The Sun.
London, England, 1838-04-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, AMIL 4, 1838

utenmdetrhtre";32,239 slaves produced under the old system. But
stem the negroes worked ten hours a day, under the
nette stem seven hours and a half, which reduced the time of la-
°our: by one-fourth ; and it might have been expected that the
leroduce of British Guiana should have been diminished in
proportion, instead of which it had been vastly increased.—
(Hear, hear.) There had been a gradual decrease in the phy-
steal strength of the colony from 1832 to 1336. How then
were they to account for the vast increase in the amount of
produce in that colony ? His answer was—first, by the distri-
bution of the labour over the six days ; second, by the labour of
Women at those periods, when before they were exempted when
attending upon sick children, or having numerous families, in the
latter stages of pregnancy, and soon after their confinement.
eiy compelling the negro to give the time that he took in going
to and from his labour to the estate—by mulcting the offend-
ragonegro of lels time, by which means he gave 16 hours of
the rat:ire per week to the planter—this was the case of
siotini ur
7'grr'ses, He could have wished that on the present occa.-
1, ..e had an opportunity of entering fully into the different
. -.Tenant points upon this question, as he was satisfied that
any person who would apply his mind to the subject would he
convinced that the apprenticeship system, instead of reducing
the amount of labour exacted from the negroes, most materially
increased it. Indeed, it was a prevalent opinion in British
Guiana, that the labour of the negro was generally increased
one-fourth since the abolition of slavery.—( Shame, shame.)
He now came to a most painful part of the subject. He had
now to call the attention of the meeting to the amount of food
Riven to the negro in return for the vast exaction of labour that
was required from him. The amount of food was reduced
one-half compared with that to which the negro was entitled
tinder the Slavery Act. In that imperial statute the negro's
rights to food were cared for. They were to receive in return
for their labour the same quantity of food as they would re-
ceive under the laws of the colony to which they belonged.
If, however, they consulted the ordinances for the regulation
of the apprenticed negroes of British Guiana, they would find
that the 2I pints of farinaceous food had been reduced to 10 pints.
Under the Order in Council of 1831, all slaves above twelve
years of age were entitled to twenty-one pints of farinacious
food, while those under that age were to have half that
amount. In the early part of last year, while in the Colonies,
he had made extensive enquiries into the subject, and he then
discovered that the planters were allowing their planting pieces
to go out of cultivation, in order to throw the negroes on the
stores for their sustenance. He mentioned this to the Go-
vernor, and he caused an inquiry to be made, when the fa its
he had stated were fully proved, and the Governor issued a
proclamation, through the means of which the negroes re-
ceived the 21 pints instead of 10 ; but within five days of
the promulgation of the proclamation, in consequence of the
representation of the planters upon the Colony, who stated
that if his Excellency attempted to carry the proclamation
into effect there would be a fanzine in the colony, he suspended
the proclamation for six months, without giving to the negroes
any equivalent whatever. .Just as the six months expired ano-
ther proclamation was issued, suspending it for an indefinite
period of time—(Cries of " Shame I")—the original pro-
clamation. He now found that the question had been referred
home, and that it was now under the consideration of the Co-
lonial Office; but he was fearful, unless the people of England
took it into their consideration, the negro apprentices of Bri-
tish Guiana would be kept upon the starving allowance of ten
pints of farinaceous food weekly, and that the British public
would be cheated, as well as the negroes, of their rights,
which they had so dearly purchased for them —(Cheers.)
He now came to another question of great importance, which
bad been touched upon by Mr. Gladstone in the House of
Commons, namely, the effect of the system of punishment on
the negroes of British Guiana. He had extracted with great
care from the papers of the House of Commons the actual
Amount of punishment inflicted upon the apprentices during
the thirty-four months which those returns had reference to.
There were three returns. The first embraced a period of
twelve months ; namely, from the first of August 1834 to the
31st of July 1835, and during that period there had been
inflicted no less than eight thousand one hundred and fifty-two
punishments. The second table was for a period of ten months,
namely, from the first of August, 1835 to May 1836, and that
Showed 8,078 punishments ; the third table brought the
punishments up to the :31st of May, 1837, the number of which
was 7,596. Now, it is remarkable, that during the first part
of Sir James C. Smith's Governorship, the negroes were
severely punished, and in nineteen cases out of twenty, that
punishment arose from the attempt on the part of the master
to extort an immense amount of labour from them.—( Cries of
" Shame.") They had been told that during the second
period, the punishmeets had dwindled down to nothing, and
that the negroes were as happy as any peasantry in England.
But, if they would only compare the first and second re-
turns of punishments, they would find an actual increase
of one-sixth.—(Cries of " Shame.") Again, if they com-
pared the third return with the first, they would find that the
punishments were 7 per cent. on the wcole. The case there-
fore had been made out with reference to Jamaica. He had
the return of punishment inflicted upon the apprenticed la-
bourers there from which he could fearlessly assert that the
punishments in British Guiana were 11 per cent, more than its
Jamaica.—( Cheers.) What then he would ask became of the
arguments of Mr. Gladstone, with reference to the
amount of punishment in that colony.—( Loud cheering. )
He had an opportunity, while he was in British Guiana,
of inspecting the official records of that colony, and he re-
gretted much that they were not in this country ; and upon in-
vestigating them in a small district, in the short period of
e,
night mouths 736 apprentice labourers were punished, and the
IN-,_regete amount of the punishments inflicted was, stripes
5.,01" the cats, 7,154.—( Cries of " Shame !") Hard labour
Witheree
ekfst; treadmill, that favourite punishment of the planter
reference to women, 464; hard labour on estates, 522 ;
"4firlemettt at night in the dungeons situated upon the
estate, 335 ; solitary confinement, 134 weeks—( Hear, and
cries of " Shame.") Could any one say that that was not
a vast amount of punishment to be inflicted in a small district
upon 736 apprentices ? What, he would ask, would-have been
the amount of the punishments if they had had returns from all
the districts in the Colonies ?—( Cheers.) Judging from what
had taken place, it would have beeu dreadful in the extreme.—
( Cries of " Shame, shame.") Who, he would ask, was the
anonymous slanderer now ?—( Hear, hear, and cheering.)
He would give them a few specimens, to show how the ap-
prenticeship system worked. He had an extract in his hand
from an official record, from which it appeared a sentence of
one month's hard labour on the tread-mill was passed on cer-
tain slaves for working carelessly and indolently. Six men
and three women were charged with unlawful conspiracy !
What was that unlawful conspiracy ? Why, an unlawful con-
spiracy to get up a petition to the Governor ! They were de-
tected before they could lay before his Excellency an account
of their grievances and sufferings ; they were taken before
the Justices, and sentenced each to one month's hard labour in
the tread-mill I—( Shame, shame.) Mr. Gladstone would not date
to deny those statements.—( Cheers.) They
v.steerool in the official records of the colony, and, if it
necessary, those official records could be called for,
and the proof would be seen.—
gise Navin (Cheers.) He had to apolo-
g taken up so much of their time, but he should not
!lave done justice to the negro, unless he had conveyed his
Impressions to the meeting. There was one point of great
importance, and which had affected his mind more than any
other, in connection with the apprenticeship system, and that
was the miserable condition of the women. Hear.) The
women were the greatest sufferers under this obnoxious sys-
tem of apprenticeship. Their sorrows had been multiplied,
and their labours increased, by the Act for the abolition of
slavery. —( Hear, hear.) Previous to the passing of the
Act, the planters had a direct interest in the well-being of
the slaves ; but now, whatever condition they might be in—
however aged and infirm they might be, made no difference,
for the greatest amount of labour that could by any possibility
be extorted, was extorted. He would now refer to the evi-
dence that had been given by some of the planters. Mr.
Hervey deposed that he made no difference with respect to
the hours of labour, whether the individual was 14 or 60, man
or woman. Mr. Mackay said, " 1 send women out to cut
cane who have children at their breast. I make no difference
with respect to the hours of labour for pregnant women. I
have heard it rumoured that pregnant women were only to
work for six hours, but I do not believe it." Then again he
begged to impress on the attention of the meeting this fact,
that there had been a great mortality among free children.
Mr. Gladstone had directed the attention of the House of
Commons to what he called the evidence of a late Judge
of the colony—Judge Willis—that the negroes were in
the habit of receiving the greatest care and attention in
the sick house; that wine was procured for them, and every
thing that could make their situation comfortable and exceed.
ingly delightful when incarcerated in the sick house, was
done. But he (Mr. S.) had visited and inspected
these sick houses, with other gentlemen; and he was
prepar, d to give his account of the discipline of them. He
Would mention one or two by way of example- He had
Visited one estate on the west side of the Demerara River, in
tolupany with Captain Adam, a Special Justice belonging to
lie Judicial District D. When they arrived on the plantation
they enquired whether they might visit the sick-house? The
I,"'heer, after making some little demur, consented to do so.
ey saw 30 individuals immured in this sick-house, 14 or 16
—cit in one room, and as many women in another. They
Were without mats or matresses to lie on, without blankets to
clever them, suffering under diseases, some contagious.
.;fl the same place he had found a dy
-.static . ing ngro without any
Pod been
e being afforded him.—( Shame.) With this man
been locked up from morning till night, all the other sick
r‘sons
dai, except the two half hours which they were allowed i
h ciY, When the special justice inquired of one negro f he
any complaint to make he pointed to the calabash, in
thetii there was a handful he
rice, and said, " Massa see what
give me all day, and lock me up in the sick house
wer°reln. that apartment they passed into that where the women.
Brtisibileareerated, for every sick house was a prison in the
but "lun:es.—(Cries of " Shame.") They had nothing
a.
few a. feW raised boards to lie upon, but he would never for-
was
3teendin tniserable spectacle one negro woman presented, who
g with her back against some boards. She had
ricY:t!llilß child in her arms, and a calabash with a little
with Id; it, and she appeared quite wasted and worn out
,sease
On inquiry if she had any
complaint •--( Hear, bear.)
pie nt, she replied, " you see me not able to give my little
b anything from myself—when me came to sick house,
overse:relt,t some plantain powder pap, for picanniny, but
"filly fron.rke it away, and now me have nothing to give. Fic,a,n-
hat,,, myself, and picanniny no eat cold boiled risT.
Ivas w.; He would tell them the name of that plantation, it
',es plantation
oft"te property of John Gladstone,
Thus:o ehement cries'
btheartaiirr":l;alain had received not less than 79,0001. of British money,
could build churches in this country to show his ii-
thus ire:4 Piety, but by his representatives in the colonies he
"b'rn he ded the poor miserable unoffending negroes from
(Sha„, the that princely revenue from year to year.—
Glaes'te' ) He should observe that he was speaking of John
had "e, alludedthe father of the gentleman to whose speech he
He had intended to direct the attention of the

