The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-01 00:00:00

which they are deeply interested—(Cheers)—and it is by
meetings of this kind public opinion is fairly elicited, to
direct men's minds into the proper channels.—( Hear, hear.)
I agree with my worthy Friend, that it is well for the repre-
sentative to be present at meetings of his constituents, but my
opinion is. that he should not take any prominent part in the
discussions which take place. My opinion is, that occasions
may arise when it may be the duty of the representative to
state his opinions in that House to which the kindness of his
friends has sent him. lam not one of those who would con-
ceal their sentiments on any great occasion. Ido not blame
those who take another course. My opinion is, that the great
masses in the country should meet sad deliberate among
themselves, without being under the controul of a knowledge
of their representatives' sentiments.—(Cheers.) As to
the subjects embraced in the petition, I do not think
it necessary to trouble you at present. Generally, you
are aware of them, and the time is fast approaching when
they will become the subject of discussion in that House to
which your kindness has sent me. On the 16th of February,
the honesty of the Government and the liberality of the House
of Commons will be tested.—( Cheers.) I have given notice
of a motion for the Bth of the ensuing month, for leave
to bring in a Bill to amend the Reform Bill ; but I am
in doubt whether I will now proceed with it, because I
am afraid that the Ministry might make it a stalking-horse to
escape the snare which is laid for them on the 16th; and I
have not seen that the country generally has not been roused
on the two questions of suffrage and the duration of Parliament,
The Ballot stands in a different position, and probably I may
take it upon me to let that question have a fair trial. It is,
therefore, at present a matter more of doubt than of decision
in my mind, whether I shall not give way to Mr. Grote's
motion, for the purpose of giving the Ministers an opportunity
of showing they are a great deal more honest than it has
been my practice to consider them.--( Cheers and laughter. )
But perhaps I may be allowed to say, in passing, in reference
to this important object, each and all of which appear to me
indispensable to a perfect system of representation, that as
regards the Ballot, apart from extended Suffrage, and abbre-
viated duration of Parliament, I hold, I entertain very consi-
derable doubts. As to the extension of Suffrage, I had hoped
that when the liberality of the High Bailiff, and those who
called the meeting, stepped out of the trammels of technica-
lities, and gave to Mr. Harding a hearing—l had hoped, when
he alluded to " Universal" Suffrage as being a term so simple
and so comprehensive, and at the same time so intelligible to
every understanding, observing at the same time, by way of
control, that there was something ambiguous and indefinite in
the "extension" of Household Suffrage—l had hoped that
Mr. Harding would have defined what I have never yet met
with, nor have ever yet heard to my satisfaction—what is
meant by Universal Suffrage ? I know it has been stated by
some gentlemen, that every man who is twenty-one years of
age, in possession of his reason, and unaffected by crime,
should be at liberty to give his suffrage. To that per-
sonally I have not the slightest objection.—( Hear, hear. )
But that is not universal suffrage. It is a defined suffrage,
and if you elected a triennial Parliament just before he at-
tained 21, he would be twenty-four before he would have a
right to vote.—( Hear, hear.) I ask on what ground it is
that a person within a month of being of age—and still more I
ask, for what reason is it that a female should be considered
competent to execute the mighty functions, and be the third
estate of the realm, at the tender age of 18, being at that time
of life when most fathers claim the right and not
unfrequently exercise it, of applying something like corporeal
punishment to the female fancies that occasionally present
themselves—l cannot on any principle or reason—admitting
at the same time that matters of state are far from being on
all occasions matters of reason--(Laughter)—l cannot under-
stand on what principle it is that a bard working man, full of
thought and full of energy, capable of any situation, industrious,
and willing to be so—on what ground is it that he, within one
month of his birth-day, and twenty-one years of age, is not
to have the right of voting for a Member of Parliament, while
a young lady of tile tender age I have referred to is to be con-
sidered as equal to all the Lords and all the people iti our
happily mixed and unintelligible Government.—( Great laugh-
ter and cheering for some time.) Then again, when you call
fur Universal Suffrage, what can be the meaning of the word
" universal," which includes everything, if it exclude any ?
( Hear.) And yet it excludes all women, although, to be sure,
when named, and under tile control of their husband, the two
votes may be considered but one, to say nothing of daughter s,who
must be influenced by their domestic residence in the same
house. But to speak of all that interesting portion of the
f. male world who have declined to forfeit their freedom by
uniting themselves with any one—of those who far from
being of tender years—( Laughter)—are carrying on business
in shops, paying all kinds of rates, occupying farms, and capable
by law, I believe, of acting as church wardens—( Much laugh-
ter)—capable also of being put in the stocks, if convicted of
being scolds—( Renewed laughter)—to say that all these are
to be excluded, is contrary to common sense.—((fear, hear. )
But you must be aware that every Government based on a
aerfect system of freedom must be a Government of regu-
lations, :arranged so as to embrace all classes, and must
give protection to every individual of the community.
My notion of the Suffrage is this—that every man being of
age, and not incapacitated by conviction for crime, should be
entitled to vote in that locality where he has been registered
for a previous year, without reference to the payment of local
or general taxation. By this means every one would have
.• a local habitation and a name." No man can reside in any
locality without being known to his neighbours and associat-
in,, with them, and his manner of life would thus be open to
all. Whether, therefore, such a man keeps a great or a small
house—whether he occupies the garret, the cellar, or the
middle room—wherever he has lived, and is registered—lie
shall be entitled to record his vote for that man he considers most
fit to represent him. —( Cheers.) Yet it may appear strange that
even this comprehensive system of voting has been denounced
by those who call themselves members of the working classes.
