The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-13 00:00:00

HARVEST PROSPECTS.

THE CROPS IN THE WEST.—In the western counties
the cereal crops are generally very promising. The late
rains have retarded the hay harvest, and in some places
there will be a deficient crop, but fine weather having
now set in, it is hoped that the hay crop, on the whole,
will be an average one. The potatoes are most luxu-
riant. In Devonshire the crop never promised to be
more abundant, and as yet there are no signs of disease.
Fruit and vegetables in the latter county are very plen-
tiful and cheap, and agricultural produce has generally
declined in price. Wheat sold in many parts of Devon-
shire during the last week at 9s. 6d. and 10s. per bushel.
A few weeks ago the quotations were from 10s. 6d. to
lls. per bushel. If the weather is fine for harvesting,
the price of grain will be touch lower, it is thought, than
it is at present.—Cheltenham Examiner.
LINCOLNSHIRE.—In a circle of many miles around
Boston the appearance of every description of produce
affords the most gratifying promise of an abundant har-
vest. According to the farmers' own admission, the
wheat crop has not, for many years' past, been in a more
promising condition.—Lincolnshire
THE LOWLANDS.—The advent of warm weather is
most welcome to the hay crop, which was suffering
greatly front the continuous rain. Crops of all kinds
promise highly.—Greenock Advertiser.
Tne aspect of the country is now extremely luxuriant,
moisture and abundance of electricity in the atmosphere
having caused a plentiful growth of vegetation ; wheats
are, however, already thinaged from the prevalence of
rain and absence of sun and heat up to this advanced
period of the year, and unless a speedy change occur the
bad effects will not be confined to this cereal. Turnips
have suffered much from want of sun. Very little hay
has yet been cut, though appearances are more favour-
able for mowing.—Dumfries Courier.

On Wednesday evening week a soiree was held in the
City Hall, in honour of M. Kossuth. Professor Nichol
occupied the chair and was supported right and left by
M. Kossuth and lady, the committee of arrangements,
and other friends of the Polish and Hungarian cause.
The hall, which was crowded to suffocation, was taste-
fully laid out for the occasion, and had a very animated
appearance, there being a great many ladies present.
Amongst others, we observed the following clergymen
and laymen :—Rev. Dr. Robertson, Rev. Dr. Jefftay,
of Denney, Rev. George Jeffrey, Glasgow ; Rev. J. B.
Dickson, Paisley ; Bailie Macgregor, Councillors Gem-
mil, Moir, M'Adam, Cooper ; Messrs. Thomas Brown,
James Hoey, Thomas Bishop, John M'Adain, William
Melvin, John Cairns, Thomas Sm'ith, Robert Maggot,
&c.' On M. Kossuth appearing upon the platform, he
was greeted with the most enthusiastic cheering and
waving of hats and hankerchiefs, which demonstrations
were continued for some time. After a blessing had
been asked by Dr. Jeffrey, of Denny, the company were
served with strawberries and cream.
The CHAIRMAN then said—Assuredly, ladies and gen-
tlemen, I shall not abuse the confidence with which you
now honour me by interposing more than the fewest
unpretending words between this great assembly and
that exceeding pleasure which awaits us all. And I
know you will agree with me that it would only
be a breach of taste were I to indulge in laboured
eulogy of a man with whose name and actions all
civilisation is familiar, and who will be thought of
with affection so long as there remain on this
earth an intelligent heart that can throb at the con-
templation of the heroic. It is sometimes said, gentle-
men, that great crises produce great men—that oppor-
tunity for action brings or creates an agent. Alas ! I
would it. wera.ara,;.-if-thsi:fittimagt, seespilor always-came-with
the harvest, there would be a less grievous waste of that
abundance which the conditions even of terrestrial exist-
ence places so bountifully within reach of mankind. The
maxim, I fear, is rather true in its reverse—great crises
being oftenest destroyed, because, through want of ef-
fective guides, they fall to be managed by very little
men. It is, indeed, no simple task, no work even for
the most respectable red-tapery, to take hold of an epoch
and control it. To mark the reasoning and sympathies
of a people, and so to rouse and concentrate their best
impulses that they shall obey as if they were but one
man, and through such obedienoe achieve deeds of a kind
that brighten large spaces of history—to accomplish this
is given only to those hearts and intellects whose ap-
pliances, on the theatre of human events, are few and
far between,— men, however, who when they do appear,
never fail to fulfil mighty purposes—who, whatever their
merits, success or want of success, whether in war or in
what is termed diplomacy, are still the true practical
statesmen of humanity, fur they illustrate and impress
principles which cannot die— (cheers) —principles by
which the whole future is beneficently affected, just as
surely as the liberties of Hungary, come in what form or
at what time they may—nay, the whole progress of
Central Europe—are now indissolubly connected with
the life of Kossuth. (Immense applause.) I have felt,
for one, that this war in which we are engaged, this
terrible calamity which, through the errors and crimes
of past generations, has fallen on the present, is one
of those incidents which never will be managed aright,
unless we fall back on such principles. And Ido
rejoice that at least one powerful voice exists which no
fear can silence, and which will not be withheld from
laying the truth before the audiences of the British
people. Some persons, indeed, suppose there is no
need of this, others tell us it is dangerous, and certain
parties give "satisfactory explanations." Such, if only
for a moment, is the question as it avowedly stands.
The broad issue is already before us, and on this let
there be no mistake, whether we are to purchase peace
from Austria ? If this is a war undertaken ostensibly
for the solid pacification of Europe, are we prepared to
accept a sham conclusion ? Are we prepared to be
satisfied that these existing discords are huddled up—
that we will purchase this as a satisfactory conclusion
from Austria, and pay her a price, not blood, perhaps,
but what is more, the guarantee of the prolonged de-
struction of the social life of several of the finest races
in the whole world ? I think I may take the voice of
this meeting as replying that we will not pay such a
price. (Loud applause.) And although unwilling, as I
am sure we must all feel, to disturb the equanimity of
such an estimable gentleman as the Earl of Westmore-
land, I do trust that when he is asked again ate Vienna
what is the meaning of this Glasgow meeting, he will
find himself compelled to reply that the meaning of the
Glasgow meeting is simply this—to declare that the
British nation at least will 'not purchase peace from
Austria. (Tremendous cheering.) Atter a tew further
remarks, Professor Nichol concluded, amid reiterated
applause, by introducing M. Kossuth.
M. KOSSUTH, on rising, was received with loud and
continued cheering—the illustrious orator commenced
his address by giving a short but graphic sketch of the
history and results of the last great war in which this
country was engaged with France. He then said—so
much, gentlemen, has been by the inexorable pen of his-
tory already put down on the records of 1853-54, that
judgment Great Britain can escape no more. But I,
standing here before you, call on the history of times to
come ; I call on thee to write down these my words in
addition to what thou bast already recorded. There-
fore, should the British nation not take care to fix
upon a well-defined positive aim in due time for
this war, and as well with comprehensive wisdom,
as also with manly resolution express her national
will, so as to make it headed in Downing-street
and Westminster Hall ;—but stop, beg your par-
of
ht
ill
don, nteanahwbr!
about
utawapl
sti
retalbloiwteaciamwi
war and
Parliament
noanitfnn'tdyGi
forgetdn
drpo
e i—eacta Great Britain
directaßet
tet: o.
youitrtborageei forget
hteh
reference
ehavopnedeuce
rennnl epootot
oatfrrre
war
rghtiai
ttd oho the Duke
avgeenat !woe
n
me
ttas
e
eagain
;t
to a nlpedte
and peace, matters entirely within the power and pre-
rogative of the Crown, thus it came to pass that the
Oriental question has not been definitely solved by this
war, the danger which by the unsolved pendency of this
question hangs over Europe had not been removed ; and
the British nation had, after innumerable sacrifices, to
experience that, like as in her former wars she has fought
but for a Bourbon, so in the present war she has been
without
but
also h
made to fight but for a Hapsburg ; and impassive as the
British people has been at that time of gross material
twosuch delusionsn lyth
e couldexter notnal
position, passre
u
From
unreasonable affectingstiil not n
internal condition of the British
empire.roolutiona,
unreasonable fear of foreign unavoidable
of the Bri-
tish empire, the Cabinet of St. James's
such a
pursued
which in no way could have disadvantageously affectedthe national interests or the social condition
course of policy which, in its ultimate needs
into issue, has
vio-
lent commotions at home and of humiliation abroad.
whirlpool of