meeting to the separation of families that had taken place
under the apprenticeship system. He held in his hand a
paper which he had submitted to the Governor of Guiana, in
which it was stated that husbands and wives, and parents and
children, had been separated in Berbice under the appren-
ticeship system; and he had it under the Governor's own
hand that such was the case, but he had never heard that these

•
people had been restored to their families, and he be
licved they never had, nor never would be, until the system
was put an end to by the people of England.—( Cheers. )
He would just direct their attention to one point more. They
were told by Lord Stanley, when he had introduced his Bill,
that the negroes subject to the restrictions of the apprentice-
ship system would be free of their masters after having per-
formed their legal obligations to the estate. But it appeared
that the negroes could not leave the plantations without a
pass. If he wanted to bury a dead child, if he wanted t.,
visit a sick wife, or if he wanted to get married—_(A laugh).—
he must get permission from the planter. And in illustration
of tbis, he held in his hand a document sent by a planter to a
clergyman, forbidding him to marry a Negro belonging to his
estate. Mr. Scoble here read the document, which was to
the following effect : —" Mr. Edgham presents his compliments
to the Rev. Mr. Kitley, and requests that he will not marry
the woman named Angelica, as she has never obtained his
permission to be married—( A laugh )—unless upon the following
conditions that her husband will not be permitted to visit the
estate, and that she will not visit him.—(Great laughter. )
In conclusion he would say that all the efforts that had hcen
made for the negroes were not more than they deserve, and he
trusted that when the question came under the consideration of
the House of Lords, that Almighty God, who directed and
over-ruled all their deliberations and decisions, would so guide
them as to secure freedom to that long-oppressed and much ir,
jured people.—( Enthusiastic cheering.)
The resolution was then put from the Chair and carried
unanimously.

