The Sun.
London, England, 1853-11-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 26, 185 g:

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SPORTING NOTES.

RECENT DOINGS.

The Newton Meeting was remarkable for no novel
or striking incident. It was celebrated amidst ft drench.
ing rain, which damped the spirits and diminished the
sporting ardour of the spectators. Labyrinth was the
favourite for the Steeple Chase, and he won with the
utmost ease. On making for home, Ringleader " looked
all over the winner." At the lane he was far a-head,
and he cleared the " obstacles" there without mishap,
but on charging the next fence, which was comparatively
small, he slipped and fell. He got up again, and after
staggering for a few yards he dropped down dead ! The
ether events were too unimportant, and the interest
attached to them too local to require comment. Owing
to the large number of horses in the neighbourhood,
a second day's sport was " got up ;" its character is
" more easily imagined than described."
Mr. John Armstrong, the trainer, has complained
dolefully of the remarks which were made in The hurt,
and the weekly sporting papers, respecting the " Shunt-
ing Affair at Shrewsbury." His explanation of the
matter is as follows :

"At Newmarket Second October Meeting Shunting ran
in a Selling Race ' • she was restive at the post, threw her-
self down, and lost eight or ten lengths start, but the com-
pany she ran in was so very very bad, that she got up and
won.

"At Shrewsbury Autumn Meeting she ran in a Selling
Race, and again turned restive ; indeed, she would not go
near her horses, and got off so badly that she never had a
chance in the race. This could be seen by any one, the
starting-post being a very short distance from the betting-
ring. Her owner had previously arranged that I should
back her for him and myself. I had only executed a part
of the commission when I saw what had taken place at the
starting-post, and many others had seen as well as myself.
Hence Captain Little's offer of 100 to 10, and the City
Listman's offer of 100 to 3.
(Signed) " JOHN ARMSTRONG."

5} i

Whether this explanation will be deemed satisfactory
remains to be seen. I give it foi what it is worth. The
proceedings connected with the race were sufficiently
suspicious to justify the severe comments which were
made.

X 110 W

xd xn

x in

THE EASTERN QUESTION.

