The Sun.
London, England, 1853-06-08 00:00:00

ward against the complicated and worse than use-
less machinery now in operation. That is the
issue tendered by Mr. BRIGHT, and accepted by
Sir JAMES IIoGG, as the champion and mouth-
piece of the Board of Directors. If then, in op-
position to the earnest request of the inhabitants
of Hindostan, it should be determined to
legislate permanently, without hearing evidence
that might be adduced in their behalf, and
with the present defective information,
we must decide what shall be the form of the
New Government—whether double or single—
and,if the former, whether the Company, as at
present constituted, should retain any portion—
or (as the efficient judicial officer quoted by Mr.
PHILLIMORE would say) " westage" of their
former power.
In one respect we are certainly favourably cir-
cumstmced for immediate legislation—and if that
vantage ground were to be abandoned by post-
poning our final decision, it would form a strong
reason against a continuance Bill for two or three
years. We have now a carte blanche, a tabula
rasa, on which to frame the Indian Constitution.
There is no particle of claim, no scintilla of right,
which we are bound to respect or take into account
even of the most trifling extent. We are, to all
intents and purposes, in the same position as if
India were a new acquisition, a country just
brought under the authority of the Crown ; and
if such were really the case, would we for a
moment think it necessary to obtain the services
of a small body of men, not nominated by the
Crown or appointed for their acknowledged expe-
rience or eminent qualification, but elected by the
wealthy dowagers and rich spinsters who have se-
lected East India stock as a beneficial investment for
their capital, and not merely for the amount of in-
terest guaranteed by England, and which should be
paid without deduction or drawback, although the
bonds by which we are united to India should be
completely severed, and the British flag no longer
waved over a single fort or stronghold in the East,
but chiefly for the opportunities afforded for pro-
viding for the children of friends or relatives,
through the influence of the kind-hearted director,
who promised an appointment, in return for the
support obtained during his canvass from and by
means of the exertions of his fair constituents.
As Mr. BRIGHT pertinently inquired—Would we
(under the circumstances) " have sent some men
into a bye-street of London to distribute patron-
age and govern the country ?" We shall allow
Sir CHARLES WOOD to answer the question.
The Right Honourable Baronet said—" I fully
admit that, if you are to test the merits
of the Indian Government by any known principle
upon which Governments should be formed, it
would be difficult to find so great an anomaly as
an Indian Empire ;" adding, emphatically, and
as if astonished at the hardihood of the assertions
he had previously hazarded, as to the beneficial
operation of the system—" It seems incredible
that a Governor-General should be sent there who,
for five or six years, exercises a power greater
than almost any sovereign in the world—that he
should be controlled and governed again by
twenty-four gentlemen elected by a body
of men—(and women ?)—not perhaps the best
qualified to judge of the merits of a states-
man, and that that body of men should be
controlled by an Indian Minister, who, in the ne-
cessary play of parties, is often put into that
position without any previous knowledge of the
Government of the country over the destinies of
which he is called on to preside." It scarcely
required the declaration that—" No man, if he
were called upon to sit down to the task of con-
structing a Government for India would desire
to construct a Government upon such a system
for so mighty an empire 1" But this is precisely
what he himself is attempting to do at this
moment. He is required "to sit down to the
task of constructing a Government for India," and
what is it he desires to do? Why, simply to per-
petuate a system which he truly characterises as
" one of the greatest anomalies that could be
found."

Even if the system worked well—if it conduced
to the prosperity of the Anglo-Indian Empire and
the welfare and happiness of its myriads of in-
habitants (matters which we distinctly and most
unequivocally deny), it would not be in conse-
quence of, but despite that "anomalous form of
Government "—despite that which has been
justly designated as " the mystery and
mockery of a system which obscured re-
sponsibility and deluded public opinion."
If such arguments had any weight, there would
be an end to all hope of amendment. The
Borough-mongering system would still flourish in
rank luxuriance, and seats in the House of Com-
mons would be openly bought and sold as articles
of exchange and barter in the money-market. We
should have heard nothing of legal or other re-
forms ; and surely no extension of the franchise
could be sanctioned by a Minister who- would re-
strict the suffrages for the election of their mem-
bers of this important and influential body,
who dispense the patronage and control the
destinies of that magnificent territory. That
double form of government only enables both
parties to evade the responsibility that would be
cast upon a single department for any misgovern-
ment or maladministration—it is potential only
for evil, occasioning great procrastination and
needless and unnecessary delays, where prompti-
tude is of the greatest possible importance. Valu-
able suggestions are, if not " burked," at least
shelved, at the East India House, and the Cannon-
row Board--the President whereof, the real autocrat,
is appointed from party considerations, and not on
account of any experience or peculiar qualifica-
tions for the situation—who, as Sir CHARLES
WOOD declares, is " often put into that position
without any previous knowledge of the Govern-
ment of the country over the destinies of which
he is called on to preside," is enabled to excuse
his own ignorance and negligence by transfering
the blame to the Leadenhall-street Magnates.
And for this unwise, unstatesmanlike, and " ano-
malous" system, the country is required to trans-
fer enormous patronage to the hands of these
irresponsible and, possibly, unqualified persons.
Why should not the Government of India, like that
of any other dependency of the United King-
dom, be made a department of the Govern-
ment, with a Council, and a responsible Minister
of State? Aud even if the double form of Govern
ment should be considered essential, why should
one of its branches be placed in the hands of the
holders of 6, 000, 0 0 0/. of India Stock, who have no
greater claim than the owners of the South Sea
Stock about to be paid off, or of Three per Cent.
Consols—than the Court of Aldermen of the City
of London, or the vestrymen of St. Pancras or
Marylebone—to the exercise of a trust so im-
portant and so beneficial to the Trustees them-
selves, and their friends and relations, who thereby
secure for themselves so many lucrative and
desirable situations ?

