The Sun.
London, England, 1854-08-22 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 22, 1854.

of that convention to draw it up with all the pettifogging
duplicity in which modern diplomacy excels, still so
much is evident, that not the occupation of the Princi-
palities when they become evacuated, gilt the compelling
of the Russians to evacuate them, constitutes the object
of the treaty. It gives no right to Austria to enter the
Principalities for another object, but for driving cut the
Russians. This she does not, and never will do ; yet
she claims, under the auspices of England and France,
the right to occupy the Principalities, after they have
been re-conquered by a spontaneous start of that Turkish
heroism which is the only anchor of hope amidst all the
foul tricks of a perverse diplomacy. I was saying
" spontaneous start ;" you mustittiow that it was with-
out order, and contrary to theanglo-French plan of
campaign, that Said Pacha crossed the Danube and beat
the Russians. Well, if the Austrians are still permitted
to occupy the Principalities, the glorious feat will be
worthy of thee, tyrant boy, nursed by murder and per-
fidy. But what do you say to it, that all this is done
under the auspices of England and France ? Was I not
right in saying that you are made to fight and to pay,
not for assisting Turkey, but for supporting Austrian
despotism? Why, really, I do not wonder at England and
France having entirely forfeited the good opinion of the
world, and made the Turkish nation disgusted with their
pretended friendship. Ido not wonder that republi-
can America speaks with scorn and contempt of the
Western Powers, and almost reverses the laws of sym-
pathy in the case ; nay, I scarcely can wonder that
some English politicians go so far as to come forth openly
and deliberately with a charge of collusion with Russia.
Situated as I am, I feel not competent to say so much ;
but this I dare assert, that be it premeditated design or
blindness, be it love of Austria or hatred of national
liberty—be it fear of Austria or fear of revolution—in a
word, be it crime or fault, weakness or the
Western Powers are all the while doing the business of
despotism, and of Austria in particular, That England
has lent her authority for inducing Turkey to sign that
convention may have been an unintentional mistake of
your Government. They may have meant to get their
dear Austria at last, while they were the dupes of her,
and made but to serve Russia. Suppose it a mistake—
though, indeed, men apt to be so entrapped should be
sent to their prayer books, instead of letting them trifle
with the destinies of nations. But if they now allow Aus-
tria to occupy the Principalities, then it will be no m;stake
—more, it will evidently have the character of collusion
with Austria at the expense of Turkey, just as every
step of Austria is a manifest collusion with Russia at the
cost of all of you. Some few more facts, gentlemen,
and some unintentional confessions, which chanced to
find their way from Government quarters. The Times
of Aug. 4 informs us that Austria will enter the Prin-
cipalities, halt there, and shut the door on any
other troops entering. Shut the door to English,
French, and Turkish troops ! And the common sense
of the people of England is meant to be imposed
on by the consolation that Austria is your ally, and
her conduct satisfactory ! The' imes of Aug. 5 informs
us that "Austria is firmly resolved to make the Princi-
palities evacuated, but every measure will be employed
to avoid taking the field as a declared enemy of Russia."
And on the 9th of August the Ministerial organ adds
that " all that is to be expected from Austria is the
occupation of the Principalities as a neutral power."
Very well ; there you have your precious ally, to whom
your Government has sacrificed all the immense advan-
tages of an active co-operation of Poland and Hungary,
and England's fair renown, and the good opinion of
every nation on earth besides. Further yet ; Lord
Clanricarde said in the House of Lords, August 10, " he
firmly believed that the allied powers will never get
Austria to co-operate with them in the objects they have
in view ; she will not move until the Russians bad moved
before her, and not allow one of her soldiers to fire a
shot, but would simply place herself between the retreat-
ing army and their victbrs, maintaining an armed neu-
trality, and perhaps an armed intervention, threatening
the position of those who considered themselves her
allies." Now, I say, every man of sound heart and
mind must concur in these views of Lord Clanricarde.
Aad what was the answer of the Foreign Secretary to
this ? Lord Clarendon informed the peers of the realm
that "Austria really did announce her intention to
occupy Wallachia, but not as belligerent, she being
not at war with Russia." Well, is that not an official
confirmation of what Lord Canilcarde said, and of
which I warned England months ago I And Eng-
lan l's pe pie do still permit matters to be carried on
as they are. Why, what is this people of Englani ! Is
it anything, or is it nothing ?Is it fish, or flesh ? What
is it? But, " England did ohject to that declaration."