So much of pro-
phecy,history gentlemen. It is but poltical arithmetic. The
science coming events. It is no
rii
science of policy has its theorems settled like those of
Euclid. To this portion of my humble remarks I have
only to add, comparing your present situation to that in
your French wars, I see that, in fact, you have the con-
solation not to fight for a Bourbon—that is negative ; in
return you have got the pleasant and highly-liberal task
of fighting for a Hapsburg—that's positive Well, a
Hapsburg for a Bourbon—it strikes me that it does not
sound like a Roland for an Oliver—a Hapsburg for a
Bourbon! Let me use Shakspeare's words, " Write them
together which is a fair name?—Sound them which be-
comes well the mouth? Weigh them which is heavier ?
Conjure with them which will start a spirit ?" The Bour-
bons will certainly start none any more—the Haps-
burgs probably may ; but it will be the spirit of assas-
sinated nations—Poland !—Hungary !—ltaly ! I con-
gratulate you to that Roland for yonder Oliver (Loud
cheers.) Or is it not so ? Are you not fighting for
Austria ? What, then, mean the diplomatic assurances
of Lord Westmoreland that the Government of Great
Britain will oppose any attempt at making the Oriental
conflict subservient to the projects of the Hungarian
or Italian national parties ? What does that mean, if it
does not mean that the Government of Great Britain
will make the Oriental conflict subservient to Austrian
despotism ? To oppose a thing to be made subservient
to light, is to make it subservient to darkness. And
a beaten—not
hbayv e
you,
o becomeu
, but
by evacu-
atedtbe what :does it. mean—to allow Austria to occupy the
DanubianbythePErmuussu bt
i ale sft
oe h
Turks—you have not yet fired a shot there ; what
meansthat, if not subserviency to Austria ? And what the
engagements not to let me land in Turkey ; and the
forcible advises preventing Turkey from taking by the
hand her only safe and natural allies, Poland and
Hungary ? Advices much in the style of Pilate's sad
story —" Mind not to do this, or else thou art not
Cmsar's friend." Mind, Turk ? not to countenance
the Polish and Hungarian nations, or else thou shalt
not have Great Britain and Louis Napoleon for friends !
What means this ? And what means the fact of having
torn until now the ripe fruit of deliverance from our
lips ? What does it znean, if it does not mean to be
subservient to Austrian despotism ? (Hear, hear.)
Well, it
such be the will of the British nation we will
bear it ; and, in spite of Great Britain we will not de-
spair. God will be with us. I trust to his bounty and
justice. And with this, and our own resolution, we
will not fear Great Britain itself. Our nationalities
have seen other storms—still there they stand ; a mourn-
ful catafalque, yet still alive ; murdered, yet still not
dead ; though shaken, still unbroken and unbent. They
will stand the British Lion also, if it must be. And if
they could not stand his opposition (which I proudly
deny), then I dare repeat the majestic prophecy of one
of our own Hungarian poets—
" A world in blood
Shall attend the funeral rites."

Yes, there will be blood enough to mount in gory clouds
to the eternal throne, and fall back in hails of retribu-
tion from him who was saying, "Mine is the justice,
and mine the revenge ;" so let it thus come if such be
Great Britain's will. (Loud cheers.) But it is because I
know that such is not the will of the British nation ;
because I know that all the feelings of the British people
are with us, and still see such things done in the name
of Great Britain ; it is therefore I accept one out of four

Here, in the country of the Bruces and Wallaces, of the
Campbells and Grahams, I enter my protest upon the
records of history, that when the day shall come when
your country shall have to rue that Great Britain's ac-
tion did not answer the 13ritish people's will, it should
be remembered that the British nation has been not un-
warned of the fact that she is made to bleed and to pay
for a result just the contrary to what she meant to fight
and to pay fur. (Cheers.) If Ido not tire you, I will
now proceed to jestify my imputation that besides the
anxious solicitude for the preservation of Austrian des-
potism, Great Britain is not yet conscious of ally defined
aim fur this war. "The Oriental question is an European
one. The independence and integrity of Turkey is ne-
cessary to Europe." This saying underlies the situation.
Many a man has repeated the words, but, perhaps, not
ail took the trouble to come to a clear understanding
about what it meant. Allow me to try an explanation.
What does that signify, that Turkey is necessary to
Europe? It simply signifies so much that, considering
the geographical position of that empire, the seas which
it dominates, the abutdance of its natural resources,
and the number as well as the spirit of its population,
into
the position is such, that should it pass over
the dominion of some neighbouring great power or
powers, n
it would be such a accession to their
strength, position, and resources, as to make that
power or powers dangerously predominant, and, in fact,
the master dictators in the general policy of Europe.
That is the definition of the European necessity of the
existence of the Turkish empire. To this general view
on the part of Great Britain enters yet the particular
consideration, that it is only from the absorption of
Turkey by some great European power or powers that
for her Indian dominions, Great Britain can fear any-
thing from Europe. This short dqfinition, with the
additional remark, museperfeestly convince all intelligent
men. of the supreme importance of the present war. I
' request you, gentlemen, particularly to mark that in my
definition I used the expression of " absorption by neigh-
bouring power or powers ;" this is essential, gentlemen,
because it has become habitual not to think but of Russia,
whenever there is a talk about a possible absorption of
Turkey. It is strange, air, with what little wisdom
the world is ruled, as the famous Swedish Minister,
Oxenstiern said. Nothing in the world is so necessary
to statesmen as the study of history, and yet it is strik-
ing how little the statesmen of our expedient-loving age
know about it ; they appear rather to do all in their
power to forget history, instead of studying it. (Laugh-
ter
not arid
at l
e raxiom,
into cheers.)th:latmTtkyteellis y(nne gentlemen, that the
necessary to Europe did
the code of European policy from any
p ol
ei
fear of Russia, by the simple reason that it is older than
the power of Russia. That axiom originated in appre-
hensicn of Austria. If you will look to the collection of
treaties concluded between the Ottoman Porte and the
Christian Powers, collected and edited by the learned
Koch, in 1797, there you will see the exposition of the
treaty of Carlowitz, 1699, accompanied by this historical
remark —" Since that treaty it became a settled rule,
rather to conserve the Turks in Europe than to expel
them." And you remember that this treaty of Carlowite
has been concluded between Austria and Turkey, after
the gallant Pole, Sobiesky, committed the mischievous
fault of having, under Vienna's wails, and at the field
of Parkany, saved Austria from Hungary and the
Turks—a benefit in right Hapsburgian manner rewarded
by a highway robbery—partition of Poland. (Cheers.)
Thus you see that the iraintenance of Turkey was origi-
nally established an axiom of European policy, especi-
ally against Austria. At that time Russia was no
power yet. It had not yet emerged from its nothingness,
by the despotical genius of the Czar Pet'...r. Ten years
later yet the heroic Charles XII. of Sweden traversed
all Russia with a handful of brave men down to Pultowa.
Fifty years after that axiom had been established, the
limits of Russia were restricted, in Asia to the Tanais ; in
Europe, to the Samara, down to its junction with the
Bug ; and from this point to the Tanais a line of de-
markation was drawn up by the treaty of Belgrade, in
1740, which left an immense territory between Russia
and the Black Sea. The land of the Cossacks of Zaparog,
that of the Tartars of Ocrakow and of Nogag and the
Crimea, were not Russian. In Europe, westward of
Samara, brave Poland lived ; in Asia, south of the Tanais,
all was under Turkish suzerainty. It was but in 1774,
by the treaty of Kaynardshy, that the Russians came
down to the Dnieper and to the Black Sea; only, in
17d4, that they took the Crimea; and, in Asia, came
down to the Kuban, on the Caucasus, and took Geor-
gia, the high road to your Indies. It is only Suwarraw,
who came down to the Dautibe, and it is only the
treaty of Adrianople which completed the disaster. By
the by, this little geographical exposition may tell you
what you have to think of that British policy which,
with the established axiom of the necessity of Turkey,
allowed, from mere expediency, Russia to continue her
ravages through 120 years, a policy which allowed the
Russo-Austrian crimes in Poland 'and Hungary, and
wanted the secret Seymour Correspondence to awake it
from its slumbers so late as in the year of our Lord 1854.
That is the wisdom of expediency. It would be better
for a nation not to be governed at all than to be governed
by blind votaries of short-sighted expediency. Be-
ware of half measures, Great Britais, beware ! Thy
own danger is next to come, in the expiation of political
faults thy turn is next. Well, gentlemen, I believe to
have pragmatically demonstrated that the necessity of
the existence of Turkey has not an exclusive reference
to Russia, but that axiom implies also a provision against
Austria, with whom the danger of the absorption of
Turkey originated, and with whom the desire to absorb
Turkey is a hereditary quality inherent in her nature
and her position. It is, therefore, that I asked in
one of my former speeches—" How, in the name of
common sense, can Great Britain think to link her-
self in this war to that Austria, which is an equally dan-
geous, equally irreconcilable, and more hereditary enemy
to Turkey than Russia is ? To that Austria of which
from Lord Aberdeen down to the last clerk in the Mi-
nistry, from the Lord Chancellor down to the greenest
lord, from the Speaker. down to the doorkeeper of the
house, every man in his senses is perfectly convinced
that Austria is, as it was in all past, and will be in all
future, perfectly ready to share in any partition of
Turkey," a truth so striking, so evident, that I de-
clared downright for a lunatic whoever would entertain
a doubt about this. Arid not one of those servile scribes,
who, in the service of Austria poured out their vial of
stupid sophistry against me, not one dared to contradict
my word, it was found so true. And what is the new-
int srid PFnraasni sc
e compel of
feven
s Turkey
? t
why,
it is
give o
is the factver
thethatDanubian
England
Principalities to Austria! Why, that is a fact of such
enormity, that if that fact, simply presented in its scan-
dalous nudity, does not rouse the British nation, not
only to anxious solicitude, but to indignation and anger,
why, then, really I am
perfectly convinced that the
British nation is already set down by history amongst
those who have no future at all, but a short vegetation
of a third-rate power, yet left a hile and then doomed
to fall,
bafore s Carthage fell. There may'
already live some
who, e they grow old, may do what Marius did
at Carthage--sit on the ruins of your fallen greatness.
Yet there come the wise elders in your Israel, quite ra-
dient with the moonshine wisdom of expediency, and
bid you to be of good cheer, because Austria gave
4, so soon ns possible after the next
satis-
factory assurances that the magnanimous young hope
etshe very wurd. Did lie really ? Look,
sincerely desires to conserve the independence and
integrity of Turkey ; and that he will return the Da-
" Bless his five wits." Oh,
!•inairkiceas !
word with this same
should I soil my breath
Hapsburg assurances !
fp]: ito:eu,roLabrie:t
Theban.
,Trrivieoei
Lear
aitalei,
g.t
to
dAo
Assurances
os,
yui
Well, that would be a fit occasion to expatiate on the
Hapsburg promises,
with that dirty stuff, and bully.
assurances,
.But why
Your ears with a
avmaildu
He
world-wide known tale ? It is nearly 300 years ago
that the profound observer, Shakespeare,. wrote his King
totpfsbHu'rtgpsobautrhgs.
John, and then already was Austria so conspicuous by
falsehood and treachery, that you know his Speaking of
Austria as "a ramping fool, which stamps and brags,
and swears upon one party, and does then fall over to
the foe." It is remarkable : it is as if Shakspeare had
written but to-day. Full right lie was to dismiss the
Hapsburg with the contemptuous curse—

