The Sun.
London, England, 1853-11-22 00:00:00

_~

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 22, 185 3.

and a calmer sea. Is this the theory with regard to popu-
lar enlightenment ? Does it reach its zero at the ten-pound
householder, and increase gradually from that point in in-
verse proportion to property and outward respectability till
it culminates at the pauper? Some such theory as this is
necessary to explain the proposition for a lower franchise;
but such a theory must rest on facts, and facts, as far as
we have them, are all the other way. The records of
our Parliamentary committees show that the most venal
class in the country is that of freemen, and no proposition
would command a more immediate assent than the dis-
franchisement of this corruptible and corrupting body.
We know no reason why these men should be worse than
their neighbours, except that they are poorer, and there-
fore more accessible to bribes. Let any one inquire what
portion of a borough constituency is most open to corrup-
tion, and he will invariably find that, next to the freemen,
it is the poorest among the ten-pound householders—a fact
which affords little encouragement to a reduction of the
franchise. In the metropolitan districts, and in some of
our more flourishing manufacturing towns, the scale of
rent is so high that it includes the class which in other
places would be five-pound householders. We may there-
fore form some idea of the working of the five-pound suf-
frage from what we observe in these places. We are con-
tent to rest the question on this single issue—is it or is it
not desirable that all boroughs should be as the metropoli-
tan boroughs, and all members as the metropolitan mem-
bers ? Is it wished that it should henceforth be impossible
to approach a borough constituency with the slightest hope
of success without uttering the shibboleth of " Triennial
Parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote by ballot 1" Is
it desirable that every member so elected shall be the mere
mouthpiece of notions the most crude, the most vulgar,
and most unpractical, the tool of his vestry, holding lan-
guage in his borough which he dares not hold in Parlia-
ment, and language in Parliament which he dares not hold
in his borough ? 'Such, as far as we can judge from noto-
rious facts, would be the effect of a five-pound franchise.
Look at the constituency of the metropolis and its districts.
It contains, probably, a far greater amount of wealth and
intelligence than any other constituent body in the king-
dom. But what avails that ? The election is the act of
the poorest class of householders; it bears the stamp of
their feelings—the impress of their opinions and character.
For electioneering purposes the result would be much the
same if every occupant of a house rented above twenty
pounds a-year were struck off the register. Are those who
advocatetge
fiiavntene-tspoonn five-pound
dtfah ecnotfinevls
householderletei-
epttuo ueua
Innedyi
willnf au n
of pe
bcnr
ehoe
ese t
incorruptible,afpoi r prepare
d
B uf
Parliament
such r
not
to
it
is said
from
an x
sio"ofinc(l.ll
dele-
gates
s
nlptunrrnbre rwant lt would be a melancholy
efo
individual probity, but because his numbers would exhaust
tabhnrirbneg to
hmteaesot. of
Byucorruption.urust the destinies of the empire to a con-
stituency:lTe t
no
of
guaranteesom e one
o f richenoughpurity; t h
eyt o
only diminish the price of a vote, they do not close the
market. They sell in large towns for five shillings that
which in small towns they sell for five pounds. The cor-
ruption is the same, and only differs in amount, or rather
the smallness of the price enables a man for an equal sum
to degrade more consciences. Liverpool and Hull may bear
witness how little large constituencies close the door
against corruption. For these reasons, believing that the
ten pound franchise, considered merely as a pecuniary
test of respectability, is considered low enough, and feeling
convinced that to descend lower would be fraught with
perils which uo conciliatory effect of the measure can coun-
terbalance, we conclude that the new Reform Bill ought
not to contain any extension of the ten pound franchise.