There are hopeful symptoms that the appeal
or mercy, or rather for justice, on behalf of the
Dockyard electors has not been in vain, Lord
JOHN RUSSELL, who volunteered to be Parlia-
mentary agent in passing sentence of political
death upon them, has himself given them a respite.
The Dockyards themselves are holding meetings,
and taking that sure course for success, helping
themselves ; and now a very able weekly journal,
and one supposed to be on the best possible terms
with the Treasury, which at least has of late very
frequently advocated strongly the course after-
wards taken by Government, has taken up the
cause of the proposed victims with unusual
earnestness. It has presented its readers with a
long homily in five or six heads, and a peroration
besides,
,which, we should have feared too many
readers would skip, as we used to do the dialogues
in " Pilgrim's Progress." However, in all the
arguments of our contemporary, as our readers
will have seen, we most heartily concur and wel-
come his co-operation. We, too, regard the pro-
position of disfranchisement as premature, as un-
necessary, as incliscriminate--punishing a large
avnendaPpeZenast majority for the wickedness of a
.
em-
-2'eB, and as
and we sincerely litiospte' as partial in relation to
other constituencies
that, ththoeu
degrading
and other Government em-
a Lora Joitte
gradin-
tO
though
btal iec
Hs eoruvsiec e• f
Commons receive ;
announcement of

a bill for disfranchisement with cheers, yet a little
reflection will dispose them to less rash and question-
able mean sof checking corrupt influence. Indeed, we
are pretty sure that those cheers were not given
for the precise proposition to disfranchise. They
were rather elicited by some appearance of sin-
cerity and earnestness on the part of Lord JOHN
RUSSELL in regard to putting down electioneering
corruption—especially a mode of corruption which
our gallant tars and the country might rue in the
shape of inferior and comparatively inefficient
wooden walls. So strongly do we feel that our
naval work in the Dockyards ought to be the best
work in the kingdom, or in the world, that we
would consent to disfranchisement, or to anything
else necessary, to secure the efficiency of the ser-
vice. We must no longer have our " smitheries
(nor anything else in our Dockyards) inferior to
those in the private trade." Indeed, if it were
so, our Dockyards themselves would soon cease to
exist. It would never be long endured by the
community, by the service, or by Governments in
these days of free discussion, that the defenders
of our country should not sail in the last and best
equipped ships which could be constructed ; and
if private contractors could do the work best, into
their hands assuredly the work would go. It
was this feeling of the importance of Dockyard
service being of the very best, alarm at its
having been tampered with, and Lord JOHN'S
showing himself, on behalf of the present Cabinet,
quite ready to part with Government influence,
which induced Honourable Members to cheer as
they did. We, perhaps, on the spur of the
moment, might have done the same. The House
and his Lordship may, however, now consistently
pause and reconsider the case. Both have shown
their concern on the all-important point of secur-
ing efficiency at any cost ; but the short cut of
disfranchisement is demonstrably not the thing.
It appears that the rescinded minute is now made
an order in Council. Sir BALDWIN WALKER has
been restored to the full powers which, by uni-
versal agreement, he has exercised so admirably.
There is little chance of his ever being tampered
with again by any Government, and it is per-
fectly certain that under his administration
a man may be as zealous a politician as he pleases,
provided he leaves his politics at the gates of the
Dockyards. Woe, we venture to say, will betide
the unhappy wight whom he should hear of, as
having used his position in the service on behalf
of either the " ins "or the " outs." And as to
the permanency of such a kind of administration,
we have the fullest assurance that, single-minded
as Sir BALDWIN WALKER has proved himself in
looking to the good of the service only, " we have
within the realm five hundred good as he." It
will now become the settled point of honour
with every English gentleman undertaking the
office of Surveyor of the Navy to keep the pro-
motions immaculate of political suspicions. It
will therefore be done henceforth. An English
gentleman, and least of all one who must almost
necessarily have been connected with the navy,
is not the man to fail in any engagement to which
his honour is really and openly committed. The
whole of the late proceedings, moreover, must
have assured the workmen themselves that they
are safe for the future ; every man will now at-
tempt to rise in the service by skill, industry, and
good character only. It is on moral considera-
tions of this kind that we chiefly rely against future
corrupt influence. We would indeed give the pledge
of the Ballot in addition ; and that not only as Mr.
TUFFNELL, we believe, proposes, to the Dockyard
electors only, but to the electors of the entire
borough. We would so merge the votes in
secrecy and numbers that detection of the voter's
secret, if he chose to keep it, should be impossible.