“ Thou wear a lion's Mae! doff it for iharue
And hang a calf's-skin on thy recreant liias.”

(Great cheering.) Full right he was, because through
the threw
at e
l centuries
tenbroken
Hp
since past,asb
everyurg oaths. o
atcentury had to re-
cord
And so dis-
missing the dirty theme, I will only say that it belongs
to the A B C of statesmanship to know that assurances'
in opposition to a power's history, geographical position
and political interests, are not worth a straw. Men who
know not even so much should be sent
to the first village
.
schoolmaster to learn spelling politics, instead of let-
ting them trifle with the destinies of nations. How
many assurances gave the Czars that they would never
occupy anything of Polish territory, and what has be-
come of Poland'? How many times has the Czar sworn
by solemn treaties eternal peace and friendship to Tur-
key ? How solemnly has he, on entering Wallachia,
assured you that he meditatel nothing agninst the in-
. tegrity and independence of Turkey ? Did you believe
him ? If the United States of Atneri,:a will swear that
they will never take Cuba, if Great Britain would swear
that it never more will extend its territory in India,
would you not yourself call the man a fool who would
trust it ? Well, just such is the case about Austrian
assurances as to Turkey. Look to the map ; there is
the answer to those assurances—no reasoning against
geography. Yet your statesmen tell one another gravely
that they trust the assurances of Austria. That's more
than what Roman augurs were able to do when two of
them met. No ; it is sheer affectation, they don't
trust ; but, to escape a little difficulty, they sacrifice
the aim. It is political expediency. Bless their five
wits, Moldavia and Wallachia given in keeping to Aus-
tria ; it is the poultry-yard given in keeping to the
fox, to keep it from the wolf. (Laughter.) Nay, it is
more ; Turkey had a purse. A highwayman came and
asked the life or the purse. Turkey whipped the high-
wayman away ; then came her tardy friends, Great Britain
and France, and thus told her : Give your purse in
keeping to this honest pickpocket here, or else it is with
us you shall have to do. That is the case. Poor

Turkey ! Oh, what a shower of malediction will at
once fall upon the memory of certain names. But what
do they care about it ? They believe to have a little
lessened some momentary difficulties ; as to what follows,
why, let those who are the last behind shut the door.
That's expediency—good ; be it so then. (Laughter and
cheers.) Having defined this meaning of the political
axiom, that Turkey is necessary to Europe, there are but
few words wanted about the meaning of the Oriental
question, which hung, hangs, and, if not solved, will con-
tinue to hang over Europe, like the sword of Damocles.
The Oriental question is simply the problem how to put
the territory of Turkey in such a position that it should
not be under the constant danger of being occupied by
such a powerful neighbour, or partitioned by such
powerful neighbours, who by this accession would dis-
turb the equilibrium of reciprocal independence of the
European states, and would become dictators in Europe's
general policy. That is the Oriental question. Having
it thus defined you can but agree with me that the
Oriental question is not a question of the internal affairs
of the Turkish empire, but exclusively a question of her
position to her neighbours. Who are to be her neigh-
bours ? What are they ? Are they to be such as .are
necessitously led to wish to spoliate her of sonic pro-
vinces, or absorb her territory ? or are they to be such
as will he necessitously led to do her no harm, but to
leave her intact, from community of interest ? In a word,
are they to be neighbours who must have the will, and
the power to conquer her territory, or neighbours who
cannot have the will nor have the power to harm her,
but must have the will and have the power to aid her
against foreign encroachments ? (Hear, hear.) That
is the Oriental question, the internal condition of
Turkey ; whether there be peace and tranquillity, or
disturbances and revolutions—whether it progresses or
decays ? All this can have an European bearing, and
European importance, only with reference to that con-
sideration of neighbourhood. Any internal convulsions
of Turkey are dangerous to Europe as long as there is a
powerful ambitious neighbour or neighbours to profit by
them • but as soon as this is no more the case, no in-
ei al' etitiintivitrn in—Turkey-cap affect, iu ~,,a4sLthe
general interests of Europe, in a political point of view, 45r-
course ; and you know that, to speak of sympathy in
politics is a cant of the vilest hypocrisy. (Hear, hear.)
This assertion is strikingly illustrated by the case of
Mehemet Ali formerly, and King Otho now. In both
cases Great Britain interfered. Why ? Is it because
you preferred Mahmoud to Mehemet, or Abd-ul-Medjid
to Otho !—the Turk to the Egyptian or the Greek ?
Let us do away with hypocrisy. Great Britain did not
care a bit about all of them. It interfered in the first
case simply because the convulsion caused by the progress
of Mehemet Ali would have thrown Turkey a ready
prey into the hands of the Czar, who would have finished
with her by a partition between himself and Austria,
leaving Egypt and Syria for the moment to Mehemet.
And in the second case, Great Britain interfered because
the Greek movement, if allowed to take consistency,
would have assisted the Czar in his aggression. The
neighbours ! always the neighbours 1 The danger im-
minent from the powerful neighbours,—there was, and
there is the Oriental question. It is this question,
which, with dangers accumulated since the first partition
of Poland up to the present day, at last has "drifted"
Great Britain to a war, to use the ingenious word of Lord
Clarendon. What is the proposed aim of the British
Government about this war? This is the sovereign
question on which everything depends. Once the aim
defined, the logic of appropriate means becomes self-
evident. And a positive definition of the aim I believe
to be due to the British nation, or else the Government
fermotennthinsftotiriye
object,th at,bythueyndmefienaendt
generalities
t itn the h e Blame
tat
to screen themselves from responsibility for a wrong
s
choice of means. And the precision of the aim is like-
wise due to Turkey, as also to some other nations whom
Great Britain, by her ambiguous position, has drifted,
partly to expectations, partly to exaggerated fears. To
come to an exact understanding about the real intentions
of the Government, we must look to the official
declarations of the Ministry, and to diplomatic
documents. There we have, first, the declara-
tion of Lord John Russell, the President of the Coun-
cil, at his late re-election. Hespoke thus: "No insufficient
peace ought to be made ; we ought not to lay down our
arms until we have obtained security for the future.
Having made the great exertions that we have done, and
having our eyes open to the designs of Russia, we should
be the most silly of mortals if we were to sign an inse-
cure peace, which would leave it to our greatest enemy
to bide his time, until, by the dissensions of the other
powers, until by weakness of some of those powers, he
should find a better opportunity of accomplishing his
design." Now, gentlemen, there is such a manly Bri-
tish spirit in this declaration of Lord John as would

