The Sun.
London, England, 1854-03-09 00:00:00

TELE SUN, LONDON, TTTtYRSDAY EVENING-, MARCH 9, 1854.

The issue of proposals for a loan, and the concen-
tration of troops on the frontiers, form a significant
commentary on the measured language of the Go-
vernment. Above all, the active measures adopted
for completing the cavalry remounts may be consi-
dered as a proof that active operations are expected;
for the purchase of horses on a large scale is com-
monly deferred until war has become inevitable.
Contrary- to the expectations which had bees ge-
nerally entertained, Austria is taking the initiative
in the negotiations which are destined to unite Ger-
many with. the Western Powers. The treaty of al-
liance, with certain modifications, has been for-
warded from Vienna to Berlin, with urgent recom-
mendations that it should be adopted by the Prussian
Government. The hesitations and delays which
have taken place at the latter Court may reason-
ably have excited impatience ; but it is neither
prudent nor just to comment with severity on a
decision which may still be regarded as improbable.
An independant State naturally resents the criti-
cism of foreigners on its real or supposed domestic
dissensions ; and the conjectures which may be en-
tertained as to the secret causes of any difficulties
which have arisen at Berlin can only tend, if they
are publicly circulated, to foment the differences to
which they refer. The conduct of Austria ought
to have taught impatient politicians that calcula-
tions founded on the ascertained interests of a
State will, for the most part, afford a clue to its
ultimate decisions. In addition to the reasons
which have determined the policy of the Emperor
Francis Joseph, Prussia has peculiar motives for
joining the European alliance. No other Power
has so constantly been oppressed by the protection
and the menaces of Russia—no other popula-
tion is so unanimous in its desire to throw off,
once for all, the influence which has long been
regarded with bitter indignation. The Prussians
would rise as one man to vindicate the indepen-
dence of Germany, and to chastise the ambition
of Russia. The Government enjoys the advantage
of a well-organised army, and of unencumbered
finances : an it has already pledged itself, again
and again, to the justice of the demands put for-
ward by the Western Powers. Baron Budberg's
last proposals were firmly rejected; nor did Count
Orloff even think it worth while to extend his
journey to Berlin. Whatever apparent oscillations
of purpose may be seen or imagined on the eve of
a great decision, there is no serious reason to doubt
that the balance will finally preponderate in the
true direction.

-religious public that their object is to diffuse
vital Christianity : that Christianity which,
rooted in fair and honest conviction, animates
and regulates the actions of its professors ; not
that dead, formal, and too often hypocritical
profession of it which alone organised bodies
can enforce. Now let them reflect in what
manner the interference of foreigners of an
alien creed, as partisans of the Christians in
Turkey, would be likely to affect its Mahomedan
population ? It would inevitably excite the anger,
jealousy, and opposition of the whole Ulemah, and
all that portion of society which clings most zealously
to them. It would not gain the confidence of the
Christians, for each sect would regard the European
protectors as sectarian propagandists in disguise.
For years the authorities in Turkeyhave been noise-
lessly but effectively engaged in promoting general
knowledge, and equalising the condition of their
subjects of all creeds. The truth is that the
Christian population of Turkey need no foreign
protectors, if the Great Powers of Europe are true
to the principles they profess. These principles are
neither to interfere themselves, nor to permit other
foreigners to interfere, in the domestic politics of
any state. The practical application of thi4 rule
consists in the co•operation of all the other states of
Europe to protect any one of them from the causeless
and unjust aggression of any ambitious and covetous
neighbour ; but at the same time to leave every
Government to deal unaided with its own subjects.
A practical illustration of this rule may be given
with reference to Turkey. The independence of
the Ottoman empire from foreign domination is to
be asserted by the allied arms of France and Eng-
land ; but if the Ottoman Government by misrule
provoke its subjects to insurrection in time of peace,
it is the duty of France and England to leave the
contending parties to settle the difference them-
selves. Steady adherence to this policy will be
sufficient to insure justice to the Christian subjects
of the Porte. The lessons of the Greek revolution
and of the insurrection of the Pacha of Egypt have
not been lost on the Ottoman statesmen of our
day. They have learned that their Government
can only be made strong by the affectionate loyalty
of an immense majority of their subjects ; and that
this affectionate loyalty can only be obtained by
doing justice to all classes—by being a just Go-
vernment to all classes.