MEETING AT GLASGOW.
On Wednesday night a public meeting of the citizens of
Glasgow, called by the Lord Provost, agreeably to a requi-
sition numerously signed, Was held in the City-hall, for the
purpose of considering the aggressive policy of Russia, and
agreeing to resolutions thereon. The large hall was crowded
to the doors, not fewer than 3,000 persons being present.
Councillor Moir was called to the chair, and among the
gentlemen on the platform were observed—Bailie Macgre-
gor; Councillors Cooper, M'Adam, and Taylor; Mr. D.
Urquhart, late M.P. for Stafford ; Mr. W. Davidson, of
Rucbill ; Mr. Perry, Mr. G. Ross, Mr. R. Buchanan, &c.
The CHAIRMAN briefly addressed the meeting in expla-
nation of its object, and in the course of his remarks took
occasion to denounce the policy of the Emperor of Russia,
and expressed his determination to exert every legitimate
influence in his power to urge her Majesty's Government to
aid the cause of the oppressed.
Letters of apology from Sir Charles Napier and Professor
Nichol were announced, and the following letter from M.
Kossuth was read :
" 21, Alpha-road, Regent's-park, London, Nov. 21.
" Dear Sir,—l have the pleasure to acknowledge the re-
ceipt of your letter of November the 18th, inviting me, on
behalf of a committee on the Eastern question, to attend a
meeting at Glasgow, on Wednesday next, in favour of
Turkey, in her just, gallant, and glorious resistance to an
insolent encroachment upon her independence and territo-
rial integrity.
" That cause, sir, is highly deserving, not only of the
warmest sympathies of every just,honest, and upright man,
but also particularly of the most energetic co-operation of
the people of Great Britain at large, and of every exertion
of its constitutional influence upon the course of British
' policy ; so much so, that any neglect, any wrong direction,
any irresolution, or half resolution, in that respect, must
be followed by consequences mischievous to the world, but
' to nobody more than to Great Britain herself.
" Thera is a haughty affectation in some qaarters, sir,
which would like to place any possible British assistance
1 to Turkey in the light of mere generous favour to the Sul-
tan ; and still that is not the case. Private individuals
may act from sympathy—Governments never do. It is
important to rectify that affectation of generosity, because
it does harm to Turkey by placing her in the unbecoming
situation of a protected State. No, Sir; if Great Britain
would assist Turkey, it would do so, not from generosity,
but from the necessity of taking care of her own future
and her own interests. It is England's future which is at
stake in the East, not less than that of Turkey. The
chief principle to be decided there by force of arms is
the sovereign independence of every nation to manage
[ its own domestic concerns.' That principle, violated
already in Poland, then in Moldo-Wallachia, and then in
L Hungary—always by Russia and her aecomplices—is now
intended to be finally overthrown in the East, and,
that done, no nation can further deem herself indepen-
dent. Moreover, it is that balance of power by which
European artifice has replaced the rule of right and of
law which is at stake in the East. Russia, successful in
her encroachment upon Turkish independence, either
by direct conquest or by a hypocritical treaty—more
deleterious than even a direct conquest could be—and the
despotic Czar of oppressed Russia will be the master of the
world, at least of Europe and of Asia. America may yet
for a while resist, until her turn shall come ; but you cer-
tainly cannot, being, as you are, vulnerable both in Europe
and in Asia. The position of a first-rate Power is not an
absolute but a relative one. A first-rate Power is that
which is second to none. Permit Russia to take hold of a
direct or indirect dominion over Turkey, and she will at
once have gained such a preponderance over and above
every European Power, that in comparison to her you
needs will have lost your position of a first-rate Power,
and must become dependent on the good pleasure of the
omnipotent Czar, at least in some of those political, social,
and commercial relations upon the compound of which
your position of a first-rate Power is based.
" Britons, do you like to lose that position ? If not, do
mind in time the Oriental question ; your own future is
there trembling in the scales, and your own battle is fought
on the battle-fields of Turkey.
"I would like, sir, to take up, point by point, the con-
sideration of each of your material interests, and feel con-
fident of fully establishing that assertion. But neither
time nor occasion permits, and, therefore, speaking to in-
telligent Britons, I will only say that each of your mate-
rial interests, from your political standing in the great
family of nations, to your Indian concerns, where—and
let that word well be minded while there is yet time to
