The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-20 00:00:00

i~ / /
~%~

NO. 19,418.]

LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 20, 1854.

PUBLICATIONS.

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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

YA.LITABLE LITERARY PRESENT.

LIVES of the QUEENS of ENGLAND.
By AGNES STRICKLAND.

HOUSE OF LORDS--(YESTERDAY.)
Their lordship] met at five o'clock.
EXCHANGE OF VESiELS.

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81, Cheapside, Dec. 18, 1851.

New and Cheaper Edition, with ail the late Improvements and
Portraits of every Queen, in volumes, 7s. 6d. each, bound, either
of which may be had y.
Published fur IL Colburn, by his succeisors. Burst and Blackett.

The Earl of HARDWICKE t.a;o-naicetbat Ile in-
tended to ask of her Ajesty's Ministers whether any
bargain had been made between this enintry and Prus-
sia with regard to the exchange of verse's,
what time ; and also, who was the responsible officer at
the harbour of Balaklava? and, if so, at

TIM NEW NOVEL.
This day is published, In 2 vols.,

0 AKLEIGH MASCOTT.
By L. HOWE.

Dedicated to Professor Aytoun.
Hurst aid Blackett, publishers, successors to Henry Colbttrn, 13,
(Ire It Marlborough-street.

HE 16s. TROWSERS REDUCED TO 145.;
I~
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N. 8.-1 perfect fit guaranteed.

A DAY OF GENERAL TIIANKSGIVING FOR
OUR ARMS IN TILE FAST.
The Duke of GRXFFON asked whether it was the
intention of her Majesty to appoint a day to be specially
set apart, and kept holy, for the purpose of returning
thanks far the great and glorious victories which our
'arms had obtained at Alma and Inkerman ?

In Two Vols., post Bvo . price 245.,
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Vermouth.:

(Oontributf.d to " Blackwood's Magszine.")
Ey SAMUEL W_ARREN, D.C,L., F.R.S., of tha Inner Temple,

.... . .
The Earl of ABERDEEN was sorry lie could not
answer the question of the noble duke, as at present there
was a special form of prayer in existnce for such a pur-
pose, and he believed that prayer was devoutly observed
throughout the kingdoin, and, under these circum-
stances, he did not feel-justified in advising the propo-
sition of the noble duke.

• .
One of her Majesty's Counsel.
William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London

After sonic remarks froni Mord RODEN and Lord
CAMPBELL the subject dropped.
THE MILITIA BILL.
A. message from the House of Commons announced
that the Militia Bill had been brought up.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE moved the first reading,
and the second reading was fixed fur Thursday, when the
standing orders will be rescinded, in order that it may
pass through committee.
Their lordshipa then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
PETITIONS.
Mr. J. O'CONNELL presented a petition from Clon-
mel, complaining of the inadequate spiritual provision
made for the Roman Catholic soldiers and sailors
serving in the East, and prayingthat steps may be taken
to remove the deficiency ; Mr. SPOONER presented a pe-
tition from the clergy and churchwarden.; of Birming-
ham, praying that the Sale of Beer Bill of last session
may not be disturbed.

CLERGY RESERVES BILL.
Sir GEORGE GREY said last night a motion was
agreed to for the production of the Canada Clergy
Reserves Bill, but Government had not yet received
the bill, and therefore, they could not produce it. The
order ought to be discharged. The order was discharged
upon the understanding that there would be no objec-
tion to produce the bill directly it arrived from Canada.
FRENCH TROOPS FOR THE EAST.
Mr. MUNTZ wished to ask a question of the noble
lord the President of the Council, the answer to which
might influence his vote, and that of other members
upon the Foreign Enlistment Bill. He wished to know
whether before introducing that hill Government used
all their exertions with the Emperor of the French to
induce him to send out to the East an increased number
of French troops at the expense of this country
Lord J. RUSSELL said the Emperor of the French
had at all times shown his willingness to send out troops
to the East, and when the occasion arose later for an
additional supply he displayed the utmost anxiety to
send out as many troops as coubl be got together, and
sent out as the means of transport could supply ; in
point of fact the only limit to the number of troops sent
out was the means of transport. (Hear.) Her Majesty's
'Government had never proposed, nor did they think it
advisable to propose that this country should make any
p4ment for the service of such-troops. (Cheers.)

COAL MINES.
Mr. HUTCHINS wished to ask the Secretary for the
Home Department whether it was the intention of the
Government to bring in a bill for the prevention of
accidents in coal trainee at an early period of this
session ?