A short time since I communicated the outline of my plan to
some parties connected with that exceedingly important branch
of our fallow-citizens ; but .when they communicated with
their fellow-citizens forming a similar association in the north,
they at once denounced the plan, as not being sufficiently com-
prehensive. Now, I greatly deplore that fact, and for this rea-
son : the working classes may be assured there is only one of
two ways by which their claims to political power can be
allowed. It must either be by quiet means, by public opinion
acting on their representatives in Parliament—that is through
the peaceful mode known by the Constitution—cr by external
violence. There is no other mode by which the right can be
established. Now, though 1 may not be prepared to denounce
extreme efforts because unsuccessful—or because too remote
for their merits and circumstances to be understood—yet do I
contend that no people ought to put to .hazard the great insti-
tutions of the country, until all chance of redress is denied
them by constitutional means.—( Cheers.) And allow me to
ask, what reason is there less to:hope that a Parliament—
imperfectly reformed I admit, but still greatly reformed
as contrasted with that Parliament which it succeeded—what
reason is there not to hope, that when the people of this
country shall have demonstrated their desire for extensive
reform as strongly as for that reform which they accomplished,
that the present Parliament—(l do not say the present men,
but the present mode of forming our Parliament)—shall not
be as efficiently and honestly intent on the comprehensive sys-
tem of reform as were their degenerate predecessors who ef-
fected the last. And here I am not addressing the
electors of Southwark, because they have given striking
and generous instances of what may be done by men who ap-
preciate the importance of a pure franchise until bestowed.
But I would call on constituencies in different parts of the
country to look to the conduct they themselves have pursued
at the late election. On what ground can the constituencies
of Liverpool—a town scarcely subordinate to that in which
we are deliberating, either in commercial or trading importance
—with a constituency greater than that of Southwark—on what
principle, I should like to know, could the constituency of
that place, as of Bristol, Norwich, and other great communi-
ties, have returned men to Parliament adverse to Reform ?_._
( Cheers.) It is all very well for them to say if the Suffrage
were extended there would have been more votes—to be sure
there would—but if 5,000 men acted ill, is there any ad-
ditional reason to suppose that an additional thousand will
act better? The masses are in all places and circumstances
pretty nearly the same. Hence it is that I contend that there
is in this great community a degraded and corrupt spirit, and
they seek to be made pure by covert means—(Cheers)—a
means that they know will not effect that object.—( Cheers. )
I know at the last general election a feeling of disgust at
the conduct of Ministers, and adverse to their continuance
in office, set the minds and influenced the conduct of
many of those constituencies, who by very great sa-
crifices indeed contributed to the furtherance of Reform,
and the maintenance of the present Ministers in office.—
( Cheers.) If I were asked, at this moment, to assign a reason
for that sluggishness that pervaded the constituencies of this
country on the subject of Reform, I should attribute
it partly to the equivocal conduct of the present Ministers ;
to their suspicious alliance with their political foes, and not a
little to the unfortunate and deeply to be regretted conduct of
some of the popular leaders.—(Cheers.) I believe many of
these gentlemen made a fatal mistake when they linked them-
selves blindly to what they considered to be the fate of the
present Government. When they coo so they did it honestly,
but no doubt they continued that rse now, at the present
moment, with hesitation—(Cheers)—and were now waiting
the result of Mr. Grote's motion to determine the course they
will pursue—(Cheers)—and it is equally clear that if, on
that occasion, the Government should stop out and take an
honest part, they will gain their support, as they will mine—
( Cheers)—and I trust the Reformers of England will take
it as an earnest of their disposition, and will afford them a
most strenuous support.—( Cheers.) We must not for-
get that there are prejudices in politics, as in all other
systems ; and, if gentlemen belonging to the Working,
classes will not give us their support, in one specie of Reform,
how can they expect us to give it to them in another. I
swill not now pretend to be a prophet, and say what course
the Ministers will pursue on the 16th of next month ; but
!•k we find them as willing to concede to England, as they
iiiaave been prompt to coerce Canada, then my views of
rtheir policy will not be blinded by my fears, and I
will support them in every thing I can.—( Hear, hear.)
Let not that declaration be misinterpreted—it must be a broad
unequivocal demonstration of the support of the Government—
al a Government—to that measure. I know it is intimated
ghat some of the subordinates of the Government would be
allowed to exercise their discretion mid escape the censure of
their superiors, if they vote for Mr. Grote's ;notion. I have
even heard it whispered that Sir John Hobhouse, and Mr. P.
Thomson, who, ten years ago, were the strenuous advocates
ti pamphlets, and speeches, and maintained that without the
Ballot there could be no honest Government—it is whispered
that even these Gentlemen will be allowed to be honest.—
( Laughter. ) But that will be no satisfaction—( Hear, hear)
a e want a Government measure ; for to allow the subject to be
brought forward year after year, as the Catholic ques-
tion was—merely for the sake of having a grand
day, and a great demonstration of party strength—