mind it—all the millions of your Mahommedan subjects
recognise the Sultan of Constantinople as their religious
chief—down to the very price of your daily bread, is in-
volved in the struggle between Turkey and her enemies.
"Mind, while it is yet time to mind it, was my word ;
ant, in fact, as no living man on earth can feel more deeply
interested in the success of Turkey than I myself do—as
well by national concerns as by a personal gratitude—l
have great pleasure in seeing that there is a general dis-
position in public opinion here to mind that cause. But,
unfortunately, I see great hesitation about the practical
course to be taken to that effect.
" That hesitation, sir, is caused by the constant exertion
of some mismanagers of public opinion to lower the great
question at issue into the miserable proportions of a per-
sonal dispute between the Czar and the Sultan. Thus they
have, until now, succeeded in checking public opinion to
arrive at an energy which is commensurate to the impor-
tance of the case, since it never can be roused to full activity
but by the highest motives of national interests.
" Those mismanagers of public opinion speak to you con-
stantly of the honourable endeavours of your Government
for maintaining the blessings of European peace. Why,
sir, the time has come for pronouncing it in the most
emphatic manner, that it is a bitter sarcasm and hypocrisy
to designate the misrule of violence with the name of
order,' and to style the suppression of nations peace.' If
such a condition be the aim, sir, for which the influential
exertions of Great Britain are to be used, then let Great
Britain at least conserve the merit of frankness, if it has
resolved upon forfeiting its reputation of liberality.
" Those misman gers of public opinion go further, sir ;
they consider the presence of your fleet in the Bosphorus
but a means of enforcing some possible trumpery adjust-
ment of the quarrel. Why, sir, is it not the most ridiculous
ignorance to believe that the Turkish question, or rather
the European question involved therein, can be disposed of
by some miserable adjustment, which leaves right, inter-
national law, and popular liberties in Europe oppressed,
and the field of Russia open, to become yet the master of
the world, by renewing the war at a more favourable op-
portunity ? If really such be the destination of the pre-
sence of your fleet in the Bosphorus, then, I profess, it
would be better for Turkey to see the wooden walls of
England steering back to Portsmouth.
" If the British men-of-war would sink or capture the
Russian fleet and bombard Sebastopol, and land a Turkish
army at Odessa, and secure the line of communication for
the Turks, that would be an assistance, sir. But the pas-
sive presence of your fleet before Constantinople' is only an
embarrassment to Turkey, a check to her energies, an im-
pediment to her making use of those means of defence
which every political consideration points out to her as the
most availing and the most essential. It is, in fact, nothing
else than the practical assurance that, in case of success,
Turkey should be prevented from reaping such fruits of
her victories as would finally settle the great Oriental
question, open for more than a century ; and in cage of
defeat, to make her die- not like a hero, by a glorious
death, but to pine away in consumption, brought on her by
slowly but certainly killing diplomatic negotiations.
"The fallacies of this false situation are resulting from
the want of sufficient reflection upon the real nature of the
struggle between Turkey and Russia. The Holy Shrines,
the Greek Church, the asylum afforded to Hungarian and
Polish exiles, the wounded personal dignity of the Czar,
and the petty considerations of a similar kind, have nothing
in the world to do with the pending contest ; and therefore
no arrangements upon such petty grounds can settle it.
The real motive of the contest is the necessary consequence
of the position of Russia, and of all that agglomeration of
events which were heaped up in the lapse of more than
150 years.
"Prophecy in political matters, sir, is nothing else but
a sound appreciation of the logical chain between causes
and results. It is, therefore, not from any ostentation of
political foresight, but only from a wish to show the cor-
rectness of my statement, that I beg leave to refer you to
the collection of my speeches in the United States, recently
edited by my friend Professor Newman. There you will
find that, more than 18 months ago, I have not only fore-
told that a war between Turkey and Russia is inevitable
—that it will be the next war in Europe ; but likewise I
have foretold that that conflict must happen in a very
short time, probably this year, because, the conflict being
inevitable, Russia must hasten to bring it about, or else
Turkey has so much grown already in strength in 24 years
that every day's delay would weaken the chances of Rus
sia's success.