Mr. C. EUSHINGTON said an apology was perhaps due from
him for preceeding the Hon. and Learned Member whose
entrance lately had so animated and rejoiced them, but he was
only following the directions of the Committee. Bafore he
proceeded to the motion put into his hands, he trusted they
would allow him to make a few preliminary remarks on a per-
sonal subject. He was peculiarly situated with respect to the
question which had assembled them together. The conduct
of public men being, as it were, public property, the public
had a right to expect explanation on all occasions when the procedure
of such individuals gave rise to question and debate. Influenced by
toese opinions, he thought the meeting had a right to expect some ex.
planation of the apparent tardiness with which he had appeared in ad_
vocating the immediate abolition of the apprenticeship system. It
would be generally in the remembrance of the meeting, that a Commit-
tee of the House of Commons was appointed in 1836 to inquire int,
the working of the apprenticeship system in Jamaica, and that
the taking of evidence was protracted until the Session of
1837. The evidence given was generally—nearly wholly—
inculpatory of the conduct of the planters, and it was supposed that
the advocates of the present system would have come forward with some
evidence to rebut that which had been given. At that time the state-
ments of Joseph Sturge and John Williams excited great interest in the
country, and the friends of the negro urged the country to come for-
ward and express their opinion upon the atrocities which had been com-
mitted under the system. Among others, he had been urged to take e
leading part in the matter, but his resolution had been taken—he was de.
termined to act as a calm and impartial juryman, and not to yield to his
own real impulse which was to come forward as an impassioned ac-
cuser. In following the course he did, he had exposed himself to great
and severe anxiety, because it was known that two or three years ago
he had come into possession of some West India property—his stand-
ing aloof was therefore ascribed to some sordid, grovelling feeling.—
(Loud cheers.) He bore all that, but he bore more, he bore
the humiliation of heaing that a name which had been embellished—.
which had been almost enob!ed by a thirty years advocacy
of the cause of humanity in the person of his Learned and near rela.
tive—(Loud cheers)—had been tarnished by the selfishness of his
brother.—(Cheers.) He resisted all; but as soon as he found that no
more evidence was to be tendered to the Committee, he then yielded to
his own wishes, and took the very first opportunity of having a petition
for the immediate abolition of the nefarious system entrusted to him, to
state in his place that in his opinion the system of apprenticeship should
he immediately abolished.—(Loud cheers.) He trusted that he had
cleared himself in the opinion of the Meeting—(Cheers)—and that they
would not think him unworthy of proposing a motion.—(Hear, hear.) -
It was one which totally " denied the existence of any contract
whatever in the Bill of 1833, which restrained the people
of England from asking for the immediate abolition of the apprentice-
ship system." Although they had had a nominal majority against them
on the recent division, he could not but think that they had gained a
great practical and beneficial advantage. For what would be the effect
in Jamaica? It would make the Assembly tremble—it would make
them feel that their gross breach of faith had failed to deceive the
people of England, and that the whole system must have an end.—(Cheers.)
The Colonial Assembly might find it prudent immediately to emanci-
pate the slaves.—(Cheers ) The question as to the existence of a com-
pact he (Mr. Lushington) would not discuss. Whether it existed or
not, it had, he was quite sure, been violated.—(Hear, hear.) It was said
indeed that the compact had only been violated in some districts. He
suspected it had been violated in the majority.—(Hear, hear.) But the
whole community of planters had been rendered guilty in conse.
quence of the acts of the Colonial Assemblies who repre-
sented the planters.—(llear.) Under these circumstances the nation
seas at liberty to act on this subject as justice and expediency dictated.—
(Cheers.) He was satisfied that the abolition of the aperenticeship
would be advantageous to the planters themselves. He possessed only
a share ofan estate in a province of Jamaica, and therefore he had no
decisive command over it. But he had submitted to his co-partners the
absolute justice and expediency of immediate emancip ition.—(Loud
cheers.) Nor did he take any great credit to himself fur so doing,
for lie was as strongly convinced of the expediency of this course
as he was persuaded of its justice.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Even
the uncultivated negro was of a calm and kindly disposition, and
susceptible of the motions of gratitude.—(Cheers.) On the estate of
which he spoke particularly, the minds of the negeoes had been en-
lightened by education, and their understanding elevated by Chris-
tianity—(Cheers)—and he was bound in gratitude to state this was
owing to the exertions of the Moravians. In conclusion, the Hon. Gen-
tleman said—l hope the time has now arrived when the shackles of
the slaves may be struck off for ever, when in the language of Curran
the slave may walk abroad erect and free, redeemed, regenerated, and
emancipated by the irresistible genius of Universal Ernancipasion.—
(Loud cheers.)
The Rev. Mr. MORGAN, of Birmingham, in seconding the re3olu_
lion, said he never could comprehend how a contract could be consi_
tiered as precluding the abolition of the apprenticeship system, when
that contract was based in injustice and oppression. The Rev. Gentleman
compared this compact to the betrayal of Christ by Judas Iscariot—lo
both cases it was the price of blood which was gained.—(Cheers.)