lead the world to believe that the British Ministry is
bent on a definite solution of the Oriental question, the
nature of which I bad explained. (Cheers.) I would
only like to know by what uninvented logic Lord John
can conciliate this declaration with the Vienna Proto-
cols, signed by Great Britain, and with the enormous
political crime of allowing Austria to occupy the Danu-
bian Principalities ? I say boldly it is a politicel crime
—no softer word can suit the fact. Secondly, there is
Lord Aberdeen, the Premier. He, with very curious
eulogies bestowed on the moderation and good faith of
Russia towards Turkey, declares, that he also would
wish, as far as reasonable, what is called the security of
Europe, which, however, he cannot say-he feels to be
very much in danger by the chance of Russian aggression
—and referrine, to the effect of the treaty of Adrianople,
that "lamentable as else it may have been, still it had
secured the integrity of Turkey for the last 25 years,"
his lordship declared, that if the British Government
could secure peace and the integrity of Turkey for 25
years to come, they would not do amiss, and that was
the object which they had in view. (Laughter.) The
worst enemy of Lord Aberdeen's political reputation,
though endowed with the tongue of Demosthenes, could
not thunder down upon the head of the noble lord a
sharper philippic than he himself did by this his speech on
the 19th of June. So I will not add any little blue flame
of my matches to his own thunderbolt. I will only ask,
Why has his lordship slept the sleep of Endymion these 25
years, that he believes the integrity and independence of
Turkey has not been violated since the treaty of Adri-
anople ? Does he not know that Russia has occupied
Moldo-Wallachia in 1848 ?—that she has usurped Turkish
territory for making war on Hungary from it?—that she
has commanded the money, provisions, and means of
transportof Turkish provinces, for a foreign war, to which
Turkey had been no party?—that she has blocked up the
free navigation of the Danube, exclusively a Turkish
river from Ada-Kale to Galatz ?—that she has exercised
the most odious police measures against Turkey on Tur-
kish territory, under the pretext of guarantees ? He
knows nothing of all this. (Hear, and cheers.) And
again, I would ask, if there is no danger to what is called
—only think ! something of so-called—security to Europe
from the chance of Russian aggression ? Then, in the
name of common sense, why go to war at all ? In fact,
so strange were his lordship's declarations that they
nearly have been about to raise a storm in the Pacific
Ocean of the British House of Commons in the year of
our Lord 1854. But no storm in the Pacific, gentle.
men. It was like the Prussian of world-wide renown,
who, pulling up his sleeves in the beer-shop, cried out,
"Keep me back, or I will fight him." (Laughter.) The
motion has been withdrawn, the winds went to sleep,
and the inexorable pen of history twice underlined the
words already upon record —" In that year 1854 the
British Parliament was particularly conspicuous by un-
precedented lameness of energy." Oh ! for one man
with one spark of the Chathams or Foxes in his breast !
What a great man he could make himself in three weeks
—the sound, honest, comprehensive common sense of the
British people looking about with anxiety for a leader, as
it is looking indeed. (Cheers.) Still the murmuring of
the winds elicited an explanation from Lord Aberdeen.
I have read it with great care, but I confess, in honour
and conscience, I have seen the strange assertions of his
first declaration rather explicitly confirmed than other-
wise by his explanation. The question is not what has
he written in secret about the treaty of Adrianople 25
years ago ? but what is his proposed object in the pre-
sent war ? (Cheers.) His lordship confessed that should
Russia take Constantinople there may be some danger
to Europe, but not without this. From this we must in-
fer that anything short of the occupation of Cons-
tantinople would appear to his lordship perfectly
satisfactory. Russia not dangerous to Europe unless
she took Constantinople ! Why is it via Constan-
tinople that Russia took Poland ? Is it via Constan-
tinople that she tore Finland from Sweden? that she
got hold of the future of Denmark ? Is it via Constan-
tinople that Russia attacked Hungary ; and, mark the
word, is it via Constantinople that Russia occupied Geor-
gia, the high road to Great Britain's heart—lndia ?
(Hear, hear.) And then if the occupation of Constanti-
nople be a danger, then Lord John Russell is right in
saying that the future must be secured permanently
against this danger, and the enemy not left in power to
bring that danger down upon Europe at the first better
opportunity. But Lord Aberdeen is eminently wrong
when he reiterates in his explanation that be would feel
very much satisfied if, by this war, he could give 25
years' peace to Europe. Why, how can a grave states-
man, and a peaceman, too, think to involve Britain, nay
Europe, in a war, perhaps a 25 years' war, for the pur-
pose of patching up a 25 years' truce, and that about
the Orie.ital question, of which his lordship must know,
that if not definitively settled now, it will in five years,
sl
ten years,
increase
dangers arid difficulties ? Is he, the peacenia", sr little
e.ie
content with this one war, that he desires yet to, bequeath
in his political testament, to the coming generation,
for the
ir the
unavoidable positive necessity of a
anew vr,
his lordship was
same object ? As to the status qi
bound to acknowledge, that since w'aar'has been declared,
the status quo does not more exist—of course not, though
he appeared to (egret this, but as to the object of the
war, he declared that this depends upon the Czar getting
to Constantinople, or the alliestaoaSacti.
memsouiPetersburge_;etthhienrge
is the latitude—the status quo q
better or something worse than.t;l
awst,atyuosuguko
know what
meat—everything—very well !
,rl)rt'is pardon for
inure inte-
you are at war about. I beghsialoradshi
these remarks, but I, as a Hungarian,
rested in these remarks than he, as a Briton, is about
this chapter. I claim the full right of a full word.
After all, whichever of the two Ministers be right or
wrong, so much they themselves have fully established
that there is an irreconcileable contradiction between
their statements ; and, furthers that up to this very mo•

