The Sun.
London, England, 1854-05-17 00:00:00

N" •
THE SUN, LONDON, IfEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 17, 1854.

the repeal of the present laws would, more than anything
else, tend to put an end to.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL did not rise with the in-
tention of quarrelling much with the resolution of the hon.
member for Manchester, for he was disposed to think that
the law on the subject of the periodical press required re-
vising and amending. (Hear, hear.) He was also dis-
posed to admit that up to the present time the law had
been unequally enforced, but to this he could give some
explanation and qualification, for he did not wish the house
to run away with the notion that the law had been arbi-
trarily enforced, for it had not beeu so. The portion of
the a !dress of the hon. member with which he was most
disposed to quarrel was the unnecessary bitternes c with
which he had commented on the conduct of the Stamp-
°Sea officials The principle on which the law had been
adirdnistered with regard to these publications was, that
wherever a periodical publication had confined itself to
av,y single class of subjects, there the law had not interfered.
kits thought this principle was first intro luced in the case
of the Athenaeum, for it was considered that in the case of
publications not being at all devoted to political sub-
jects, yet which conveyed an amount of amusement
apnucilbiincasttruioncsti,ovnt
ngawhiincgh would be beneficial, —(hear)—these
the more exciting political topics,
would be less likely to obtaiu the favour of the public,
and were those to which the Legislature might extend
some favorar. This began with publications of a literary
or philoeephical character, and was graclnall extended; for
when *le principle of exemption was introduced, it was
felt t'o be no more than fairness and justice that the prin-
ciple should be applied to all those publications which fell
within it. The consequence of this has been that so many
of these class publications are now issued that many and
serious complaints have been made against these exemp-
tions by those who pay the duty, so that, he could promise
the hon. member he would now obtain that which he con-
tended for, and the law should be equally enforced against
the whole of those publications infringing the law. (A
laugh.) It was rather odd that one who had so long and
eloquently contended for the repeal of the duties should
now clamour for the inflexible and uniform enforcement
of the law. He thought the principle on which the hon.
gentleman did this might be surmised. He (Mr. Gibson)
conceived that the greater the number of the periodicals
subjected to this tax, the greater would be the outcry
against them and the greater the chances of their repeal.
(Hear, and a laugh.) He (the Attorney-General) did not
quarrel with this, but it should be borne iu mind, when
complaints arose of the unequal enforcement of the law,
and of the conducteef—thestofficers of the Board of Inland
Revenue, that prosecutions had arisen out of the grievous
complaints made by parties paying the duties against
those, who were exempted. (Hear, hear.) He considered
that the law on this subject required additions and
amendments, but he could not agree with the hon. mem-
ber as to its imperfect state with regard to the case
he had mentioned of the Dublin paper. In this case
the law decided nothing—the judge merely told the jury
that the law was dedued by the definition in the act of
Parliament, and asked the jury to find and determine as a
question of fact whether that portion of the news-
paper relied upon by the counsel for the Crown did
contain public news, intelligence, or occurrences. In this
case the question had to be decided by a jury, and the jury
said it was not a periodical containing news, intelligence,
or occurrences, and they gave it as their opinion that the
paper did not come within the meaning of the act. In
such cases as these, when the question came to be whether
the law was or was not inf: inged there was no alternative
but to bring them before a jury, by whose recision alone the
point at issue could be settled. Now, he asked the right
hon. gentleman whether he was able to give a better defini-
tion of a newspaper than that which was laid down in the
act of Parliament ? (Hear, hear.) So long as they admitted
the principle that a newspaper was to be taxed, some defini-
tion such as that must beladuered to. With reference to
the tax, all he would say was, that the Chaucellor of the
Exchequer was not present, and they could not fairly be
asked to consider the repeal of so considerable an amount
of the public revenue. In present circumstances such a
proposition was out of the question. (Hear, hear.) All
they were now considering, therefore, was, whether the
definition given by the law was a right definition or not ;
and again he asked whether t• ey could give a better defini-
tion of a newspaper than that, it was a publication con-
taining "public news, intelligence, and occurrences?" He
could not agree with the right hon. gentleman in the views
he had expressed on that point. At the same time he
trusted the right hon. gentleman would feel that he did not
say this from any backwarduess or obstinacy in accepting
from him any advice that might be serviceable on this
question. If hie right hon. friend could pint out any
mode by which the law might be amended, he would be
;nest happy to avail himself of his suggestions. (Hear.)
