The Sun.
London, England, 1853-07-12 00:00:00

NAVAL INTELLIGENCE.

Commander Schultz, on the retired list of 1830, has
I)nen appninted .tlie order in
council of iBl6.
A TEAK STEAM-SLOOP FOR TUE NAVY.—The Malacca,
steam-sloop, built at Trincomalee, has been launched at
that port.
The Cleopatra, 26, Captain Massie, is at Trincomalee,
her crew being employed in fitting out the Malacca,
which ship will be navigated to England by a party of
the Cleopatra.
Vice-Admiral the Hon. Sir Fleetwood Pellew, C. 8.,
K.C.H., was at Trincomalee, by last advices, in his flag-
ship the Winchester, 50, continuing in the command of
the station, although he has been promoted since he
hoisted his flag.

PORTSMOUTH, JULY 11.

The Duke of Wellington, 131, Captain H. B. Martin,
C. 8., will leave Spithead on a few days' cruise to-morrow
to shake up her hands. She is still 200 short of her
complement, nor has a man offered himself the last ten
days.
A young officer is missing from her Majesty's ship
Odin, whose absence causes the liveliest regret to his
captain and messmates. He was granted 24 hours' leave
on Tuesday last, came ashore to the Star and Garter
Hotel, and changed his uniform for private clothes, un-
der the intention of proceeding to London. He has
not been heard of since. He was a smart, regular officer,
sober, attentive, and generally respected.
Captain Jerningham, R.N., requests us to correct an
error which appears in our yesterday's report, relative
to the cone signals tried ou Saturday in this harbour.
We stated the signals were " Captain Jerningham's
system," whereas the cone system is the invention and
property of Mr. C. A. Redl, of 38, North Audley-street,
and are secured to him by patent. The only connection
Captain Jerningham has with the signals is to conduct
the experiments, assisted by Commander F. A. Egerton,
under orders from the Admiralty.
The Vesuvius 0, steam-sloop, Commander Wilson,
went out of harbour this morning, and joined the squad-
ron at Spithead.
The Conflict, 8, screw corvette, made another trial to-
day to test her speed, for which purpose she had shipped
her common spare screw, the four corners of which had
been cut off about 10 inches in diameter, to reduce the
spread. It is next intended that her serviceable screws
shall be altered to the shape of the bomerang propeller,
if the Admiralty will allow it. The lines for the purpose
have been taken.

The Bulldog, 6, steam-sloop, has been temporarily
commissioned this day, by Lieutenant Reynolds, of the
Blenheim, as a depot for the steam reserve during the
absence of the Blenheim.

PLYMOUTH, JULY 11.
Her Majesty's steam-sloop Sphinx, 6, Commander
Henry S. Hillyar, arrived last evening from the East
Indies and the Cape of Good Hope.
This ship has been absent from England more than
three years, and during that period has gone over a
course of 92,000 miles, of which she has towed the
Hastings, 72, a distance of more than 7,000 miles. The
Sphinx left Plymouth on the 2d of March, 1850, and
calling at Madeira, St. Vincent, Sierra Leone, Whydab,
Ascension, and Rio Janeiro, arrived at the Cape of
Good Hope on the 12th of June. She reached Singa-
pore on the 3d of August, and during the remainder of
that year, the whole or 1851, and 1852, was most ac-
tively employed in the East Indies and China seas. She
left Trincomalee on the 14th of March, 1853, and the
Cape of Good Hope on the 16th of May, the day before
the Melbourne, screw steam-ship, departed. The Sphinx
called at St. Helena on the 28th of May, at Ascension
on the 4th of June, and at St. Michael's on the 20th of
July.
In December, 1851, the Sphinx, at Chinghai, made
30 large piratical junks give up their guns. About 18
months since she was at Loo Choo with treaties from
Lord Palmerston. Her boats were up the Irawaddah
at Burmah 10. th of December, 1852, with Captain Loch's
expedition when six hands, seamen and marines, were
killed. LientA3nants Glover and Pocock, and Mr. Cook-
swain, midshipman, wounded, have since recovered.
Commander Shadwell, who went out in command of
the Sphinx, Nr,as promoted to the Winchester, 50, and
Second Lieutenant Hillyar' of that ship, was, 7th of
February, 185.3, promoted to the command of the
Sphinx.
Mr. George J. Carr, the master, and Mr. Foord,
purser, are title only officers who have continued on
board, all the o thers having been promoted. Two en-
gineers, Mr. ..;cott and Mr. Beby, died at Calcutta, in
June, 1852, :from dysentery and the effects of the
climate.