Mr. FITZROY said such a bill was in preparation,
and would be produced shortly after the recess.
THE WAR DEPARTNIgNT.
• Mr. V. SMITH asked the President of the Council
what steps had been taken to consolidate the depart-
ments of the army since the vote for a Secretary of State
for the War Departine%t in the list session ; and, whe-
ther he would lay any official correspondence relating to
the subject upon the table of the house I
LOrd J. RUSSELL said the Cammissariat Depart-
ment had been united to the War-office, but he was not
aware that any correspondence had taken place which
threw an'y light upon the matter. No other change of
importance had yet taken place.
•SUCCES,SI6N AND LEGACY DUTIES
_UPON
TILE 'PROPERTY OF OFFICER —IN THE
CRIMEA.
r.
or
ing in a bill
ws, non-com-
nt 0,
who
!rosie
have
3.ve, eedEtd.Rl f
dell) SerFo propertys °.taßn Dy, andpindoei:vadeotduefflgfo. ei,, killed i),,ffirtieotschbee
present
Crimea ; or
r
ing the
from wounds, disease, or fatigue, from the payment of the
succession and lee'scy duties. The hon. member in
bringing forward the measure eulogised, in the
warmest manner, the gallantry of our arms in the East,
and pointing out the difficulties which the military man
experienced m securing, either by insurance or other-
wise, a competency to those whom he might have left
behind, hoped the house would show their generosity
by at once acceding to his motion.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said
that he should be sorry to be at issue upon any point
connected with those who were now engaged in the East,
but ho thought that the mode of rewarding our hrmy
should be left to the Crown; and that when the Crown
was found wanting in its duty, it would then be time for
the house to take the matter up. In the present instance,
the measure proposed was objectionable, upon the ground
that it would not afford the relief sought for the relatives
who most needed it ; as it was, the widow was exempted
from the duty, and the child paid but 1 percent. He would
take a casein point to show bow the proposed measure
would act. An officer recently fell in the Crimea, and
the whole of his property- went to a second cousin, and
if the proposed measure was carried it would give ten
times more to that relative, a comparative stranger, than.
it would afford to the widow and child.
After some further remarks the motion was withdrawn.
PUBLIC LII3RA.RIES EXTENSION.
Mr. EWART moved for leave to bring in a bill for
further promoting the establishment of free public
libraries in municipal towns, and fur extending it to
1 towns governed under local improvement acts, and to
parishes. •

PRAYER FOR THE ARMY AND NAVY.
Mr. NAPIER said he had a notice on the paper for
an address to her
Majesty, that she will be graciously
pleased to order a suitable prayer for our army and
navy to be prepared and used in public service of the
United Church of England and Ireland. He under-
stood, however, that the subject was under the consider-
ation of Government, and ho nerd not therefore press it.
Lord J. RUSSELL' was understood to assent to the
statement of the hon. and learned member.