He admitted that there were pelts of the law which might
oe amended; those relating to bonds and securities called
for consideretiea, and he would be ready to give his best
assistance towards making such alterations as might be
deemed necessary. (Hear, hear.) He could not agree with
his right hon. friend that the law had bean arbitrarily or
capriciously enforced. He was quite sure that such was
not the case, and he must repudiate as one of the law offi-
cers of the Crown the charge that had been brought for•
ward with reference to the Potteries Free Press. They had
been compelled to proceed in that case in consequence of
the urgent complaints that were made by other papers,
and the prosecution was gone into solely for the purpose of
enforcing the law, and not to inflict hardship. In conclu-
sion, he again admitted that the law required amendment,
and that it should be uniformly enforced on one general
principle, and he trusted that the Government would be
prepared in due time to follow out the views he had ex
presses. He could not, however, accept the resolution
proposed by his right hon. friend. At the same time he
would not propose co negative the resolution, but would
content himself with moving the previous question. (Hear.)
Mr. EWART was glad to hear his hon. and learned
friend state that he was willing to consider the question of
securities. and he trusted he would also consider that part
of the law ,which subjected to the stamp those papers that
consisted only of advertisements, because it was absurd to
repeal the advertisement duty, and yet prevent the circu-
lation of advertisements in unstamped papers. (Hear.)
' He looked upon the whole question as one that concerned
the education of the people, and regretted that the war in
which we were engaged should have intervened to perpe-
tuate the present system. They had refused to entertain
the question of national education—so intense was the
wiiunt theologicura throughout the country—and he was
therefore the mere anxious that the people should have the
means of educating themselves by means of libraries, and
museums, and the extensive circulation of a free press.
(Hear.) They had thrown out the bill for promoting a
national system of education in Scotland ; and if they
thus refused national education on the one hand, and, on
the other, prevented the people from enjoying the ad-
vantages of unstamped newspapers, he did not know what
was to be the result. (Hear.) In America every man
had his newspaper, and they had the best authority for
saying that the state of political education gave the people
there an immense superiority over the people of this coun-
try. (Hear, hear.) It was possible even in India to
establish a system of education, so that in this respect
England was not only behind America, but positively be-
hind her own colonies. (Hear.) He hoped that, though
his right hon. friend might not succeed in the present in-
stance, he would, nevertheless, continue to agitate this
question. (Hear.) He rejoiced that the Attorney-General
had promised to alter the law with respect to bonds, and
his great hope was, that hereafter the efforts of the right
hon. member for Manchester would be completely success-
ful. (Hear.)

Mr. HUME asked if it was the intention of the Attorney-
General to put an end to the present system of prosecu-
tions? The object of his right hon. friend the member for
Manchester was to show that the law was so uncertain
that no judge or jury could avoid giving offence, but the
hon. and learned gentleman had not told them that this
state of things was to cease. He wished to see the re-
maining portion of " the six acts" blotted out of the
statute-book. Instead of progressing with the rest of the
world, and especially with America, with which we came
most into competition, we seemed to be going back. We
were keeping up laws that maintained the people in igno-
rance, intolerance, and vice, instead of allowing such a
free circulation of intelligence as would check those evils.
What would be thought of the man who would try to
make an animal live on one kind of food only, and expect
it to work with vigour and efficiency ? The food of an
Englishman was news, intelligence, and information ; yet
thay stinted him of these. Why, there were no such laws
in Turkey as we had upon this subject. He would advise
the Government, at a time when they were at a loss to know
what to do with crime, and when their prisons were over-
flowing, to remove all restriction on the free circulation
of intelligence. There could be no doubt that the present
state of the law prevented the employment of capital in
the production of cheap publications. He would call
upon the Government, therefore, to repeal the present
laws altogether, and leave the press open, resting assured
that so long as a government acted rightly they had no
reason to be afraid of any class of newspapers whatever.
The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said his hon. friend who
had last spoken seemed to have misapprehended the mean-
ing of what fell from his hon. and learned friend the At-
torney-General. He certainly understood his hon. and
learned friend to speak entirely in the spirit in which the
right hon. gentleman the member for Manchester had
moved his resolution. He understood that a distinct
pledge was given that this subject would receive the most
anxious attention of the Government, and that his hon.
and learned friend was desirous only of showing to the
house the difficulties of attempting to defiee the law
better than it was defined at present. This was a
subjeCt of that nature that it almost baffled the pos-
sibility of definition in terms that would insure abso-
lute certainty. The definition now used was not one
of modern legislation, for it was the language of the 10th
of Queen Anne, the precise words of that statute having
been introduced into the last act passed on the subject.