DANIEL O'CoesseLe, Esq. M.P., then came forward, and was received
with loud, general, and enthusiastic applause: Wizen the cheers had
subsided, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman spoke as follows :—I am an
old Agitator.--(Laughter and cheers.) Perhaps not very eloquent, but
of considerable experience—(Cheers)—and the value of that experience
is, that it has been somewhat successful in the cause of civil end re-
ligious liberty—(Loud cheers)—and experience is the wisdom of
those who are themselves not very wise.—.(Laughter, and hear, hear.)
Now my experience has taught me that there is a greater chance of sue-
cess after a temporary defeat, if people only understood exactly how to
avail themselves of it.—(Hear, hear.) If you redouble your exertions,
and throw anger and resentment away on the one hand, and despair on
the other, you will compensate for the bad luck of one day by the suc-
cess of another. My advice to the friends of humanity and the advo-
cates of the negro is contained its three short words, " Agitate, agitate,
agitate.") We have been defeated, not in a pitched battle, but in a kind
of Spanish skirmish, which as the newspapers tell us has ended, one does
not know how.—(Laughter.) Now, this is precisely the case as re-
gards the late discussion in the House of Commons on this question.
It is said that several Gentlemen intended to speak—" Hell," you
know, " is paved with good intentions,"—(Laughter)—but be that as it
may, one way or other the discussion was at an end, and the division
was taken. Now, there is no reason in the world why we should be in
despair at this ludicrous result. To be sure, Mr. Gladstone had it all to
himself at the conclusion of the debate, but I do not think that to-roor.
row he will feel quite so comfortable when he reads the statements that
have been put forward to-day in reply to him.—(Hear, hear.) I do not
envy his father his 79,0001., or the feelings that will be aroused in his 1
brea,t when he hears the story of the famishing Negro on his estate,
which has been told to you by a Gentleman who witnessed the circum-
stance, and has testified to it in the presence of his God. I say again,
to you that you are bound not only in prudence but in policy to continue
your agitation, because if you do not, see the position in which you will
place the. negro. The pericd for the termination of the apprenticeship
system is fast approaching, and not one step has as yet been taken to se.
cure to the negro the liberty which we have purchased for him. I tell
you that the planters are determined to continue slavery in some form or
other, and we must agitate, without ceasing, to prevent them carrying
their plans into effect, and to secure to the negro that freedom which it
was intended by the legislature he should enjoy.—(Hear, hear.) They
will not be frightened by anything but the actual force of the law, and
you must insist on Government taking such steps in each colony as, with
the aid of the negroes, will defeat their projects. if you do not do this
what will be the consequence ?—You remember the story which is told
of the interference of Don Quixote for a man who was about to be
flogged. While he remained on the spot his humane offices were
effective, but the moment he turned his back, the man received a
double tiogAing.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Now our interference on
the part of the negroes, as well as that of the knight, is likely to
produce exactly similar results, arid to render the condition of the
Negro worse than it was before, if we do not follow it up by other
steps.—(Hear.) If you continue to agitate, you are sure of success.
There is but one magic in politics, and that is to be always in the right.—
(Hear.) Chicanery and deceit may be for a time successful, but t iati s
only during the slumber of thegood endwise. When the friends of huma-
nity are awake, t here is no danger of oppression reigning long. The people
of England would not go with us if we were not in the right.—(Hear,
hear, and cheers ) If we were not right, there is no one who would be
more anxious for a defeat than I would ; but if we are right, shame on
us if we do not persevere. Let us see whether we are right. Nothing
is more certain or indisputable than this fact, that we have
paid our 20,000,000 to the planters. There is nothing that
John Bull understands better than that.—(Laughter.) Well,
we paid our money, but did we get value for it.—(Hear, hear, I say
that we Old not, and I can call it nothing else than swindling to take
the money from us without giving us in return that for which we paid
it.—(Great cheering.) It is swindling.—(Hear, hear.) I called it so
twice before, and I never got a reprimand for so designating it. It is
astonishing that I have not, because it is literally true.—(" Hear,"
and laughter.) Now Mr. Gladstone may take this oasis of the desert
British Guiana Green as may be this colony amidst the surrounding
desert, I think that to-morrow it will appear as black and as tainted as
any other spot on the habitable globe.—(Cheers.) Does Government
assert that you have got the value of your money ? This Act of Par-
liament tells you you have not, and that it is nothing but swindling.
Let this go abroad, let it be characterised by no other name.—
(Loud cheers.) They say that there is as great a pleasure in
being cheated as to cheat. Now, for my part, I cannot enjoy any satis-
faction of this sort.—(Hear, hear.) On the other hand, is it not de-
grading to our good sense to suffer ourselves to be imposed on in this way.
The Government admits that the hours of labour are not regulated at
ie presentate moment.—(Hear.) (Hear.) They admit that the classification is
not
o---m(elnlte—ar, hear) The lot of August is coming on, and
tl
regui
the classification is not regulated.—(Hear, hear.) Good God, is
it to be believed that the Government could be guilty of the fully
of paying away the money of the people of England, without securing
that they should get the value for it.—(Cheers.) The food of the negre
is not yet provided for, and the money has been paid,—( Hear, hear.
When Sir J. C. Smith, the great oracle of the planters, yielded to th
pressure of famine, and diminished the food of the apprentices, did it
never occur to him that, in the pressure of famine, there ought to be a
reduction of his labour as well as of his food.—(Cheers.) But now, at
the end of four years, we are legislating for all those things for which we
paid our money. It is not necessary for use take up your time upon this
part of the subject, upon which you have been addressed by gentlemen
better acquainted with it than I am. No,
no ,)
Now we askei
that women should not be submitted to the unmanly torture of the
lash. It was one of our loudest demands that the disgusting practice
thould cease.—(Hear, hear, hear.) And did we not bless the
Almighty God four years ago that our prayers were heard—tha`
the
abomination was abolished.—(Cheers.) But we never prayed before
our time. Cheers and laughter.) The unmanly practice of scourging
women with the lash was not yet at an end.—(Hear, hear, and cries o.