ment, Great Britain does not know her aim. For the
third source of instruction there are the Vienna protocols,
to which Great Britain is pledged. In that regard the
world is indebted to Lord Lyndhurst for such a vivid,
logical, and forcibly impressive elucidation of tie subject
that it would be unbecoming in me to enlarge upon it.
I, therefore, will restrict myself to a few quotations. In
the memorandum of Austria and Prussia to their en-
voys at the Germanic Diet, these powers declare that
the war should, under no circumstances, have for result
any change in the co-existing territorial positions of
Turkey and of Russia. This is not a private view of
Austria and Prussia. In the Vienna protocol of Dec.
sth, to which Great Britain and France are parties, the
plenipotentiaries of the four Powers record with satis-
! faction, that the existing war cannot in any case lead to
modifications in the territorial boundaries of the two
empires, altering the state of possession in the East esta-
blished for a length of time, and which is equally neces-
sary for the tranquillity of all the other Powers. Oh,
by all that is sacred to men, how could Great Britain
sign such a—why, such a nonsense, that the uncrippled
territorial position of Russia, with all the ill-gotten
plunder secured to her, is necessary to the tranquillity of
Great Britain ? Why, it is enough to make one mad
only to hear of such a profanation of human intellect.
(Loud cheering.) However, so much is clear from the
quotation, that Great Britain has pledged her signature
to the principle that the status quo ante bellum—that is,
all as it was before—shall be the end of the war. To
this, as a fourth course, Lord Clarendon answers that
this may be the will of Austria and Prussia, but it is
not yours—Austria and Prussia's will does not inter-
fere with the will of England and France. Really ? but,
my lord, Britain and France have signed the protocol of
December 5 ; they profess to, act upon the principles laid
down therein. And again, if your lordship does not
agree with Austria, how can you ally Great Britain to
Austria ?--nay, allow her to occupy the Danubian
Turkish provinces, not because the Russians are there,
but because the Russians are no more there ? Why it
is enough to drive one mad ! Therefore the matter
stands thus—Lord John Russell means security for the
future ; Lord Aberdeen sees _no danger, and means
an unknown quantity in mathematics, and mul-
tiplied with twenty-five years' peace—(laughter)—
the diplomatic protocols mean the status quo—Lord
Clarendon means Austria's alliance at any price,
though Austria be bent on an object which Lord Cla-
rendon disowns, and the people !—why the people
means to fight for freedom. Such is the position. And
what is the result ?—a war without a defined positive
British aim, but made subservient to Austrian despotism.
However, if there be no harmonious chiming, rather a
clashing charivari, between the words, and acts, and
writings of the Government with respect to the proposed
aim of the war, certainly every impartial and intelligent
man can tell what should be the object of the war. It
is simply the definitive solution of that Oriental ques-
tion which I believe to have in the right manner ex-
plained. Now, what is the definitive solution of that
question ? Please to remember the definition I gave.
The Oriental question consists in thus regulating the
position of Turkey to her neighbours, as to have her
secured from the danger of being absorbed or partitioned
by them. In what manner can that be achieved ? Please
to mark, gentlemen, how the problem is clearing before
the eyes, if we proceed with the torch of logic and truth,
instead of following the jack-with-a-lantern of political
expediency. (Hear, hear.) There are two countries in
the neighbourhood of Turkey—Poland and Hungary.
But their condition may be different. Either subject to
Russia and Austria, or independent and free. If subject
to Russia and Austria, they are the sources of strength and
power to them for the occupation and partition of the
aTruer ktihs
eh
most empire, I
p e r
fefett heeeyeua rrietyi independent e
the
andaeforeesee,i
accession
they
f
the Turkish territory by conquest or by partition to the
power of either or both of those mortal enemies of Tur-
key. Austria possessing Hungary, and Russia posses-
jag Poland, will be always two neighbours ready to
combine for the partition of Turkey ; and you cannot
always stay or go there to assist her—you will not al-
ways
be in alliance with France. Turkey may be a match
for either Russia or Austria, as in fact she is, but may
not always be found a match for both—she may have her
weak, her unprepared moments, which her enemies shall
watch—she may have her engaged moments, and nobody
at hand, when the cries out, " Help, Cassius, or I sink.'
Thus, you see, with Austria and Russia retaining all Hun-
gary and Poland, the Oriental question is not to be settled.
But Hungary and Poland restored to independence and
freedom, the danger is entirely cleared for all eternity.
These two nations cannot be imagined suchfools as to desire
to destroy what they want to maintain. Austria cannot
more think of occupying some Turkish provinces, as she
shall have Hungary in front and flank, and Poland in
the rear. And Russia having lost the Polish forces, will
neither have the power nor can think to attack Turkey,
having Poland and Hungary in her flanks and rear, in
case of such attack meditated. Neither could Hungary
and Poland, having Turkey for their natural ally, fear
any attack from Russia and Austria. (Cheers.) Thus,
and thus only, is the Oriental question to be solved de-
finitively, and in no way else. Thus solved, there is no
danger more from whatever may happen in the interior
of Turkey. She may develope her internal vitality,
which she will, I trust, provided Great Britain will dia-
oontitlue to meddle with the private affairs of Turkey,
because Great Britain's dipping her kitchen spoon in
every Turkish pot has done as much harm to Turkey as
the open attack of an enemy could do. This 1 dare
attest, because I know it, or it may happen that the
Turkish empire changes into an empire of confederate
states, or even may be decomposed into several indepen-
dent states ; yet whatever may happen, once the Eastern
question is definitively disposed of in the manner I indi-
cated, none of these possible emergencies can affect the
security of Europe, because none of them can throw the
Turkish territory into the hands of powerful neighbours,
who, by this accession, would become over dangerous to
the rest of Europe. Thus it is clear to demonstration
that it is only by Poland and Hungary that the Oriental
question is to be settled definitively, and the world for
ever relieved from the certain recurrence of wars about
the same subject. And it is of this benefit that your
country in particular and the world in general is to be
deprived by the jack-with-a-lantern man of short-sighted
expediency, whose entire wisdom is but bent on escaping
a momentary embarrassment at the sacrifice of the
future. Gentlerhen, Ido not like to say anything which
might look like boasting of my own poor sagacity ; still,
as I desire to convey conviction to your heart, I must
beg leave to mention that it is scarely one month since I
first spoke on this subject publicly, and already manythings
of what I foretold have been justified by the course of events
with striking celerity. I have told the British public that
in this war nothing of a decisive nature can be done by
your fleets ; that they are certainly a very valuable sub-
sidiary means, but no decisive instrumentality. And
look how the organs of the Ministry are already soothing
down the people, by trying to persuade them that it
would be rather dangerous should Admiral Napier do
anything. I have told the British public, that you
never will bring Austria to do anything else but to oc-
cupy some Turkish provinces, where she shall not have
to meet Russian bayonets—my words are fulfilled. I
have told that Austria may promise you to fight the
Russians in case they do not recross the Pruth, but that,
if 'she throws the dust of that false promise in your eyes,
be sure of it, you will be already sold and betrayed ; it
will be done in collusion with the Czar. Scarcely a fort-
night has passed since I told the word—and the fact I
foretold has occurred, and the collusion I argued became
evident. I have told, that if the Russians recross the
Pruth, Great Britain and France will not dare to follow
them—my words are fulfilled. You dare not, and you
cannot dare follow them, without Poland and Hungary
to help you. I have foretold, that entangled as Great
Britain and France are in the snares of a false alliance
with Austria, the most embarrassing stress which can
befall them is to hear that the Russians recross the
Pruth. In scarcely three weeks after I thus spoke, the
tidings arrive, and look what terror has spread over all
quarters at the glad tidings of that success ; look how
the Ministerial organs stare, struck with horror, and ap-
palled with fear. Oh, it would be supremely ludicrous,
were it not so terrible—but I really almost dread to
speak, seeing the shadow of accomplished facts clinging
to the words I pronounce. Matters are very evident,
gentlemen ! Either the aim which Lord J. Russellor
tye-
peared to indicate—that is, a definitive solutionfi ;
sedlnobtjheectfiorfst Leoagred
oAffebneerdiveeenw,atrwoeanttyh-e. twenty-five years'
ptrruocfees.
mere defensive one. In each case it was ana
a_uditi.us.t
continuesabl
e
t waso the
required,obtect
blunder to act as Great Britain h
to act. For an offensive war,as acted,rea Britain has
foraresorted
defensive to the
wmeans
she jduisdt
mcoornetrathrYan
- • d.ffi hiesays attending a policy
always and by doing more entangled your country in vain
sacrifices and in cu _
which overshoots the mark. For a defensive war no
entangling in alliances was required. Neither Austria, nor
Poland and Hungary, nor even you yourself, were re-
quired. The Turks were sufficient for that. This no-
body can dispute any more. Just as we can say, that
uas t
dseof
ecnl
se
iavre i svir iatr
. thatT They
e tyh
he aTv
eu rpkrso
vare
z
a
Hungary alone is a match for Austria—because we have
would
provedomjuual s‘ titehhniaottvo RussiawienbolenBe 4nt9j
the in
6 advisable, is to have
Danube. Thath
whichassuraetdt
thee
ouTtmuroksts
that
themselves i they have nothing to fear, as in case of finding
inferior to the task, they shad be assisted,
nceri
and, as an indication of your si't have
hy
fleet to the Black Sea, the very y tosentt
moment one Russian
crossed the Pruth. And even this had been only neces-
sary, because Great Britain's eternal meddli with
Turkish matters had so intimidated and demoraligsed the
spirit of the Turkish Government (except a few brave
men, such as Mehemet Ale discarded just by British
influence), that without such assurances the intimidated
Divan would not have raised his resolution to a ?evel
with the vigour of the people, and would not have had
the courage to command what the Turkish army we,-
able to do. But for a mere defensive war you did not
want Austrian alliances ; that is clear to demonstration.
On the contrary, if you meant an inoffensive war, then
it was the greatest possible blunder to court the alliance
with Austria, which does not, and will not, act with
you in an offensive scale against Russia ; rather is it
an obvious impediment to you, as it did not only protest
in the name of "time-hallowed territorial limits 'against
any offensive attempt against Russia, but is really acting
accordingly at this very moment, to the infinite embar-
rassment of your wise politicians. But in that regard I
often hear the nonsensical sophistry that you must have
&atria becalm alio is 060,00 men strong. , Firstly,