The words were, " public news, intelligence, or occur-
rences, which shall be dispensed or made public ;" and it
was impossible to use language more precise. The hon.
member who spoke last but one spoke of the anomaly of
papers containing only advertisements being treated as
newspapers. His hon. friend did not seem to be aware
that this was done at the instance of the proprietors of one
of those advertising papers, called the North British
Advertiser, who wished their publication to be admitted
to the privilege of the stamp, in order that it might have
the advantage of being transmitted by post. The resolu-
tion proposed by the right hon. gentleman was one that
would not lead to any difference of opinion. At the same
time he could not agree iu the language of the resolution
being adopted, because it implied a great reproach—viz.,
that the law had been unequally enforced. The law had
been unequally enforced only from the desire that existed
to enforc it according to its spirit, and not according to its
letter. (Hear, hear.) He would repeat what had already
been stated to the house, that the whole subject would re-
ceivee the careful attention of the Government. The ques-
tion
of securities which had been referred to was not the
only one deserving the attention of the Government.
Some of the acts of 1819 still remained unrepealed that
ought in his opinion
and an to be removed from the statute-book,
attempt ought to be made to bring the whole law
which had been co
into one uniform
It would not be easy, however,
to adopt a definistyistein.
oin
_more clear and distinct than that
' inserted in every
statute upon
the act of Queen Anne, and
trusted
dultir this subject from that time
downwards. He t
who had brought forward tl'iit the right hon. gentleman
with the assurance that this slnotion would be satisfied
attention of the law officers of subject would have the earliest
that the right hon. the Crown and he hoped
gentleman would consent
auxiliary to such officers in rendering th to act as an
acts and the definition of the law uponthees words of the
as they possibly could be made. (Hear hear.)
as clear
Sir J. SHELLEY considered that the assurlance
Government, so far as they went upon this mattesr,
of the
satisfactory. He could not, however, agree with the hon. i
and learned Attorney -General that the law relating to it
was either well understood or well defined ; and as a proof
that it was not so, he would refer to the very voluminous
correspozo. e
/ nee which he held in his hand, and which the
house was in possession of on this subject, and which car-
taioly went to prove the very opposite of what the hon.
1 learned gentleman had asserted. He had moved. a
shortat time since for certain returns connected with the
nowipvers and
1 with the st..anp duties, which had been
refused to him on the ground that there were no means of
giving him the information that he required ; but he

ound now, from the evidence of Mr. Novelle), that from
the stamped and unstamped copies of the newspaper which
were necessarily deposited, there could have been little
or no difficulty to put him into possession of the data that
I he required from the production of such returns. Under
these circumstances; he should renew his application in a
different form, by the adoption of which he had little
doubt of being more successful. With respect to the
question immediately before the house, he felt that his
right hon. friend had so well argued it that there was no
necessity for him to go over the same ground ; but, at the
same time, he must say, that he felt very much pleased at
the pledge which the motion of the right hon. gentleman
had extracted from the law officers of the Crown. (Hear.)
He wished to say a few words with regard to the postage
of newspapers, the management and regulations of which
he considered to be very inadequate and annoying ; and
he was of opinion that if, in the estimation of Mr. Rowland
Hill, 1.1. on each paper was ample payment for the p stage
of the same, such penny ought to be paid. In the district
in which he resided there were, happily, only two news-
papers, and most people to see these, as they had no wish
to incur the expense of purchasing them individually for
themselves, had to go to the public houses, where, of
conrse, they had to pay for ale or brandy and water, or
whatever they had to drink. If it were not for the pre-
sent restrictions this would not be so, but every man could
afford to have such newspapers at his own home. (Hear.)
He hoped that his right hon. friend would carry his
motion to a division, as he should like the people of this
country really to know who were or who were not honestly
their friends in this matter. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. CROS.3LE ir said that, although he was disposed to
be as liberal as most members with respect to these ques•
tions, nevertheless he could not agree with the doctrines
which he had heard propounded with respect to their
general effects upon education. He was one of those who
had voted against the late scheme of the Government rela-
tive to education, and he should always continue to vote
against such educational system, from the conviction that
it was radically wrong. His notion in these matters was,
" Hands off," and let the people educate themselves. He
was quite certain that they , would do much better
without any interference of the house than with it. He
could not agree with the Attorney-General that when
there was a time of war all lightening of taxation should
necessarily ba put a stop to; and in considering such an
emergency, he thought that the advice given to him by an
old friend when he first commenced business might be
usefully followed, such advice being that " when difficul-
ties increased our.energies'should increase also." He had
followed and acted upon that advice, and could testify to
the advantage of having done so. He would propose to
Govetninent that, in place of enforcing the restrictions
which were complained of, it would be better that it
should bo made compulsory to put a stamp on all bankers'
cheques.