" Shame.") Oh ! who will believe it—we paid twenty millions four
years ago to put an end to the practice, and there is at this mo-
.nent a bill before the House of Lords to abolish it.--(Hear, hear.)
Ott ! let it go forth to the world how just are our claims! To what
ationio,o
is theooo7eog
oto b
r 1.
?
being
Whatfour
years
compensationdeprivedt
, ot
o b
f alle
that,e le-
paid
2n
0 those who have descended into their graves ?—(Loud
cheers.)' What compensation is to be given to their survivors for
the a
still continue to endure. Mr. Gladstrree
into the cabin of the negro he takes off his hat_
s 6( Aoydsl laugh)—and sufferings
)wr—i gee
is :110i goes
which
h be syayse they
should übl hy
e the
en not :s
same Theredemption.—(Great
d m p tnegroot, c madeGra
tb yc
cheering.)
sameto g
But 'let him wear his hat if ho likes.—(Laughter.) I know
some very good men who wear their hats.—(Renewed
laughter and cheers.) But, perhaps, he thinks that it is below
him to show that civility to his fellow-men. When he goes Into the
cabins will he ray to them, " Tell me your sufferings—tell are your des.
p sir—tell me what compensation you require ?"—(Cheers and great
laughter.) „
Will he say to them My family, have got 127,000/. com-
venation amongst us, now tell me what compensation is due to you,
a•id we will share with you ?"—(Renewed cheering) Oh no; he
will not do that. Those people use all their wealth, their power, their
de looeqoume cbet tthoe ir opportunitiesupportsct
soef rf eas evaartc,
ehe,
tta:tcil
cruelty Das
butrt o
tuol
go
tvveer tub,
ee
oppressors of the negro all the emoluments and profits of s.avery
(Hear.) The Gladsts nes have got the bones and sinews and labour of the
negroes, and they have got the blood-money to boot.—(Hear.) But we
i
will show them that the people of England will not submit to it—(He :r,
hear.) One would think that when the Marquis of Sligo had written
his name in the pages of humanity, one would think whets that example
came from the highest places of society, that the planters, who
are all aristocrats themselves, would be enticed to follow that
example. (A laugh.) But when that example did not entice
teem that a vulgar Act of Parliament would soften their hard hearts—
(A laugh) or draw the blood-money out of their pockets.—(Cheers.)
Theyy. was amused with reading it to_
I wthe public though. At the meet-
ings to which we come we call in the press-gang, without whom eh,
ah(aAd
a ati greatgb meeting)
ey dt
dy e
trot
t et rd
call a
luence would be vain to those who possess it. But although the
whispered into my ear,
eress and the public were not at their meeting yesterday, there was
a little bird there--(Laughter)—and he just
which I will tell you all if you promise me that you will keep it a se-
cret,—(Laughter.) It was this : there were some people tleere who pro.
posed that they should imitate the example of the Martinis of Sligo It
was urged strongly on them to do so.—(Loud cheers.) They
were told that the eyes of the people of England were open—
,Hear, hear, hear)—that the people of England saw the condition
of the negroes in Jamaica—(Hear)—that it was unwise of the planters
not to make concessions—that they would manage the thing better if
they did concede—that they would only rouse the people of England to
put an end to slavery in every shape after 1840, by holding out —(Hear,
hear.) Such were the suggestions of those who knew the planters, and
who told them that they would gain more ley putting on the semblance
f humanity—(Hear, hear)—but my friend, who made the proposition
told me that I might as well have been there myself as he, and that I
would have got as good a reception as he met with.—(Great laughter.)
. sly friend said, " Well, if I am not fit for the sick-house after making
such a proposal, there would be no use or good hatred at all." Well,
.hat proposal was rejected, and then they came to their own measures—
(Cheers)—and one was a resolution to print, I dont know how many
thousand copies, of Mr. Gladstone's admirable oration—(Tremendous
cheering)—and by way of amendment, it I am not very inaccurately
informed, it was proposed also to print the speech of Sir George Grey!
When this was proposed somebody got up and said, what Sir Geo. Grey ?
(Laughter.) Why, to be sure he is, for continuing our right over these
fellows—(Laughter)—but hang him—(continued laughter.) He made
some awkward admissions, and his Bill contains them—(Laughter)—
and I am mistaken if the majority was not overwhelming to print Mr.
tnadstone's speech. What, therefore, have we to expect, I ask, from
he planters ? Nothing—nothing.—(Cheers.) I did hope at least that
something of an idea which I ventured to throw out against the
planters with respect to their improper treatment of females would
have been taken up, but no—it was rejected, and it was said that
nothing would be more premature than anything of that kind. It has
been proved that the unfortunate negro is touch worse since obtaining
his liberty then he was during the time he was a slave—(Cheers)—
and is it not natural that it should be so ? When they were in slavery
the planter had an interest in the growth of the chill and the preserva-
tion of the mother.—(Cheers.) He has no interest now, after the ter-
mination of two years—(Cheers) ;—and mark you, and remember it,
that the negro, while he was the absolute
property of the
planter, was like a horse or a mule, or a cow or a calf--the
planter had a direct interest in fattening the animal.— (Cheers.) If he
.vas an animal for the table for the purposes of slaughter, and if for
work to get more labour out of him.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Four years ago the planter had an interest in the negro to the
extent of enabling him to work for six years to come, but
every day that passes, every hour that goes along, he has a greater in-
terest to exhaust the human animal by the increase of his labour
and then to throw him away like a squeezed orange, in 1840,
.vhen his produce would be no longer of use.—(Great laughter.)
Mark you, was I not talking common sense ? What I saY
that it is the interest of the planter to get out of the negro, for
lie remaining two years, as much labour as he can, because after
;hat period he had no interest in him.--(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.)
What course can we pursue after that period ? Why, we may threaten
the planters with some law, but they will find the means of getting rid
of them The planter has a great interest in exhausting the Negroes
by the work they have to do, and if you don't come forward and cont.,
:sue this agitation, and press upon Parliament the necessity of immediately
emancipating the negroes nothing will be done—(Cheers)—go then
through the country in the short vacation that is now coming on, let
no place escape you—(Cheers)—let meeting after meeting take place,
and then with the voice of hundreds of thousands call upon the British
Parliament, and insist that both parties shall join with you in
giving to the negroes that liberty which you have purchased for
them, and which belong to them at the hand of their God, before
you commence that horrible traffic which is a disgrace to the
name of Britain.—(Great cheering.) Do more—l told you
that my great hope in the West Indies was from the intelligence of the
negroes themselves. Mark this; if there be one thing more delightful
than another, and more likely to prosper the cause of humanity
in this respect, it is what I am now going to state.—(Herr, hear,
rear, and cheers.) It is this practical fact, that the negro, amidst
all his adversities has comforted himself with a desire to quietude, and
with an anxious wish to increase his social comfort, and to submit to
the moral duties that were imposed upon him.—(Loud cheering.)
You have that fact, that there has been a disposition of forbear-
ance unequalled on the part of the negroes—(Hear, hear)—he was
shown no desire to destroy property—he had shown no desire to be re-
venged for slavery that had been ieflictel upon him—he had shown th it
Christian disposition which teaches you to forget the past and look with
hope to the future.—(Great cheering.) Do this—we have been taunted
upon it in the House of Commons—send out petitions to the planta-
tions where the negroes are in slavery ; let every negro upon those
plantations, be got to sig:i the petition.—(Cheers.) Oh, but it is said
they cannot write—if they cannot,it is not their fault—it is the crime of
their masters.—;Cheers.) Let them put what is called in Ireland the
sign of piety ai well as ignorance—the cross of their names--
;Loud cheers)—and let the cross of 500,000 negroes appear in the
British Parliament in aid of the cause of religion and humanity. From
every part of the British dominions, and from the West Indies them_
,elves, let us teach the planters that it is wiser to combine with
us than to resist.—(Loud cheering.) I have trespassed, I am afraid,
too long upon your time already,—)Loud cries of " No, no, no.")
Itatee t
Legislature who
never makest o i t
There remains one topic that I wish to advert to. We deny that there
was a compact, and I have always asked those who said there was a con_
awere.—(Cries
contract(C withoutres oparties
f "Hear,
t hear, hear.")heerso (Cheers.)
Lord Stanley described the only meeting the Government had with the'
planters, and on that occasion they had the modesty to ask for forty-four
millions—(Laughter)—and for forty-one year's continuation of the
system.—(Renewed laughter.) That was the only proposal they ever
made; and I am told this is a bargain which neither party consented to
—(Laughter.) I remember a story of a countryman of mine, who said
.
he made a bargain with a lady to marry her, he having his own consent
Aluch laughter.) But neither party gives consent in this instance.
,
Lord Stanley, to be sure, cut down the forty-one year's service tt;
twelve years' apprenticeship. We took the liberty in the House of Corn
mons of lessening it by one-half; and we should have done right
if we had thrown the other half after it.— (Cheers and laughter.) Why
to be sure the Legislature entered into this compact with the British
people. When the British people gave their motley, the Legislature
enacted that for that money adequate and satisfactory security
should be given for the working out of the system according as
we had paid for it. To this hour we have had neither adequate
nor satisfactory security, and here we are to-day, with the details of
.he horrors of slavery under the apprentice system harrowing our
feelings and disgusting our imaginations—quite as fresh as if the term
apprenticeship" had never been invented and slavery was still en-
forced.—(Cheers,) I alluded to the bullet practise of flogging
the females, and after all were we not entitled from the
eest, even on their own spewing, to the total emancipation of
the females. Lord Stanley used new words. There were to be
eon-prredials, prxdials attached, and prxdiale unattached.—(Laugle.
ter.) But prwilials attached, and prwdials unattached, meant farming
servants—meant labourers, diggers, delvers—meant those whose duty
it is to cultivate the lands and produce crops. Why, whoever heard of
introducing females into that class?—(Cheers.) Can anything be more
preposterous than that you have a digger of cane in an unfortunate fe-
male 2—(E-tear, hear.) Why females ought to be non-prmdials by their
very sex. Compact there was none. Condition to the payment of
money there was; that is we paid cur money conditionally. It is not a
bargain between man and man—it is the supreme authority of the State
annexing a condition to the grant to the planters.—(Cheers.) Mark
you—did we ever hold a meeting for the sake of the planters ? They
wet e able to take care of themselves, and a little more. The Anti Slavery
meetings were adverse to the planters. We did not mean to give them
money and work. We were the friends of the negroes—we were
looking for the emancipation of the negroes—we wanted to purehae ethe
acquiesence of the planters, and we gave them an apprenticeship
not fur their sakes, but, as it was said, to fit the negro for liberty.
just as if the man who was able to endure slavery, and
to endure apprenticeship without a murmur, would not be
able to endure liberty.—(Cheers.) If any one tells me a man cannot
endure flogging I will believe him—tell me that a man cannot endure
starvation—l agree to that ; but if I em told that a man who has been
flogged and starved did not murmur, and that that man would become
riotous the moment you treated him well, and set a good dinner before
him, is what I cannot believe.—(Great cheering and laughter.)
Let me not be supposed to say the apprenticeship system has not done
some thing for them. I admit it has. They were before the legal pro-
party of their owners; they can now acquire property for themselves:
file conditions upon which we paid our money has not been performed:
but I am told there is some body who performs it and shall you take away
something you gave, merely because another man has not performed the
condition ? Legislation must be made not for particulars, but for gene-
ralities. When you lay on a tax, you give no compensation to those who
have a stockon hand already, and when you take off a tax you make no
compensation, althouge the former tax had increased the price. I have
known injustice to an enormous extent, committed on honest
men even by the abolition of taxes. But to tell me there is here and
there a planter who treats his negroes well, is ao answer to which 7e
contend for.—(Hear, hear.) I am afraid there are very few closets in
London small enough to be too tight for the numbers who are kind to
their negroes, while on the other hand there is no room large enough to
contain those who have violated that engagement on which they got
their money. We must therefore legislate for the whole.—(Cheers.)
I began by saying that I am an agitaior, and I shall conclude by re-
peating it.—(Cheers.) Let every liumrn being that hears me adopt the
principle of agitation—let them from this day forward exert themselves
—let every friend of humanity rally around me, and see what exertions
remain for them in order to accomplish our great object.—
;Cheers.) Remember the unfortunate negro woman who hugs
her black darling to her breast with the conviction that,
although she has been a slave, she has given birth to a free-
man.—(Loud and reiterated cheering.) Stand between this un-
fortunate race and their oppressors, and let not the temporary
lefeat we have sustained a few nights ago damp our exertions, but let
the honest and candid, the generous and the good among the blrck race,
who hrve submitted so long to the most cruel and harrassing oppression,
bless that Providence that had raised up for them in another clime, and
,f a different colour men who would not submit to the injustice which
had reeked upon them.—(Loud cheering.) You should recollect that
slavery is reckoned by hours, and oppression t y minutes; and although
you may tell me that two years will soon pass away, it is a species of
eternity to those who are suffering persecution.--(Cheers.) Your hearts
have been narrowed up by the details of harsh and cold food which had
been presented to the lips of the young infants How cruel must
that heart have been which would give food from which the infant,
although hungry, would tnrn from with disgust—(Hear, hear)—and
what must be the feelings of the mother, who clings to life for
ihe sake of her infant, and who hoard its wails, fainter and more faint,
chile she had no food, either natural or artificial, to present to it.—
;Vehement cheering.) Let it not be any longer said that those women