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state to the house that, as there has been so much preju-
dice excited, so much exaggeration used, I shall think it
necessary to go somewhat -at length into the scope of this
measure, and also into the genera question to which it re-
fers. It would appear, from what lately happened as if
many persons had utterly forgotten, during the lung peace,
the objects for which the wars of this country were under-
taken, and the mode in whiel, they had beers carried on.
shall, therefore, think it expedient to call the attention to
the house to that which has boon the goueral p-dicy, of thi,
country in the great wars which she has carried on, au,
the. manner. in which those wars have boon, in mane
Instances at least, brought to a successful issue. Witt
respect to the first queetiou, I should say that, if we ex
amine' the history of this country, we shall perceive that
the general course has been, wherever any Power has ob-
tained a preponderating force in Europe, and threatener
the independence of smaller states, to, use the influence of
this country in the first place, to use her force in the cocoon
place, in order to obtain the adjustment of the balance:
or, in other words, to maintain the independence el* the
smaller states in Europe. (Hear.) Reference was madethe other evening to the days of Elizabeth and Cromwell.
I need only refer to those days to afford an illustration of-
the proPoeition I have laid down, because, in those days,
the power of Spain having threetuned the liberties of
Europe, -Elizabethe as a wise Sovereigie-eCrothwell, as a
sagacious and bold ruler, ferwed an alliance with France
at one time—at another time with the Dutch and other
countries, in order to check that exorbitant power. Pass-'
ing over the disgraceful reign of Charles the Second, we
find William. 111. adopting the same policy, which, in-
deed, he had pursued as stadtholder of Holland, finding the
power of Louis- XI V. dan,yrous to the liberties of Europe,
he engaged every Power with which he could form any tie
or connection in one grand alliance in order to check
France. The confederacy which he formed was scarcely
suited to the time ; but the then Earl of Marlborough,
who obtained the confidence of the preceding Sovereign,
was a worthy representative of William 111. He had the
same political object in view, with greater military ability,
and ho fought the cause of the liberties of Europe upon
the continent. But in so doing he followed that lino of
action which refers to the second question which I have
raised, and which was the previous policy of England.
We are, I will not say, a military nation, for that would
be an untrue assertion. I believe there is no nation whose
population have more of the hardy and brave qualities of
soldiers than that of the united kingdom of England, Ire-
land, and Scotland. (Hear.) But we are not naturally
military Power. It is our boast—it is our history—in our
speeches and our songs, that our power chiefly dwells in
our naval resourcees. (Hear.) Whenever, therefore, we
have carried on a continental war for the objects I have
stated, we have had recourse to other nations in order to
assist us in so doing. (Hear.) Did the Earl of 'Marl-
borough rely upon the English alone as the force which
should bb brought into the field f So far from it, that
having inquired into the proportion of English soldiers
who served in those great campaigns on the continent, and
those great battles which have redounded so much to the
fame of that great commander, and to the reputation of
the English nation, I find that, it having been stipulate,.
to carry into effect the object of the alliance, that 60,003
men should be the army under his command. And of this
number not more than 40,000 were contributed by Eng-
land,' and of this 40,000 not snore than 18,003 were British
soldiers. Ihavethelisthere—Englishtroops,lo,32B; foreign
in English pay,21,672, making 40,000. The foreign troops
were composed of the following nations utch, 6,136
Prussians, 2,522 ; Hessians, 3,014. Such was the composi-
tion of the army with which Marlborough gained his great
battles. And, in the account of the life of that great man,
I see that at the battle of Ramillies the Danish force was
brought in at the beginning of the engagement, the Dutch
at the middle, and towards the endthe English horse came
up and performed great deeds of valour. Such were the
notions at that day with regard to the composition of
armies who fought great battles, headed by great com-
manders-e-battles fought in the cause of Europe—battles
ending in glorious victories ; but was there then anything
like a fieling that foreigners were not fit to fight by the
side of Englishmen, oven for the riake'd the cause of Eu-
rope? (Hear.) No such feeling entered-into the minds of
those great men who swayed at that time the destinies of
Europe. (Cheers.) Other wars succeeded—wars, perhaps,
without so great an object; but in the battles that we
fought, whenever they were fought on the continent of
Europe, foreigners wore employed. (Hear.) Ido not pre-
tend to vindicate the employment of German troops dur-
ing the American war. I think there was then an unjus-
tifiable use of foreign troops. But when wo again under-
took the cause of Europe—when we were of opinion that
the power of France was too great for the independence of
other nations—thou again we made no difficulty in having
recourse to foreigners in order to fight our battles—battles,
indeed, undertaken by England, but which were in effect
European battles. _ In 1801, we introduced a law for the
service of the German troops—what was afterwards called
the German Legion—and 1 observe that though there was
sense debate on that bill, no person but Sir Philip Francis
and Mr. Peter Moore took part in the opposition. Mr.
Fox spoke on the subject of the Hanoverian troops, but he
spoke in order to impute some blame to Ur. Pitt for not '
having sent the Hanoverian troops into this country in
order that they might serve the Ring Isero.,ala take
part in the war. -So fax was- he from hesitating to
employ them, that he, was rather in favour of employing
foreigners. It is quite true that Mr. Fox, iu 1794, found
fault with the introduction of foreign troops to this coun-
try, but tliet was because they wore introduced without
the consent of Parli-tmont ; and that, having been so
introduced, that force might be inert, isod to :us en
limited extent, and thereby might becoam dangeiorts to
thelibertios of this country. (1-fear, hear.) But what, I
ask, were the deeds of the Genoa:: Legion? Why, I find
them repeatedly adverted to iu the despatches °title Dike
of Wellington. I will not txoub!e the house with reading
