The Sun.
London, England, 1853-07-23 00:00:00

Charitable Trusts Bill, and as he thought great benefit
would arise from passing that measure, he should be
afraid of interfering-with it by occupying a night with
the Education Bill, and should not, therefore, move the
second reading of that bill on the day appointed. With
regard to the course of other business, the house would re-
collect that there had been three very important measures
which had taken a very considerable time in discussion—
the one, the Income Tax in its present shape; the other,
the Succession Duty ; and the third, which stood for com-
mittee that night, the India Bill. He was happy to think
the time was not far distant when the third of these bills
would be considered in the other house. (Hear, hear.)
He hoped on Monday week, the Ist August, to fix the
committee of supply, and, as regarded other business, he
hoped the house, considering the lateness of the session,
would allow orders of the day to take precedence on Tues-
days as well as on other days. (Hear, hear.) There must
also be several bills fixed for Wednesdays which there was
not a chance of carrying to a successful issue this session,
and in these cases he hoped hon. gentlemen would give way.
He should move, on Monday next, that after the Ist of
August orders of the day take precedence of motions ; and
should now conclude at once by moving that the house at
its rising do adjourn till Monday next.
SITTING OF PARLIAMENT.

Mr. H. DRUMMOND said, after the remarks which
had been made by the noble lord, it was quite clear there
-would be no other opportunity of bringing under the con-
sideration of the house the subject of which he had given
notice, and in order to save time he would at once rush in
medial res, and state the conclusion at which he had ar-
rived before giving his reasons. (Laughter.) His object
was twofold—first of all, to get Parliament to meet at a

more convenient season —(cheers)—and, secondly, to shorten
the duration of the session of Parliament. (Cheers.) He
believed it was universally admitted that were it not for
the voting of the money they would scarcely ever be re.
quired to sit at all, and that no Government or Minister
in his senses would assemble Parliament but for that pur-
pose. (Laughter.) And why was the Minister obliged to
summon Parliament in this manner ? Simply because the
money Was given to him only for a certain time. The
time with which the Minister had been entrusted with
the money was up to Easter next. Now, supposing
the supply had been extended to Christmas, it cer-
tainly would not have been necessary to meet in Feb-
ruary, but they might then have met in October. Now
he did not see why the time of making up the public ac-
ccunts should not be changed. He should like to know
why, whilst every house of business in the world made
up its accounts at Christmas, the public accounts
could not be made up to Christmas. The chief officer ap-
Vointed to manage these accounts said, "In former times
the annual accounts of both receipts and expenditure were
made up at various periods—the 25th December, the 31st
December, the sth June, the 30th March, and other periods
at the caprice of the Government. We are scarcely better
off at the present day. It will be impossible to prepare a
completely detailed account of the whole receipts and ex
penditure of the kingdom, as in France, until a day is
fixed for making up all the accounts." The truth of the
matter, was that in old times the accounts were made up
according to the ecclesiastical and not the civil year. The
persons appointed to keep the accounts, being clerks, natu
sally made them upto the same period that the ecclesias-
tical accounts were made up. If the accounts were made up
to Christmas the house might meet six weeks or two months
before that time, and then hon. members would be able to
live in town in the cold weather, and in the country in
the fine weather. (Hear, hear.) Instead of which, like
most irrational people, and like no other people in the
world, and not like ourselves in past times, we spent the
summer in London, and the winter in the country. (Laugh-
ter and hear, hear.) There was another point to which
he wished. to call the attention of the house. The noble
lord (Lord J. Russell) two or three years ago decided on
the appointment of another Secretary of State, coupling
that scheme with the suppression of the Lord:Lieutenantcy
of Ireland. Now be (Mr. H. Drummond) r objected to
suppression of the Lord-Lieutenantcy, believing such a
matter ought rather to be determined by the feelings of
the people -than by any abstract doctrines. But at that
time the'fioble lord "stated that the business of the coun-
try bad •so much increased ' that there was a demand for
another Secretary of State. To show how the business
of public offices had increased, he might state that,
whilst in the year 1838 the sum paid for letters was
38,0001., this year it amounted to 125,0001. This showed
that there were now nearly four times as many letters to
answer as there were in 1838, and it was in evidence be-
fore the committee, that there was hardly time to read the
letters, and that the secretaries had to sign the answers as
fast as they possibly could. (Laughter.) The Govern-
ment, however, threw a considerable portion of work on
themselves. The reception of so many deputations must
materially interfere with the business of the Ministers of
State. Then, again, their attendance was required in com-
mittees. The number of accounts called for by Parlia-
ment was annually increasing. Beyond that, the time of
the Government was taken up. by answering all sorts of
odd questions. (Laughter.) Some gentleman, having .
read a paragraph in a newspaper, would ask the Govern-
ment if they could account for it? (Laughter.) Another
would say, "Here's an account about a cabman"—
(latighter)—and another would talk about the soldiers
having got wet at Chobham. Sometimes some 50 or 55
minutes were occupied in areeweling questions of that de-
scription. (Hear, hoar.) He did not think it necessary
to waste the time of the house by answering the objections
which had been stated to his plan. In olden times the
question would have been asked, " What is to become of
foxhunting ?" (Laughter.) He, however, did not think
there were so many foxhunters present in the house. In
his opinion they ought to return to a common-sense view
of the subject, and live in the country in pleasant weather,
and in town in winter. (Hear, hear.)
THE EASTERN QUESTION.