( From the Times of Saturday.)
The next question which would naturally engage the
attention of the framers of our new Reform Bill would be
the county franchise. The inquiries of Parliamentary
committees and :commissions have diverted so much pub-
lic attention to borough elections, that the state of the
county franchise has not received the attention which it
undoubtedly deserves. The abuses of boroughs, taking, as
they generally do, the form of individual bribery and cor-
ruption, are so much more tangible and obvious, admit of
so much easier proof by witnesses, and attract so much
more attention than the nomination system which regu-
lates cur counties, that the one has been unduly dispa
raged, and the other as unduly exonerated from blame-
The excesses of our borough elections, lamentable and
disgraceful as they are, prove, at any rate, the posses-
sion of great individual liberty. No ono bribes, no
one intimidates, no one cajoles, no one intoxicates
a man who has nothing to give. The very abuse
and degradation of the franchise proves that it is really,
not nominally, possessed. The country election is, in
general, accompanied by none of those disgraceful and de-
moraling influences. It is a matter of quiet, decorous,
business-like-arrangement between a select knot of large
proprietors, who decide without beer, without bellowing,
without tumult, but with equal authority and efficacy,
who it is who shall represent them. There is no occasion
to bribe, to intoxicate, to intimidate, to cajole, for the
mass of the electors have really not much to do with the
matter. It is a question not of popular opinion, but of
territorial jurisdiction. Our county members represent
great estates rather than great principles, and families
rather than communities. While people are doubting
whether they shall not extend the franchise in boroughs to
five-pound honseholders, we exclude from the country
franchise householders under fifty pounds a year. It
is in this simple fact that the whole theory of
county representation is contained. Counties are dis-
posed of by a few great proprietors because the
majority of the inhabitants are denied any share
in the representation. Were the same franchise to be
extended to boroughs, they would immediately become
narrow obligarchies, and the popular voice would be ex-
tinguished throughout England. It is a wonderful in-
stance of the patient and non-inquiring disposition of the
English people, ever ready to content itself with things as
they are, that the class of residents in counties possessed
of houses of from ten to fifty pounds a-year should have so
tamely submitted to be deprived, for no conceivable rea-
son, of that franchise which they are at least as capable of
exercising for the good of the public as any other class of
her Majesty's subjects. A ten-pound house in a village is
an extremely different affair from a ten-pound house in a
town, and implies a. totally different social position ; and
a house in the country rented at forty-five pounds a-year
will contain all the conveniences and most of the luxuries
of life. If property is to be the standard, what conceiv-
able reason can there be for excluding such persons from a
voice in the affairs of the country? Is it that their pur-
suits, habits, and education are such as to render them un-
fit depositaries of such a trust? The contrary is notori-
ously the fact. The persons inhabiting houses of this value
constitute one of the soundest, the most independent, the
most conservative, and, at the same time, the most intelli-
gent classes that we possess. Successful tradesmen who
have retired from business on a small fortune, professional
men of all descriptions, and officers of the army and navy
who have missed the prizes of life, but who are possessed
of a moderate competence, of regular education, and of
leisure, and the leading inhabitants of small towns, form
the great bulk of the excluded class. Free from any per-
sonal interest or ambition, removed from the corrupting
influences of great towns, passing their lives in quiet and
in ease, without anything to warp the judgment or inflame
the passions, these men are peculiarly competent to form
and express sound opinions on public affairs. If they lived
within the limits of Parliamentary boroughs, they would
not only have votes themselves, but be the leaders of par-
ties, and the directors of others. But, because their house
stands on one side of an imaginary line instead of another,
they are denuded of the rights of citizenship, and deprived
of any voice in the government of a free country of which
they constitute a most important portion. How absurd
that a small tradesman, keeping a shop within a small
Parliamentary borough, rented at fifteen pounds a year,
should enjoy the elective franchise, but that when he has
saved a competence, and retired into the country to enjoy
the well-earned fruit of his labour, he should by this act
blot himself out of the list of persons competent to exer-
cise the first right of a citizen !
The only excuse—defence there can be none—for this
state of things, is the fashionable theory of representation
by classes, which naturally is averse to moderate and safe
constituent bodies, and tends always to vicious extremes.
Thus, that the lower classes may be represented, we are
encouraged to fling the boroughs into the hands of a poor,
ignorant, and venal preletariat, while that agricultural and
rank may bear due sway, we are to emasculate the county
constituencies, and hand over what is left to be disposed of
at the will of a few large propriotors.aThe country is to
be split up into guilds. Scientific men must elect scienti-
fic members, and lawyers, soldiers, sailors, and doctors
each come as the representative of their own profession.
Uniformity is to be avoided by any means and any injus-
tice, and whole classes of our most valuable citizens to be
disfranchised, in order that others may exercise an unjust
and overbearing influence. We enter our protest against
three new-fangled doctrines, which never were, and, we
trust, never will be, any part of the British constitution.
A county, after all, is only a kind of electoral district, and
the man who represents a county ought not only to repre-
sent its superficial area, but the wealth, the intelligence,
and, as far as considerations of public safety will admit,
the numbers which that area contains. The right to exer-
cise the franchise once obtained by the possession of the re-
quisite amount of property ought not to vary according to
the electoral district in which it is exercised. The pos-
session of the house or the property is the rough test of
fitness ; the man is the same, wherever that property be
situate.
But, besides considerations of justice, it seems quite
clear
that the assimilation of the county and borough fran-
chise would be productive of the best practical results. It
would break the fall of these boroughs which must inevit-
ably,if we are to have any reform at all, be disfranchised,
or rather, instead of being disfranchised, they would be-
come part, instead of the whole of the eleCtraldistrict. It
which they do not nogo:arra
to county
sconstituenciesharaesintuma weight and influence
would give
ofthe
and fairly entitle them, in
constitution, to
toofe their
thisieerressena
representation i improvedo n
larger
ocloeuneeeteryt.ogeStriearsinsoctiahteinexgetrheieseagnfo' alandcommerculiadl
tend to diminish the feeling of ants • duties, it WO
agitation have raised between them! antagonism which years of
would be essentially English, and,
while
feelinglyhacotituency
any inroad on our liberties, would be far less alive to
likely than
the population of a town to be worked upon by dema-
gogues and agitators. Justice and expediency plead alike
for its creation, and no reform bill will satisfy the reason-
able expectations of the country which does not do justice
to a class so long and so unfairly excluded. Before we talk
of going below the ten-pound franchise, let us see that our
constituencies include all above it. We are safe as long as
the Government reposes on the good sense of our middle
classes, but no experiment can be more futile, or more dan-
gerous, than to force into existence an unbridled demo-
cracy
in our
towns, in order to curb it by an artificial and
factitious oligarchy in our counties,

