The Sun.
London, England, 1838-01-24 00:00:00

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crisis, why sus:send the Constitution ?—(Cheers.) But, supposing that
• the ground of objection was removed with respect to Lower Canada,
• what has Upper Canada done to justify the suspension of the Constitu-
tion there ? We should not let any considerations of the high character
of Lord Durham, or any liberal opinions. he may entertain, reconcile us
to the departure from constitutional principles, which, in the case of
Upper Canada, is as indefensible as any arbitrary act of any despot in
existence.—(Loud cheers.) lam not ready to grant powers to the ex-
tent to which they are demanded by the details of the Bill. Though I
should stand by myself, I will never consent to any measure which, with-
out any sufficient grounds, goes to suspend the Constitution of Upper
Canada. If the prerogative of, the Crown was thought by her Ma-
jesty's Government sufficient to justify them in the proceed-
ing, why did they not undertake to act upon their own responsibi-
lity ?—(Hear, hear.) Why did they not do this in preference to
taking the tortuous course they have adopted of coming to this
House and calling on the House to support their dubious exercise of
prerogative—not by direct enactment, not by the insertion of a clause
in the Bill, but by an admission dexterously thrust into the preamb e.
I know that my object in urging these objections on Constitutional
grounds may be misrepresented. I know it will be said that in taking
this course I want to prevent a free Constitution from being granted t o
Canada. But Ido not wish any such thing—'4Hear, hear)—l have no
such intention. I believe that we cannot govern that Province either
for its own interest or our own, without establishing a Constitution on
a representative principle. It is far from mo wish to throw any impu-
tation upon that principle. But, Sir, what is st ill more objectionable in
this Bill is,
.that it gives to the Crown the power to repeal an Act of
Parliament. This certainly appears to me a most extraordinary viola-
tion of the Constitutional principle. But let me point out the way in
which this is done. In the enacting Clause it is proposed that the Crown
shall have the po ver to repeal this Act of Parliament, whilst:or. the
marginal note it is merely mentioned that such a power shall be vested in
the Crown when Parliament is not sitting. The enacting part gives the
power to the Crown at all times. Now, from this discrepancy it is evi-
dent that a change had taken place in the intentions of her Majesty's
Ministers in this respect since the Bill was first drawn up. I object to
conferring such a power this. I care not for the distinction of whether
Parliament be sitting or not, but I never will consent that the Crown
shall have the power to annihilate the Constitution of Canada, and then
have the power of restoring it without any concurrence on the part of
Parliament. To deprive her of her Constitution by law and restore it
by prerogative would be a still further and too dangerous advance in the
departure from the constitutional principle. We should for our own
sakes look further, and beyond:what was merely justified by the necessity
of the case.--(Hear, hear.) There is another clause, the effect of which
Ido not perfectly understand. It confers upon the Governor a righ

to call together a Council, and confines the right of originating any
proposition to the only person who, having only just arrived from
England, may ba supposed to know least of the local affairs
of the Colony. It appears that the clause defining the functions
of this Council leaves to no person but the Governor a right
to make any proposition. No man is no open his lips for the

purpose of expressing any proposition whatever. On the subject of re-
gulating the local affairs of the colony, the only person who shall utter a
proposition is the person who, having just arrived from England, may be

supposed to know less cf these affairs than any one else.—(Cheers )„ I
shall enter into the discussion of no other clause of the Bill at present,
but I consider it right to give notice that it is my intention to propose
several amendments of the Bill in important particulars. I now turn to
another part of the subject. In the course of the debate, reference was
made to the conduct of her Majesty's Government, with respect to their
neglecting to have made a proper disposition of military force, with re-
spect to the recent occurrences in Canada. On that part of the case the
Right Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the House referred with con-

fidence to the speech made by my Noble Friend the Duke of Welling_
ton. Now, Ido not think that anything said by my Noble Friend bears
out the Right Hoe. Gentleman in the reliance that he has placed on it
with respect to this point. I must say, thst having listened atten-
tively to the Right /lon. Gentleman's argument, the case of the
Government appears to be most lamentably deficient. The Right
Hon. Gentleman says that it Is at least a satisfaction to her Ma_

jesty's Government to know that they arc not charged with precipi

tation—that there is no imputation upon them of having exercised the
powers of the Government with tyranny or severity—that, in point of
fact, the whole charge against the Government is an excess of lenity
and conciliation. The Right Hon. Gentleman certainly was not at
liberty to prefer an indictment against himself. laugh.) But the
Right Hon. Gentleman is mistaken. The charge against the Go-
vernment is, not that they pushed their conciliation too far, but
that they spoiled the effect of it by their other proceedings, and
that they neutralised any vigour that might have been adopted by the

manner in which they applied their conciliation. In fact, they were
'wither consistent in their conciliation nor consistent in their vigour.