Some gentlemen "well known in the city" are actively
employed in establishing a steeplechase meeting at
Waltham Abbey. The first gathering will take place
there on Wednesday next. The ground has been judi-
ciously selected by Mr. H. Littler, one of the prime pro-
moters of the affair.
November 26. A FRESH MAN.

"If the citizens of GlasFow desire to understand as well
the real issue of the pending contest, as also the grounds
which enabled me to forttell its early outbreak, let them
recal to their memory the so-called political will of Peter
the Great, of which beg leave to inclose a copy, though
in French.

" iietii
at document an authentic one, or be it a post facto
record of history, you will find therein the nature of the
Russian contest explained. The whole matter may be re-
sumed in these few words :—Russia, being a great conti-
nental Power, must desire to become likewise a great mari-
time Power, and this she can only become, either by con-
quering Constantinople, or by establishing, in the way of
treaties, a predominance, if not a protectorate, over the
Turkish empire. This is the question at issue. But no
man can doubt that if Russia, in addition to her continen-
tal strength, grows likewise a great maritime Power,
really the mistress of the world, and oven the greatest of
the other European Powers will soon see itself reduced to
that position in which now Austria stands to Russia.
Moreover, nobody can doubt that any patching up of the
present question, without raising a real barrier to the
dangerous encroachments of Russia upon, not Turkey
alone, but upon Europe in general, would be no settlement,
no security of real peace, but only the endeavours of Mrs.
tehseealil;yichalerfamtaolpi.ty
of taking a false
Pa,r,tHinogtowenvetro, satueemh
itsh
starting point in politics, that it is from the want of having
taken a broad view of the case that e
Government in this question till no hasvery step of your
w
unsuccessful, but went on absolutely in been not only
tion. What has European diplomacy an absurd direc-
now ?
It has been endeavouring to been doing until
irre-
concileable, viz., to make Aust • reconcile what is
checking Russia on her way to the sea. Why, my dear
Austria agree with England in
sir, that is a ridiculous absurdity.
much as if Great Britain That is positively as
`magnanimous Czar' would have tried to enlist the
though England and F himself against himself. Austria,
France, or whatever Power on earth
may promise to back he '
dare to offend her r against Russia, can in no case
master, the ,Czar, for this simple reason,
because a single word of
the Czar would raise all the Slavo-
nicpopulations of the Austrianempire
tto punish Francis
Joseph for his ingratitude.' Besides, quote a pas-
sage from my speech at Syracuse, New York :
" ' As to my nation, I declare solemnly,more the
that should we
be left forsaken and alone to fight once battle of
deliverance for the world, we will rather choose to be Rus-
sians than remain subject to the House of Austria—rather
submit to the open manly force of the Czar than to the
heart-revolting perjury of the Hapsburgs—rather to be
ruled directly by the master than submit to the shame of
being ruled by his underling. The fetters of force may be
brokn once, but the affection of a mortally offended people
to a perjurious dynasty can never be restored. Russia
we hate with inconceivable hatred, but the House of Haps-
burg we hate and despise.'
" Believe me, dear Sir, that such is the condition of the
so,called Austrian empire, and that such being its condi-
tion every effort to detach Austria from her subjection to
Russia could never save her, but would give only the sor-
rowful satisfaction to English mispolicy of having, together
with the House of Austria, buried the liberties and na-
tional independence of nations worthy of a better fate, and
without the independent existence of whom the great ques-
tion pending now in tho East can never be settled finally
as your own future and all of your interests require it to
be settled.
.. it appears that, though not avowed openly, the sha-
dows of these events are fluttering before the eyes of your
putitizaen, gene. it comes that, deuairiag ci $ E],tcere