Yes, she did ; and what was the answer of Austria ? It
was, that she would enter to repress anarchy, and once
entered would resist by force of arms the return of the
Russians. That was the answer ; and England's Go-
vernment felt satisfied with that answer ! It is horrible !
Repress anarchy ! but there is no anarchy. Tnere was
anarchy when the Russians were in, and will be anarchy
when Austria will be in. But leave the Principalities
alone with Turkey, and there will be joy, satisfaction,
and tranquillity, but no anarchy. She will have bought
"occupation" by it. And, again, she assures Lord
Clarendon " that she would resist the return of the Rus-
sians." Would she, indeed ? But the little oversight
in the matter is, that if the Russians had thought it
possible to return, Austria would not have entered. It
is not "returning"
it is the s uurity that they shall
which the Russians mean to get now,
not be pursued on the
evacuated territory. That is what they want. Lord
Clarendon kne.v this quite well when he exaressed him-
'elf so satisfied with Austria. Ile was cognisant of the
note of Russia to Vienna, wherein this ingenuous con-
fession occurs :—" We
(11'1886) roust have securities
from Austria that when we evacuate the Principalities,
the allied powers w.ll not remain at liberty to pursue us
on the evacuated territory."
Instead of feeling re-
volted at Austria's saving the defeated Russians, and
empowering them to meet you
attack them, the ministerial
far in
hypocrisy as to say,
" at last, all is well ; thanks
to Austria. Austria is doing our business on the
anywhere you might
organs went so
Danube, therefore we have nothing more to do there
—we can now go elsewhere. Now the world shall
see what wonderful things we shall do. Just
wait
Saba
will little
really a
be m
; we shall take the Crimea, together with
our dear friends here, the
Turks, something of a power by
pdoo even ny us, in confident familiarity,
we ,
og n breet.
to w e
becomeTheseii e
you know what we
; we want them weak,
obedient, and recalcitrant ; so, do
their
shall
Why should he not go, the good fellow ? Here
bmraakveertyh.eTmhadtoclann\oyteswuiitu sendllS
Omer Pasha and
his army to the Caucasus ; there let him see how he ma
more tc do, thanks to Austria ; Austria
y
ighseedthooainns.gnaoltlhoinugr business here." Therefore, "hail to the
chief who in triumph advances," to eat the game which
the Turks have shot. My opinion is that it is at War-
saw, by driving the wedge of it Polish insurrection into
policy say, "The object of the war is to
the very backbone of Russia, that you can be sure to take
Sebastopol. For the present I desire to warn you
for the future against the ambition of
against a dangerous imposition. The expounders of your
little. [Oh, what
war consists in
(G)ilotvaeinrnaneicennrti'tsy
Russia, and to reduce her power permanentarlyom,cit(ivomeanstiehntiost
make her incapable to encroach upon the liberties of
ownlasrPenee, or the
e
d
malice could in-
aaEeur rooapset.h the Danube
disgrace].DF ao
nrTuhthl s,ah,roonal truei
havepoobjl
ieccdytooonffe
vttehhreey
striking at the very heart of Russia's power, and that
:haresoaesrrstteiisostnSet
mystification,ob ailsetotphoel mostN
whicho contemptiblew , gdetolem n et
nonsense,
vent. Sebastopol is an advanced guard, but not the
heart of Russia's power. The heart of Russia's power is
Poland. With Poland in the dominion of Russia, the Czar
is dangerous at theßaltic as at Sebastopol, at the Caucasus
as at the Danube ; everywhere, with Poland wrested from his
grasp, with Poland free, the Czar is neither dangerous on the
Black Sea nor anywhere else. Suppose you take Sebas-
topol, destroy it, and burn it, and sink the fleet now
sheltered there, what then ? Will that deprive the Czar
of the power "to bide his time, until by the dissensions
of the other powers, until by weakness of some of those
powers, he should find a better opportunity of accom-
plishing his design ?" This description of the danger
against which Europe is to be secured by this war is not
mine, it is Lord John Russell's. He it is who declared
that " the English should be the most silly of mortals if
they were to sign an insecure peace, which would leave
it to Russia thus to bide the first better opportunity of
accomplishing her ambitious design." Well, can a man
in his senses assert that the destroying of his fleet and of
Sebastopol will deprive the Czar of the power of proving
you to have been the most silly of mortals in this any
it you are content with such an issue? Poland is. the
heart of the Czar's power. There you must strike, if
you desire to strike him at heart. If you don't strike
there, then I proclaim aloud, to God and to man, those