After the high and meritel compliment which the Right Hon. Gentle-
man paid to my Noble Friend the Duke of Wellington he would the
more readily admit the force of his charge against the Government on

this point, and the Right Hon. Gentleman will allow me to remind him
that that charge was, that, though there was a sufficient number of
troops in Canada, yet that, having withdrawn troops from New truns-
wick and Nova Scotia, the Government ought to have supplied the va-
cancy occasioned by the withdrawal of those troops. Let me tell her
Majesty's Government that the military authority on which they
rested their vindication was that on which the charge against them
rests. But supposing the defence en this point were even possible
and successful, it is not the important point. My Honourable
Friend the Member for Newark, in his very forcible speech,
very truly stated that this is not a military question. It
is a question of which every civilian is equally competent
to judge whether, after what occurred last year, and in the
excited state of the public mind in Canada, any rational man would not
consider whether the course which we took, and the Resolutions which
this House adopted, might not be calculated to aggravate the existing
excitement. Ido not by any means doubt but there was in Canada a
force sufficient to suppress any revolt ; but that was not sufficient. No
doubt every man of proper feelings must rejoice at the success of the
Queen's troops; but it would be more gratifying if their success was

gained (as we understood the Right Hon. Baronet) fighting against a
different enemy. Looking forward to what feelings those scenes of
slaughter may give rise to, I cannot but deeply lament that a want of
due precaution should have led to such a shedding of blood, when, by a
timely display of Military force, it would be possible to avert that ne-
cessity.—(Hear, hear.) My Hon. Friend the Member for Newark had
referred to a despatch of Lord Gosford's, in which that Noble Lord, in
one paragraph stated that there was no danger of commotion, and in
another part of the same despatch said that the suspension of the Con-
stitution might become necessary.—(A laugh.) I have, however, been
more successful than my Hon. Friend, for I have foutid two contradictory
statements in the same paragraph.—(The Right Hon. Baronet here
quoted from a despatch of Earl Gosford a paragraph containing two con-
tradictory statements and opinions, and which produced much cheering

and laughter.) In the forme: part of the paragraph the Noble Lord
says he sees no danger of commotion, and in the next lie says it is
impossible to set the limits to which their proceedings might extend.
I say, with respect to the military force, that its vigour was neutralized

by the proceedings which accompanied it; and I must also say that con-

ciliation lost much of its effect by the tedious delay with which it was
adopted.—(Hear, hear.) You say we took part in adopting these reso-
lutions. The most important of these resolutions was that which pro_

♦ided for the necessary expenses of the Province. We did; but you
should have accompanied that demonstration of vigour with some act
of grace. You invited us to accede to two resolutions : one of which
went to improve the composition of the legislative body. Was it not
rational, when you communicated to tie Canadians this, your measure
of violence, that you should also have been ready to communicate the
perfection of your measure of grace, which we had also adopted ?

Hear, hear.) If not ready with your measure for the improvement

of the Council, why suspend the Assembly? Why, after the House
of Commons had approved of an alteration in the composition of the
Legislative Council, allow your Governor to say, in answer to the ap-

plication of the Canadians, that he had nothing then to say on the sub-
ject—that the matter was still under cansideration ?—(Hear, hear.)