arid active union with Austria in the present struggle, they
eluencii their fears with another idea, not less absurd than
the first has been ; they endeavour to persuade themselves
that though Austria may not be possibly induced to side
with the Great Western Powers agaluet Ramie she will at
least remain neutral. And yet, an impartial neutrality of
Austria is, from her very position to Russia, equally im-
possible, as would equally be her siding with Turkey.
More yet, sir, that neutrality does not actually exist any
longer.
" It is scarcely- nine months ago since Omer Pasha, at
the head of only 30,000 men, was marching against Monte-
negro to check a revolt which was stirred up by Russia,
and Austria immediately despatched an envoy extraordi-
nary to Constantinople to inform the Sultan peremptorily
that she could not allow such a large force (!) to be concen-
trated so near to the Austrian frontiers ; that, therefore,
it must be withdrawn, or else Austria would consider it a
legitimate cause of war.
" And what is it that the same Austria does now ? She
has concentrated 90,000 men in the immediate neighbour-
hood, on the north-western frontiers of Turkey ; and has
she given any satisfactory guarantee of her neutrality,
accompanied with such a threatening attitude ? No, sir.
Mere words !—empty words—words of that dynasty which
has never yet held sacred even an oath. And even these
empty words pledged her only conditionally—saying, in so
far as her interest will permit her to remain neutral.
Have Great Britain and France guaranteed an impartial neu-
trality of Austria ? No, sir, they have not ; they cannot,
and they dare not do it; therefore, what is the result? The
result is, that the Turkish Government was forced, in con-
templation of the hostile ettitude of Austria, to garrison the
fortresses of Servia on a war footing, and to keep idle an
army of observation in Bosnia. By this necessity 50,000
men have been abstracted from the active army of Omer
Pasha, and thatis positively so much as if Austria had sent
50,000 men as a reinforcement to the head quarters of Prince
Gortschakoff. Nay, it is worse. Since the sending of such
an auxiliary force would have relieved the Turkish Govern-
ment from the difficulties of an absurd diplomatic conve-
nience, preventing her until now of snaking use of the heroic
willingness of the Hungarian nation to afford such aid as
soon would have made Austria unable either to harm
Turkey or help the Czar ; whereas, by her false neu-
trality, she abstracted such a force from the entire
Turkish army as her open hostilities could not abstract.
Therefore, please to tell me, sir, are those diplomatic en-
deavours of Great Britain backed even by a parade of your
fleet up to the Bosphorus, which had no other result
and
no other aim but to uphold this position, of any assist-
ance to the Turkish Empire ? No, sir, it is no assistance ;
it is worse than indifference. It is the entry of a guest
who, with his very presence, absorbs the independence of
the houseowner.
" Fortunately, the force of events has so far favoured
justice and right that there can be no more harm done by
professing it openly ; that the Turkish Empire can neither
in its present struggle have a snore valuable ally than the
Hungarian nation, nor its future can get any better gua-
rantee than the restoration of Polish nationality and Hun-
garian independence.
" Without this Turkey will always have to fear in
the present struggle that Austria might at such a moment
throw down the mask of her false neutrality, when the
Turks, though victorious, will be worn out by their very
victories. It is not for the first time that
.Austria, will
have played such a foul play. In 1737, in tnat Turkish-
Russian war which ended with the treaty of Belgrade, it
was Austria who took upon herself to act as mediator
between the belligerent parties. But while she was
mediating at Niemeroff, she, Austria, the mediator, con-
centrated her armies, upon the intelligence that Marshal
Munich had taken Oczakoff, and Marshal Lasey advanced
in Crimea, just as she does now, and attacked Turkey on
the whole line, from Bosnia up to Wallachia ; alleging
that the treaty, concluded between Austria and Russia in
1726, and confirmed] in 1732, obliges her not only to aid
Russia in any war against Turkey, but, should Turkey be
the aggressor, even to declare a direct war against the
Sultan.
" You are well aware, sir, that from the time of the
wolf and the lamb, whoever is willing to commit violence
is never at a loss to pervert truth. You are aware that
the Czar, in his manifesto of November 1, declares bare-
facedly, even now, that Turkey is the aggressor in the pre-
sent struggle. And that treaty of 1726 is still ready for
use ; it may be taken out at will from among the diplo-
matic rubbish. Since the spirit of the treaty has been con-
firmed by the so-called Holy Alliance, and that alliance
has, in its turn, again been confirmed just now at Sans-
souci, in Prussia, after the Imperial conferences at Olmutz,
and has still more forcibly been confirmed by the Russian
intervention in the Hungarian war, which, from an ally
and possibly a rival, converted the Emperor of Austria
into an obedient servant of the Czar.
"No, sir, no imaginable diplomatic adjustment can
settle the Oriental question, unless it does raise a barrier
' between Turkey and her ambitious neighbours. As long
as Austria is depending upon the Czar she will always be
in danger of the independence of Turkey in the interest of
the Czar. On the contrr-y, if we imagine her—a strange
imagination indeed--independent and strong she will always
threaten Turkey in her own interest. Austria, if deemed a
first-rate Power, reckons it to be her inherited policy to
speculate upon the partition of the Turkish empire as well
as the Cabinet of St. Petersburg. The Czar is pushed by
the wish of becoming a great maritime Power, while Aus-
tria is pushed in the same direction by mightier reasons
yet than those of an inherited ambition. Bo it that
she loses hold of Italy—which sooner or later is inevitable
—be it that Prussia gains an ascendancy over her in Ger-
many—in any possible emergency, she looks for compen-
sation only to the Turkish Empire. Moreover, after all
that occurred in 1849, Austria can never be sure of her
dominion over Hungary as long as in her immediate
neighbourhood there exists a Power which, in the case of
a conflict—possibly delayed, yet unavoidable— must be-
come a ready support to Hungarian nationality in all the
future, as it has been in all the past, against Austria.
" Upon these considerations, I may now with confidence
claim a verdict on the question—` What is the policy con-
venient to Great Britain's honour, and preremptorily re-
quired by her interests ?' It is, sir, the avoiding of half
resolutions, and of half measures before all. Either an open
and active share in the hostilities against Russia, by land
and by sea, or a peremptory demand on Austria to put an
end to her ambiguous foul play, and to define clearly her
position either as au ally of Russia or of Turkey. But in
no case is it such a policy which, aiming at absurdities,
only prevents Turkey availing herself of such legitimate
means of self-defence as circumstances dictate, and the
loss of which no aid of far distant Great Britain can com-
pensate.