(Prom the Times of gaterdall-)
The disfranchisement of decayed and insignificant bo-
roughs. the maintenance of the borough franchise at its
present amount, and the reduction of the county franchise
to an equality with that of thelboroughs, form the ground-
work of what appears to us to be a safe, moderate, and
practical Reform Bill. There are many collateral questions
which these propositions do not touch, many difficulties
which Whey do not solve, but they seem to us to embrace
all the points with which, in the present state of public
feeling, it is necessary to deal, always excepting the ques-
tion- what is to be done with the members thus obtained ?
What, then. following out our principles in the same spirit
of moderation in which we have deduced and enunciated
them, should be the use to which the large number of Eng-
lish and Irish seats placed at the disposal of the Legislature
by the contemplated disfranchisement ought to be applied?
The number itself is variously estimated. The highest cal-
culation does not place it above ninety, nor the lowest
much under forty ; but we incline to the opinion that, if
the future Reform Bill be conceived in a spirit of purity-
and impartiality, the number for England alone must ap-
proach much more nearly to the former than the latter
partiality,
not worth
i t wil
while
fail amount. Unless the bill be wholly free from the slightest
itsu
sverys i
ts
results
andtalice of
ail in
todis
other
any suppositions than those which involve the condi-
tions
of success Rowe then h 11these .
s a seats be disposed
of ? Shall we retrench,th ,
liament ? Shall we create numbers of the Imperial Par-
or shall we _ new electoral bodies for repre-
sentation,distribute our superfluity among

existing constituencies ? The proposition to diminish the
numbers of the House of Commons met with little support
at the time of the first Reform Bill, and was speedily aban-
doned ; nor do we imagine that its resumption would now
be received with much favour. It would, besides, come in
a most objectionable shape, since, owing to the terms of
Acts of Union which unite us to Scotland and Ireland,
the number of members for those countries is fixed,
and the loss must, therefore, fall upon England, a
portion of the empire which, for obvious reasons, it
would be most unjust and most unwise to leave
under-represented in the Imperial Parliament. Dismiss-
ing, then, this plan, which has merely been mentioned
in order as far as possible to exhaust the subject, the next
suggestion which claims our attention is one which has
found much favour in many quarters, and with which
every person professing to deal with the question of Parlia-
mentary reform must be ready to grapple. It is broadly
asserted that the principle upon which our representative
system is founded is not the representation of individuals,
but of classes ; that if the House of Commons is a national
assembly, it is so only accidentally, because it represents
all the classes which, in their totality, make up the nation.
Formerly it used to be thought that every member of Par-
liament had two duties, and two only—the care of the in-
terests of his immediate constituents, and of the nation at
large. To these, according to the modern theory, a third
must be added—the guardianship of the interests of the
class to which the constituency belongs. This notion has
been promulgated as a substitute for the doctrine that Par-