have produced slaves and people to be - tortured—(Loud cheers)
—but let us show the planters that they are freemen who
will be able to protect them in their old age.—(Cheers.) Let me re-
mind you in conclusion, that this agitation is more necessary now than
ever. That the dealers in blood, and bone, and sinew, as the
negroes fatally know, are at this moment importing fresh castes
of unfortunate slaves from the furthermost ends of the
empire—that the Gladstones are visiting the most remote re-
fons, and the unfortunate inhabitants of India—that a competition
is taking place between slave and free labour—and that various
atte.npts are making to carry on the same system, by the plan
of importing the large and countless hordes of idolaters of the
worst description.—( Much cheering.) I need not remind you, that the
great reason why many of those around me have struggled so strenu-
ously for Negro emancipation was, that the body being unshackled, the
in nd might be free to receive the lights of the Gospel, and the divine truths
of revelation.—(Cheering.) I see hundreds about me who would not
have taken the trouble they have, unless for the purpose of diffusing re-
ligious truth to the hut and hovel of every negio. Remember then that
the introductio❑ of these Indians, as a means ,of holding out a great
temptation to the negroes, even by the display of its mysticisms, and
thereby winning them from Christianity. In comelusion, I will observe
that Christianity opposes strong claims to all apathy and delay—that you
aro bound by humanity—that we are bound by justice, and, above all'
that you arc bound by religion to insist that the negro should ba free,
and his mind as unshackled as his body is unfetteresi.—(Much cheering.)
The Itev. Mr. BURNETT had been called upon by the Committee to
speak to the resolution, and it was with much pleast.ae that he would
contend against the existence of any contract between the planters
which could not be set aside. But before he went into that part of the
subject he would say a few words upon the late defeat which they had
sustaine I. He was not disheartened at it—they would all recollect that
both Wellington and Blucher before that glorious day which ended
Europe's struggles on the plains of Belgium, were obliged for a time
to withdraw before the ascendant star of France ; but how
to tn after did the glorious day of Waterloo arise ?—(Loud cheers )
( We shall give the conclusion in our Second Edition.)