Mr. BRIGHT thought that the house would agree with
him in the opinion that the language of the law officers of
the Crown was not so confident on this as on former occa-
sions. These learned gentlemen had been complimented
on the tone of their language, and he certainly thought
that such tone was touch more moderate than it had been
hitherto. He was glad to seethe learned Attorney-General
and Solicitor-General agree together in thinking that some
alterations were required as to the laws on this subject,
but still he could not help feeling that the hon. and
learned gentlemen Very widely differed as to the extent of
such alterations with his right hon. friend and colleague.
(Hear, hear.) If the hon. and learned gentlemen did really
so cordially agree with his right hon. friend, he (Mr.
Bright) could not understand why they should so strenu-
ously oppose his proposition, whicts Was drawn up in so
moderate a spirit that he almost felt inclined to blarnehis
right hon. friend for not putting the question in more for-
cible terms than he had evidently thought it his duty to
adopt. The terms of his right hon. friend's motion, if he
properly comprehended it, were these—namely; that the
laws in reference to the periodical press and newspaper
stamps were ill-defined and unequally enforced, and that
the subject was one which demanded the early considera-
tion of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) He understood the
learned Attorney-General to agree so far with the words
of the motion as not to deny that the subject demanded
the consideration of the house, and that the laws on the
subject had been in some cases unequally enforced—
[" Hear, hear." from the Attorney-General]— but the
learned gentleman denied that such laws were ill-defined.
(Hear, hear.) Well, then, he could understand exactly
the position which the hon. and learned gentleman intended
to take. In following the arguments of his right hon.
friend who introduced this motion to the house, it should
be observed that it had not been in ally way insinuated
that the Board of Inland Revenue had been voluntarily
unfair or partial in their dealing with the operation of the
laws over which they bad control, so as to charge one man
to the exclusion of another; but what was complained of
was, that these laws had seen unequally enforce I, and,
that they were so, even the hon. and learned gentlemen
the :selves had not attempted to deny. (Hear, hear.) He
artily believed that the Attorney-General in his own mind
telt that no attempt which could be made would be ef-
fectual to prevent these laws from being unequally en-
forced; and if it should be said that every paper that
came within the reach of these laws should be taxed, he
did not believe that such laws would stand a year. (Hear,
hear.) He hoped it weuld not be supposed for one mo-
ment that the object of his right hon. friend in bringing
this motion oefore the house was that such papers as tae
Athenceion, the Builder, the Racing Times, or even Mr.
Novello's publications, should be stamped ; for he felt as-
sured that nothing was further from the wishes and inten-
tions of that right hon. gentleman, who had on so many
occasions expressed and proved himself an enemy to
the system of stamps altogether—("Hear," from Mr. -Gib-
son) —but what was objected to was that the law shouldbe
so worked as to touch some and let others off free, particu-
larly in such cases whore it was supposed the public might
be offended and the stamp. dutiee imperilled. He had no
doubt that if the Chancellor of the Exchequer were in his
place he would tell them that those stamp du.ies, regarded
in a fiscal light, were of little or no importance i • and he
could easily understand that the amount of such duties
was not the mainspring of their retention, which, pro-
bally, was chiefly owing to the desire of keeping down
the publication of cheap political periodicals, calculated
to be dangerous in their tendency and widely disseminated
among the people. (Hear.) Notwithstanding what the
learned Attorney-General had said, there was no doubt
but that the Board of Inland Revenue had been for years
allowing a body of news to be published throughout this
kingdom, contrary to the statutes on the subject—(hear,
hear)—and that hundreds of thousands of pounds which
ought to have been paid had been remitted in the way of
stamps with reference to this or that. publication, which
the Government might have considered not objec ionable,
or perhaps useful. (" Hear," and "No.") Why, if a
man in Manchester issue a newspaper, he must pay Id. on
every copy he sent out, while another man in the Strand
was permitted to publish the Racing Times without a
stamp, and not only remain unprosecuted by Government,
but actually let off altogether. He had no objection to
the unstamped publication of the Racing Times, or any
other paper, and merely mentioned such an example to
show the injustice and inequality of the tax. (Hear.)
Government, no doubt, acted in this way, not because
they were unwilling to receive all they could get from this
tax, but because they found it wise to give up acme of the
tax in order to be able to retain any of it. He hoped
that his right hon. friend would not be met on this
occasion in a spirit of such restricted liberality as the
recommendation of the hon. and learned gentlemen seemed
to infer, but, on the contrary, that Government would
imitate the example of Sir Robert Peel and other great
statesmen ou similar emergencies, and do away with
such cumbrous machinery of legislation, which was not
only ineffective, but unmanageable. (Cheers.) What, he
would ask, was to be the operation of the statute on the
proceedings of the electric telegraph companies ? When
hon. members left the house some of them .vent to the Re-
form, some to the Carlton, and some, perhaps, to that club
which a distinguished individual sail he had never heard
of —(a laugh)—and each would find written up in the hall
of his club an account of the proceedings in the house.