assurances about reducing the power of Russia to in-
noxious proportions all a humbug ! The matter has
come out at last, gentlemen. Not in vain have I urged
all the time—" Define the aim ; precise the object of
the war ; profess the issue you contemplate." I have
seen them writhing to escape that necessity. I have
borne in silence the scorn of their sophistry, trusting to
the inexorable logic of events. I know they must come
I aut, and they are come out at last. The French Go-
vernment has fixed the conditions upon which it is
prepared to conclude peace. The English Govern-
ment, always ready to walk in the imperial shadow
of Bonaparte, had accepted them formally, offi-
ciallSr; and the British Parliament, the chosen guar-
dian of Great Britain's honour and interests, sanctioned
them in the people's name with a silent bow, and went a
hooting with perfect satisfaction and tranquillity. I have
no hope to see the people of England roused to resolute
activity, even by this unfolding of the mystery. Still,
since I have " drifted," much against my will, to an
English platform once more, I desire to acquit my con-
science by calling on your indulgent attention while I
will analyse these pre=arranged conditions of settlement.
The following are the conditions of agreement which
England and France have fixed upon as guarantees, se-
curing Europe against Russia :—First, that Russia's
protectorate over Moldo-Wallachia and Servia shall be
replaced by a common guarantee of the five powers—
England, France, Russia, Austria, and Prussia. Second,
the navigation of the Danube freed from all moral and
material obstacles. Third, the treaty of 1341, that is to
say the privileged position of. Russia in the Black Sea,
revised with a view to the European equilibrium, and to
a limitation of Russia's power in that sea. Fourth, the
five powers (Russia included) to lend assistance to each
other in obtaining from the Porte religious privileges to
the Christian subjects of the Sultan. That is all. That is
the great issue for which the world has been put in com-
motion, England's people driven to a very expensive
sham war, and England's prestige in the estimation of the
world sacrificed. The public opinion of England cries
aloud for the regeneration of Poland. The re-con-
struction of Poland is an indisputable guarantee to
the future safety of Europe. Yet Poland, not having
been permitted to take part in the struggle, could,
of course, not enter in the conditions of settle.
ment. I, for one, know it from the beginning that the
Government of England is decidedly hostile to that
idea. I have known that the very fleets of Eiigland and
France have been sent to Constantinople with the ex-
press purpose of hindering the Turkish Government from
affording.some facility to the regeneration of Po/and and
Hungary. I know that England's aristocratic Govern-
ment would move heaven and earth, and hell, to oppose
revolution, and rather spare and save the enemy of Eng.
land than do him harm by countenancing a popular
movement, though directed against England's enemy.
I know, in.a word, that England's Government is the
great conservator of despotism on the continent. How-
ever, though the English and French Governments are
incapable of raising themselves to a comprehensive policy,
they should have at least remembered that they. are
pledged in honour to their own programme of independ-
ence and integrity of Turkey. You, the preten led auxi-
liaries of the Sultan, erect yourselves into his comptroller;
and take Russia for your associate in thus insulting him.
You act as if you were auxiliaries to the Czar and ene-
mies to the Sultan. But I ask you, ye Governments,
with whom are ye at .war, with the Sultan or with the
Czar? It would appear you are at war against the Sul-
tan, as you stipulate against him in favour of Russia.
You do not stipulate that the Czar shall not meddle with
the privileges of Moldo-Wallachia ; you stipulate tha
the Sultan shall not ; and I ask you, has the Sultan en
croached upon those privileges ? No. Have the Moldo

Wallachians complained against him ? No. Have they
desired the pestiferous gift of your common protectorate ?
No. They desired to get rid of foreign protectorate;
and not to get the Egyptian plague of five protectorates !
Russia would be a fool not to accept that condition ; she
loses nothing by it. Austria will grasp at it, of course ;
she gains by it what she never yet could attain, the
right of interfering between the Sultan and his subjects.
But if Turkey is such a fool as to submit to the insult,
instead of sending you home with your pernicious gua-
rantees, then Turkey indeed would not deserve to exist.