ELECTION COMMITTEES.
(YESTERDAY.)

(From our Second Edition of last night.)
HULL.

Stephen Pratt was next objected to. The evidence was
similar to that detailed in the cases of Headley, Watson, and
Dunn.

Mr. WRANGIIAM in support of the vote, cited the Chester
case (Corbett and Daniels' Reports,) when the Committee
required that the treating should not only be done with the
knowledge of the Candidates, but at their treating and
charge also. _ _

Mr. LANGDALE thought that case did not apply. If they
wanted to affect the sitting Member, they must bring the
charge home to him, but if a corrupt motive was proved
against the voter, it was immaterial whether the sitting Mem-
ber bribed or not.

Mr. WRANGIIAM admitted that that case affected the sitting
Member, but it determined also that to make an offence treating
it must be brought to the knowledge of the sitting Member. The
Learned Gentleman then referred to a decision of the Ipswich
Committee in the present session, in the case of a person
named Johnson, who voted for Gibson and Kelly, which he
submitted was quite in point.
Mr. AUSTIN replied, and expressed his confidence that the
Committee would adhere to their previous decisions, and not
abide by the extraordinary decision in the Ipswich case.
The Committe struck off the vote.

James Hoddell was struck off on the same ground.
Earl Cherry was also struck off, after a long argument had
taken place as to his identity not having been sufficiently
proved.
The next objection was to John Noble Wharton, ship-
e right, whose name was struck off; as was that of Robert
Headley.
The Committee then adjourned.

KINSALE.
When the Committee rose yesterday the sitting Member was
in a majority of one.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIL 3.
Lord BANDON presented a petition from the diocese of
Ross against the National System of Education, or any sys-
tem where the use of the Scriptures was restricted.
NEGRO EMANCIPATION.
The Bishop of EXETER presented a petition from
the Society of Friends resident at Bolton-le-Moors ; the
Wesleyan Methodists, Protestant Dissenters, and Uni-
tarian Congregation of Bolton-le-Moors ; the Independent
Methodists of Halifax; the Wesleyan Methodists of Bridge-
street, Bolton ; and several other places, praying for the im-
mediate abolition of Negro apprenticeship.
The Marquis of SLIGO presented petitions from Helston
in Cornwall, Wallace Town, the Unitarians of Preston, the
inhabitants of Linlithgow, the inhabitants of Devon,
the Society of Friends of Southampton, the Metho-
dists of the new connexion of Carnarvon, the Wesleyan
Methodists of the City of Bath, the United Secession
congregation of A; r, the United Secession congregation of
Dunfermline, the inhabitants of Weymouth, a congregation in
Berwick, the inhabitants of Harwich, the Wcsleyans of
Merthyr Tydvii, the Ministers, Elders, and congregation of the
Scotch Church of Berwick-upon-Tweed, the inhabitants of
Kirbymoreside, the inhabitants of the borough of Warringford,
and several other places, praying for the immediate and entire
abolition of Negro slavery.