(Hear.) Hs himself, before coming down, had so read a
report of part of the speech of his right hon. friend who
had made this motion. Well, every line of every para-
graph so published was a violation of the law. And so—
not at the interval of a month, a week, a day, or even an
hour, but every five minutes through the evening—fresh
news from that house was being published all over London.
It was pri..ted, and it was sent down into the country and
printed there, and he skould like to know from the Attor-
ney-General whether it was his intention mo put a atop to
this wonderful operation of the electric telegraph ? Were
great public companies, who h td expended iminense sums
iu their undertakings, to be insulted, attacked, worried.
nay, perhaps destroyed, by the Board of Inland Revenue ?
Hear.) The Attorney-General knew very well there was
no fear of it ; and even if there were, the Attorney-Gene-
ral was not the man to be the instrument of such doings
He could not think that the hon. and learned gentleman
would ever lend himself to do anything which could lessen
the instruction of the people, or could diminish the length
and breadth and number of the channels by which the
publication of political information was spread through all
parts of the kingdom. (Hear.) Then, again, with regard
to the financial part of the question. Not long ago he had
read in a Scotch paper that the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer, in receiving a deputation from some place in Scot-
land, praying for a grant for the establishment of some pub-
lic institution, though he did not promise the grant, had
stated very distinctly that he did not. wish to be understood
that, because the country was at war, everything connected
with art and science and public instruction was thereby
to be thrown aside, even though it did cost something to
the Exchequer. That was a sentiment which did honour
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; but in this case
he would have the right hon. gentleman to understand
that he was not asked to abandon the 400,0001. which the
penny stamp produced. At present it was supposed by
persons connected with the post-office, that about as many
papers went through the post-office as were published—
that was, supposing 100,000,000 newspapers to be published,
100,000.000 went through the post-office, some of course
never going through it all, and some very frequently; and
the question, therefore, to be ascertained was, supposing
the stamp duty were abolished, and a postage of id. im-
posed for every newspaper which entered the box of the
post-office as a substitute, what would be the number of
newspapers which would go through the post-office as
compared with the number which now went through?
For it was evident that if the number continued the same,
the Exchequer would get quite as much money as it did
now. The letters which had been read in the course
of the discussion, containing applications from all parts
of the country to the Board of Inland Revenue, as
to whether such and such papers were or wore not
liable to the tax, would give the house sonfe idea
of the pressure which that board brought. to bear
upon the disposition to publish throughoutithe country,
and of the number of newspapers actually strangled
by the stamp. There were 75 boroughs in the United
Kingdom returning members to Parliament, in not one of
which was there a newspaper—(hear)—a thing which would
scarcely be believed if told in England of any other coun-
try. He would assume that for every newspaper pub-
lished in the United Kingdom now, there would be ten
published if there was no newspaper stamp ; and if they
went to the colonies or to the United States, he thought
everybody who knew anything of the condition of affairs
there would allow that he was not overstating the case.
If, then, instead of 100,000,000 papers there were
1,000,000,000 published, was it not fair to assume that
at least one in ten of these would stilt pass through the
post, and, if the postage duty was equal to the present
stamp, it was clear that the sum of money which the Ex-
chequer would receive would be just about equal to that
which the stamp duty produced. The Excise duties would
fall off to that amount, but the postage revenue would
immediately increase ; the paper duty would increase—
(hear)—and at the same time the facility of intercourse
among all classes of the people would lead to the spread of
trade, the increase of consumption, and the general im-
provement of the revenue. (Hear, hear.) But there was
a strong argurneut to be drawn against the tax from the
size of the newspapers. Now here wore three newspapers
of the largest size—The Times, with its supplement ; a
paper published in the colony of Victoria, called the Mel-
bonnie Argos, with its supplement, about the same size as
Times;call and the Yew Fcri," Tribune, ',bent as la as
the Times without a supplement. [Here the hon. member,
suiting the action to the word, unfolded the three papers,
mentioned, which being cut into single sheets, and the

sheets tacked together lengthwise, formed each a long roll,
which fell over the seat before, and extended far into the
floor of the house.) The Times paid ld. stamp for each
copy, but the Melbourne Argus paid no stamp at all. The
population of Victoria was not much more than that of
Manchester and Salford together, yet the Melbourne Argus
printed 11,000 copies every morning, and so great was the
demand, that not having the said admirable machinery "at
its command as was possessed by the Times, the proprie-
tors had been obliged to issue a notice that the price would
be doubled to every subscriber after such anti such a day.
