The Sun.
London, England, 1853-08-23 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 23, 1853.

It seldom happens that political intelligence
from one of our colonies possesses an attraction
comparable in any respect to its wealth or mag-
nitude. A battle in Hindostan, a riot in the
Canadas, a foray at the Cape of Good Hope, a
pestilence in the West Indies, an execution at
Ceylon, may each of them be fragments of intel-
ligence invested for us in the United Kingdom
with a peculiar fascination. Nevertheless, en-
thralling though accounts of that kind doubtless
appear to those who chance to be interested in
the particular locality connected with the informa-
tion, that information cannot be regarded in any
way as corresponding in value or importance with
the capacity of the colony referred to, with its
riches or its dimensions. Once in a way it so
falls out that it is not by any means thus with
the political news received in this country through
the last despatches from Australia. According to
those despatches it would seem that an address
was on the 10th of last May laid before the Le-
gislatii-e Council at Sydney by Sir CHARLES
Frrznoy in his capacity as Governor-General—
an address so remarkable in all respects as to
command from the British journalist, even at this
remote distance, especial and most commendatory
observation.
His Excellency evinces throughout every por-
tion of this able, and for many reasons memorable,
document, a wise cognisance of his large and
weighty responsibilities. He perceives, more-
over, that at the present moment he stands in his
official capacity within reach of many inestimable
opportunities for the advancement of the colony
in material prosperity and in social advantages,
by the judicious application of its productiveness,
and by the wholesome training of its population.
Under the guidance of a Pro-Consul as experienced
and energetic as Sir CHARLES FITZROY, it is not
by any means likely that one of those same oppor-
tunities will be lost to the people of Australia.
In testimony of this, it is only requisite to exa-
mine succinctly the various clauses or paragraphs
of the Address already mentioned. It will be
perceived at once from that address (given by us
in our impression of yesterday) that his Excellency
the Governor-General of the colony does not re-
strict his recommendations to the local legislature
to one or two subjects only, requiring its inter-
position with a view to immediate improvement.
He specifies almost every question of importance
which can be supposed at this juncture to affect
the interests of the multitude of colonists settled
or now settling in Australia. He commences, of
course, as might have been expected, by acknow-
ledging with gratitude to DIVINE PROVIDENCE
" the general prosperity enjoyed by all classes of
the community," in doing which his Excellency
takes occasion to remark with arresting impres-
siveness that never before, since the colony was
first called into existence, has the material condi-
tion of its inhabitants been in a condition more
progressive or more satisfactory. Having
thus notified the extraordinary consequences
of the great gold-digging enterprise, Sir CHARLES
FITZROY commends particularly to the attention
of the Legislative Council the necessity of making
larger provision for the comforts, the safety, and
the general happiness of the colonists by a series
of prompt and comprehensive improvements. He
intimates that,
‘i in consequence
ionsequenee of the large num-
ber of persons Posing
and from the gold fields
of Victoria, and the instances es of outrage and rob-
bery which have occurred both on the line of the
great southern road and in th
on the boundaries of that colony;"
be lias alread
deemed it advisable rather
ulltry situated
nmdlerice abl y
eystatbolisihn: crease the amount of the district
police
ment : but he ventures further than this by - -
m-
eseteinllt largereOe‘ur
nouncing it as his conviction that r
rences have rendered advisable a
and probably permanent u agmentation. So much
for the advanced security of life and propetty in
Australia. Now for the greater convenience of
its geographical arrangements—the media for the
readier development of its resources—the source
of comfort, and riches, and happiness to its vast
population. As affecting these important objects
in a remarkable manner, the building of new
roads and the repairing of old, are more especi-
ally among the prominent enterprises submitted
by Sir CHARLZS FITZROY to the consideration
of the Australian Legislature. He insists upon
the imperative necessity of properly repairing the
" principal leading thoroughfares," appointing
competent road engineers, and preparing the way
by the skilful management of the ordinary roads
for the ultimate establishment of railway commu-
nication. While attending thus sedulously to the
physical or material condition of the colony, with
an eye to its improvement, his Excellency is far
from being indifferent to the magnitude of the
need latterly- manifest for bolder and larger mea-
sures than ever for securing to the community the
blessings of intellectual and moral advancement.
lie reminds the Legislative Council of the remit-
tances lately made by the Colony to England—
remittances to the amount of 105,0001. forur-
poses of immigrationp
.
he recalls to their
recollection the fact, that the
public re-
venues of Australia exceeded in
amount. du •
this last year what had been received durriinng
1851 by no less than 100,000 j, !_he Observes
likewise, that " this increase arose exclusively in
the general revenue," the territorial revenue hav-
ing, indeed, during the same interval, been some-