Mr. LA YARD—Before the noble lord answers the re-
marks made by the honourable member who has just sat
down, he will perhaps allow me to ask a question on a sub-
ject of great importance. It is now some days since the
noble lord the member for Tiverton requested me to post-
pone a motion of which I had given notice, in consequence
of negotiations being then in progress. It is understood
that those negotiations consisted of a joint proposal from
this country and France to the Government of Russia. I
consented to the request of the noble lord, and it will be in
the recollection of the house that he promised to give me an
early day for bringing the subject forward. I have since that
day been given to understand that the noble lord the Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs, in another place, has stated that he
will be prepared in the course of a few days, whether these
proposals have been accepted or not, to lay before the public
all the pipers connected with this subject. During the last
fortnight events of very great importance have taken place
in the East of Europe. I will venture to state that, in the
whole history of the intercouase of nations, acts so unjus-
tifiable, so outrageous, so dangerous as thosa which have
been committed within the last three months have never
before been committed -in Europe. (Hear, hear.) The
Government of Russia has sent a large body of troops into
the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia; and not only
have they taken military possession of those provinces, but
they have actually taken possession of a great part of the
civil administration of those provinces; and not only are
trey occupied in fortifying the principal towns, but every
military station on the Danube. (Hear, hear.) Moreover,
communications of a very insulting character have been
addressed, not only to Turkey, but I think this house will
agree with me when I say to this country also—(hear)—
and that those communications have been put forward in
a manner totally unprecedented in the history of diplo-
enacy—(hear, hear)—in a most offensive manner. (Hear,
hear.) A kind of crusade has been preached in Russia,
anti that event has been celebrated in the most public
manner, not in Russia alone, because we learn that a cru-
sade against a neighbouring power, characterising it in the
most offensive terms as " infidel," has been preached in the
very provinces of that power, and that the prince of one
of those provinces has been compelled to attend a public
ceremony to return thanks for this crusade against his
own sovereign. (Hear.) What has been the consequence
of these acts? The power against which these proceedings
have been taken has been put to great expense. Not only
have her resources been exhausted but she has been obliged
to call for aid upon her neighbours—upon those on whom
the population depend for subsistence. (Hear, hear.) It
is well known that there is great danger of a general out.
break in Turkey, and that it may occur at any. mo-
ment. I presetnee that the acts' to which T have alluded,
which outrage the public laws of Europe, which are calcu-
lated to put an end to all these treaties on which the peace
of Europe is founded, and which have been trampled
under foot, merit the serious attention of the Government
(Hear,
.hear.) There is scarcely a weak state in Europe
which does not contemplate with alarm the present state of
things. That which has occurred to-day play '
beerier, ee •
to-morrow, and, following the same
coarse,
state may, on the same terms,
a4an-nerlowghbeorfuurl
jug state weaker than itself. We are told that
these "out-
rageous acts are merely negotiations. I presume that the
Government, although evincing a laudable desire to main-
tain the peace of Europe, and although ready to make
every sacrifice for the preservation of that peace, have
nevertheless made an unqualified and energetic protest
against attacks like these, and have taken means to prevent
them being viewed as a precedent in similar cases hereafter;
and it is but an act of justice to this country and to Europe
at e'
g that these protests should be placed before the
public, in order that they may have the opportunity of
judging whether they are adequate to the great importance
such as we as a nation ought to
hofavtehme asduebileanct:Liai
n n'ar
.order° that, if unfortunately; such pro-
tests have net,been made, those members who think as I
do should have the opportunity of registering a solemn pro-
test against a policy which would in that case be inconsis-
tenttis with the dignity, the honour, and the interests of h
country, and, moreover, I will "venture to say, dangerous
to the existence, not only of Turkey, but of every weak
state on the continent of Europe. (Hear, hear.) Every
hour at this time increases the opportunity of Russia. We
know what has passed. We know how far we can rely on
the assurances she has given us. We know how far we
can rely on assurances which have been still more vaguely
given, and which show us that Russia is not disinclined
to take advantage of the propositions which have been sub-
mitted to her consideration. If these negotiations can only
be prelonged for a few months, our fleets will be compelled
either to violate a treaty, the violation of which Russia
has declared would be a caves belli, or to return to their
winter quarters at Malta. We find that for several reasons
Russia will not leave the principalities. We are told
mrgtip that is not supposed to be unconnected with
Government, that Russia having made
nine icefithApitract for provisions cannot throw up that
contract ; 44., s also been insinuated that she will
not quit the prifteOities until she has been paid the
..oxpenses of the in" Iv,/ That reminds me of the old east.

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