liament should be so constructed as to give a preponderance
to the landed interest, and it is now very popular among
those who are unwilling to appear illiberal, and yet indis-
posed to admit the logical consequences of less refined
theories of popular right. It has found much favour with
the Edinburgh Review and its followers, and is, no doubt,
destined to play a conspicuous part in coming discussions.
Carried to its fair results, the class theory would seem to
lead to the assemblage of as many Parliaments as there are
divisions and interests in the country—the clergy to vote
their supplies in convocation, the manufacturing interest
in one chamber, the commercial in another, and the agri-
cultural in a third. We have no space for antiquarian dis-
cussion, but we have always thought that one great cause
of the success of our institutions had been the avoiding
that subdivision which forms so prominent a feature in the
rude and half-developed politics of Northern Europe. As
class after class has struggled into political existence, it has
been the practice in other nations to brigade it separately,
while it has been our sounder policy to blend them into
one harmonious whole. From this arises a truer apprecia
tion of the duties of citizenship, and a happier mean be-
tween centralisation and anarchy, than can elsewhere be
found. But, waving the historical question, is it wise to
encourage the development of the spirit which seizes upon
peculiarities and differences for the purpose of representa-
tion, and seeks to mark and perpetuate, rather to fuse and
obliterate invidious distinctions? Ought Parliament to
approach more nearly to the natureof a Diet, and represent
the specialities rather than the Commons of England ?
Shall we have one member to represent learning, another
science, or rather, as has been proposed, shall some-
thing like a sixth part of the House of Commons be
given up to represent exclusively the intellectual classes of
the country ? Where is the criterion by which the consti-
tuency can be limited, and how fallible any attempt to de-
fine this invidious privilege ! How often should we find
intelligence represented by stupidity, and learning by igno-
rance ! How little likely would it be that constituencies,
depr;ved of mutual consultation and common action, should
be able to act with harmony or good sense, and how little
would scientific or literary attainments insure those quali-
fications which make up the usefulness of a member of Par-
liament ! Intelligence is in these days monopolised by no
class and no profession, and to assume that it is so would
be to revive the medieval distinction between clerk and

layman, when the difference no longer exists. It is not
every element in the national character that deserves repre-
sentation. We can see no necessity for a representation of
ignorance, in order to counterbalance it by an infusion into
Parliament of pure learning and science. It is better to
exclude poison than to meet it by ever so successful an an-
tidote. In popular governments it is impossible to go far
beyond the plain good sense of men of ordinary understand-
ing and cultivation. It is the penalty governments pay
for their popularity. We have no objection to giving
learned and influential bodies an additional share of repre-
sentation in Parliament, but the attempt to form an intel-
lectual class and divide it into constituencies is too bold,
and too impolitic an innovation. English life is full of
inequalities enough without inventing machinery in order
to multiply them. The apprehension of too great uni-
formity appears to us rather fanciful than solid. The dif-
ference of education, of intelligence, of temperament, of
property, of pursuits, and of experience will always cause
a sufficient diversity to insure a full and fair discussion of
every subject ; and, while the press is free, the right of
meeting iu public intact, and parliamentary discussion un-
fettered, it is a mere chimmra to apprehend that the
national sentiment will sink clown to that dead level of
uniformity which even absolute governments can but
faintly and partially produce.

a freehold estate of considerable value. This property, by
the present system, is not represented.
If I am legally considered as a fit and proper person to
have the control of this estate till my ward is of age, why
should I not be also able to exercise the franchise till that
period arrives ?
I am, Sir, yours very truly,
Brunswick•place, Brighton, Nov. 21. T. B.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.—Nov. 21.

COUR,' OF COMMON PLEAS.
THE EARL OF MOUNTCASHELL V. BARBER.

This was an action of debt for money paid, to which
the defendant pleaded never indebted, payment, and
set-off. The action was tried before the Chief Justice
at the Guildhall, and a verdict found for the plaintiff,
damages 931. A question arose as to the admission of
evidence and as to the liability of the defendant, which
it was agreed should be submitted to the court as a
special case.
Mr. Lush now appeared for the plaintiff, and Mr.
Bramwell, Q.C., and Mr. Barstow for the defendant.