"It would have given me a real pleasure to attend the
meeting to which you were so kind as to invite me, both
from the interest I take in the cause you are supporting,
and from getting an opportunity to express publicly my
grateful feeling for the sympathy which I myself and my
exiled countrymen have found with the generous hearts of
the citizens of Glasgow. My only excuse for not appear-
ing is, that just at the present moment, I can perhaps
serve the cause which you advocate more effectually than
by taking part in public meetings, whatever their import-
ance may be. Please to accept this apology, and believe
me, dear sir, your obedient servant,
" R. Buchanan, Esq., Glasgow." " L. KOSSUTH.
Mr. BUCHANAN announced that he had called on Mr.
Hastie, M.P., and requested him to attend the meeting,
but he had declined, on the ground that we had nothing to
do with this question. It was in the hands of the Govern-
ment., and any interference upon our part was only calcu-
lated to do harm. (Hisses.)
Mr. BUCHANAN, editor of the Sentinel, :moved the first
resolution, which was as follows :
"That the series of Russian aggressions, of which the
invasion of the Danubian provinces is the last in the chain,
exhibits so fixed a purpose on the part of the northern
Autocrat to domineer over the rest of Europe, and to ex-
tinguish, wherever possible, national independence and
political freedom, that the present invasion of the Turk-
ish territory is a direct carrying out of his traditional
policy, and an attack upon the trade and commerce of this
country, country, as well as an act of retaliation for the asylum
protection so nobly offered by the Sultan to Kossuth and
his brave compatriots, disguised though itmtle bei Greeky an
impudent pretext of protecting the rights of
Church in the Ottoman States ; and that, considering
these
circumstances, as Well as the territorial and political in-
terests of the other European nations, this meeting is of
opinion that the power of the Czar for present as well as
for future mischief should be broken by the vigorous as-
sistance and co-operation of the great Western Powers with
Turkey, in her gallant and ea far successful resistance to
her haughty and insolent foe."
Mr. Buchanan congratulated the meeting on the splen-
dour of the demonstration, indicating as it did that the
!hearts of the people of Glasgow are sound on this great
question. He proceeded to show the probable effects of
Russian aggression towards the West, detailed the means
by which that State had extended her territory, and called
upon the Government of this country now to lend effective
aid to crumple up the gigantic northern Power. One
guarantee for peace should be the resurrection of Poland—
(cheers)—the restoration of stolen lands to Turkey, and if
these and other just demands be not made, revolutionise
the territory of the Autocrat. (Cheers.)
Councillor MADAM seconded the resolution, which was
carried by acclamation.
Mr. T. BROWN moved the second resolution :
" That this meeting is of opinion, in order that the war
now raging in the Danubian provinces may be brought to
a prompt and satisfactory conclusion with the least detri-
ment to the political interests as well as the trade and
commerce of Europe that our Government should render
immediate and effective material aid to Turkey ; and fur-
ther, inasmuch as secret diplomacy has hitherto prevented
the legitimate and healthy action of public opinion upon
British Ministers in dealing with foreign questions, that,
in future, publicity should be given, from time to time, to
all matters of the foreign department of State affecting the
character and honour of this country in its relations with
other nations and peoples."
Mr. POOLE seconded the resolution.
Mr. URQUHART, who was received with applause, spoke
in support of the second resolution. He said, this was not
the first opportunity he had had of addressing a Glasgow
audience. He commenced his public labours in this city, and
these were of the most arduous character, chiefly because
of the want of that enthusiasm which had now been
awakened, and for which we were indebted at the present
moment to the Czar of Russia. He regarded the invitation
which he had received to attend this meeting as a confirma-
tionted
of those views and opinions which he had submitted
14 years ago. At that time he was repudiated here by
many as a man of one idea—they all knew that
.and .vtl"!
the Czar of Muscovy—and what was included
otP
had been laid before them by the gentlemat!eiranctaas fromre
ceded him. Mr. Urquhart proceeded to read
a memorial to our Government, which be
extracts
himself
earc i t zB3e n6s, o f
drawn up, and which was adopted
• hythtehe
Glasgow in public meeting assembled,
in f
Russia. To that
re-
monstrating against the oppressio
remonstrance the Government replinells,eth t they were
aof, but 17 ypearres-
pared to resist the oppression complained
that we had been be-
had elapsed, and our experiencwas
trayed by incapacity and positive and direct treason. A
few years after the adoption of the memorial referred to,
another petition was presented, signed by 30,000 of the
citizens of Glasgow,
charging
both
the Government with crime,
and it was read to extenso in houses of Parliament •
but to that petition no further attention was paid, and he
found that every statement in it was this day confirmed
in our own experience. A gentleman present had referred
to the fall of Hungary, and the resolution stated that Tur-
key should be supported by the force of arms. Why, the
fact was that England had attacked every State and every
principle, but she had never been found attacking Russia.
He appealed to the testimony of Kossuth on the matter in
question. He (Mr. Urquhart) had pointed out to him
falsehoods in the blue-books—statements framed for the
purpose of disguising the truth, to prevent the English
nation from knowing that its Government were serving
the purposes of Russia.
r ceased to
imply that Hungary
Kossuth had never
owed its fall to the secresy with
which our diplomacy
is conducted. They were met to
consider what steps should be adopted to frustrate the
" aggretossithve policy of Russia," and they felt themselves
equal at enterprise. (Loud cheers.) This could
not be effected without some great mental effort.
All the means which had been put into operation hitherto
ha 4 proved futile, and something new must be found. It
W true that public zoottings could only act through G-G•