,----:::..i_i,p.,\ v.
1.,..-----4.) \c4;„
that Is not true, beeause lOW there Is no .d 14404 Mk- Ne..- ." ri 4
an army, that is so much as if it did no 'Wet! - s.e. if' .
if she were even three million men stro s isiiiitTgood-111/4:4 Atli'. ' that to you if they don't pull your car in tliitlircfctioile Ise-S-7
Itc,
you like ? (Laughter and cheers.) lam not aspeweiftse. '''
man, but had Ito drag a cart, I certainly w.bsald prter S
to be left alone than to have an ox for a companion,
which either does not move or pulls the cart back and me
together with it. And this is precisely what Austria was
doing all the while, and is doing just now, and will con-
tinue to do with you. (Cheers.) And again I hear that- -
after all, if Austria were not with you, she would be
against you, so it is better to have her with you on an,
terms. But that is again short-sighted sophistry. If
you fear Austria, then, ordinary common sense would -
suggest to paralyse her, to make hersinnoxious, to put '
her in a condition incapable to do you harm. To come
to this you had the means in Poland, Hungary, and
Italy. It is clear as sunshine. The success was within
the hollow of your hand. Instead of that yourGovern-
meut chose to fetter Great Britain's hands by linking it
to Austria. They yoked you to the unmoving or drag-
ging back ox when you want to go a-head. Is that good
sense ? Oh, desolation of abomination ! And I request
you to consider to what situation you have drifted.
(Hear.) The Turks, and not you, have beaten the
Russians. Every carp Tal knows that a victory is just
so much as we profit by it atter. Now, the most ordi-
nary common sense would have suggested to hurry on
with the greatest possible speed your allied 100,000-men
up to the Danube, cross it, and .combined with Omer
Pacha's army, push on after the retreating Russians,
and take Bessarabia before they come to breath. Mind,
Bessarabia means the Danube free I Without Bessarabia
wrested from Russia, only fools can prattle about the
freedom of the Danube. Instead of that, what happens?
Your dear ally Austria draws up in line between the
victorious Turks and the beaten Russians, and says,
" Stop, friends, I will keep Wallachia." Keep it I
From whom ? From the Russians. But they are re-
treating ; therefore, from whore ? Why, from the Turks,
that is evident. (Great laughter.) The only gift which
Great Britain and France have until now bestowed upon
the poor Sultan is, that they brought down one of his
mortal enemies, ustria, upon him, to keep his own pro-
vinces from himself, and arrest him in reaping the fruits
of his own victory. But that is not all yet. As long as the
Czar was on the offensive, the best service which Austria •
could do to him was to remain neutral. With so much
he could advance to the Danube with perfect security.
His left flank was covered by the sea, his right flank by
the neutrality of Austria. And Austria did that service
to the Czar. She was shuffling and fooling the Western
Powers, and remained neutral up to the very last mo-
ment of the Czar's acting on the offensive. (Hear.)
But the very first moment that he is reduced to the de- ,
fensive, the exigencies of his position have changed.—
(Hear, hear.) The neutrality of Austria would not do
any more ; it was for the Turks just what it formerly
was for the Czar. It would have left for the Turks the
road open to the Pruth, and covered their left flank in
pushing on offensively against Russia. Therefore, an-
other service was required by the occasion. " Stop be-
tween, boy, and arrest my enemies," cried out the Czar
to Austria, and at the very moment the boy stepped in.
—(Laughter.) And your Government calls that alli-
ance ; but I call it treason ! and your history will call
it so.—(Cheers.) More yet. By this trick of Austrian
perfidy, the Czar being relieved from every danger in
that quarter, his right wing secured. he can and will
now detach such numbers of his army hence as he likes,
and concentrate them thither where you choose to at- ,
tack him. He at home, you thousands of miles far off ;
you shall be beaten—remember my word. It is now
you are come to the teat about what I told Great
Britain, that it is not abroad, not in the offensive that
Russia is dangerous, except as a rear-guard of other
powers ; but it is at home in the defensive that she is
dangerous. Once brought to that point, it is then that
you require allies. Have you any ? You have not. Is
Austria for that purpose your ally? No—a thousand
times no. In that quarter, for that purpose, there are
no other allies pcssible as we—Poland and Hungary I
And yet Britain rejects us ! Well, the doom will fall
on the head of him who sinned. With us, you might
have shaken hands in the Kremlin of Moscow ; without
us you are as incapable to harm Russia as a child.
With us the world would have seen the proud spectacle
of Schamyl and Omer, and Cambridge and Napoleon,
and the descendents of Arpad and of Kosciusko, united
on the plains of Russia, to thank the Eternal for the '
deliverance of the world ; without us you are doomed
to be beaten, or to retrace your steps in shame.—(Tre-
mendous cheering.) Poland and Hungary are not
beggars who mendicate your generosity, they are na-
tions which weigh your victory or your defeat in
the hollow of their hands ; as Poland alone has
weighed, forty-four years ago, the victory or defeat ofNa-
poluon the Great. But the prattling fools with whom you are cursed, tell you that, since now you havenothing to do
on the Danube—oh ! bitter mockery of treason—you shall •
go and take Sebastopol and the Crimea. Before all, I
must remind you of that geographical fact, that the
taking of Sebastopol is no solution of the conflict, still ^ '
leas of the pending question. It will not bring the Czar
down to claim your pardon ; quite the contrary ; it will
excite him to raging perseverance. Still less is the
Crimea a security for the future ; it is no barrier which
defends, it is an acquisition which requires defence. To
take it, is nothing yet ; to keep it, that is the problem.
Now, will you stay there to keep it ? I don't think so.
You go home and leave the task to the Turks. Many
thanks for the gift. (Laughter.) I, as the sincerest
friend of the Turks, hope to God they will not be such •
fools as to meddle with that business. It is your own - .
laundress work ; do it if you please. Ncw, as to the -
doing it ; I don't think you can take Sebastopol by the
sea. The opportune-moment of coup de main being
lost, it would cost sacrifices which you neither can afford
nor risk. And as to taking it by land ; to take a fortress,
accessible by trenches, and flaying but a garrison to do. '
fetid it, that ia but a ruatt,er--ef art arid of comparative
sacrifices. It can be calculated to the hour. But to
take an entrenched camp ;inked by terrible fortresses and '
an army fur garrison in it and now armies pouring upon
your flank and rear, and you in the plains of the Crimea `
with almost no cavalry to resist them, that is such an
oopffrtohysw
haveh a t
HwiulluAgaurs;
undertaking to succeed in which more forces are neces-
sary than England and France ever can unite in than'
quarter for such an aim. Ask about it any staff officer
who has learned something about tactics and strategy.
And in that position is Sebastopol, thanks to your Aus-
trian alliance, which, having interposed herself between
you and your enemy in Wallachia, made the Czar free
to send such numbers to Sebastopol as he likes. You
will bo beaten, remember my word. Your braves will
fall in vain under Russian bullets and Crimean air—as
the Russians fell under Turkish bullets and Danubian
fever. Not one out of five of your braves, immolated in
vain, shall see Albion or Gallia again. (Hear, hear.) But
liwill tell you in what manner Sebastopol is to be taken.
It is at Warsaw that you can take Sebastopol. Napier
landing in Samogilia, and brave Poland rising at his
gallant call, will at the very first moment engage 100,000
Russians. The first account of Poland's resurrection
can but spread dissolution in the Polish ranks of the
Russian army, •in three months the Czar shall have
300,000 men leas, and shall want 300,000 men more.
His bravest provinces, twelve millions of Poles, will not
only have slipt from his grasp, but fight against him—
twelve millions left by your impolicy to be the source of
his power and the tool of his ambition. Was there a
truth ever evident if this is not ? And that's not all •
yet. Poland, with your authority, with your aid in :
arms, will assure King Oscar of Sweden that he is not
to be left a sacrifice in the hands of an overpowerful
Russia. Poland in arms gives you Sweden for an ally ;
and Sweden, again, occupies at least 100,000 Russians
in Finland—and, seconded by your fleet, pushes on to-
wards St. Petersburg. (Cheers.) Thus.you may take
fSoerbtraesstsopwolithunadegrartrhiessoen.conydoituiorn3so. , 0 I 0
ot
braveswill
the work. But not only will you have taken Sebastepel
in that way —you will also have conquered the Czar._
Poland in arms is the wedge driven in the backbone of
otorufaort et
uttchei eut
rCmozpaahtry:
oPßfouplaesnai Russia.
s ;Irtei
ts isuirts rheetchtoeino lny
instrumentalityi os nneot wahni c
objecth c a n
With Poland, victory ; without it, defeat. Make your
ent of the atrni
ds choice.dltoa
l?
yYfxvoersh,
yy
it.ou paralysei.
iwhoautl d
ish e
rbt.
hu AustriaetTcho omr
There
lyeomlu
syllo-
gism. If not ; look to Wallachia—look to your puzzled
position—and be sure of it, you shall be the tool of
Austria. She already holds poor Wallachia—it is the
France,rndoftheW c
iotho heropue
t.
• Britain•
d •
Hungary.hae
them the Oriental question is apt to be sold. Woe to
oesettotlethtehoprootreiecntotarsi
question.!
ttrfvapurhaenirertenidni cnot
pedi ntr
wsi It' wfao'it
leinfllehdbl
Their
definitely or else be prepare I
to rue the neglect. (Hear,
hear.) Prudence, interest, foresight,
honour, patriotism,
humanity, and civilisation, claim that settlement from
you. To begin with the lamentable partition of Poland,
this foulest act of diplomatic immorality, enough of sacri-
fices have already fallen to the accursed expediency of '
adjourning and always adjourning the definitive settle-
ment,
this inevitable necessity. The delay of every
new year will throw new sacrifices into that yawning
gulf, and yet no delays can conjure the necessity—now
unsolved, the question will soon return again augmented
in dangers, increased in difficulties. Meet it, since you
cannot conjure it ; finish it, since at last you are come
at it. New objects may bring new wars upon your
children, that you cannot prevent—liberty of all who
are oppressed on earth could only prevent new wars ;
freedom and justice to all on earth can only build up the
temple of lasting peace, amidst the exaltation of all hu-
manity ; but since that cannot be hoped for, so long as
despotism can glory in rising on the neck of curbed . .
nations to fame ; so long
not only rule, but also alternately prevail in the councilssiee
of the only constitutional country in Europe
",at least
as Romanofti and Hapsburee
you cannot spare your children ail possible wars,
I2t ,
in which you
spare them the curse of having anew to fig_
And t•) spend their life sweat for a question
_ithtanding an un-
to bleed, •
have drawn your sword ; but. not.
whichur hand in Poland,
dense brings within the reachof y
haveo left unfinished and
in Hungary, and Italy, you still
id.
paralleled favour of opportunities, v
divine Provis '
- ? Oh, no • they been blind, ignorant, or cowards
and,Britons, they are
derstand matters well, being
unsolved, only because your powerho ing leaders have
they fear the triumph of public free•
people love ;
men ; no, is only because they fear what the British
do
sound f which the human heart throbs with emotion
m ono the Continent ! Fear freedom ! At the very
of all that is good andwhat is divine in _the human
heart. Fear freedom ! at the spreading triumph of
which the Eternal himself would smile with joy and pour
paternal blessings over the long-tried creatures of
His Almighty hand I But yen, who are loving what
some others fear—you who are not afraid of freedom,
on you would I call : Be careful and wise ; do not be-
queath to your children the curse of that war—permit
not the name of Great Britain to be branded with the
shame, that while honour and national interest callid
OA her to aid the came of liberty she allowed herself t