The action was brought to recover contribution to-
wards a judgment the plaintiff had been compelled to
pay, as a member of the committee of the Colonial
Club, from the defendant, another member of the com-
mittee of the same club. There were a great number
of members paying annual subscriptions, 26 of whom
were on the committee of management. In 1842
the club was upwards of 3,0001. in debt, and in March
there was a meeting of the committee, of which
the defendant was chairman, when the financial con-
dition of the club was considered, and it was then re-
solved to propose to a general meeting that 3,0001. be
borrowed on the personal security of the committee, the
members of the society to take up debentures to that
amount. The recommendation was approved, but the
debentures were never taken up by the members. Sub-
sequently, in June, it was resolved that a loan of 4,000/
was necessary to place the society in a suitable position
in their new house, and that the committee be authorised
to raise that sum on the eredit of the society. The de-
fendant was present at this meeting, and at the second
annual meeting, at which this proposal was agreed to.
Afterwards, 4,0001. at 5 per cent. were borrowed from
the Commercial Bank, and the defendant saw the pass
book with that credit in it, and drew and signed many
checks upon that credit as a member of the managing
committee of the club, until the whole 4,0001. were
exhausted. The club got into difficulties, and subse-
quently the Commercial Bank brought an action against
the plaintiff, and recovered judgment against him for the
debt of the club, towards which he had paid in part dis-
charge of that 2,5001., his estates in Ireland having been
mortgaged and sold to raise the money. Each of the
committeemen had besides this sum paid a sum of 1001.,
including the plaintiff and the defendant. The ques-
tions submitted to their Lordships, were, whether the
proof of the defendant's acting on the committee was
receivable in evidence against him in this action ; and
secondly, whether he was liable to pay to the plaintiff
any and what sum as a co-contributor.
The Court were of opinion that the admissability of
the evidence and the liability of the defendant were one
question. The defendant was liable to the bank ; and
the Court thought that there was evidence, before the
loan, of sufficient authority from the defendant to con-
tract it, and abundant evidence that he had ratified the
contract for the loan afterwards. The verdict must
therefore stand.
Judgment for the plaintiff.

COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH.
IN THE MATTER OF EGGINGTON.

In this case a rule had been granted to show cause
why Eggington, a prisoner in Stafford Gaol, should not
be discharged from custody, upon the rule being made
absolute. The prisoner had been originally arrested
and committed to prison, at the instance of the Town
Council of Lichfield, for not delivering up the books,
&c., belonging to the corporation, as he had been re-
quired to do, upon his removal from the office of town-
clerk. The arrest bad taken place on a Sunday, and
this Court, on the first day of term, had decided that an
arrest for such an offence upon a Sunday was illegal, as
being contrary to the sixth section of the Ist of Charles
11., chap. 1 (the Lord's Day Act). The prisoner was
accordinuly ordered to be discharged from custody.
The decision of this Court was made known to the
gaoler on the day following, viz., on the 3d inst., but,
it appeared that the prisoner was then detained under
another warrant, also issued at the instance of the Town
C,,uncil, but acting in their capacity of Commissioners
of Paving under a local act. Upon the following day,
viz., the 4th, a ca. sa. at the suit of a private creditor,
was lodged with the Sheriff. Upon these grounds the
prisoner was still detained in custody.
Lord Campbell was of opinion that the rule ought to
be discharged.

tinued to press her as to whether she was sure that was 1
the right way ; and as they pushed against her her sus-
picions were aroused, and directly afterwards she saw
her purse fall from the prisoner's hand. She then ex-
claimed that her pocket had been picked, upon which
the other boy ran away, and the prisoner said " Oh, I'll
give it him for this," and was about to follow his com-
panion, but she stopped him, and gave him into custody,
The jury found him guilty.
Mr. Witham said the prisoner had been convicted of a
similar offence, and in this case the robbery was com-
mitted by the aid of a young boy, a circumstance of
very great aggravation. He sentenced the prisoner to
be kept in penal servitude for four years.
John, M`Gavin, 13, was convicted of picking the
pocket of a lady while she was looking at a shop window
in Regent-street, on the ,2nd inst.
It appeared that, though so young, the prisoner had
been repeatedly convicted, not only in Middlesex, but
in the city, and in Surrey.
Mr. Witham sentenced him to be kept in penal servi-
tude for four years.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

MANSION-HOUSE.— TVrm. Curtis, a tailor, of No,

14, New•steet, Gravel-lane, was brought before the
Lord Mayor for having cruelly beaten his wife, and
having threatened to murder her.
Emma Curtis—(the corn plainant)— On Sunday morn-
ing, between three and four o'clock he made me go to
bed stark naked, and ripped up my stays with a pen-
knife, took the bone out of it, and beat me on the body
with the bone till it broke in three pieces. He was
quite sober, and so was I, for I never drink. He had
been out, and I was afraid to go to bed till he came
home. After he had broken the bone he beat me with
my har brush. He then dragged me out of bed, made
me make the bed three times, tried to strangle me with
his hand, and with the large square cut stick the police-
man now has in his hand struck me several times. I did
not call out, for he said if I did he would dance upon
my body. After having beaten me severely, he went
down stairs and to the bottom of the court, but he im-
mediately returned and began beating me again with
the stick, and then the police officers came into the
room.