. .
NVhy withhold the promised redress, when you inform the Canadians
that you were going to take possession of their money? Look to the

dispatches of Lord Glenelg, and of his worthy echo, Lord Gosford.—
(Hear, hear.) There is not throughout the whole series of dispatches,

although there are many declarations that the " time for vacillation is

past," that " we must now act with vigour," one act of vigour indi-
cated except in that which accepted of the resignation of the Governor.
—(1-lear, hear.) Why, you seem to have governed your colonies alto-
gether through the medium of recalled Governors, Sir John Colborne

was recalled from Upper Canada—also Sir F. Head. Colonel Arthur

was recalled from Van Diemen's Land, and Lord Gosford from Lower
Canada.—(Laughter.) Sir, with respect to the Executive and Legis-
lative Councils, you sent out three Commissioners. They made a

report on the state of the Executive Council, and suggested an im-
provement. This was in 1836, and on the 14th of June, 1837, fif-
teen months after, Lord Glene'g stated that he had no serious doubts

of the wisdom of the suggestion.—(Hear, hear, hear, and laughter.)
What waa the cause of the delay ? 'rhet c was no difficulty in getting

_ -
men to introduce into the Council, but Lord Gleneig only enlightens us
by saying that "it was impossible to acquiesce in further delay," Our
charge is, not that you have been acting with too much forbearance, but

that you have omitted to make those timely demonstrations of vigour
which would have been true lenity. We do say that it was this delay

which prepared the public mind in Canada for the present outbreak ;
for that outbreak I do believe her Majesty's Ministers to be deeply re-

sponsible.—(licar.)
L'ird J. RUSSELL said that with respect to the measure before the
House, he would ask had those who most opposed it suggested any ra.
tional plan in its stead?—(Hear, hear.) They must admit that some-
thing was necessary. Even admitting that the Legislative Council was
wholly to blame, and that the House of Assembly was entirely blame-
less, yet the House had, by their own confession, admitted that if the
Legislative Council were again convened the result would be the st p-
page of all legislation, the refusal by the Assembly of the supplies
necessary to carry on the Government, and the total absence of
the laws necessary for the well-being of the community. In this
state of things the Honourable Gentleman who opposed the pro-
position did not seem to suggest anything but that the House of
Assembly should be again brought together, and that new

discord and difficulty should be allowed to arise. One pact alone of
the Government pla❑ were they willing to consent to; and that was,
that Lord Durham should go to Canada. But they would deprive him
of all power ; they would send him as a mere spectator of the battle be.
tween to o adverse parties, with an utter hopelessness of bringing matters
to a conch:slot-1. Though these Hon. Gentlemen proposed no alterna-
tive, their speeches did not certainly lead to the inference that some ex-
traordinary power was not necessary. The Right Hon. Gentleman

opposite, in going into the imendrnents he intended to propose, stated
his strong objections to part of this Bill, and ha (Lord John Rus-

sell) must say, that iA stating these objections, the Right Hon.
Gentleman had dealt in a greater degree of exaggeration than he had
ever before indulged in. He stated that Government was acting on de-
lusive grounds—on n pretence of liberality—and putting certain provi-

sions into the Bill which did not properly belong to it, In his (Lord J. R.'s)
op,nion, the grounds of the Bill were perfectly natural and simple.
Nothing could be more natural than this—to say that for a long time
dissensions had prevailed in Canada—that they found it impossible to
bring matters to an amicable termination—that the malcontents !n al at
last proceeded to revolt, and that the revolt should be first suppressed,

and that then they should proceed to adopt measures for the production
of a better state of things, In order to do this latter they intended to
call in the aid and advice of persons resident in, and perfectly well ac-
quainted with the wants and feelings of the province, and to learn from
them what measures they thought likely to restore tranquillity. Was
this false pretence ? Were these delusive grounds I He owned that
it seemed to bins that Hon. Gentlemen wished to fasten on the Bill a
character not belonging to it, in order to furnish themselves with some
feasible grounds for opposition to it. He had seen that evening symp.
toms of a sort of coquetry which was not now exhibited for the first
time on the part of a Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. He had been
passing very marked compliments on the speech of the Host. Member far
London.—(No.) There was a matter the Right Hon. Gentleman had not
taken notice of, which he (Lord J. Russell) had stated expressly. He stated
that this•Covemittee which was to be assembled was not to have any
legislative power.—(Hear, hear.) He stated that he considered it
absolutely necesssary that the supreme legislative controul should
rest with Parliament, where the Constitution had placed i 1. TheKe,
was thus a total difference between the body which the Govermaerit
would have the power to assemble and one whirls met f)r tile rAsrpose
of legislation. The Right Honourable Gentleman in sp.le of his
(Lora J. Russell's) statement to this effect, had spoke:), to-nigh.; as
if the Governor and the Committee intended to ockroyer a Con..
stitution.—(Sir R. Peel—" No, no.) The Right Honourabl,. Gen,
tleman had certainly used the word. (We understood Sir I&abertt
Peel to deny having used it thus.) The great wmttev for
Parliament to consider was the necessity of the case. If the ne-
cesoity did not exist the Bill would not have been demanded, but when
they did demand such despotic authority he (Lord J. Russell) thought
It necessary that Parliament should know that they only sought a
temporary power, and that the paramount wish of the Government
was to have a free Constitution established in Canada.—(Hear,
hear.) The Right Honourable Gentleman had gone on to find.
fault with a provision of the Bill giving a power to the Queen in,t;