It is not from ignorance of these truths that certain
parties are now advoc,ating a combination of the Great
Powers of Europe to protect the Christians in Tur-
key ; and thus (as they say) preserve the internal
peace of that empire. Every concession made to
them by any Sultan of privileges to their own sect,
they will repay by protecting him against any dis-
affection engendered among his subjects by his
subserviency to foreign powers. The new Holy
Alliance will not confine its interference to Turkey.
Christianity is in the mouths of its promoters a
mere catch-word, to render their policy popular
with the unreflecting. Their next step (and it
will be a strictly logical extension of their prin-
ciples) will be to guarantee to all Sovereigns pro-
tection against popular insurrections on political
grounds, so long as they administer their govern-
ment in accordance with the views of the new
Holy Alliance. The proposed joint protectorate
of Christians in Turkey by the Great European
Powers is the first step to an alliance of these
powers to put down everything liberal under the
nickname of red republicanism. The really reli-
gious public—which has profited so much by the
triumph of civil and religious liberty in Britain—.
ought to be on its guard against these impostors.

At various stages of the negotiations all parties
have alternately displayed hesitation. It is easy
for the Emperor Nicholas, having no will to con-
sult but his own, to maintain an attitude of reso-
lute perseverance ; but the parties to a common
undertaking must occasionally watch and wait to
ascertain the dispositions of those with whom they
are to act. The Western Powers found an additional
reason for their long-continued moderation in the
hope that, by placing their opponent visibly in the
wrong, they might secure the co-operation of Ger-
many. Austria, in her turn, suspended her deci-
sion until it was certain both that the aggressor
was determined to persevere, and that his oppo-
nents were in earnest ; for it seemed imprudent to
incur the resentment of Russia until it was known
that France and England would support their own
ultimate demands by arms. At this moment, Prus-
sia may not improbably be waiting, with a similar
view, on the policy of Austria. The ancient rivalry
between the two great German monarchies, as it
first opened an entrance for Russian intrigue into
the politics of the Confederation, still renders the
Court of Berlin unwilling to commit itself, so long
as a possibility remains of Austria establishing her
superiority by the aid of a Russian alliance. Per-
sonal sentiments and dynastic relations may, per-
haps, strengthen the disinclination which exists to
proceed to a final breach ; but there are intelli-
gible excuses for delay and vacillation on the sur-
face, and there are reasons of State which will
eventually prevail over individual prejudices and
scruples. It is not by anticipating an unfavourable
result that the promoters of the alliance among the
great powers will be likely to succeed in their
object.
Those who doubt the expediency of standing on
good terms both with Prussia and Austria may
derive instruction from observing the effect already
produced by the attitude which those Powers have
assumed. The Russian army which occupies Poland
has not been able to detach any portion of its
strength to take part in the Turkish war ; and it
is even said that its numbers have been increased
by reinforcements. The troops which are kept to
watch the frontiers of that country and of Galicia
are as effectually withdrawn from the scene of action
as if they had been destroyed in battle. Some of
the movements which have recently taken place
towards the north may not improbably be explained
by the necessity of strengthening the Baltic pro-
vinces against attacks from the coast ; but if any
secret understanding with Prussia had been estab-
lished, Poland would immediately have been de-
nuded of troops.
It is fortunate, perhaps, that the severity of the
weather has, for some weeks, checked active opera-
tions on the Danube and in Asia. The Turkish
supplies and reinforcements have had time to arrive
at the scene of action ; and the allied forces will
probably disembark before the middle of April.
There is no reason to suppose that the enemy has
been able to make any great addition to the army
which occupies the Principalities ; and it is scarcely
probable that, on the opening of the spring cam-
paign, he will attempt to cross the river in force.
The f)anubian fortresses are at least strong enough
to maintain themselves until the arrival of the
French and English troops ; and there would be
little use in forming a siege which the assailants
would inevitably be compelled to raise. According
to present appearances, the aggressor has certainly
no ground for anticipating success, or even impunity.

RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE.

SOUTH-EASTERN.

The Right Hon. Viscount Torrington has addressed
the following letter to the shareholders of this com-
pany

" Warwick-square, London, March 6, 1854.
" Gentlemen,—l should be wanting in my duty, regard-
less likewise of my own interests as a proprietor, and violat-
ing the pledges and promises I made to you in the year
1847 (when I retired from the direction), if I refrained alto-
gether from making some comments on the division which
prevails amongst the directors of the company, made noto-
rious both by appeals through the newspapers, and by the
various letters transmitted from each party for your con-
sideration.