The boilers of the Sphinx have been in her since 1846,
and are now .worn out, which is the cause of her re-
turn. Her e.n gines (Penn's oscillating), of 500-horse
power, and sai d to be the largest ever put on board
ship, have an veered exceedingly well. The consump-
tion of coal since she left the Cape of Good Hope is only
150 tons, as she used her sails chiefly during the greater
part of the pass;
The Sphinx 1 wings invalid seamen from Rangoon and
invalid soldiers, from the Cape. Among her passengers
are Captain AB onhen, of the Penelope ; Lieutenant
Townshend, of the Tortoise ; Mr. Hall, late purser of
the Volcano ; ria id Mr. Lilias Smith, master of the Trin-
comalee. Captoin Bewes, 73d ; Captain Warren, 91st ;
Mr. Ramsbothaa n, and 28 non-commissioned officers and
privates and 14 children from different corps at the
Cape. Surgeon: in charge, Dr. Seccombe. Mr. U.
Hind, late maste rof the Winchester at Rangoon, died
of his wounds og i the 24th of March, between Trin-
comalee and thAl Cape, and two seamen, Heywood and
Colegate, invalid s from Trincomalee, died at sea on the
14th of June. _

At St. Held na, on the 20th of May, were her
Majesty's steam .-frigate Penelope, 16, Captain Henry
Lyster, and brig Crane, 6, Commander Thomas Miller.
At Ascension, on the 4th of June, the Volcano steam-
vessel, 5, Commander Robt. Coote, and the Waterwitch
sloop, 8, Commander Alan IL Gardner. The Ferret
sloop, 8, Comm ander Reginald J. J. G. Macdonald,
sailed for Loand.,o on the 3d of June.
The Sphinx sly oke, on the 15th of June, inllat. 7.4 G N.,
long. 22.7 W., le French frigate Belle Poule, outward
bound. 16th June, in lat. 9.36 N., long. 23.42 W., an
English barque, with second distinguishing pennant
8.731, outward bound. 17th June, in lat. 11.19 N.,
long. 25.8 W., 11,e ship Forfarshire, all well, with ma-
rines, for Triniximalee. 9th July, in lat. 48.33 N.,
long. 8.49 W., tl le Bremen barque America, outward
bound. 10th July, off Scilly, a screw steam line-of-
battle ship, steeling to the west, under steam only, bear-
ing the flag of :1 Rear-Admiral of the Blue, probably
the Agameninork, 91, Capt. Sir Thos. Maitland, with
the flag of A dmi_ral Cofry.
The Black Eagle steam-yacht, Master John E. Petley,
arrived in the So- and at 7 o'clock this morning.
The Royal yact it Victoria and Albert, and her tender,
the Fairy, both -from Wales, entered the Sound this
afternoon at 4 o'clock.

WOOLWICH, JULY 11.
APPOINTMENTS.

Lieutenant lll•trry Smith (1845), from the Imp4rieuse,
50, screw steam-frigate, at Portsmouth, to the Ceylon,
receiving ship, a,:t Malta, as Flag-Lieutenant to Rear-
Admiral Housto n Stewart, Superintendent of Malta
Dockyard.
Masters—Joint Jackson (1835), to the Victory flag-
ship, at Portsmouth, as Master and Pilot ; Henry N.
Thomas (1835), to the Impregnable flag-ship, at Devon-
port, as Master a nd Pilot.
Midshipman A. R. Smith to the St. Jean d'Acre,
101, screw steam-ship, at Devonport.
Assistant-Surgeons—Joseph Coulter, M.D. (1845),
from the Amphion, screw steam-frigate, to the Edin-
burgh, screw ste am-ship, at Portsmouth ; H. R. Ley,
to the Amphion., at Portsmouth, vice Coulter ; Edwin
T. Watkins (143), to the Antelope, iron padde-wheel
steam-vessel, on the Mediterranean station ; Dugald
WEwan (1847), to the Magicienne, 16, paddle-wheel
steam-frigate, at Devonport.