Council to suspend its operations for a time, and coetendee that they
wished to suspend the Constitution of Upper Canada. Why, the Bill
contemplated no interference with the Constitution of Upper Canada.
With respect to the ordinary working of that Constitution, it would not .
be interfered with in the least.—(Cries of" Hear, hear.") Neither did
they propose that the Assembly should be deprived of any of the
privileges it enjoyed; on the contrary, they proposed that as the
people of Upper Canada had long complained, and justly com-
plained, of the manner in which their trade was interfered with,
and their navigatiOn impeded, by the regulation of the Lower Pro.
vince, they proposed that ten persons should be selected from the
Upper Province to farm part of the Committee; and to provide for
the remedy of these ''grievances.—(Hear.) With respect to the -
other ground of objection, to the power proposed to be given to the
Queen in Council, he saw no reason, although this was a very great
power, that it should not be given when necessary. But when the
Right Hon. Gentleman brought forward his* amendments it would
then be competent for him (Lord J. Russell) to answer them. The
Right Hon. Gentleman had gone on to censure the conduct of Go-
vernment. With respect to his first complaint, that of the want of
sufficient force, he (Lord J. Russell) did say that, notwithstanding what
had been said by the Hon. Member for Newark, the Right Hon.
Gentleman was not successful in quoting the Duke of Wellington on '
that head. It was not the first time, when party topics ran high—when
the election batteries were mounted—when it suited a party purpose to
quote the Duke, that all of a sudden a plain declaration from himself
completely discountenanced all their assertions.—(Ministerial cheers.)
The Right Hon. Gentleman had made another charge. He said that
not only had Government displayed a want of vigour in not having a
sufficient number of troops in Canada, but they had not adopted concilia.
tory measures at a proper season. With respect to that subject, he
must say that, although it was not very difficult for Hon. Gentlemen
reading the dispatches to find fault with them, yet he thought they
formed a full and complete defence for Lord Glenelg, for Lord Gos.
ford, and for the Government. A Noble Lord, sitting opposite,
had thought proper to criticise the dispatch of Lords Glenelg
and Gosford. With respect to those dispatches they related
to matters of great importance, but required often to be written in
such haste as to render careful composition impossible. The Noble
Lord had also talked of what he was pleased to call the sickly sentimen-
tality of some of those despatches. He (Lord John Russell) remem-
bered an address of that Noble Lord's to the electors of North Lan-
cashire, which address was very sentimental, and at the same time
exceedingly obscure. A friend of his, to whom he complained of its
obscurity, told him that he could explain the matter at once—that it
was merely a translation from the German.—(Laughter.) He only
wished to show that if they were to criticise so minutely public docu-
ments the Noble Lord was as liable as others to have his compositions
censured for the sickly sentimentality he complained of.—(Hear, hear.)
He could not conclude what he had to say without adverting to some
observations of the Hon. Member for London. That Hon. Member had
complained of the Government measure—he talked of the harm it would
do. If he (Lord John Russell) did any harm it would not be
by the fair expression of his opinions, the harm would be done
by the distorted manner in which they were represented. That Hon.
Member had said that he (Lord J. Russell) had refused to reform the
Legislative Council ; what was the fact ? When Mr. Roebuck had pro.
posed a plan of his own for that purpose he (Lord J. Russell) said that,
although he thought it wou"d be rash to adopt that plan, yet that if the •
Assembly would propose a rational plan the Government would not stand
in the way of its adoption; yet still the Hon. Member would represent
him as an enemy to Reform, and on that he framed his speech. Now
with regard to the whole of this subject and the instructions which had
been given to Lord Durham, he would take the liberty of saving a few
words. There was a time when England was comparatively confined to
the bounds of her own dominions—when she had no need to think of
any thing beyond her own laws, her own usages, her own religion,
and when it was desirable that all should be peculiarly English.
There was another period when, by the force of her arms and the ex.
tent of her conquests, she kept possession of a great part of the
world against all invaders and enemies.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Both
these periods had passed. It was not now the policy of this country,
with its great and extended dominion, to enforce English laws and
English customs throughout them all.—(Hear, hear.) Nor did they
pretend—and God forbid they should pretend—to keep those possessions
in subjection by the mere force of arms! There was then a third system,
which it seemed more wise, more just, and more politic to pursue.
Having acquired large possessions by various wars, and by the efforts of
powerful men from Cromwell to Marlborough, and from Marlborough to
Wellington, it was desirable carefully to consider the peculiar usages,
the peculiar wants, the religious habits, and the peculiar aptitudes of
the people over whom they ruled, so as to take such measures as would
be best calculated to conciliate their good opinion. When revo-
lutions were to be quelled, let the necessary measures for quelling
them be adopted—(Hear, hear)-7-but when a permanent Govern-
ment was to be established, let everything be done to ascertain the
just expectations and wishes of the people, and let this country for no
paltry object of its own impose upon them institutions which might
prove unpalatable or intolerant.--(Cheers.) If there were any per-
son who could devise a better mode of proceeding, let it be proposed;
but the plan which he presented appeared to him to be the best mode
of attaining this most desirable result. He would conclude by stating,
that his great and paramount desire was to avoid maintaining the do.
minion of this country over the Province in any ether way than that
which would prove permanently advantageous and happy to the latter,
at the same time that it proved honourable to both.—(Cheers.)
Mr. WARBURTON, who rose amid loud cries of "Divide," was un.
derstood to say that many Hon. Members on that side of the House
who had not yet expressed their opinion upon the subject, and yet who
did not wish to interfere with the division, would avail themselves of an
opportunity in some future stage of the question.
The House then divided, when there appeared-es
For going into Committee
For the Amendment l6
Majority ---246
Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved that the further consideration of the
Bill take precedence of all other business on Thursday.