"My object in addressing you is two-fold :
"First—An anxious desire to restore peace, and put an
end to the dissentions unhappily prevailing, and so obvi-
ously injurious to the interests of the company; and
" Secondly—That the proprietors, before the half-yearly
meeting, should fully understand the points which they are
called upon to decide. To render that decision satisfactory,
the proprietors must fully consider and determine the fol-
lowing questions :
" What are the causes of dispute ?
" What are the errors of mismanagement of which the
minority of the board complain ?
" Has any alleged inefficiency or neglect of the board of
directors tended to injure and depreciate the property of
the company ?
" Are the minority of the board right in their views, and
are they advancing the interests of the proprietors in ap-
pealing, through the newspapers, against decisions deco-
rously recorded in the board-room ?
" How is an end to be put to these disputes, which are
tending to depreciate the value of your property ?
"And what is the contemplated policy of the three new
candidates for the direction ?

" Before, gentlomen, I proceed to offer my views for your
consideration, permit me to explain my own position in
connection with the company, because to many of the pro-
prietors, who have become shareholders since 1847, my ven-
turing to address them may appear unnecessary, and even
presumptuous.
" During the arduous struggles of your company against
powerful opponents, in the years 1845 and 1846, I was a
member of the board, and I laboured with becoming zeal
for your interests.
"In that vital struggle we were successful. To point
out to you the fatal effects of a defeat at that time on your
interests would be superfluous, but I had the satisfaction
of being assured that your success was in some measure
due to my humble exertions on your behalf. On my de-
parture from England, in April, 1847, you conferred on
me a splendid memorial of your appreciation of my exer-
tions, and I stated in my reply that it would ever be my
anxious wish and endeavour, by every means in my power,
to advance your prosperity; an assurance which I ventured
to repeat after my return to this country in 1851, and
which I have endeavoured to redeem, by availing myself
of every suitable occasion to advocate your rights in my
place in Parliament, to tender my advice in person, and to
assist when opportunity has permitted, for example, by
recently aiding in the amalgamation of the company with
the steam-boat department—an arrangement of much ex-
pediency and value.
" In endeavouring, therefore, to bring more clearly
under your notice the questions you are now called upon
to decide, so far from appearing intrusive, I trust I may
be considered as giving another proof of my desire to pro-
mote the welfare of the company.
" To return, then, to the dissensions in the board. Ex-
perience demonstrates that differences amongst any body
of men engaged together in commercial transactions (how-
ever well-intended the parties may be) must be injurious
to the prosperity of the undertaking. Where such dissen-
sions are permitted to develop themselves, personal irrita-
tion becomes active, anger supersedes judgment, and each
party scans with a jaundiced eye, the acts, the words, the
propositions, and even the motives of the others ; and as
success can only be the result of co-operation, dissension
thus becomes the bane of the enterprise.
" The differences which appear to have sprung up in
the last year in the South-Eastern Railway Board are
tending to this result—they are calculated to depreciate
the value of your property.
"At this very moment, with your affairs financially
sound, a steadily improving traffic, and a general manage-
ment which will bear comparison with any company, we
find our shares far below their real value, when compared
with other property of a similar nature.
" These differences can only be settled by the decision of
the proprietors at the next meeting. Then the points at
issue between the contending parties in the board must be
decided, and the maintenance of future peace must be en-
sured by the retirement of the defeated party from the
board. Till this is done, harmony cannot be restored, nor
will, the property of the company resume its proper value.
" When merchants and traders disagree, partnerships
are dissolved. The ordinary policy of commerce applies to
your case, and those whose views are not in accordance
with the majority of the proprietors upon matters of vital
importance, cannot remain at the board with advantage to
the general interests.
" The first public act which made manifest to the pro.
prietors the existence of disunion at the board took its origin
in consequence of a circular letter from the secretary, dated
December 1, 1853, stating the policy of the directors for
this year with regard to extensions—a document in which I
entirely concur, justified as it is both by wisdom and expe-
diency. Immediately after the receipt of that circular, a
letter appeared in the newspapers, signed by three of your
directors, Messrs. Coles Child, Warren, and Byng, dissent-
ing from the circular of the lst of December. The value of
their reasons I leave to the judgment of the shareholders,
contenting myself with observing here, that such a course
as these three gentlemen have thought fit to adopt, in
thus appealing, three months before your half-yearly meet-
ing, through the medium of the public press, has caused
uneasiness in the public) mind, and has evidently injured
the property.
" The extension to Bromley was not disapproved of by a
committee of proprietors specially appointed to approve or
reject any proposed lines of extension ; and the three di-
rectors, dissenting from that approval the majority of
the board should in deference have waited till the present
half-yearly meeting, and then have stated their dissent,
and intention to oppose it whenever it came before the
proprietors for adoption.
" This was the candid and correct course to adopt ; but
a factious opposition aims at notoriety by issuing counter
statements to the board, making dissension and creating
confusion, which depreciates the stock in the market; for
I do not find that there has been any dissent pr difference
even at the board, but on this one point.
" Whether such a proceeding shows a factious opposition
you will form your own opinion, but to me it appears un-
commonly like it.
" Departing from the practice on all former occa-
sions of annual elections to the board, we have lately
seen circulars from a Mr. Henderson, honorary secretary
to a London committee, recommending to us three new
gentlemen for election as directors at the next meeting,
instead of re-electing as heretofore some of the outgoing
members.
" We are likewise informed of various committees
formed at Liverpool and Manchester, as well as in London
ostensibly for the assertion of a principle which no one
will controvert—that of securing independent directors
to conduct your affairs. I look, however, in vain for any
tangible charge against the present board or its outgoing
members.
" To one circumstance I must call the special attention
of the proprietors, as utterly subversive of all sound man-
agement. On the 16th of February we received a circular,
signed by Mr. Macgregor as chairman, and concurred in
by the board, fully detailing the position of your property
and 'the steady improvement in your financial affairs. But,