In any case, whether Lord JOHN will permit
the Ballot to be tried in these appropriate consti-
tuencies or not, we earnestly entreat Honourable
Members to set their faces against the rough and
ready process of disfranchisement. This kind of
electoral Lynch law is better suited for the" lati-
tude of California and Kentucky than of Eng-
land. For the sixty or seventy really pocket-
boroughs which Lord JOHN'S last Reform
Bill so tenderly spared, for constituencies,
at once so small, so dependent, and so
corrupt, that Messrs. BROWN and CorPocK know
their price to a sovereign, or their master to a
certainty, no other remedy is indeed possible ;
but the country will never be satisfied to annihi-
late boroughs comprising so many elements of in-
dependence, and capable of being easily rendered
the most respectable and independent constitu-
encies of the kingdom. And we object again, as
we have before done, to depriving any Govern-
ment servants of their vote. Even in the case
of the Exciseman and the Postmaster, we have
always thought it a needless degradation. The
character of every person selected for Government
employment ought to be a sufficient guarantee.
This may sound a little Utopian to some, but partly
when we remember how small a part Government
officials form of any particular constituency,
partly that nearly all of them must be men
much above the lowest in point of education,
and, further, that detection in electoral mal-
practices would bring down upon them a vin-
dictive House of Commons, exposure, followed by
rebuke or dismission, it may come to be thought
eventually that official disfranchisement is needless
jealousy. Nothing, however, can reconcile us to
the extension of this really un-English rule. Pro-
tect the honest voter against the political sharper,
but do not rob him yourself under pretence of
guarding him against knaves. Treat the Govern-
ment official as a man above using his office shab-
bily, and you take the most efficient means to
hinder him from doing so. If he offend, punish
him, if you will all the more severely, for prosti-
tuting not only his own honour, but his country's
trust ; but do not lay down as a principle that
the QUEEN'S service is incompatible with political
honesty.

THE NEW TEA DUTlES.—Yesterday a parliamentary
paper set forth that in the month ended the sth ult.,
only 2,359,8651 b. of tea were entered for home consump-
tion, paying duty, whereas in the like period of last year
the quantity was 4,704,0921 b. The difference arose in
consequence of the expected new duties.
BULLION IN THE BANK OF ENGLAND.—On Monday
a return to the Houses of Parliament was issued, from
which it appears that on the 16th of April the bullion in
the Bank was 19,037,0001. The monthly issue of notes
in circulation in England, Scotland, and Ireland, in the
four weeks ending 16th April, was 40,096,9351.
GRAND JUNCTION CANAL COMPANY.—At the meeting
of the Grand Junction Canal Company, held yesterday,
the report was adopted, and a dividend declared of 21.
per share, free of income tax. Upon the directors being
nominated for re-election for the ensuing year, a large
number of proxies were unexpectedly produced, by
which they were turned out and a new set chosen.
This proceeding excited strong remarks, since it was
asserted that if notice had been given of an intention to
use proxies the re-election of the old directors would
have been carried by a large majority.
PRICE OF GOLD.—The quotation of gold at Paris is
about at par (according to the last tariff), which, at the
English Mint price of 31. 17s. 100. per ounce for stan-
dard gold, gives an exchange of 25.17 ; and, the ex-
change at Paris on London at short being 25.071, it
follows that gold is about 0.38 per cent. dearer in Paris
than in London. By advices from Hamburgh the price
of gold is 427 per mark, which, at the English Mint
price of 31. 17s. 101 d. per ounce for standard gold, gives
an exchange of 13.6 ; and, the exchange at Hamburgh
on London at short being 13.54, it follows that gold is
0.12 per cent. dearer in Hamburgh than in London. The
course of exchange at New York on London for bills at
60 days' sight is 110 per cent., and, the par of exchange
between England and America being 109 23.40 per cent.,
it follows that the exchange is nominally 0.42 per cent.
in favour of England ; and, after making allowance for
charges of transport, the present rate leaves a small
profit on the importation of gold from the United States.
tREVENUE SEIZURES.—In pursuance of directions
from the Lords Commissioners of her Majesty's Trea-
sury, the Commissioners of Customs have directed their
officers at the several ports throughout the United King-
dom, in case of any seizure or detention of a vessel, boat,
or goods, at or within their respective ports, upon appli-
cation being made to them in writing, to take the
evidence on oath of the merchant or other party claiming
the property on the one side, and of the detaining officer
on the other, and to receive the testimony on oath of
any witnesses necessary for the proper investigation of
the case, and to transmit the papers, with their observa-
tions thereon, for the Board's consideration and direc-
tions ; observing, however, that this order is not in-
tended to apply to cases in which a prosecution of the
vessel, boat, goods, or party shall have been directed by
the Board, or in which they have reason to suspect
fraud, or deem it expedient to take the directions of the
Board in the first instance. The officers are also
directed take especial care, before any inquiry of the
kind be commenced, that timely notice be given to the
party making the application, in order that he and all
parties interested, and who may be desirous of being
present, may have an opportunity of attending the
investigation.