A deputation from the Protestant Dissenting Deputies
of the three D enominations had an interview with Sir
W. Molesworth. yesterday at the office of Works and
Public Buildings, Whitehall-place, on the subject of the
Burials Bill. The deputation consisted of Mr. Thomas
Pewtress, Mr. -W. Offor, Mr. Benjamin Hanbury, Mr.
William Beddome, and the Secretary. The deputation
Were accompanied by Mr. J. Cheetham, M.P.

(TRANSLATION.)
" ST. PETERSBURGH (JUNE 20), JULY 2, 1853.
" Sir,—My circular dispatch of the 30th of May last has
informed you of the rupture of our diplomatic relations
with the Ottoman Porte. It charged you to inform the
Cabinet to which you are accredited of the causes of com-
plaint which we have received from the Porte—of our un-
successful efforts to obtain satisfaction, and of the succes-
sive concessions which we have been led to make by our
desire to maintain with the Turkish Government kindly
and amicable relations. You know that having renounced
in him the idea of a guarantee obtained under the form
of a convention, sened, or other united (syuallag,ina-
tique) act we have reduced our demands to the sim-
ple signing of a simple note such as that of which
the text has been transmitted to you. You may
have seen that this note, independently of the
arrangements which specially relate to the Holy places,
includes substantially nothing else as regards the general
guarantee demanded in favour of religion than a simple
confirmation of that which we have long enjoyed. I have
called your attention to the fact that the signature of
this article constitutes, in the eyes of the Emperor, the
only real reparation which he can accept for the offence
committed against him by the violation of the firman of the
year 1852, as also of the personal promises which he at the
same time received from the Sultan. I have added that a
similar act was besides indispensable, since the obtaining
of new firmans, susceptible of being infringed as well as
the first, could no longer of itself alone offer us a sufficient
pledge for the future. Finally, 1 have not concealed from
you, that if, after eight days of reflection, the Ottoman
Porte refused to grant our demand, the Emperor would
feel himself under the obligation of having recourse—in
order to obtain satisfaction—to measures more decisive
than a simple interruption of the relations of the two
Governments.

" In submitting this ultimatum to the Porte we had
more particularly informed the leading cabinets of our in-
tentions. We had appealed to France and to Great Bri-
tain not to complicate by their attitude the difficulties of
the situation, and not to adopt too soon measures which,
on the one hand, might have the effect of encouraging
the opposition of the Porte ; and, on the other, of com-
promising still more than they already have been com-
promised in the question, the honour and dignity of the
Emperor.
" I regret to announce to you to-day that this double
attempt has unhappily been vain.
" The Porte, as you will see by the accompanying letter
of Reschid Pacha, has given to that which I had addressed
to him a negative, or at least an evasive answer.
"On the other hand the two maritime powers have not
thought it their duty to defer to the considerations which
we bad recommended to their serious attention. Taking
the initiative before us, they have thought it indispensable
to adopt immediately an effective measure in advance of
those which we had only announced to them as purely con-
tingent (eventuelle,s)' since we rendered their execution de-
penent on the final resolutions of the Porte; and even at
the moment at which I write that execution has not as
yet commenced. They immediately sent their fleets to the
neighbourhood of Constantinople. They already occupied
the waters and the harbours of the Ottoman empire,
within reach of the Dardanelles. By this advanced posi-
tion the two powers have placed us under the weight of a
threatening demonstration, which, as we had forewarned
them, must have added new complications to the crisis.
" In the face of the refusal of the Porte, supported by
the demonstration of France and England, it becomes
more impossible for us than ever to modify the resolutions
announced by the Emperor.
" His Imperial Majesty, therefore, has just sent to the
body of our troops stationed at this moment in Bessarabia
the order to pass the frontier for the purpose of occupying
the Principalities.