extracta, but I find that at Albuera, " the conduct of the
German Legion was conspicuous ;" at Salim:Luce " a yin-
lent charge by the heavy brigade" was commended. I be
lieve it was generally admitted that the conduct of the
German Legion was deserviug of the greatest praise. (Hear,
hear.) lam sure everybedy will think it right to testify
to the gallantry of men who fought in your cause—in the
cause of Europe—and that it will not be said, because men
are foreigners they ought not to be in our pay, nor to fight
our battles. It was said at that time by a person of very
great distinction and wit (Madame de Steel) when we were,
in fact, fighting for the calmed Europe, that " the Tories of
England were the Whigs of Europe." With respect to
the contest in which wo are now engaged, and the employ-
ment of foreigners, I ask why we should tow depart from
an ancient policy—from an established practice which has
tended to success, and why, suddenly, we should discover
that every war which we carry ou in future must be car-
ried on exclusively by British soldiers ? (Rear.) We are
now engaged against a proponderating Power. In the
present case it is not the power of Spain nor the power of
France, but the preponderance of Russia with which we
have to contend. Butis it any reason because it is Russia,
and not Spain or France, that we are not to adopt the
same means as formerly, for aro wo not as likely, with the
same means, to have the same success? (Hear.) I have
heard it has been said, are we so soon exhausted at the be-
ginning of the war ?—(" hear, hear," from the Opposition)
—have we not now means equal to carrying on the war
with Englishmen?-.(hear, hear)—but, in fact, it is at the
commencement, of the war that the greatest pressure
exists. (" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Let
us look to -the facts known to this country and to all
Europe—facts wo need not hesitate to avow. Whether our
military system was wise or unwise—whether the number of
our troops was sufficient or insufficient—whether it was
expedient to rely so much as we have done on a militia,
the fact was true that we have had a very considerable re-
gular army—not till last year extended above 120,000
men, and these men are employed in every service in
which they are required over the whole face of the globe -
at one time having to secure and guard 12,000 miles of
frontier in India—at another to put- down a formidable
insurrection in Canada—at another time spread over a
vast territory, and having to struggle with savage warfare
at the Cape of Good Hope • and whenever they were called
upon to perform this duty, they were expected by the
country, and justly expected, to be equal to the occasion,
and to do their duty as well. (Hoar.) This certainly they
have done. But when you attempt to increase suddenly
this 120,000 men—when you have raised them on paper to
170,000, but in effect to only 150,000, can you expect that
that number can furuish regiment after regiment, and
army after,army, without any extraneous assistance or sup-
port? It was said the other day, by my right hon. friend
the Secretary at War, that we had sent to the East 53,000
men. That appeared to the house a very considerable num-
ber ; but the enemy with whom we have to contend looks,
upon 53,000 men only as one of his corps d'arinee, and I
have no doubt he has 16 or 18 of such corps d'arirtee, with
which he can oppose us on different parts of his frontier.
Let us next consider what points we have to guard We
have to sward Turkey at various points in the principali-
ties. We have to guard Turkey against a menacing force
in the Crimea, and from that which would be a perpetual
threat, menacing the very existence of her capital and em-
pire—the fortress of Sebastopol. But, thirdly, it is neces-
sary to see that there is a sufficient force on the Asiatic
frontier of Turkey, so that, while provision is made for her
defence in the Crimea and in the principalities, she may be
adequately defeeded at her Asiatic side. Well, but if.you say
you will have none but British regiments, and that, for the
first timesince the history of the country, you will rely upon
British regiments alone, you run the greatest danger while
you are recruitiee the regiments, by sending out yowl:,
men before they a;, properly trained, and exposing them
to destruction, beater:el of -enabling them to act with that
vigour and force which always distinguishes the assaults
disciplined and experienced troops. I remember when
of disci
I took a ride with the Duke of Wellington for 10 miles
through his head-quarters, to have seen the 10th Hessen
just come out to the Peninsula. Tho men seemed well ap-
pointed ; they executed their movements with rapidity and
precision, and I, as an ignorant civilian, could not but be
struck by their effective appearance ; but I remember the
duke saying, when I met bins afterwards at dinner, " that
regiment we saw to-day will at the end of the year be a
very good regiment," thus showing his opinion that a con-
siderable, training in the field was also required to make
good soldiers. Well,-sir, it is proposed by this bill to,en-
able the Crown s have a certain number of foreign troops,
of whom. a part shall be trai led iu this country. That
number will not exceed 10,000, hut they will form the
means of obtaining, a larger force, and that force can be
used in the field to assist British troops in preference, not
to raising recruits, but to sending out now legions not suf-
ficiently trained to war. I may be told that this is a de-
grading practice, and that we should not have foreigners
in our army, but when this is said, I must appeal to that
great authority to whom I have already referred. The
Duke of
Wellington, when speeking on the regent militia
bill,
said—" Everything has its beginning, and this is a
commencement of an orgtitiaatien of a disciplined militia ;
in the Salio way as if you were to have a corps of reserve,
you mast have a commencement, involving mue months
for disciplining thous before you could have your corps of
reserve ready. You must make a beginning ben), and see
that it will take seine months before you can forums re-
serve regiments. The armies of England, who have
served esthountry so well, are your lordships so mis-
take, as suppose that they were ever composed of
than one-third of real British subjects—of na-
MOTO
of this island . No such thing. Look to all your
tgreaivest . services. Look at the East Indies. Not more
than one-third of the soldiers there are such British
soldiers. Look at the Peninsula ; not one-third of the men
em,
there, were ever British soldiers. Yet I beg your
lu
soraships to observe what services those soldiers performed.