The price of the Times was 3d. to the public, the price of
the Melbourne Argus was Lid.,and every workman in New
York could buy the New York Tribune every morning for
1(1. It was just as good a newspaper as the Times. Per-
haps all its leaders were not written with the same ability
which edstinguished that part of the Times —but it had
pilot boats which went far out into the Atlantic to meet
the packets, it had telegraphic despatches from every part
of the union, it had correspondents in all the chief cities of
Europe, and —a thing which would scarcely be deemed pro-
bable of a paper sold for id. —it employed a staff not
much short, he believed, of 300 persons. There was a
paper in New York which sold for a h ,Ifpenny—the New
York Sun—the copyright of which sold not long ago for
50,0001., and he believed that the copyright of the New
York papers was at this moment worth double the copy-
right of all toe papers in London with the exception of the
Times. (Haar.) The reason of that was that the trade
there was free like every other trade, and it prospered in
consequence ; while here, on the contrary, it was ham-
pered by the fetter, of the Board of Inland Revenue.
Look, fur instance, at the Daily News —a paper which was
said to have sink 100,0001., and yet how small was its cir-
culation, and by the late returns that was diminishing.
There was the Morning Chronicle, too, a paper that every
day addressed a still more select audience. Take all the
London papers, with the exception of the Times and a
few of the cl'eap-priced weekly papers, which appealed
to a somewhat different cl'iss, and which were at
very much less expense—all were suffering from the
restricted trade. Here was an unfortunate paper which the
Board of Inland Revenue had strangled out of its little in-
nocent life. (A laugh.) [The hon. member here produced a
single sheet somewhat of the size of the Spectator.] It was
called the Potteries Free Press; or Weekly Narrative of Cur-
rent Events, and purported to be published without a stamp
in conformity with the regulation of the Stamp-office, as
sanctioned by them in the publication of the Athenceum,
Builder, Punch, Racing Times, &c. The proprietor thought
he was acting according to law, but the Board of Inland
Revenue very soon told him a different tale, and he was
brought to a sudden stop, when, but for that interference,
he would have had a sale of 10,000 copies; and the house,
which was horrified at the ignorance of the people, which
voted 260,0001. for education, which appointed public in-
spectors of schools, was content to maintain a law which
enacted that this little paper should not travel among the
industrious artisans of thedistrict, and do its part towards
the instruction of the people. Then again, there was the
case of the West Sussex Advertiser, or South Coast Journal,
published by Mr. Mitchell, a gentleman who lived in a dis-
trict of the country in which there were 100,000 inhabi-
tants, which returned eight or nine members to Parka-
mexr , and which, nevertheless, had not one single paper to
enlighten it. Mr. MitChell attempted toimprove this state
of things, he published this paper unstamped at ld., but the
Board of Inland Revenue interfE-ed with him too ; he re-
ceived one of their polite letters, and ho was obliged to pay
01. penalty for what lie had done, and to put the ld. stamp
oa the corner of his paper Now there were three little vil-
lagea in that district:in Which 41 copies of this newspaper,
at Id., were sold—three villages in which three papers had
never regularly curl permeriently circulated before—but no
sooner was the stamp imposed, and the price consequently
changed to 2d. instead of Id., than 37 persons i-,ut of the 41
discontinue, I the-paper. Mr. Mitchell had written a most
admirable letter to the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the
subject, which he defied the right hon. gentleman to read,
and remain unconvinced. • Now, he would ask this house,
whether they would obstinately continue to tax this paper
—a paper which was suitable to the small towns and vil-
lages, suited, too, to the capacity and time for reading, as
well as the pockets of the labouring classes—whether they
would consent that the Chancellor of the Exchequer should
permanently place a tax of ld. on this small sheet, ,nd the
same tax on the largesheat of the Times. It was contrary to
common sense, contrary to every principle sanctioned by
the house, and he therefore advised the Attorney-General
not to waste his legal acuteness in cobbling up this law,
which he must know never could be fairly and equally
worked out. He would rather advise him and the Solici-
tor-General to set about persuading the Government that
the thing was a blunder altogether. (Hear, hear.) It was
all very well for the time of Queen Anne. It must be re
membered that they had two civil wars within a few years
after the law was passed, and they had men in both houses
~f Parliament sworn against the reigning dynasty. But
there were no disputes now about the dynasty or the over-
throwing of institutions, •on the contrary, there was not
a country in the world where the people were more united
genera ly on all great political principles, mere disposed to
put confidence in the Legislature, or more sincerely desir-
ous of working together for the prosperity of the whole
community. The report of the Royal Commissioners sent
to the New York Exiiinition had neon referred to in the
course of the discussion, and he should like greatly to call
the attention of the house to the last paragraph of Mr.