( Prom the Daily News. )
The felicitous manner in which Lord Palmerston
discharged the duties of chairman at the dinner
given by the Reform Club to Sir Charles Napier
can surprise no one. The occasion was eminently
suited to call into play the finest qualities which
distinguish the noble lord. One characteristic
which pervaded all his speeches was at once pleas-
ing and re-assuring :—the entire absence of any
cant about the necessity of interference on the
part of the great Powers of Europe to afford what
is called " protection to the Christian subjects of
the Porte." Incidentally Lord Palmerston indi-
cated his sense of the needlessness of any such
foreign interference in the domestic affairs of the
Ottoman Empire. Adverting to the distin-
guished merits of the course pursued by the
present Sultan since his accession, Lord Palmer-
ston said :—" The Sultan has been one of the
greatest modern reformers. Ho has not indeed
wounded the habits and prejudices of his subjects ;
he has been too wise to attempt that rapid re-
form which would have defeated its own purposes ;
but, making allowance for the ancient prejudices
and rooted habits with which he had to deal, he
has, I venture to say, made more and greater im-
provements throughout his dominions than has
ever fallen to the lot of any single sovereign to
execute within the same period of time. And now
lie is enjoying the fruits of the benevolent course
he has pursued : for while the neighbour, of whom
I have before spoken, flattered himself that at the
sound of his voice and the beck of his finger half the
subjects of the Sultan would rise up in rebellion,
we have seen that all the subjects of the Sultan,
both Christian and Mahometan, have rallied
round him with an united patriotism which
imitated
might be worthily by any nation in
the world." It is obvious that the acute mind
of Lord Palmerston penetrates the real drift
of those meddling busy-bodies who, under an affec-
tation of religious zeal, are advocating a foreign
tampering with the internal affairs of the Ottoman
Empire—a tampering equally mischievous as that
contemplated by the Russian Government. This
was to be expected from the author of a certain
admirable letter to the Presbytery of Edinburgh.
It is gratifying to see in this, as in other im-
portant points, an entire accordance between the
leading statesmen of France and England. There
is a passage in the last circular addressed by M.
Drouyn de Lhuys to the diplomatic agents of
France which reads like a comment upon an
elucidation of the words we have just quoted from
Lord Palmerston :—"
.France and England do not
support Islamism against the orthodox Greek
faith. They go to protect the Ottoman Empire
against the ambitious covetousness of Russia. They
go there with the conviction that the presence of
their armies in Russia will destroy the prejudices,
already much weakened, which still separate the
different classes of the Sublime Porte, and which
cannot be resuscitated unless the appeal sent from
St. Petersburg by provoking hatred of race and
a revolutionary explosion, should paralyse the
generous intentions of the Sultan Abd-ul-Medjid."
In the same rational and statesmanlike spirit is
couched the address delivered by the new Ameri-
can Minister at Constantinople to the Sultan on
his first presentation.
Such expressions of opinion from the most dis-
tinguished statesmen of France, England, and Ame-
rica were really required to re-assure new
Liberals, worried and perplexed by rumours of a
new Holy Alliance of England and France with
Prussia and Austria—the choice of acceding to
which was to be left open to the Emperor of Russia
—for the ostensible purpose of watching over and
protecting the interests of the Christian subjects of
the Porte. Were such a project really in the con-
templation of the Great Powers, nothing could be
better devised to prevent any extension of real
, Christianity, or to rivet the fetters of despotism on
I, the nations of Europe.
It may not be unnecessary to remind the real