what diminished ; and maintains, cogently
enough, that by reason of the colony being in
the " enjoyment of so large a measure of ma-
terial p2osperity," therefore, it becomes incum-
bent upon its rulers to adventure upon some cor-
responding provision for the intellectual and moral
improvement of its population. A noble and
generous foresight on the part of the Governor-
General, which, it is to be hoped, will excite the
emulative benevolence of the Australian Legisla-
ture !

Sir CHARLES FITZROY does not, however, con-
e tent himself with merely generalising upon the
prosperity of that vast colony which has been en-
trusted to his administration, and upon the ad-
visability of adopting certain measures for its
• social and political advancement. He specifies
several of the important projects about to be laid
by him upon the table of the Legislative Council.
He recommends, for example, the augmenting of
the amount allotted for education, the extension
of primary schools, and the encouragement
of institutions calculated to promote the
higher branches of science and literature.
Added to which, he advises the continuance of in-
quiries already commenced in regard to the pro-
per registration of births, deaths, and marriages,
so as to command in time a more accurate know-
ledge of the extent of the mortality and the
amount of the population. He promises to aid
the Council in amending the law for more effectu-
ally preventing the desertion of seamen from mer-
chant vessels, a change most desirable under ex-
isting circumstances, as thousands have learnt
to their cost by a rather calamitous experi-
ence. Beyond all, Sir CHARLES FITZROY proposes,
as here intimated in his copious and masterly ad-
dress, to introduce certain bills for improving the
procedure of the Supreme Court, both at common
law and equity—observing that these bills have
been based upon Acts of Parliament passed during
the previous session at Westminster, because, con-
tinues his Excellency, " I deem it highly de-
sirable that the legislation of the colony on the
subject of law reform should keep pace with the
improvements adopted in England." Under the
care of an administrator thus energetic, observant,
and sagacious, it is scarcely possible but that the
political well-being and the social welfare of the
colonists will correspond with the vast material
prosperity of Australia.