" They entered them not for the purpose of waging
against the Porte an offensive war, which we shall, on the
contrary, avoid to the utmost of our power as long as it
shall not force us to it ; but because the Porte, in persist-
ing to refuse us the moral guarantee which we had a right
to expect, obliges us to substitute for it provisionally a
material guarantee, because the position which the two
powers have taken up in the harbours and the waters of
the Ottoman Empire, in view even of its capital, not being
capable of being considered by us in the actual circum-
stances otherwise than as a maritime occupation gives us,
moreover, a reason for re-establishing the equilibrium of
our respective positions by means of a military occupation.
" We have, however, no intention of maintaining that
position longer than our interest or our honour shall re-
quire. It will be altogether temporary ; it will only serve
as a pledge until better councils shall have prevailed in
the minds of the Ministers of the Sultan. In occupying
the principalities for a time, we disavow beforehand
every idea of conquest. We do not pretend to obtain
any accession of territory. Knowingly and willingly we
will not seek to excite any rising amidst the Christian
population of Turkey. As soon as that power sha'l
have granted us the satisfaction which is duo to us, and
as soon, at the same time as the pressure which the at- 1
Etude which the maritime powers exercises on us shall
cease, our troops will re-enter, at that very instant,
within the limits of Russia. As to the inhabitants of the
principalities, the presence of our forces will subject
them to no new charges or contributions. The articles
with which they may furnish us shall be paid for out of
our military chest at the opportune moment, and at a rate
fixed upon beforehand with their Government. The prin-
ciples and the rules of conduct which we have prescribed
to ourselves upon this subject you will find laid down in
the annexed proclamation, which General Prince Gortcha-
koff, chief of the army of occupation, has been directed to
publish on his entry into the two provinces.
" We do not, Sir, at all conceal from ourselves how
much meaning there is in the attitude which we assume,
and what may ultimately become its consequences, if the
Turkish Government obliges us to pass beyond the narrow
and limited circle within which we desire to confine our-
selves. But the position in which that Government
places us by driving matters to extremity, by refusing us
every legitimate satisfaction, by not reciprocating by any
concessions whatever all those concessions which Prince
Menschikoff had successively made with respect to the form
as well as the original basis of our propositions, leaves us
no other course to adopt. More than that—the princi-
ples so peremptorily laid down in spite of the moderation
of the language of the letters written in reply to E,edschid
Pacha, as well as in his note of the 26th May last, to the
representatives of the four powers at Constantinople, would
lead to nothing less, if they were to be taken literally, than
to bring into question all our required rights, and to nul-
lify all our preceding transactions.
" In effect, if the Ottoman Government regards, as con-
trary to its independence and to its rights of sovereignty,
any diplomatic engagement whatever, even under the form
of a simple note, in which the point at issue would be to
stipulate with a foreign government for the security o:
religion and the churches, what becomes of the engage-
ment which it formerly contracted with us under a form
far more obligatory to protect in its states our religion and
churches ?

" However little we might admit a principle so abso-
lute, we should in doing so bear up with our own hands
the treaty of Kainardji, as well as those which confirm it,
and voluntarily abandon the right which they have con-
ferred upon us to take care that the Greek worship should
be effectually protected in Turkey.
"Is that what the Porte means ? Does it intend to free
itself from all its preceding obligations, and to make the
actual crisis result in the abolition for ever of a whole
order of relations which time had consecrated ?

" Impartial Europe will understand that if the question
were placed on those terms, it would become for Russia,
in spite of the most conciliatory intentions, incapable of a
pacific solution ; because the issue would involve for us our
treaties, our secular influence, our moral credit, our dearest
sentiments, national and religious.