Whitworth's report. This was it :
it rarely happer is that a workman who possesses pecu-
liar skill in his craft is disqualified to take the responsible
position of superintendent by the want of education and
general knowledge, as is frequently the case in this country.
In. every State iu the Union, and particularly in the north,
education is, by means of the common schools, placed
within the reach of each individual, and all classes avail
themselves of the opportunities afforded. The desire of
knowledge so early implanted is greatly increased, while the
facilities for diffusing it are amply provided through the
instrumentality of an almost universal press. No taxation
of any kind has been suffered to interfere with the free
development of this powerful agent for promoting the
intelligence of the people, and the consequence is, that
where the humblest labourer can indulge in the luxury of
his daily paper, everybody reads, and thought and intelli-
gence 'penetrate through the lowest grades of society.
The benefits which thus result from a liberal system of
education and a cheap press to the working classes of the
United States can hardly be over-estimated in a national
point of view ; but it is to the co-operation of both that they
must undoubtedly be ascribed."

He understood there were many things in Mr. Whitworth's
report which had startled manufacturers and men of science
in this country. (Hear, hear.) He had shown that in cer-
tain departments there was an increasing skill and know-
ledge, which threatened not only to rival, but to excel any-
thing existing in this country. (Hear.) It must be borne
in mind that we were close to the United States. Every
week, everything that was known here was known there,
and every workman there had the same power as the mem-
ber of Congress to read all that was published in the public
papers, while the very opposite was the case here. Passing
by a publichouee here, they would see the newspaper folded
over the bar, as a temptation for the workman to come in
from the street to read it. The right to have it in his own
home and at his own hearth was denied him here ; and the
effect of the law was to drive him to the alehouse if he ac
tually wished to read a newspaper. The working classes
could not see the newspaper in these places without im-
bibing a certain, or rather an uncertain, quantity of gin
and water. That was the effect of the newspaper stamp
in this country; but it was not so in the United States.
If we distrusted our population so much that we would
not trust them with political knowledge, we were hypo-
crites to the last degree if we spoke of the ignorance and
depravity of our countrymen. (Cheers.) Judging from
the persons in his own employ, he should say that the
newspaper was as enticing and alluring to the working
classes as to hon. members. It was read by them with as
much eagerness, and they came to conclusions as reason-
able, as members of that house. When they could get
newspapers at their own homes they abstained from public-
houses, and, by reading a variety of journals, they got rid
of those false politico-econornical views which were too
prevalent among the working classes. As a matter of
finance, he believed the revenue would not suffer from
the repeal of this duty, while upon the higher grounds oi
morality and education the time had come when this duty
ought to be abolished as a stamp duty and changed to a
postage duty. The house would set free hundreds of news
papers in a single Sear throughout the country, and they
would do more to promote tJuse objects which they pro-
fessed in speeches and blue-books to care for than they
could do by any machinery that human ingenuity coul,t
contrive, or that the power of the executive Government
could enforce. (Load cheers.)
Lord PA.LIIERiTOIST—Sir, I think it is a rule deserv-
ing to be followed, when different persons concur on some
points
mutual advantage of all that they should endeavour to con
fine their action to those points on which they agree, and
avoid, if it be not necessary, entering into collision upon
those points on which they differ. Now, sir, on the gene-
ral scope of the resolution proposed by my right hon
friend (Mr. M. Gibson), I apprehend that the house will
have seen from what has passed in this debate that there
is no fundamental difference of opinion. It is admitted
that the law in question requires to be considered, ant
that it is a fit subject for revision, but the resolution of m 3
rig'-it hon. friend contains assertions not bearing neces-
sarily on the points he has in view, and on which a dif-
ference of opinion has been stated. My right hon. friend's
resolution asserts that the law is ill-defined. That
is a question of legal opinion on which a difference has
been stated, and I apprehend that it is hardly necessary
for the purposes of my right hon. friend to insist upon the
assent of Parliament to that statement. The resolution of
my right hon. friend also asserts that the law has been un
equally enforced. Now, in the sense in which, by his
speech, he has interpreted that part of the resolution, the
assertion is perfectly right and undeniable. (Hear.) There
has been an unequal enforcement of the law, but anybody
not cognisant of the details connected with the execution
of the law, and who simply reads the resolution, would
infer that the resolution means to imply that the law has
been enforced with partiality, with favour, and with in-
tentional injustice. That 1 apprehend is disclaimed. (Cries
of " Hear, hear.") Well, but surely that is no good rea-
son for adhering to words which are liable to an interpre-
tation-that-is not meant. I should therefore submit to my
right hon. friend, that he will accomplish his purpose, and
render his resolution free from objections that might be
urged to it, if he will so far alter it as to content himself
with the assertion, that " the laws in reference to the
periodical press and newspaper stamp
.demand the early
consideration of Parliament, with the view (going further
perhaps than the right hon. gentleman) to their revision."