Mr. WAKLEY, having a motion on the paper for that day for a Se.
lect Committee to inquire into the constitutisn of a society in Glas-
gow, under the title of the " Association of Operative Cotton Spin-
ners of Glasgow and its neighbourhood,'' could not agree to the mo.
Lion of the Noble Lord unless he had a pledge that the men lately
sentenced to transportation should not be sent out of the country before
that motion same on.
Lord J. RUSSELL would not give a pledge, but ho did not think
it possible that these own could leave the country before the expiratiou
of a week.

Mr. WA KLEY, not getting a pledge, would divide the House on the
motion of the Noble Lord.
The House then divided, when there appeared—
For the motion.
Against it ..

101

Majority -95
On our return to the gallery we found
Mr. WAKLEY inquiring of the Noble Secretary for the Home De-
partment what time the Lord Advocate was likely to be in London, as it
had been said that his (Mr. W.'s) motion was one which ought not to be
discussed but in his presence.

Lord J. RUSSELL was understood to say that he was not then pre-
pared to answer.

Mr. HAWES said it would be well to have the last division pro.
perly understood. For his own part he did not see what the motion of
the Hon. Member for Finsbury had to do with the sentence on the
Glasgow Weavers, and it was because he could not see this that he had
voted against him.
Mr. WAKLEY said if the Hon. Gentleman had voted with him he
would be able to show the connexion.

Thr House then adjourned, at a Quarter past Two, until Thursday
to.morrow).

Lord Meadowbank and Sir F. Chantrey had aH in-
terview with the President of the Board of Trade this day.
Mr. G. F. Young, M. P., Mr. Porster, Mr. Redman, and
Mr. Harrison, had an interview with the President on the sub-
ject of presents to African Chiefs.