" Let us be permitted to say it—the actual dispute, and
all the noisy distinction which it has received from the
press outside of cabinets, rest upon a mere misunderstand-
ing, or upon a want of sufficient attention to all our politi-
cal antecedents.

"People seem not to be aware, or to lose sight of the
fact that Russia virtually enjoys, by position and by
treaty, an ancient right to watch over the efficacious pro-
tection of its religion in the East ; and people represent
the maintenance of this ancient right, which she could not
abandon, as an act which involves a totally new preten-
sion to a protectorate at once religious and politic, of
which the meaning and the consequences for the future are
exaggerated.
"It is upon this miserable misunderstanding that the
whole crisis at this moment depends.
" The bearing and the consequences of our pretended new
political protectorate have no real existence. We demand
for our co-religionists in the East only the strict status quo
—only the preservation of the privileges which they pos-
sessed antiquo under the aegis of thir sovereign. We
do not deny that there will result from this in favour of
Russia what may be justly called a religious patronage—•
which we have from time immemorial exercised in the
East. Now, if up to this time the independence and the
Sovereignty of Turkey have been reconciled with the ex-
ercise of this patronage, why should either the one or the
other suffer for the future, since our pretensions reduce
themselves to that which is in reality only a confirmation?
" We have said, and we repeat, the Emperor wishes not
to-day what he did not wish in former times, to overturn
the Ottoman Empire, or to aggrandise himself at its ex-
pense. After the very moderate use which he made in 18°9
of the victory of Adrianople, when that victory placed the
Porte at his mercy—after having, singly, in Europe, saved
Turkey, in 1833, from inevitable dismemberment—after
having, in 1839, taken, with other powers, the initia-
tive in making propositions which, earned out in
common, once more saved his throne by giving place to a
new Arabian empire —it would be rather fastidious to
give proofs of this fact. On the contrary, the fundamental
principle of the policy of our august Emperor has always
been to maintain as long as possible the actual status quo
of the East. He has always desired, and he desires still,
because such is really the well-understood interest of ,
Russia—already too vast to require an extension of terri-
tory—because, prosperous, peaceable, inoffensive, the Otto-
man empire checks the shock of rivalries, which, if it should
fall, would immediately. wound each other in their
struggle for the possession of her ruins—because hu-
man foresight would in vain search for combination pro-
per to fill the void which would be left in the political
balance, by the disappearance of the great body. But i
such aro the real, avowed, and sincere views of the
Emperor, in order that he may be enabled to bo faithful
to them, it is neces.ary also that Turkey should act to•
wards us in a manner that offers to us the possibility of
co-existing with her ; that she resp-ets our private treaties
and the consequences resulting from them ; that the acts
of bad faith, of secret persecution, of perpetual vexation,
practised against our religion, pace rs in a situation I
which, intolerable long to endure, will force us to confide
for a remedy to the blind chances of hazard.
" Such are, Sir, the considerations that you are charged
to lay before the government of —, in bringing
under its notice, by the present dispatch, the resolutions
and intentions of his Majesty the Emperor.
" Receive, Sir, &c.
(Signed) " NESSELRODE." 1

( From the Times. )
The Russian Government has followed up its circular
dispatch of the 11th of May and its manifesto to the