I should submit to him that such a resolution would
answer his purpose, and it will not render the Beard of
inland Revenue liable to a Parliamentary imputation,
which he does not wish to inflict, while it steers clear of
the debateable question as to whether the law is ill-defined
a matter of legal opinion which we are not called upon to
decide. The speech of the hon. gentleman (Mr. Bright)
was chiefly directed to matters which are not involved
in the resolution, and which my right hon. friend
studiously abstained from entering upon. The hon.
gentleman, following his own opinion, in language often
well expressed, has argued at great length for the repeal
of the stamp duty. But that is not the object of this
resolution, and.my right hon friend stated that he did not
mean to apply the resolution to that point, and that it
would not be fair to have done so in the absence of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. Therefore I do not enter
upon a discussion on that subject ; all I say is, that I
entirely so far concur with the hon. gentleman the mem-
ber for Manchester that I think it must be an object of
desire to everybody, and that it would be a great public
advantage, to afford to the lower classes all those means of
general instruction that can well be brought within their
reach. (Cheers.) The abrogation of this peculiar stamp is
is only a matter of financial consideration, and it can only
be maintained as a matter of finance. (Hear.) Undoubtedly
everybody will admit, that the larger we open the field of
nenerpl In,tructio•.!, Lim tio:r o
tire order, the loyalty, and the good conduct of the lower
classes will rest. (Cheers.) On that subject I will not
cuter, m it is brought forward (separately and distinctly.

The present question refers to the resolution of my right
hon. friend, and I really ask him, whether he does- not
think that the resolution I suggest will perhaps better
answer his purpose than that which he has proposed ?
(Divide, divide !")
Mr. M. GIBSON said—l really do not exactly see why
there should be this great abjection to the resolution I have
proposed. (Hear.) I well considered that resolution be-
fore I submitted it to the house, and knowing the great
adroitness of the noble lord—l beg his pardon for the ex-
pression—(hear, hear, and a laugh)—and his experience in
the conduct of these parliamentary affairs, I confess that I
feel some reluctance to give it up, and to assent to the
words which he has suggested to me. (Hear.) Tf he agrees
with what I have sail, why not take our resolution? (Hear.)
If he disagrees with what I have said, that seems to me to
be a ground for making an appeal to the house. (Hear.) I
hear.l the word " revision." Now, Ido not want to bind
myself to what is called " revision. (Hear, hear.) My
position is this. I complain of certain laws as ill-defined
and unequally enforced, and I call upon the Government
of the country to take their own course, but to come to
us with some mode or other of meeting the evils which I
complain of. (Hear, hear.) When they submit their
remedy, I shall be prepared to give my opinion either in
tavour of or against it, but I decline, for one, to be a party
to revising this particular law, because I am in favour of
repeal. (Hear.) All I ask the house to do now is, not
to vote in favour of repeal, but to go so far with me as to
say the law is ill-defined and unequally enforced, and that
it is the duty of the Government to submit to the house
some plan or other of meeting those evils. (Hear, hear.)
I throw the responsibility upon the Government. The
noble lord now asks me to share that responsibility by
talking about " revising." My wish, however, is to leave
it to the Government to decide whether they will revise or
whether they will repeal ; and on these grounds I will be
no party to the alteration which the noble lord has pro-
posed. (Hear hear, " divide, divide.")
Lord PALMERSTON—I wish to ask my right hon.
friend whether I clearly understand that his resolution as
he proposes it is not meant to imply any censure, any ac-
cusation of unfairness, or partiality against the Board of
Inland Revenue. (Hear, hear.) If that is clearly under-
stood, I do not think the difference of wording is a matter
of any great importance. (Hear.)
Mr. M. GIBSON—I thought that, in my opening re-
marks, I had distinctly guarded myself against being mis-
understood upon the subject. (Hear, hear.) I bring no
charge whatever against the Chairman of the Board of In-
land Revenudor his officers. (Hear, hear) I attack the
system, which I say is calculated to cast unmerited odium
upon them. (Hear, hear.)
The amendment was then by leave withdrawn, and the
original resolution unanimously agreed to amid loud cheers.