The Lord Mayor—How often has this occurred ?
Complainant—Ever since we were married, in Jan-
uary last. A month ago he gave me two black eyes,
and he has frequently used that stick upon me. He
has also thrown boiling water from the teapot upon me.
I am in the utmost danger, and I thrown my life upon
your lordship's hands, for I believe it is his intention to
kill me.

Policeman (28)—I was informed that a man had

locked up his wife in a house No. 3 4, in New-court, and
I went there with another officer, and upon listening in
the passage I heard a noise of tremenduous blows, as if

they were given with a stick upon the naked flesh. I
beard the prisoner say, "If you hollow out I'll dance
your guts out." I then broke open the door. The
woman was naked in the bed, and the prisoner had his
shirt sleeves tucked up and was in the position of a per-
son who had been inflicting blows. I immediately
seized and dragged him away. He was perfectly sober
at the time.

Policeman (612)—1 saw weals upon the woman's arms
and neck, as broad as my two fingers, and correspond-
ing with this stick, which she said her husband had been
beating her with.
The Lord Mayor asked the complainant to what she
ascribed this horrible treatment ?

The complainant said, she had made an observation
upon her husband taking a young woman, who had been
working with them, to drink, to a public house, and he
was enraged at the libeaty she took in doing so, but he
was in the habit of knocking her about without the least
provocation.
The prisoner said his wife was the person most in
fault.

The Lord Mayor said the prisoner was accused of a
very serious offence, and appeared to be a very likely
person to carry his threat to his wife one day into effect,
and thus to add to the deplorable exhibitions, one of
which had taken place this morning. It would, under
all the circumstances of the case, be an act of charity
in his lordship's opinion to put the act of Parliament in
force to its fullest extent, as during the long confinement
of the prisoner an opportunity would be afforded for
reflection and repentance.
The prisoner was then sentenced to hard labour in
Holloway prison for six calendar months.
James Wright, tailor, 20, Goodman's-yard, Goodman's-
fields, was also charged with having severely beaten his
wife, and with having threatened to murder her.
Ann Wright (the complainant)—Yesterday he said he
would be hung for murdering me, as the man that was
sentenced to hung this morning would be hung. He
hit me twice on the head with the sleeve board, and
cut open my skull in two places. I bled very much.
He also struck me with his fist in the face, and conti-
nued to knock me about for three or four minutes. I
called out for assistance and people came, and I went
to a doctor to have my head dressed. I have been
married to the prisoner three years, and he has beaten
me every month since I married him.
The Lord Mayor—ls there any cause for this con-
duct ?

Complainant—Drink is the caue, my lord. I believe
he married me in a wrong name, and I have asked him
to marry me in his right name. I left him a month ago
on account of it, and he said he had already murdered
one woman, and that I should be the next ; and I have
no doubt of the effect of his future violence, if I have
no protection from your lordship.
The policeman who took the prisoner into custody
said, "The prisoner when going to the station-house
said he was a fool for letting me apprehend him, and
swore that as soon as he should get over this he would
smash his wife's brains out."

The Lord Mayor sentenced the prisoner to hard labour
in Holloway prison for 6 calendar months.
A person in the Seaman's Register-office was charged
by Mr. Coleman, the principal clerk in the establishment,
upon suspicion of having stolen two silver watches and
41 rupees from the office. He was remanded till Satur-
day next, in order that opportunity might be taken for
a rigid inquiry, but the Lord Mayor said he would take
bail.

His lordship acknowledged the receipt of 51. from a
lady through "J. C.," for the poor-box.

GUILDHALL.—CharIes Clark was charged before
Alderman Humphery with stealing a watch from the
person of the prosecutor yesterday morning in the Old
Bailey.

Robert Pollard said—l was present yesterday morn•
ing at the execution of the man Mobbs. I was in front
of the scaffold, when I felt something at my pocket, and
then missed my watch.

Alderman Ifumphery—l suppose you were there to
see the man hung. Were there many persons there
Witness—Yes, sir, a great many.
Alderman Humphery—Did you miss your watch be•
fore the execution or afterwards ?

Witness—The condemned man was just coming on
the scaffold, and before he was hung I saw the prisoner
moving from my side. I followed him ; but perceiving
me behind him, he ran up Clement's Inn-yard, in the
Old Bailey, and threw himself on some matting. The
watch produced by the officer is mine. It is engraved
with my own name.
Prisoner—l did not throw myself down, I fell down.
Alderman Humphery—There is one thing very clear.
The awful sight of a man being hung has no fear for
you.
William Gardiner saw the prisoner, on reaching the
top of Clement's Inn-yard, throw himself on some sacks
and drop something down the iron grating. Witness
went below and found the watch produced.
Prisoner—l never took the watch.

