Mr. MUNDY presented. a petition from Birmingham
in favour of the London universities being allowed to
return members to Parliament.

Mr. BANKES presented a petition from Dorset,
against the Crystal Palace being opened on Sundays.
Mr. SPOONER presented a petition from a place in
Warwickshire, against the grant to Maynooth.
Mr. BAINES presented two petitions from Hull, in
favour of the removal of Jewish disabilities.
Sir J. PAKINGTON prefiented a petition from Won.
cester, praying for some alteriltion in the present mode of
levying the income tax.
LISBURN ELECTION.

The SPEAKER intimated that he had received a let-
ter from the parliamentary agents, stating that it was
not intended to proceed with the petition against the
return for Lisburn.
CLITHEROE ELECTION.

On the motion of Mr..GASKELL, the evidence before
the Clitheroe election committee' was ordered to be
printed.

ATTORNEYS' AND SOLICITORS' CERTIFICATE
DUTY.
Lord R. GROSVENOR brought up this bill, and
amidst considerable laughter and cheers, -propond that
it be read a first time. He said it was not his intention
to propose the second reading until after the Chancellor
of the Exchequer had made his financial statement.
After the right hon. gentleman's decided expression of
opinion last night, he had no doubt he would take the
question into his serious consideration, with the view of
remedying the injustice complained of. (Hear, hear,
and a laugh.)
The bill was then read a first time, and ordered to be
read a second time on Wednesday, the 13th of April.
THE LEVEES OF THE LORD-LIEUTENANT.
Mr. F. FRENCH gave notice that to-morrow he would
ask the chief Secretary for Ireland, whether directions
had been sent to Ireland to discontinue the expense of
inserting in the Dublin newspapers the usual notices
about the levees held by the Lord-Lieutenant.