The Select Committee on the Slave Trade
Treaties between Great Britain and Spain and
Portugal, and the manner in which they have
been carried out, is now published, and it is one
which none of us can read without deep mortifica-
tion. We have declared the slave trade to be,
what it really is, piracy; and we have given costly
evidence that English feeling is thoroughly sincere
in its verdict. We have made treaties for its
suppression, which are now carried out honestly
by all the contracting parties, except Spain and
Portugal. To these two faithless and corrupt
Governments, bankrupt equally in finance and
naval power, we have paid within a trifle of
4,000,000/. since 1815 (nearly 3,000,000/. of it
to Portugal), to obtain their concurrence in the
suppression of the traffic ; in addition to 225,000/.
to indemnify Portuguese claimants of vessels and
cargoes captured by British cruisers ; and all this
in addition, again, to the enormous cost of our
naval efforts for thirty-eight years, to suppress
the slave trade on the coast of Africa. Brazil is
now, from the report of the committee, acting
with sincerity and good faith. It is Spain, in
Cuba, and Portugal, along a coast line of 1,500
miles on the eastern side of Africa, who are
bearding us contemptuously, flinging our treaties in
our face, laughing at the folly which threw away
4,000,0001. of money upon them, and putting us
to the heavy expense of our African squadron.
The language of the Report before us is as calm
in giving its details as any diplomatist can desire,
yet what we have stated is but an unexaggerated
summary of the main facts.
It is in evidence, sec. 10, that since 1849 the
Brazilian slave trade diminished from 50,000 or
60,000 annually, to 700 in 1852, and that of
these the greater part had been seized by the Go-
vernment, showing that equal sincerity on the
part of Spain and Portugal alone is wanting.
The Brazilian Government, sec. 14, not only
passed stringent laws, but seized and banished
some suspected Portuguese merchants. It is in
evidence, sec. 16, that through our efforts the
slave trade in Cuba had nearly ceased, and can
therefore be stopped. Also, sec. 18 and 19, that
every legal facility is now afforded by the Go-
vernment for the detention of slaves actually
brought to Cuba, and that the Government mail
ships have been employed to land them ! That
the trade has increased or decreased according to
the corruptibility or integrity of the Captain-
General. "In 1840 that officer received half a
doubloon for each slave landed, and the trade
flourished ; from 1841 to 1843 General VALDEZ
refused the fee, and the trade nearly ceased ; in
1843 General O'DONNELL demanded a fee of three
doubloons ; other governors did the same till
1850, and the trade has been vigorous all
that time. General CONCHA, who refused the fees,
and took active measures to put down the trade,
was recalled in six or eight months !! ! Further,
sec. 20, that it was notorious that public officers
of all ranks at Havannah received bribes for con-
nivance at the landing of slaves ; and that the
influence of persons of great distincticn at Madrid,
whose capital was largely employed in this accursed
trade, was sufficient to procure the recal of any
Captain-General who dared to attempt its sup-
pressi ; and that by this means " the Spanish
Government has been induced to violate its trea-
ties, and to suffer these persons to obtain large
profits by this detestable traffic."

There has been no want of diplomatic energy
on the part of all British Governments in this
matter. Lord ABERDEEN, in 1843, in a most
important dispatch to Mr. BULWER, sec. 22,
placed before the Spanish Government all the

.eaties it was bound by, and all the money paid

by Great Britain, in the strongest light. Lord
PALMERSTON'S efforts, sec. 23, appear in every
dispatch ; he endeavoured in vain to have the
trade declared piracy, as it had been by the United

States and the Brazils. Lord HOWDEN, Lord
JOHN RUSSELL, the Earl of CLARENDON, all did
their part. In a word, no subject has more com-
pletely commanded the zeal of English statesmen
of every party. Yet all in vain ; though the com-
mittee observe, sec. 23, " History does not record
a more decided breach of national honour than the
letter of the Earl of ABERDEEN establishes against

Spain.".

Mr. CRAIITURD, her Majesty's Consul-
General at the Havannah, reports, indeed,
in his last dispatches (21st and 25th June, 1853),
that " there is a manifest difference in themeasures
adopted by the Government of Cuba to check the
alarming extent of the slave trade." It would
appear, however, that it is only the alarming
intelligence extent, endangering a forcible intervention, per-
August, we
hal3B, that is checked. By the Atlantic, which
• of the famous,arn
brings riace from New York to the 6th of
who had been that ZULITETTA, the proprietor
arrested after the scandal caused by
frolic on board
sham confinement,
the vessel
of 13,000 slaves at a
anvdeshsel, was only placed in
ad returned to his house
in Havannah, holding quite
a numerous levee of
his friends and the principal slave
holders The same communication mentions that
his estate 172 negroes, seized on
Alava, had
been returned to him, and. that h
sailors of a
slhopers at mid-
a
s.
tee at
sl
vessel which had just landed 450
es
being dealt with in the customary eaays were
It would therefore seem that doubloyonatyle
arein
still doing their work, and that Spain
Cuba is still, for the sake of retaining for
her Governors there the price of blood, is
still violating all our treaties with her,
perpetuating a horrible traffic, in which she now
stands nearly alone, for it is she who alone finds
the market ; and repaying us, for all the money
we have paid her, by compelling us still to main-
tain a costly African navy—a navy which some
will think had better be employed against the
Government which treats us thus.

We might certainly take possession of Cuba, in
the language of Count NESSELRODE, as "a mate-
rial guarantee" for the fulfilment of violated trea-
ties, of heavy cash bargains, and to obtain indem-