wt. rA • 0 riz
Stt
• -
e •
t—f•-•
smith' get la which tie have loos avoid (a total - _
ttittiee, rinhaVe eat hod thee to prepare antli ANII &
oiaet nuinber of Aotiva trouPP, "le as to opahla yeti tee k
pense with this first beggarly instalment oflo,ooo foreign- --I
energy and ,
ers, surely you must have been wilfully blind to the neces-
sities of your position, and have shown a want of that
promptitude which were never more essential
than at the present moment. Compute the time which
has elapsed since the battle of the Alma, when there could
be no doubt as to the necessity of reinforcements—compute
also the time which you have devoted to the preparation
of this very thoughtful and deliberate bill—and compute
likewise the time which you must devote, if the bill it to
pacts, to correspondence with foreign sovereigns, and to the
enlistment, collection, and transportation of their troops
to this country, and their conveyance to the seat of war—
compute all this from the tune of the ba.ttle•of the sklinas
and I say you would have had ample time to have
thoroughly drilled a double-nuinber of your own natives. •
(Cheers.) It does seem to me strange-that these professed
warriors, who are represented as•heisig so much snperior to
ourselves in the habits and dise;pline of war, are still to
be imported into this country to finish their military edue
cation upon English ground. (Hear. hear.) Why, as it
has been very pertinently stated, this is not the shortest
road to the Crimea. Let the suppose for s.moment that
you really want these incr. Vv'hy not act upon your own
reeponsibility Yon can eidist your 10000 man on the
Continent, and send them fr.,' an),c quartet- of the Con-
?
tinent yon pease at
once to the Criinea, leas as you do
not land them in this country, without the fornaelity of an
act of Pariialeent. Why; tleat, not act upon your own
resPcinsibiii tY. There would be Oda advantage, in it, -
Q
—n:,Pose thet Ministers have reasons, which they do not
impart to this house for drawin, these men from certain
quarters which are not distinctly stated—(cheers)—I say,
if that be .so, you ought, to act upon your own responsi-
bility, aul according to the prerogative of the Crown;
because, by so doing, you would at, least neither exhibit •
to the people the spectacle of foreign troops upon Bnglibh
ground, which is always so intelei eble to national feelings,
nor would you call upon the House Of Cct,rainons, for
reasons which aro not plainly stated, and which we tlo ,
of a free people. (Cheers.) Let es just look—for it is
not understand, to sanction a degradation to the spirit
necessary—at the slovenly mode which this bill ap-
pears to have been devised and prepared. (Hear.) The
tilliouogfhttthheatbtiltilesceafuosreedigtaars were intended
universal alarm
fibeerstauttriod
it
wasue
supplytahonour
abroad, the p likewise but n o not o l y
ooff
tthhee
dede
defendersfenr of Eugland'a
a
a England's
security at home. That was indignantly denied. In spite
of that denial, the Minister who was charged with the in-
quarters to my great surpri.se, that such au
tfrroomduceetvioearalof the bill rose in his place and said, " I hear
erroneous impression prevails out of doors ," and what did
he then do? Why, he condescended to look into his own
bill, and at last he was brought to confess that, by the
wording of it, it might be perverted to such tt yurpose.
The wording of it ! Why, in the wording of a bill which se
involves suet' delicate questions, and touching so closely
upon the keystone of all free, institutions, surely there
might be a sufficient degree of attention given to insure
that not a phrase would be used which a people jealous of
freedom might misinterpret,, or which might be perverted
hereafter by a Minister, foreleugerous purposes, into apre-
cedent that real y would
jeopardise.the liberCesef England
and disturb the tranquillity of her people. (Cheers.) Let
us look now to the amount of force required. Why, there
was so little calculation with respect to a measure which
you can only excuse upon the ground of neceseite that it
seems to be a matter of perfect indifference to Ministers
whether the number' of men be 10,000 or 15,000. (Cheers.)
At once-the former number is substituted for the latter ;
and in connection with a bill which you tell us is the main
reason why we were summoned together—a bill which you ,
had ample time to prep:ire—a bills which involves the most
momentous constitution al principles—you have exhibited
all this careless indecision as to the precise amount of
force you require. (Oboe rs.) But I must say I doubt
your prudence still more i u that, for the sake of an object
so insignificant as yours really is—because it is only a pro-
vision for the landing and drilling in this country of a
certain number of foreign.' troops—you insist, while telling
us truly of the advantage of unanimity, upon forcing a
measure,which you must have
foresee would be most unpopular out of doors, which
been blind indeed not to
. does necessitate the strongest opposition, which you have
only carried by a pitiful majority through one house of
Parliament, anti which, if you do carry it through the
other, will, I believe, prove such a thorn in your sides that
I venture to doubt if you will have the courage to use the
powers which you now ask. (Cheers.) So little did the
Minister who introduced this measure appreciate the great
constitutional principles which are involved in it that he
prefaced the bill by observing that power to enlist and t 3
land foreign troops bad been 'in former times generally
emceied to be a rig's treated in the,Crown ; and he seemed
to think that the question was only settled by a bill at the
end of last century. I ant sure the Lord President of the
Council, if ho had converetal on the subject with the
Minister of War, would have warmly denied that our
great constitutional authorities ever did concede that such
a power was at any time vested iu the Sovereign of this
country. (Heir.) We all remember that William 111.,
to whom the noble lord has referred, sent a message to
this house requesting in very humble terms that his Dutch
troops might be allowed to remain, but we all know that
the House of Commons refused the request. (Cheers) It
may be said that was a time of peace; yet we also know
that it was laid down by ono of the greatest of our consti-
tutional lawyers—Lord Camden that neither in peace
nor iu war, nor at any period of our history, could foreign
troops be admitted into this country without the sanction
of au act of Parliament ; and well I remember that Mr.
Fox said if such a power did exist then we have a consti-
tution in words and not in reality. I could conceive the
indignation with whish the Whigs of the last age would
have heard such a remark enenating from a Minister of
War sitting in the same Cabinet with the leader of the
Whigs of the present day. ((Leers) Bat I readily grant
that • you have now cleared the bill of any obnoxious
clause, so far as that is concerned. Ido not desire any t
kind of exaggeration. (A. laugh.) I admit that you have
cemplital with constitutional forms ; but what I say is
that, while you rigidly adhere to constitutional forms, you
ought not to do anything so hostile to the spirit of the
constitution as the introducticn of foreign troops into this
coon ry, .unless yon can estal, iih precedents of precisely
parallel cases--(bear, ticar)—or.uult:s.s you can stake out a
plea of paramount and urgent ii:xessity. (Cheers.) Now,
with respect to the precedents upon which the noble lord
seams to rely, I may say in th., Erst place that I am al-
most ashamed to go over ground uhf h must be to familiar
to every gentleman in this house. I am almost ashamed
to state, whet every one must alrezely know, that the fo
reign enlistment bills of 1801 and 1803 are thoroughly in-
applicable to the present measure. (Hear, hear.) The
sovereign of this country was not only Kiug of England,
he was also Elector of Hanover. Besit'es, his interests and
ours were closely identified with those of the great German
powers, except Prussia, which, at that time, shackled by
her guilty complicity in the partition of Poland, and
blinded by a hope of obtaining Hanover as the reward of
her neutrality, did in the opinion of ail dispassionate his-
torians by her inert and selfish procrastination paralyse
the armies of the other allies, and so gave an immense ad-