The immediate object of M. de Nesselrode's last cir-
cular is, therefore, to disarm the suspicions and the re-
sistance which the late measures of Russia have excited
all over Europe, He disclaims any idea of conquest,
and protests that the occupation of the Principalities
is a merely temporary measure, which will cease the
moment the demands of the Emperor are satisfied, and
that the maritime powers have withdrawn the pressure
they now exercise upon Russia. Meanwhile the pre-
sence of the Russian army in Moldavia and Wallachia is
not to be a burden on the inhabitants of those provinces.
The expenses of the army are to be paid out of the mili-
tary chest, and Prince Gortschakoff has published a pro-
clamation to the same effect at Jassy and Bucharest.
All this, as far as it goes, is satisfactory enough, but it
is but a small and partial view of the real state of affairs ;
and even in these adroit phrases there is one passage
which we cannot pass over without notice. The
Russian Government,' -having just committed—tin
act for which it does not allege any justification
beyond the satisfaction of its own demands, attempts in
this paper to represent the advance of the fleets of
France and England to the Dardanelles as an addi-
tional cause of complaint against the Porte and the
great Western Powers. It speaks of " the position
taken up by the two Powers in the ports and waters of
the Ottoman empire, within sight of the capital, as a
species ofmaritime occupation, which gives Russia a reason
to restore the balance between their relative situations
by taking up a military position." A more shallow and
unscrupulous misrepresentation we never met with in a
State paper. In the first place, the fleets only ad-
vanced to their present position after it had been
positively ascertained by the declarations of Russia her-
self that she contemplated the occupation of the Princi-
palities, and the fleets were sent, not to disturb the
balance of power, but to restore what Russia had al-
ready disturbed. Can any fal'acy be more gross than
the attempt to confound the military occupation of two
provinces against the will of their lawful Sovereign, and
as a measure of coercion applied to that Sovereign, with
the presence of a fleet off the coast of that empire, at
the express desire and request of the Sovereign and for
his protection, without the occupation of any point of his
territory and without even a deviation from the strict
rule which, in time of peace, shuts the Dardanelles
against foreign flags of war The use of such argu-
ments is really the best proof of the weakness of the
cause they are employed to support. The presence
of an allied fleet in the ports of a friendly power is in nb
one respect analogous to the occupation of territory; and
in this case the state of affairs is diametrically opposite,
for the Porte has, in the exercise of its undoubted right,
solicited France and England to approach the Darda-
nelles—though not " within sight of the capital"—for
the express purpose of warding off an attack on its inde-
pendence, but, at the same time, the limitations imposed
by treaties have been respected by France and England,
though violated by Russia.
It is scarcely necessary to revert to the argument for-
merly used by M. de Nesselrode, that Russia already pos-
sesses, by virtue of her ancient and existing treaties, all
she asks for or requires ; for the answer to that assertion
is conclusive—if she has all she asks by former treaties,
of what advantage is it to her to ask or obtain a fresh
convention to the same effect ? The old treaties are as
binding as the new one could be. The old treaties have
not been violated, for, if they had, Russia would not be
driven to these puerile inventions to frame a cause of
war. We are perfectly aware that she has not demanded
a political protectorate of the Greek Christians in Tur-
key ; she contents herself with what M. de Nesselrode
himself terms " a sort of religious patronage." But
nobody knows better than the Russian Cabinet what
the political effects of this religious patronage arc. It
is by the distinctions of creed and of ecclesiastical insti-
-1 tutions that the Christian subjects of Turkey form a
social body ; the Patriarchs are their chiefs, and who-
ever is the acknowledge- head of their church is head of
the nation. These pretensions, however, are now re-
duced to their very lowest expression ; Count Nessel-
rode says that all he requires is the confirmation of them.
If that be so, the solution of this difficulty will be easy
and will be pacific. No Power will object to sign a re-
cognition and confirmation of rights and privileges granted
under existing treaties, which have never been disputed.
The Porte has already published such a recognition in
the II ade of the 7th of June, and the Porte would cer-
tainly not hesitate to renew in identical terms the en-
gagements of Kainardji and Adrianople. But this line of
argument implies that the Russian Government does not
rely on the validity of its ow.). treaties ; it speaks of the
rights alleged to be confei:ed by them as if they
needed further confirmation ; and it even tells the
world that this religious patronage, based, as it says, on
the immemorial usages of the Eastern Church, and on
great treaties dictated in the hour of victory, is lost or
impaired if the Porte refuses to corroborate its ex7stence
by the note propounded by Prince Menschikoff on the
18th of May. We can only retort on the authors of this
bungling argument their own dilemma :—if they have
this religious patronage over the East they do not want
this note ; and if they have it not this note will riot give
it them.