tie made subservient to despotism, only because there thrown by the treachery of GoRGEY and the Cos-
were some in Great Britain who, confounding freedom sack hordes under PASKIEWITCH, the ignorant may
with monarchy, trembled in blind fear at the very word
regard him as nothing more than an unsuccessful
dernocracy. I would address myself even to those veryo
men who call themselves emphatically the friends of adventurer. But those impartial witnesses who
peace. I will not quarrel with them about their having have perused his history aright and without
mistaken oppression for peace, and, in the name of phi- prejudice—those contemporary witnesses who can
lanthropy, countenanced the scaffolds of bloody despo- think for themselves from the -facts transpiring
tali. I would call ou them thus :—You have done all
you eould to prevent war ; still war there is, it was a around them, and recorded (as they transpire)
eoessity. So, be consistent with your peace principles. in the public newspapers, must already have
Since wa: there is, help to make it short and effective, judged him very differently, as he will be judged
and rewarded by a true lasting peace. Alliances with
years and years hence by the European annalist
despotic Governments make the war long ; alliances
with nations make it short. The former make the re- of the hereafter. The unprejudiced and impar-
cult fraught with seeds of new inevitable wars, the lat- tial observer must have recognised in this remark-
ter make the result rich with the blessings of a lasting able man no mere speculator in politics—no merely
Peace. Be consistent with your principles. Since war
there must be, help it to result in the greatest possible selfish or unprincipled demagogue. Through all
good to the greatest possible number. (Loud the calumnies heaped upon him by his enemies,
cheers.) Ye ministers of the Lord pray to Him for through the haze of malignant vituperation in
that result, and exhort your flocks to do their Chris- which he has walked ever since his foot was first
tian duty as men and as citizens to help to that result.
Sir, I have finished ; tired myself, I have tired you all ; pressed upon the shores of England—his fair fame
but, perhaps, my work and your indulgence have not as an Exile of Patriotism has to the discerning
been in vain. Perhaps, Glasgow has something contri- only loomed the more grandly throughout. We
bated to day to the effect, that blind expediency should
s‘ peak of this man now, in the days of his misfor-
not prevail over comprehensive wisdom, nor vice over
patriotism, nor impious sophistry bear the sway over tune, precisely in the same terms as those in
Christian philanthropy. Mine is but the prayer ; yours which we spoke of him in the hour of his success,
will be the merit of action. Heaven grant the profit when he was the acknowledged leader of the
be all to humanity ! (Cheers.) The illustrious speaker liberated and victorious Hungarians. We speak
was greeted throughout his speech with frequent bursts
of applan.se, and resumed his seat amidst great cheering. of him when powerless, as we spoke of him when
powerful. Success or failure signifies nothing
in the individual. The man is still the same
in himself—before or after. HANNIBAL was
still HANNIBAL, still the peerless general, after he
had been vanquished. NAPOLEON was still NA-
POLEON, still the marvellous conqueror, after Water-
loo. History and posterity have in each instance
ratified the decrees of the more discerning, or of the
most unprejudiced, of immediate contemporaries.
HANNIBAL is still—the wide world over—recog-
nised as greater than SCIPIO : NAPOLEON as greater
than WELLINGTON. And so to history and to
posterity, exile and defeat are of no account in the
balance that weighs the intrinsic value of the
really illustrious. So it is with M. KOSSUTH. So it
will be universally recognised to have been with
him in the hereafter. At present he must rest
satisfied with being appreciated by certain divi-
sions of the population. To the hearts of the vast
multitude his words of fire will probe with the
force and magic of electricity. Out of
the fullness of his heart his mouth has
spoken—has spoken again eloquently, ardently,
persuasively. His oration will be found else-
where in our columns of this evening—an oration
eminently worthy of perusal and after-consideration.
Differing from the illustrious orator, though we
may repeatedly in the course of his candid and
manly argument, we cannot fail to recognise in
him the ardour of the patriot and the skill of the
rhetorician—in it, a masterly exposition of the
present juncture in the war with Russia, and of
he future prospects of Christendom.

GENERAL A. F. MACINTOSH.
Just published, in 2 vols. post Bvo., with Maps, price 2 is.,
AMILITARY TOUR in EUROPEAN
TURKEY, the CRIMEA, and on the Eastern Shores of the
BLACK SEA, Including Routes across the Balkan into Bulgaria,
and Excursions in the Turkish. Russian, and Persian Provinces of
the Caucasian Range; with Strategical Observations on the Pro-
bable Scene of the Operations of the Allied Expeditionary Force.
By Major•Cieneral A. F. MACINTOSH, K.H., F.R.G.S., F G.S.,
Commanding her Majesty's Troops in the lonian
Islands.
London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans.

TELSEVEN SISTERS ESTATE, TOTTEN-
LM.--The CONSERVATIVE LAND SOCIETT.—On Wed-
need ay, July 19, at the Offices, 33, Norfolk-street, Strand, will be
ALLOTTED the Seven 81sters Estate, Tottenham-green (Middlesex).
The property is within an easy distance of the Eastern Counties
Railroad, and Ave miles of St. Paul's. There are 86 plots in the plan
of allotment, of which 43 are SU. Jots, 12 of 1504, S of 751., 3 of 871.
10s., 7of 851., 2of 1251., 1 of 4001..6 of 551., and 4of 371. 10s. Plans
of the Estate may be had of

CIIARLE4 LEWIS GRUNEISEN, Sec.
The Mansion on the Estate, with timber, ornamental shrubs, Sr.c.,
together with Lots 44 to 49 inclusive, will be offered to the holders
of rights, according to rotation, for 1,2001. or any less number or
these Lots, with the house, proportionally to the marked prices on
the plan. The whole of the estate will therefore be allotted without
reserve.

THEATRE =rm.. DRURY LANE.
Lessee, Mr. E. T-Smith.
THIS EVENING, Juror 13,
Will be performed LUCIA DI LAMMERMOOR. Lucia, Mdlle.
Agnes Bury; Anse. Madame Heinrich; Raymond, Signor Arnold{ ;
Lord Arthur, Signor Santi ; Norman, Herr Grohn ; Ashton, Mr.
Weiss; and adgardo, Mr. Sims Reeves.
To conclude with the popular Ballet, entitled UNE FETE EN
OLYMPE.

?races_-gtatia, 2s; Dress Circle, 55.; Boxes, 35.; Pit, 2s. ; Gallery,
Is. ; and Private Boxes, One, Two, Three and Four Guineas. The
Box.ooke opel daily from Ten till Six, where places may be
secured. Private Boxes and Stalls to be had of Messrs. Leader and
Cock, 53, New Bond-street.
Notice.—Doors open at Half-past Seven. Performance commences
at Eight. Haif-price at Half-past aide.

THEATRE ROYAL HAYMARKET.
Under the management of Mr. Stnekstone.
THIS EVENING, Jor.r 13,
Will be performed the Drama of THE KNIGHTS OF THE
ROUND TABLE. Characters by Messrs. ChlppeudAle, Howe, G.
Yandenholt W. Farren, Compton, and Buckstone; Mu Reynolds,
Ddlis E. Grey, and Mrs. Fltzwllliam.
Followed by AS LIKE AS TWO PE
To conclude with A NABOB FOId AN HOCK.

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE, OXFORD-STREET.
Under the Management of Mr. CHURL= KERN.
THIS EVENING. JOLT 13,
Will be performer THE MARRIED UNMARRIED. Characters
by Jima. W. Lacy, Ryder, and Catheart ; and Misses Heath and
Murray.

After which, THE CORSICAN BROTHERS,
To conclude with THE HALT OF THE BALLET.

THEATRE ROYAL ADELPHT.
Proprietor, Mr. B. Webster.—Directress, Madame Celeste.
THIS EVENING, JULY 13,
Will be performed MASKS AND FACES. Characters by Messrs.
B. Webster, L. Murray, P. Bedroll, &c.; Mesdames Celeste, Wool-
gar, &c.

Followed by'HOPES AND FEAR 3.
After which will be presented the New Extravaganza, entitled
A MOVING TALE, supported by Mr. Keeley, and Mrs. Keeley.
To be followed by WAITING FOR 4N OMNIBUS IN THE
LOW THER ARCADE IN A RAINY DAY.

ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE.
Lessee and Manager. Mr. A. Wigan.
For the BENEFIT of Mr. A. WIGAN.
THIS EVENING, JoLy 13. ,
Wlll be performed PERFECT CONFIDENCE. Characters by
Messrs. R3beon, Emery, and Robinson; Misses Marston, E. Or-
monde, and Miss E. Turner.
To be followed by THE JEALOUS WIFE.
After which. the popular Comedietts. ca'led HEADS OR TAILS.
Characters by Mr Eatery and Miss Marston. & e.

STRAND THEATRE.
Sole Lessee Mr. F. W. Aileron.
THIS EVENLY(, Jura 13,

Will be presented THE UNITED SERVICE CF FRANCE AND
E.N-GLAND.
After which, OPPOSITE NEIGHBOURS.
Followed by FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE PLAYFUL CRO-
CODILE.

To conclude with THE OIENIBUS.
Malls, 55.; Boxes, 35.; Pit, Is. 6d; Gallery, 6d.; Private Boxes
£1 I Is. 6d., to be had of Mr. Allcroft. 15, New Bond-street.