z //r4--i/d

[PRICE SD.

They fought great battles against the finest soldiers in the
world ; they went prepared to face everything—ay, and to
be successful against everything, or this country would not
have borne with them. Not one-third of those armies were
British troops, but they were brave troops, and net merely
brave —for I believe every man is brave—but well-organised
troops. Take the battle of Waterloo; look at the number
af British troops at that battle. I can tell your lordships
that iu that battle there were 1G battalions of Hanoverian
militia, just formica, under the command of it nobleman,
late the Hanoverian atnbassador here, Count Kiel inansfreege,
.vho behaved most admirably; and there wore many other
:creis,i troops who nobly aided us in that battle; avowedly
the battle of gients, whose operations helped to bring about
;he victory which area followed by the peace of Europe,
that has now lasted for 32 urn years. I say, nay lords, that
'iowever much I admire highlyeliseiplined troops, and most
especially -British-disciplined troops, I tell you. you must
set suppose that others cannot become so too." Such is
the testimony of the Duke of Wellington ; and you cannot
have any higher testimony with regardto the troops which •
'le cammarele I, and the services which they performed.
;Hear.) And am Ito be told that it is a degradation and
disgrace to do what the Dnko of
Wellington has done ?
:Hear.) But I conic now to the objections which have been
nade to the bill. The first objection has been dispelled by
A mere statement of facts. It has been said that this is an
unconstitutional employment of foreigners; and that they
Are to perform the duty of troops in this country. The
answer to that statement, on the part of the Ministry, was
that no intention existed to employ foreign troops at home
—that they were merely to come to this country for drill-
ing and training; that they wore not to be employed for
any of the purposes for which British regular troops or
the militia were used ; and that this would be made
plain in the bill. It has been made plain in the bill, and
no one can say. that these troops are to be employed for
anything else. It is also said, • Don't let them offend our
eyes by being here ; let them go to Corfu and be trained
there ;" but think when it is remembered that some
30,000 Germans pass through this country annually, it
would be a great discouragement to them to tell them to
go to Corfu, there to be prepared to fight our battles. And
then to tell men that you will bo offended at the sight of
them is really such an insult that I cannot think this
-house will be prepared to sanction it. Well, then, we are
told, after these ad captandum, arguments have been swept
away, that they will not be fighting like the Hanoverians,
And other troops employed during the late great war, in
their own cause or in the cause of their Sovereign, but that
they will be hirelings and mercenaries. (Haar, hear.) But,
sir, I say that if you use such arguments, you give up the
satire cause of the war. You say that you are not engaged
in a purely British war, but that you are fighting for the
cause of Europe. That which I have always urged in the
house is, that we are engaged in a great European quarrel
for the sake of the liberties of Europe. It is a quarrel in
which France and England have had the manliness to come
forward and say, " We are not afraid of this overgrown
power of Russia—we will not be. cajoled by Russia—and
we will fight this European battle." We have said that it
is not purely an English and French question, but that. it
is a cause in which every German or Swiss subject should
take as great an interest in as either England or France.
But, sir, what were the names of the legions which were
employed during the last war. There was Watville's Re-
giment, the Rohan Hussars, the Dames Hussars, the Loyal
Emigrants, the Loyal Foreigners, the Walstein Infantry,
the Dutch Artillery, and several others. They were all
paid by us during the late war, and this is equally a cause
in which men of every European State can take a part.
And, although some of the Sovereigns of the great States
of Europe have, I regret to state, hesitated, and left us
to bear the brunt of the battle they ought to have fought
along with us, still that is no reason why their sub-
jects should not take part with us, and enter into the ser-
vice of her Majesty to fight our battles in the general cause
not only of European- liberty, but of European civili-
sation. (Hear, hear.) Another argument has been used
against the bill, and that is—that the service will be so
degraded that officers will hardly consent to command it,
as they are not serving under their immediate Sovereign or
engaged by his especial orders; and yet, sir, some of the
men whom you have employed to fight your battles have
not disdained such service. Sir Da Lacy Evans—(cheers)-
-whose name is respected by every one, and whose name
has been mentioned by the right lion. gentleman oppOsite,
and whom wo hope soon to see restored to health, and at-
tending to receive from you, sir, the thanks of the house
for his gallant conduct, did cot scruple to go to the aid of
our Allies, and head a band of " foreign mercenaries."
(Hear, hoar.) Another gallant officer—Sir CharlesNapior
—was engaged in the service of the Queen of Portugal
when his country was not at war with Portugal. (Hear,
hear.) I have now, sir, I believe, touched upon the prin-
cipal objections urged against the bill ; but I may be asked
why is it necessary in order to the carrying on of the war?
will answer to that, that if you thought it advisable
utterly to drain your population, and by giving bounties
'f 331. to SW. a-heal to eat mini, you would then have to
send them out without training and experience, but yet
you might have a sufficient number to carry on the war for
the present. But lam looking to the necessity of a pro-
tracted war. I am looking to the policy which this country
ought to pursue on such au occasion, and in that case, sup-
posing you have 150,000 or 180,003 British soldiers, I say
there will be a great advantage in having 30,000 foreign
,troops to aid that force,aud that if you should have 200,000
Iritish troops, you may extend your foreign force to 40,000.
A.nd I say also it is a great misrepresentation to say that,if
you have 200,000 British, soldiers, which you will have in
a couple of years, and 40,003 areign soldiers, that you are
relying solely upon foreign swords, and that you can resort
to those apt quotations in p ietry and prose which cast r‘
brand upon tile nation that relies upon foreign support.
(Hear, hear.) I say, although you are a military nation
you are not a military power. (fleer, hear.) Is ty that,
you were to change the policy approved by Crom-
well and Chatham, by Marlborough and Wellington—a