Alderman Humphery—You came out to witness the
execution of a fellow-creature, but it does not appear to
have done you any good, for your intention in being
there was to pick pockets evidently. It is quite clear
that you committed a highway robbery, and that too
under the gallows, an offence that was punished at one
time with death. It is too serious a case for me to deal
with summarily, and I shall therefore commit you for
trial.

THAMES.—James Cropiey, aged 36, a Lancashire
collier, was charged with committing a violent assault
on his wife Eliza, who, however, had refused to appear
against her husband.
Two respectable women, named Sarah Valentine and
Harriet Gentry, deposed that on Saturday evening,
about half-past six o'clock, they saw the prisoner and his
wife in Cottage-street, Poplar. The wife was carrying
a young child and could not move so fast as her hus-
band, who commenced swearing at her and struck her
with his fist. He then raised a heavy stick and dealt
her a tremendous blow on the nose with it. She fell as
if shot, and the blood gushed from the wound over the
footpath. The woman was insensible for some time
afterwards, and her nose was completely fiatened by the
blow. The witnesses raised the prisoner's wife, and gave
the prisoner info custody.
The prisoner in his defence said his wife aggravated
him to strike her. He only knocked her down.
Mr. Yardley sentenced him to six months' imprison-
ment and hard labour.

CLERKENWELL.—Tames Toomey, a young man
dressed as a labourer, was charged with having corn-
mitted several robberies, and also with a murderous
assault upon James Abrahams, a police officer, 296 S
division.

Abrahams said that on Saturday night, at half-past 8
o'clock, he was passing through Weston-street, Somers-
town, when he saw the prisoner carrying a couple of
baskets containing carpenters' tools. He stopped him
and asked what he had got ? Prisoner replied, "What's
that to you ?" and, throwing down the articles, said,
" You may carry them yourself." He then seized wit-
ness by the throat and held him against the wall. They
had a severe struggle, but the prisoner ultimately threw
him down on the ground, knelt on his chest, and kicked
him severely on the head and body. Witness called on
some costermongers to assist him, saying he was a police-
officer, but they refused, and said, " It is only man to
man, let them fight it out." The prisoner continued to
resist violently, and at length he gave him two desperate
kicks which rendered witness nearly insensible, and in
endeavouring to ward of the kicks, his arm was very
Twitch injured. Pearse, 149 S, came to his assistance,
and he was also thrown down and maltreated by the
prisoner, who after considerable difficulty was secured
in the station house, it requiring five or six officers to
take him there. Witness was disabled from duty, and
had ever since been under the care of a surgeon. He
was now suffering great pain from the injuries he had
received. He produced the property, which he had
traced to have been stolen from Benjamin Holt, car-
penter, of William-street North, Caledonian-street, Is-
lington, and another carpenter in the same locality, who
identified the articles.
Mr. James Smelley, surgeon, of Judd-place, East-
street, St, Pancras, paid that the kicks Abrahams had

received might cause injury to him for life. An officer
of the same division had some time ago received similar
injuries, and his suffering was so great, and preyed upon
his mind to such a degree, that he became deranged,
and was placed in a lunatic asylum.
Sergeants Aylett and Hill identified the prisoner as
being a convicted thief, and had only been liberated
from prison on Friday last.
Mr. Corrie said he understood the Commissioners of
Police would not promote their officers on private appli-
cation. He had noticed on other occasions the merito-
rious conduct of Abrahams, and he had written a letter
to the commissioners on that subject, in answer to which
he received a very polite note ; but it would appear that
his note had had no effect. He must say that, in a case
of this sort, where the officer had received such severe
injuries whilst in the execution of his duties, if they did
not promote the officer, something ought to be done for
him in the shape of reward.
_

Mr. Corrie fully committed the prisoner on the charge
of robbery, but remanded him for the assault on
Abrahams.

" G. M. H." has forwarded two guineas for the poor-
box.

WO RSHIP- STREET.—Juhn Decker waa charged with
a scandalous outrage towards Mrs. Mary Ann Hicks, a
respectable married woman, residing at Stockwell.