Ott Saturday evening the neighbourhood of Old
and New Brentford, and Ealing, was alarmed by a fire break-
ing out or. the farm of Sir Felix Booth, Bart., in Ealing-lane.
Hundreds of persons instantly hurried to the spot. A large
haystack, the centre one of three, was in flames. The Ealing
engine arrived in a short time, and was got into operation
from a large pond adjacent to the premises, as soon as the ice
could be broken; but owing to the intense frost the hose soon
became frozen, and burst, bya which it was rendered quite use-
less. By that time the stack was one perfect blaze. The
Brentford distillery engine, which was accompanied by Air.
Hazard, the brewer, who is joint proprietor of the property
with Sir Felix Booth, arrrived at that juncture; but the frost.
also rendered that useless. Mr. Hazard then set a large:
number of men to work in cutting demon the stack, and distil-.
buting the burning portions over the neighbouring fields,
while a strong body of the inhabitants and persons assembkd,
aided by a party of the T division of police, under inspector
Marquard. conveyed water to the spot, and by their united
exertions by 10 o'clock the fire was prevented extending fur-
ther than the stack in which it commenced. The above is
the second incendiary fire which has occurred on the same
property during the la,t two years. The property destroyed
is insured in the' Plicenix Fire•office.

LITERARY NOVELTIES.—Mr. Colburn, of Great.
Marlborough-street, is preparing for immediate publication the*
following new and interesting works:--1. Memoirs and C0r,,,,
respondence of Admiral Eal St. Vincent, by Captain Bran-
ton, R.N., author of " The Naval History of Great Britain,, `
&c., 2 vols., Bvo.-2. Royston Gower; or, The Days of
King John, au Historical Romance, by the author of " A Day
in the Woods," &c., 3 cols.-3. South America and tb a Pa-
cific, by thu Hon. P. Campbell Scarlett, 2 vols., pm t Bvo.,
with illustrations.-4. Men of Character, by Douglas Jerrold,
Esq., 3 vols., post Bvo., with numerous characteristic illus-
trations, after Thackeray.-5. A new and cheaper Edition,
with additions, of the " Memoirs of the Beauties ot the Court
of Charles II.," by Mrs. Jameson, with twentpome illustra-
tive portraits by the first artists, to be completed in six monthly-
Darts, at only 7s. 6d. each, Part I. to appear with the Map,-,a,-
sines on February 1. Mr. Colburn has also just published the
following :-1. Raft Hall, by Robert Sulivan, Esq., 3 cols.
—2. Diary of the Times of George IV., with numerous
Letters of Queen Caroline, &c:, 2 vols., Bvo.-3. Love; a
Novel, by Lady Charlotte Bury. 3 cols.-4. The Duchess of
Marlborough's Private Correspondence, illustrative of the
Court and Times of Queen Anne, now first published, with
her Sketches and Opinions of her Contemporaries, 2 vois...•
Bvo., with portraits.-5. Mary Raymond, and other Tale 4,
by Mrs. Gore, 3 cols —6. Jane Lomax ; or, a Mother's Cririe,
by the author of " Brambletye House," &c., 3 vols.--And, 7.
The Autobiography of Joseph Holt, General of the. Irish. Re-
bels in 1795, edited from his original MS., by T. Crofton
Croker, Esq , 2 vols., Bvo., with portrait, &c.
On Saturday last his Grace the, Duke of Welling- .
ton arrived in an open carriage at the Red Lion Hotel, Ban-
bury, on his way to Strathfield.snye. On his departure seve-
ral gentlemen and farmers of ti74e neighbourhood, who h7ri
attended the meeting on the *railroad, held in the Morning,
and wire dining at the hotel,gave the Noble Duke three hearty
cheers, which he acknowledged standing in his carriarru •and
bowing repeatedly. His Grace looked remarkably well. Yl'he
Earl of Aberdeen, passed through immediately afterward's.—
Northaninton herald.

A permaieal medical, relating several recr;nt c ases
01 mental alienation, affirms that extreme cold i►, as fertile a
cave o.f madness as extreme heat. The truth of this doc-
tri•se is sufficiently exemplified by the vagari,24 o'i our Govern-
which Ivo are daily and in aq seasors forced to witness.
—C'harivari.

QUALIFICATION FOR MATRINION-Y.—NO woman
ought to be perinitted to enter upon the duties of connubiality
without being able to make a shirt, mend a. coat, seat a pair of
unwhisperables, b:ike a loaf of bread, roast a joint of meat,
broil a steak, make a pudding, and manufacture frocks for
little responsibilities.—American Paper.
WHITE PARTRIDGES.—On Thu rsday week, a
covey of partridges was seen on the estate o f R. Watt, Esl..
near the high road from Beverley to York, at.uoya which were
two perfectly white.—Hall Advertiser.