policy which has c irried you throtigh many a European
struggle in triumph—that, whatever difficulties you might
have during war, you would have much greater difficulties
in time of peace. It may be that the military force of
the country i. not sufficient, yet peace will hardly be two
years restored when, if you attempt to keep up a great
military force, you will find popular feeling so much op-
posed to it that you will be obliged to renounce it. (Hear.)
Well, sir, if you are not about to adopt now principles and
new maxims, I ask you to rely upon the old principles and
the old maxims, and to employ, in addition to the 200,000
British soldiers which you will have in a couple of years, a
certain number of foreign troops, who will stand by your
side and fight your battles with you. The Duke of Wel-
lington has borne testimony to the value of such troops,
and we have also the example of Marlborough to guide us.
As her Majesty's Ministers have advisel this means of
carrying on the war, they cannot, of course, attempt, with
the loss of the confidence of the house, to undertake the
further conduct of the war.. It is one of the measures
which they think necessary in the present state of the war
—in the commencement of the war—to carry it on to a
vigorous and successful termination. It is one of the pur-
poses for which they advised her Majesty to call Parlia-
ment together, and they believe that, if the bill is adopted,
it will prove a useful addition to our means of defence. I
am, sir—l am surprised that any one could have imputed
to the Ministry which sent a British army into a country
where they had to contend with such masses of the enemy,
and to maintain themselves there, as they showed they
could do at Inkerman, that they had any distrust of the
British.army. (Hear.) We wish to carry on this war ef-
fectually, and any way by which the power of Russia can
bo crippled, and her advances checked, appears to me to
be a mode which the house ought to adopt. There is, I
believe, many a man in that army who would say with
one whom the Spaniards called " the Great Commander,"
"I would rather take one step forward if it led to the grave
than take a step backwards if it led to safety." Give them,
I say, every support you can, and pass this measure, which
her Majesty's Ministers believe will tomtit° a glorious ter-
mination of the war. I beg, air, to move that the bill be
now read a second time. (Hear.)
Sir E. BULWER LYTTON then said—l trust, sir, that
neither I, nor any gentlemen on this side, nor, indeed,
upon either side of the house, need express our readiness
to support the Government in the resolute prosecution of
a war which is not only undirtaken for Europe, but with
which we believe that the honour of England and civilisa-
tion itself are identified. Bat if the honour of England
is pledged to this quarrel, then we are not willing that
now, at the very outset of it, foreign nations and posterity
should receive our confession that oar native spirit and
even our military training are not competent to encounter
it. Before I proceed to the historical. question'on which
the noble lord has dwelt, let us look only to the present
war. In this war, at least, wo may say that, up to the
present moment, we have sufficed to tight our own battles
and earn our own laurels, and I have not heard from the
noble lord one adequate reason why we should in future
prefer to win our battles by proxy. Honour is not so in-
tolerable a burden that we should engage foreign soldiers
to relieve our own army from a part of the weight. What
is it, I would ask, upon which we rely in order to continue ,
this war with vigour, no matter with what sacrifice' or at
what cost ? Why it is -not upon the extent of ourterri-
tory, not upon the amount of our population, not even upon
our wealth, or the greatness of our resources, but it is upon
that spirit of nationality which the Minister-of- War told us
the other night rose against every danger and increased in
augmented proportion to the demand upon it. Well, I
say it is that ardour you are now about to damp—it is that
spirit of nationality which this bill will discourage. - Is it
not really absurd to tell us that it is the commencement of
the war which is the period of difficulty and trial in the
midst of that popular enthusiasm which has now risen to
such a height that, as the Secretary-at-War informed
us the other night, recruits came in faster than he
knew how to form them into regiments ? When you tell
us that the ardour of our own people is not sufficient
for your purpose,- but that you mast go begging to all the
petty principalities of, Europe for the co-operation of their
more skilful soldiers, you give an unwise and an alto-
gether unnecessary blow to the vital principle that sustains
our cause, and that brings to our army more men than the
Secretary-at-War knows how to employ. (Cheers.) If any-
thing could make the war unpopular in England, it would
be the sight of foreign troops drilled and quaff tered in this
country, paid from taxes extorted from the psople,an d
lodge.' in barracks, the paucityof which you have made an
excuse for not embodying a sufficient number of ourp ore
natives. (Cheers.) Will any ui in tell me it will .idle n‘t make
a difference iu the temper with which the middle and
for
o. workin classes are now prepare.l, and boldly prepared,
tat
rye
y pecuniaryentirely e
e m sacrifice,composed of
ef whethertheir
own countrymen, eaerue
ettroypulaeynfor
whoall
make them
would pay them back in deeds which would.
more proud of the name of Engieisleigmanyobtrawvhee.tahneidrlc.eotwehurbeslao.7)
are to pay foreigners, who may b
emaynl thornrbeenadeegruii
ise a
to
tqhuea l
expensebere
of
ebuurt wl.,,,hnohseeodglory
I toll you that the people of this country are not willing to
entrust to the hands of hireling mercenaries those standards
Which a handful of English soldiers planted on the heights
of Alms, and which British valo'ir rescued from barbarian
hordes on the field of Inkerman. (Cheers.) What are
the reasons assigned for the introduction of this measure ?
The first reason given by the noble lord appears to be sim-
ply thisim—whatever
form them
people,
ntplei,so warlike
airtrkee-
gnu)e t
saysa .weSaurrea engaged
thaagte d
statement
what
twriolol ps.
probablyTe nhoebal eprotracted
rwew
foresight. upon.had t
been e
nf
duringfGovernmentoreentbhye foralll
s,
months
implieshei their w aaillnt7weohrfyi ahrctpairvyoiettrycaeeantonsi
England except. its chief minister, and during the nine