The complainant stated that, on the previous after-
noon, she arrived in town for the purpose of visiting
her mother, in Essex-street, Cambridge-road, and while
at the street door, she observed the prisoner approach-
ing, in a crouching attitude, at a rapid rate towards her.
Feeling a good deal alarmed, she endeavoured to get
out of his way ; but before she had time to do so, the
prisoner caught hold of her and committed a most inde-
cent assault upon her. She screamed loudly for assist-
ance, and the prisoner at length relinquished her hold
and hurried off; but a policeman, whose attention had
been attracted by her cries, intercepted him at the
corner of the street, and took him into custody. Wit-
ness was still suffering severely from the brutal violence
of the prisoner.
Mr. D'Eyncourt committed the prisoner to the House
of Correction for six months, with hard labour.

A well-dressed elderly man, named John Loadson,
described as a printer, in Fleming-street, Horton, was
charged with having grossly misconducted himself to-
wards several female children.

Mr. D'Eyncourt ordered the defendant to enter into
his recognisance to appear at the session to answer any
charge that might be preferred against him.

MARLBOROUGH-STREET. Shortly after Mr.
Bingham took his seat on the bench, Inspector Lester,
of the C division, entered the court, and informed his
worship that amongst the charges, which were exceed-
ingly numerous, was one against .Jane Wilkins, a young
woman, 19 years of age, a servant, residing at 69.
King-street, Golden-square, who was apprehended on
Saturday night, on suspicion of murdering her new-born
male child, by depositing it in the night soil of a water
closet, at No. 35, Broad-street, Golden-square. The
accused, owing to her weak state of health, was imme-
diately conveyed to St. James' workhouse, and at pre-
sent was not able to appear at this court to answer the
charge.
Mr. Bingham postponed the hearing of the charge till
next Monday.

BANQUET TO THE NEIV MAYO.R OF

GRA VESEND.

On Thursday last, as a compliment to Mr. Dobson,
the newly-elected Mayor of Gravesend, 150 of the prin-
cipal tradesmen of the town invited that gentleman to a
banquet at the New Falcon Hotel. It was gratifying to
observe that parties of all sects in the town mingled on
this occasion, to do honour to their chief. Mr. Dobson
presided, and Dr. Ridge acted as vice-chairman. After
the usual loyal toasts had been disposed of, and the
National Anthem sung by several professionals from
London,

Dr. RIDGE proposed the health of the Mayor. He
said that the assemblage of the respectable tradesmen of
Gravesend, without distinction of party or sect, now
before him, augured well for the future harmony and
prosperity of the town. They had been too long divided
amongst themselves, but happily, as the evening proved,
they were all united in the conviction that the time had
arived when they ought all to pull together. They had
now at the head of their magistracy for the ensuing year
a gentleman of their own choice, and sure he (Dr. Ridge)
was that such choice would be amply justified—(hear)—
by that gentleman's conduct as chief magistrate of their
ancient borough. (Cheers.) For himself he must say,
that he had the utmost confidence that their highly re-
spected and popular Mayor would consult the interests of
all the inhabitants without reference to party or sect ;
that all his efforts in his official capacity would be
directed to promote the prosperity of the borough,
and the harmony and good feeling that should exist
between all parties. (Cheers.) The meeting he had the
honour to address was the most remarkable ever held in
his time in the town. It consisted of men of all parties
in politics, and of different opinions in religion, but united
in the common bond of mutual kindly feeling, as he was
sure it would be united to do full honour to the toast,
which it was a gratifying duty to propose. He would
give them the health of the Mayor, and long life to him.
(Great cheering.) The toast was drunk with " nine
times nine," and one cheer more.

The MAYOR (when the cheering, oft repeated, had
subsided), expressed the deep gratification at the enthusi-
astic feeling with which the large and respectable as-
semblage of fellow-townsmen met that night had reci-
procated the cordial and kindly terms in which the Vice-
chairman referred to him, and to his desire to promote
the prosperity of the borough. The assemblage before
him, and the social feeling which animated it, were
highly creditable to the town. They did honour to him
by inviting him to preside over them, but more honour
to themselves, because of the good motive that induced
them to assemble—namely, to sink all differences in the
great object of cordial co-operation in promoting the
general interests of the town. (Cheers.) They should ever
find him ready to aid them in such objects—always ready
and willing to hold out the hand of fellowship to every fel-
low-townsman sincerely desirous to promote the prosperity
of the borough. (Cheers.) He knew in such pursuit,
no party, no sect, no distinction of rank, and no differ-
ence of opinion; and he thanked them from his heart for
the kindness with which they responded to the toast
of the Vice. chairman. (Cheers.)
"The Magistrates of Gravesend," "The Tradesmen
of Gravesend," and other appropriate toasts having been
drunk and responded to, the party at a late, but not
unseasonable hour, broke up.