The concluding passages of Count Nesselrode's note are
an eloquent and impassioned declaration of the ardent de-
sire of the Emperor Nicholas to preserve the Turkish em-
pire. The sincerity and the wisdom of the Russian Govern-
ment would have stood higher if it had omitted these assur-
ances ; for, if they were true, the whole conduct of the
Cabinet of St. Petersburgh would be at variance with
what it represents to be its own interest and its invaria-
ble objects ; and, as its policy has, on almost every oc-
casion, for upwards of a century, tended to precisely
the opposite result, we must conclude that the course it
has adopted is not that of repairing the ills of Turkey,
or of abandoning the remedy of those ills to what Count
Nesselrode calls " the blind accidents of chance." On
the other hand, we are distinctly told in this do cement
that if Turkey perseveres in refusing what the Russian
Government still urges as its fixed demand, the E mperor
will think himself compelled to extend his measures be-
yond the limited circle to which he means at preHent to
confine them.

(From the Morning Post.)

The circular which Count Nesselrode has addressed to
the diplomatic agents of Russia, and which will b s found
at length in another column, fairly surpasses, in its
haughty contempt of right and justice, even the extra-
, ordinary documents which have previously been issued
by the Russian Government.
Russia refuses to recognise the public law of Eu rope,
and boldly lays down new principles, with a co de as
novel as it is contrary to every received notion of inter-
national obligations.
She started by asserting the right of a nation to re-
quire from another, completely independent, natiton the
cession of one-half its sovereignty. In virtue of this
hitherto unheard-of principle, Russia demanded of
Turkey the protectorate and civil jurisdiction over eleven
millions of Christians, subjects of the Porte.

Upon her demands being demurred to, she next affirms
that a nation, whose request, being such as we h Ave de-
scribed, is met with non-acceptance, has the r ight to
enter the territories of the State refusing her de viands,
in order to enforce them by holding cerLain lar, gle and
valuable provinces until they are complied with . In
pursuance of this principle, she invades and oix aipies
Moldavia and Wallachia.
Her respect for reason being as small as her regal •d for
right, Russia further roundly ma;ntains that a n ation
invading by force of aims the dominions of a neigh tour-
ing Sovereign, in order to extort from him cone** isions
which he deems utterly incompatible with his owl inde-
pendence and the integrity of his State, does not make
war upon that Sovereign, and, accordingly, di 3fying
"Waters, and all received definitions of war, she pi -a claims
that her military seizure of the Danubian Prov it .ces is
an act of peace and good fellowship.
These new principles, so strangely enunciat ed, are
surprising enough ; but the grandest discover yof all
was reserved for Count Nesselrode's last circul. ox. He
thus delivers himself :

" The position which the two powers have take al in the
ports and waters of the Ottoman Empire, and in sight of
its capital, cannot be regarded by us, under pre; Pant cir-
cumstances, otherwise than as a maritime occupat ion, and
gives us, further, a reason for re-establishing the balance
of our reciprocal relations by taking up a military p( widen."
Passing over the trifling fact that Besika jisat a
distance of 150 miles from Constantinople, a ad that,
therefore, Count Nesselrode's eyes or glasses mi tst be of
the best if he can see the fleets from the capital, we come
to his amazing statement, that the presence i of the
fleets of England and France at Besika is a" n laritime
occupation" of Constantinople, and affords re ason to
Russia for the military occupation of other pori ions of
the Turk's territories.

Surely ships of all nations are free to come an dgo as
much as they please in the Archipelago, and tho ugh the
presence of two powei:ul fleets at Besika is cert ainly a
demonstration, it amounts to no more than did t he pre-
sence of a Russian cc.ps mie on the Russian 1 )antic of
the Pruth, or the assembling of a Russian fl set at
Sebastopol, both which acts cannot be said to b e o ccu-•
pation, military or maritime, of a neighbouring St :ate,
without a wonderful stretch of assertion and an AC tual
violation of truth. _

However this may be, Count Nesselrode avov, 'a in
the plainest manner, the fact, the object, and the /3 ro-
bable duration of the presence of Russian arms in