vantage to the common foe—that gigantic power of which
Prussia was afterwards the most unfortunate victim: I
hope that Prussia is wiser now. ((:beers.) I hope that
she will not venture to arouse other and still nobler confe-
deracies by her traitorous diplomacy, nor cripple their .
energies by her dishonest lethargy, and require, perhaps,
at the last the assistance of their armies to save herself
from the ruin in which her selfish policy nearly involved
her very existence as a nation, At that time tie intro-
duction of Germari troops into this country was perfectly.
natural ; but let us see what was said by the principal
prisons who took part in the debates which then occurred.
One of the most-a War,Thceelesbe in reply to
-omr, the reartetetrlawatst hirr,,,
Philip Francis. Just hear the excuse made at that time
bbyy tmher.Sprecareeteaiery. t-afterwards
Tjetieoen enlistment
e tu mr g' Sire
endt
of German
raiaiaaandsoelmtliberesdiims
enontleyf ammeenasitli,
whore
at or e providet for
thet he
same sovereign as ourselves." (Cheers.) It is true that
net only Hanoverians but Germans were enlisted, but
they were subjects of those German powers whose sympa-
thies and interests were closely identified with ours, and
sureiftwhee
proud land can
a
happys
were to have an alliance with the great German powers in
house s e thatwere I pursuingw o would b e the
e sameein g loy bject
the present war, but who can say that it is not at least
premature to take it for granted that they have precisely
the same interests and objects as ourselves. (Hear, hear.)
But the noble lord has gone back to the time of Marl-
borough, and has said that in all former wars foreign troops
were employed. Yes, but whenever they were employed
'with honour they were the auxiliaries of our open allies,
and were officered by the rank, the chivalry, and the mili-
tary renown of nations that had the closest sympathies
with ourselves. (Cheers.) Did the noble lord really refer
to that speech of the Duke of Wellington in the hope that,
as an extraordinary feat of tactics, he could induce us to
believe that when the Duke of Wellington said that only
one-third of his army was British, the rest of the army was
composed of mercenary troops? Who does not know that
they were Portuguese and Spaniards fighting for their own
independence ? (Cheers.) Great stress had been laid, and
deservedly so, upon the obligations which the gallant Ger-
man Legion conferred on the British army. I grant these
obligations most fully. I have heard great military autho-
rities say that those accomplished officers who were to be
found in the German Legion first taught our cavalry how
to charge, and when to pull up. But since then times have
changed. Will any man say that German officers could
have improved that splendid charge of the ScotiliGreys and
Eaniskllleners at Balaklava, or the wondrous gallantry of
the light brigade ? (Cheers.) lam thankful that we have
learnt lessons from Germany in the arts of war, and that
we have known how to pro:it by them. I think, also,
Ger-
many in the arts of peace. There is no cultivator
that we have learnt lessons scarcely leas valuable from Geof
ter:
rature or science but who must look with gra9
h but if it
I will say nothing about, it at prescnt—but )
that
great
Lion at that great people. Ac to the alliance with uAustria
does lead to a genuine anl binding alliance_ with that
did
not
power, we should be madmen inio3leed, if
cause 500,000 men, and whic
• h might even be your
and that, by
be sincere, for the
strongest guarantee, supposing it. to.
secure maintenance of that territorial
ought
glad to learn that Prussia follows the praiseworthy, but
to be the basis of any future peace. I should be
her
the selfish and dis-
honest prospective,reeieceri ty,
honest policy which characterised her during a portion of
the French war. Between ourselves and the whole of the
example of
oaftoAneusftorira
German people there is so close an afinity of race, of com-
mercial interests, and of all that belongs to intellectual in•
terchange, that I should consider it as something mon-
strous—as something out of the ordinary course—if Prus-
sia, descending from that front among the nations to
which she was raised by the genius of Frederick the
Great, were to refuse her co-operation in rolling back from
the frontiers of civilised Europe tho advancing tide of
Russian barbarism. (Cheers.) But if we are to have an
alliance with the great German people, in Heaven's name
let it, be in a way that is worthy of them and us. Let us
have nations openly for our Allies and not the scum of
the earth. (Cheels.) But the noble lord must permit me
now to ask where are these foi -'len soldiers to come from ?
We have heard a great deal of their excellence, but
nothieg.of their parentage; and yet I think it is import-
ant we shoal t ktow where Ministers expect to get their
10,000 trained soldiers ready for the field. The laudwehr
of Gerw,,ny have acquired reining more than the mere
holiday art of war. I do not remember any recent war in
Europe in which they were likely to have acquired great
experience, or to have exhibited their military prowess.
So much has been said in praise of these wonderful fo-
reigners, in comparison with our poor countrymen, that
ono is almost tempted to believe that they are the iden-
tical Ten Thousand who accomplished the retreat of
Xenophon, and not merely men who have seen more of
actual danger and actual service than the stout peasantry
whom you enlist in your own militia regiments. (Cheers.)
It has been sought—not by Ministers, but by their
friends out of doors—to leek() the bill Inoro popular
by announcing that the ulterior object is to enlist
men who !that be actuated by nobler motives than
ordinary soldiers—that is, exiled Poles and other
unfortunate refugees. But the Prime Minister has

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