The second condition is, the free navigation of the
Danube. If by taking Bessarabia you would have
wrested the mouths of the Danube from Russia, that
condition might have been an advantago. But as your
wise rulers profess to have nothing to do on the Danube,
that condition is evidently mere moonshine. I see no
objection why the Czar should not subscribe to this sti-
pulation. The third condition is the limitation of Rus-
sia's power in the Black Sea. Let us " reason a little
with these same learned Thebans." The power of Rus-
sia may be limited by one of these alternatives-1. A
pledge from the Czar that he shall limit his fleet to a
certain number of vessels. That is out of the question ;
such an insult he never will sign, and the Western Go-
vernments, afraid of making use of the co-operation of
Poland and Hungary, are not the men to compel
him to this. Second alternative—To force Turkey
to open the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus to your men
of war. Give me leave to ask you, would England con-
sent to allow that the armed fleets of France, Russia,
America, should at their pleasure enter the Thames and
parade up and Down the London Docks, as they please?
The matter is perfectly similar. I warn Turkey of the
trap. Let her retain the right to let pass whom she
likes ; but let her not give up the right to exclude wolves
in sheep's skin, else she is lost. The last condition is,
that the five Powers (Russia again included) shall lend
assistance to each other in obtaining and securing reli-
vious privileges to the Christian subjects of the
Sultan. Now, gentlemen, -I have no time left no w
to dwell on the religious tolerance of the Turkish
Government, unequalled by any Christian Sovereign
on earth. I will only say that, up to this time. no
foreign power could claim the authority of legally inter-
fering with the domestic affairs of Turkey. Russia had
made the claim, and you have found the claim so in-
compatible with the independence of the Ottoman Em-
pire, and with the sovereignty of the Sultan, that Eng-
land and France have taken up arms, with the profession
to assist Turkey in resisting this insulting claim of Rus-
sia. And now it is you, England and France, who en-
force upon Turkey that very claim in favour of Russia,
your pretended enemy, and promise to lend your assist.
ance to her, and pretend to establish the same right of
interference for yourself, and for the Prussian drunkard,
and for the fanatic Austrian -Jesuit besides. Methought
it was against Russia that you are at war, not against
Turkey ; methought you pledged your honour to exact
securities from Russia, and not from Turkey for Russia.
Well, if you are so delicate about religious freedom, why
do you not exact securities &am Russia for granting re-
ligious privileges to the Protestants, and Roman Catho-
lics, and Mahommedans, and Jews—from Russia, the
most intolerant power, and your enemy besides ? Why
do you not compel Austria to respect the treaties about
the religious privileges of the Protestants in Hungary,
which the perjurious Hapsburgs have trampled down,
and received England's felicitations for it ? With what
face dare you thus turn against Turkey, the most tole-
rant of all existing governments, and your ally besides,
whom you pretend to assist ? Gentlemen, let this
suffice for the occasion. That your Government never
did mean to reduce the power of Russia, that was
clear from the very moment that they began to court
the alliance of Austria. Russia is the corner-stone of
despotism, and Austria is despotism. Imbecility itself
must know that despotism never will lend its band to
overthrow its own corner-stone. Your Government has
never been a serious enemy to Russia. He who pre-
tends to be at war with Russia, and neglects to take
Poland by the hand, cannot be serious in his professions
of hostility against Russia. Oh, how different would
be the results if Mehemet Ali Pacha, the creator of the
brave Turkish army, and the impersonation of its pa-
triotic heroism, ha I not been ousted from power by Eng-
land ; and if the Turkish Government, rising to a level
with the spirit of its heroic soldiers, had thrown the pre-
tentious friendship of England awl France overboard,
and taken her natural allies, Hungary and Poland, by
the hand ; or if England would have remained English,
and France French, instead of turning both Austrians.
Well, it is as it is. However, I must warn you, gentle-
men, not to believe that matters have come to an end.
Though there is no real harm to Russia in the proposed
terms of settlement, still, such as they are, the Czar
will never accept them. It remains to be considered
what may be done against these dangers by those who,
like yourselves, gentlemen, have been led, by sound
patriotism, to pledge themselves to views contrary to
your Government's policy; and who are now apt to see
what regard is paid to their ;lies and to their
opinions. If you are content with so much, then there
is an end to the matter. I am a stranger, and have no
voice in the chapter. Freedom of individual opinion I
is all that I can claim. I have learnt from your own