Matters are still—both in the Euxine and in
the Baltic—simply in a state of preparation.
Great things are going to be done—not actually
doing, but going to be accomplished, or, at any
rate, to be attempted. After drawing near to
Cronstadt and reconnoitring, Sir CHARLES
Nannies fleet has retired again to Baro Sound—
deterred from making an attack upon those re-
doubtable fortifications until the French troops
may have arrived, or until the Asiatic Cholera
shall have disappeared. Simultaneously the com-
bined fleets in the Black Sea are getting ready for,
or are at all events hesitating about, a descent
upon the Crimea, and a formal onslaught upon the
garrison of Sebastopol. All the while the soldiers
of France and England are actively bestirring
themselves. All the while the allied contingents
are gathering at Varna, are marching upon
Schumla, are pressing onward towards the actual
seat of war beyond the Danube, from Scutari
through the Bosphorus, from Gallipoli by way of
Adrianople. Meantime, at home an English fleet
has been assembling in the Downs for the purpose
of crossing the channel to embark some 20,000
or 30,000 of the gallant soldiers of our ally,
and thereupon to convey them through the Baltic
to their Russian destination. The EMPEROR him-
self proceeding to review the troops in the historic
vicinity of Vimereux ! Everything is ready it
would seem—but the signal. That signal is now
looked for, is now listened for eagerly both in the
Black Sea and in the Gulf of Finland. So that
this dread war may be the more speedily termi-
nated—may that signal soon become audible in the
battle cries pealed by the fleets and armies of
France and England in the names of VICTORIA
and NAPOLEON !

ASTLEFS EUROPE'S NATIONAL A.MPHITHEATHE.
Lessee and Manager, Mr. William Cooke.
Tremendous and most Successful Hit !
TELLS EVENING, Jut-r 13,
A Grand Historical Equestrian sp4ctarie, called THE COSSACKS;
or, Five la France. Atter which a Series of Bforceanx Choisis de
l'Arele, or Scenes in the Circle, in which Miss Emily Cooke and Hr.
William Cooke. Jan., will appear. The Brothers Francisco will
perform their wondrous feat of LA PERCFIE. The German Bro-
thers wi'l exhibit their skill on the DOUBLE TRAPEZE.
The whole to conclude with Mr. W. T. Simpson's Burlesque,
RUSSIA. AGAINS C TURKEY.
Box-office open from Eleven till Four. Stage Manager. Mr. W.
West.

The House of Commons is very desirous of
preventing bribery and intimidation, so it is posi-
tively alleged, and we are bound to credit the
assertion, for are not its members all " Honour-
able Gentlemen I" It is strange, then, that when
there is such complete unanimity as to the end
and object to be attained, the direct and simple
mode by which it may be accomplished is disre-
garded. Why take such pains to avoid the
obvious course leading to the desired goal, and to
encounter serious impediments, which may easily
be avoided. If secret voting b 3 sanctioned by
the Legislature, corruption, if not altogether
banished, will be reduced within the narrowest
limits. The candidate, or his secret agent, will
not trust the man ready to barter his birthright
for a mess of pottage, to sell his most sacred
privilege for the sake of a few paltry pounds, or
even shillings—,for " the gratification" has occa-
sionally been paid in silver. He will not give
any credence to the promise of a man ready to
violate his most solemn obligation by taking the
bribery oath if tendered. No payment in advance
then will be made, and if the voter be inclined
to sell his conscience, he must give credit to the
promises made on behalf of the candidate. He
will not, however, be in any degree more willing
to do so than the candidate is to trust him. He
is too well aware of the proverbial difference be-
tween the would-be, and the actual legislator.
The former is willing to promise anything and
everything. Like the ancient knight-errants, he
refuses no boon that may be asked, while he is
willing to undertake any task, however arduous.
He is, in fact, the champion of distressed and suf-
fering virtue all over the world, and happy is the
nation that numbers so distinguished a philan-
thropist amongst its children.
But, unfortunately, when success has crowned
his efforts, when that which he has declared to be
the highest of earthly honours, the subject of his
w trmest aspirations is accomplished, his enthu-
sit ism rapidly evaporates ; like 808 ACRB'S courage,
it " oozes from his finger ends." He suddenly
sinks to a rather commonplace, but far more prac-

ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS.
Open for the Season.
Under the Patronage. of his Excellency Count WALEWSKI, the
French Ambassador, A GRAND UNION GALA, in honour of the
cordial and happy alliance between France and England, will take
place THIS DAY.

The Bands of the 2d Life Guards, conducted by Mr. G. Cooke,
and the Coldstream Guards, conducted by Mr. Godfrey, will
attend each day. Lieut. Chambers wilt make an ASCENT in
his NEW BALLOON ; and To-day a BALL will be given in a
spacious Pavilion erected for the purpose. A fUll Quadrille Band is
engaged. Mr. Flexmore, M.C. Concluding each night with a
"Great Exhibition " of FIREWORKS, by Southby, who will on this
occasion eclipse all his former efforts. Also each evening a VOCAL
and INSTRUMENTAL CONCERT, in which Miss Poole, Miss
Ranstord, and Mr. Manvers will sing several national and patriotic
songs. The Gardens will be brilliantly decorated and illuminated
by proficient artistes.—Doom open each day at Two. Admission, as
usual. Is.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tem DAY —Morning 58 min.after 3 1 Evening 23 rain.aft. 4
To•Moutow—Morning 48 min.after 4 1 Evening 11 cnin.aft. 5

THZ WEATHER.—Sus Orrtoi, JULY 13.
THIMMONETZB, IN THIS SRAM!.
59 —highest since noon yesterday.
&I.—lowest this morning and during the night.
66—this clay, at noon.
BABOXICTZB, 29.92—rising.
WIND, N.W.-31oderate breeze, with fine weather.

cal, character. He looks at matters in a much
more sombre point of view ; and, if he holds a
seven years' tenure of his seat, he is by no means
SO Complaisant or yielding in his disposition. He
call refuse a constituent, and with a serious counte-
nazoce rely on the pompous platitudes he has publicly
he may not be averse
ptizt forward. Nay, more,
exposeo a too pressing applicant, and thus ac-
-001 oPlish a doublepurpose, by sacrificing a victim
at the
i3r claims.
altar of histown urity, . .
and at the same
tittle deterring
M bLEswoirru so clearly
ab de speech n hteheersaiirflyrom annoying him by fur-
thToiler would then, as Sir WILLIAM
corruption could pointed out in his very
wl hich
was secret, ldallot," be but one mode in
in the event
Nowbe thsois,
vo Ming
ise t o practised,pay e
vwhen
voterthe
t la
au
Oct
jaenadbilde a, t ew.
willing to accept'it
would be viz.li,a promise
of the election of
exceedingly• expensive,
altogether im-
prlf not
so exceedingly difficult
so easy of detection, that I 't, and, above all,
would very seld 'f
ev't tr, be resorted to. In the first plac om, 1
vo4 ;er should be bribed e every
, no matter how he voted.
It 'would not merely be the few who reserved their
vod,;es until they found the probability
that they
in fight turn the scale, and were thus enabled to
st rike an advantageous bargain. The remunera-
ti on, or, in plainer language, " the bribe," should
b' 3 SO small as scarcely to tempt any but the most
n sedy and unconscientious voters, or it should be
sc ) large as to prove almost ruinous to any but
tl ie wealthiest and most unconscientious bribers—
a' ad as universal silence could not be anticipated,
tl ie bribery would be speedily detected, and be
st isceptible of easy proof.
There would thus be the very strongest reasons
lainst its adoption, and even if it were resorted to
thv 5 corrupt electors would vote in favour of the)

man whose views they believed to be in accordance
with those o f the majority, and, therefore, even
with such bribery- as could be practised the same
conclusion would be arrived at as if it were totally
checked.

Bribery and corruption would thus be nearly,
if not altogether, avoided if " the Ballot" were in-
troduced ; so far, indeed, that the exception
would even more strongly prove the rule,
while any offence would be hunted out with
a keener scent, and punished with more
stringent severity when the detectors and aven-
gers could conscientiously declare themselves to
be free from any taint of the offence. But the
remedy would be complete in cases of intimida-
tion, whether of landlord, creditor, employer, or
customer. It would be impossible to punish any
man for what could not be brought home to him.
The tenant in arrear might go up boldly to the
polling-booth, without dreading to find a distress
or an ejectment for non-payment of rent awaiting
his return. The debtor would not fear arrest,
the workman discharge, or the small tradesman a
loss of custom, for having given a conscientious
vote. Nor need the sacerdotal malediction or
mob violence be dreaded. Why, then, resort to
such round-about methods of achieving that which
may be directly accomplished ?
" Melius est pet ere fontes, quans sectari rivulos."
Far better to strike at the root of the evil than
to strive to punish the few cases that may be de-
tected. If the House really wish to prevent, or
even materially to check, the practice, let them
resort to that which alone can prove effectual—
the Ballot. The other matters may be valuable
adjuncts, but, without the grand protection, must
prove worse than useless.