EDUCATION IN IRELAND.
The Bishop of EXETER hoped the Noble Marquis
would excuse him again putting the question which he had
put at the early part of the Session, namely, whether
it was intended to adopt the recommendations contained
in the fourth report of the Commissioners of Education
for Ireland; and, secondly, whether it was the intention of her
nijesty's Government to propose any measures in consequence
of the evidence taken before the Committee last year ?
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said with respect to the
first question, lie could only repeat what he believed he had
stated before—that the recommendations contained in the
report alluded to appeared to him and to the Government to
be well entitled to adoption in Ireland. In answer to the
next queston, it was undoubtedly the intention of her Majesty's
Government to propose the same grant—at least the same
grant as had been proposed and adopted in former Sessions
for the sustenance arid extension of public education in Ireland.
The Bishop of EXETER said that in consequence of what
the Noble Marquis had stated, he should now give notice, that
on an early day after the recess, he should take the opinion of
their Lordships on the import of the evidence given before the
Committee of last year.
The Bishop of LONDON also presented similar petitions
f, out different parts of Yorkshire.
DR. PYE SMITH.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, seeing the Noble Lord
( Lyndhurst) in his place, would advert to a circumstance which
he had refrained from doing last night, in consequence of the
absence
Smith with respect
to the improvement of the condition of the Negroes.—
" Cries of Hear, hear, hear.) At that time he was met by
the declaration of a Noble Lord not now present, and by the
of the Noble Lord. A few nights since he had pre-
senteda petition from Dr. Pye
Noble and Learned Lord opposite, that he was in possession
of a petition from Dr. Pye Smith, containing sentiments of a
totally different description. From the positive statements of
the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, he (Lord L.) had no-
thing to do but to acquiesce, not having any information to
the contrary.. He, however, considered it his duty to pre-
sent the petition he had entrusted to him. Since that period,
with he
had received a communication from Dr. Pye
respect to whom he ( Lord Lansdowne) could
repeatohStoimlwyiethv'er; all that had been said by the Noble and Learned
Lord, thaitet hey was a person of very high character and
.
In that communication Dr. Pye Smith stated
p
that the petition which he ( L ordLyndhurst) had presented
was a petition of a recent date, and that it contained his (Dr.
Smith's) mature sentiments upon the subject of Negro eman-
cioation, and that if he had signed any other petition it
of great
must have been many months ago, and before the Bill
introduced by the Government was braught forward. After
considerable thought upon the subject, he had come to the
determination that it would be dangerous to introduce so ex-
tensive and violent a measure as the total abolition of Slavery.
--(Hear, hear.) Ile confessed that in his opinion the Bill
which had been introduced into the House by her Majesty's
Government was well calculated to mitigate the horrors that
had hitherto attended the Slave trade. He therefore, in
common with the other persons who had signed the petition,
expressed his sentiments that the measure before the House
was calculated to be productive of the best results.
He thought it due to the eminent character of the individual
to whom allusion had been made, that his sentiments should be
thus mad? known.

Lord LYNDHURST said that when he presented the pe-
tition to which allusion had been made, he stated that on a
former night a petition of an opposite tendency had been pre-
sented by the Noble Marquis. He requested, at the same
time, that the petition might be read, stating that, from what
he knew of the character of the individual, that when the two
petitions came to be considered, one was irreconcileable with
the other. He stated then that he supposed the petitions were
of different dates, and that the one which he (Lord Lynd-
hurst) had presented was subsequent to that presented by the
Noble Marquis. It turned out that these petitions were of
different dates, although it turned out contrary to his supposi-
tion, that his (Lord Lyndhurst's) was of an earlier date than
the other. What he had stated was mere supposition—he
made no assertion, having had no communication with that
distinguished and learned individual.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE hoped the Noble and
Learned Lord would see, whatever circumstance had led him
to make this statement, that it was directly the reverse of the
real fact, and that the petition which he (the Marquis of
Lansdowne) had presented, contained the last and real sen-
timents of Dr. Pye Smith.
Lord LYNDHURST begged to correct the Noble Mar-
quis. What he (Lord Lyndhurst) had said was merely what
he conjectured. He said he could reconcile the petitions on
the supposition that one was of a more recent date than the other.
He said he supposed that if the petitions were inconsistent in
;heir terms and object they were of different dates.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would affirm that what
he had already stated was the fact, and he would leave their
Lordships to draw their own inferences. The assertion of
:he Noble and Learned Lord was that in all probability his
(the Marquis of Lansdowne's) petition was of a previous date,
but the circumstances of the case would show their Lordships
that it was so improbable, as that it must have been the very
reverse of the fact.
Lord LYNDHURST said it would appear from the state-
ment of the Noble Lord that he had been mistaken.
A NOBLE LORD-It only shows that the Rev. Gentleman
changed his mind.
The conversation then dropped.
The Earl of H ADDINGTON presented a petition from
the. Poor Law Union of Haddington complaining of the
efforts made to render the New Poor Law Bill obnoxious to
the people.

The Earl of STANHOPE believed that efforts had been
made to render the Bill obnoxious, but these efforts had been
made by the Commissioners themselves.
The Earl of HA DDINGTON then presented peti-
tions from Fifeshire and Banff, complaining of the
riots which had occurred at the late elections.
In the latter case the military had been ordered out,
but were not allowed to come within 10 miles of the nearest
polling place, and fifteen miles of the next. One of the peti-
tions prayed for protection in the exercise of the elective
franchise; the other petition had the same prayer.
YEOMANRY.

The Nonee EMIL then said that he wished to advert to
the subject of the yeomanry, particularly the yeomanry of the
county of Fife. He thought thin had this corps been
in existence, these riots would have been prevented.
The Noble Earl proceeded to read an extract from
a letter which had been sent to him by a gentleman of
property in the county of Fife, stating that in 1832 and 1033
when Bristol had been partially destroyed, what wee saved
of it was by the Yeomanry—when NottinTliam was partly
sacked, and Edinburgh only saved from destruction by
the Midlothian Yeomanry—Lord Melbourne addressed a
despatch; to the late Lord Rosslyn, then Lord Lieutenant of
the county of Fife, requesting bim to use his influence to
induce the respectable portion of the inhabitants to enrol them-
selves in defence of the peace, which they accordingly did.
The Noble Lord then went on to animadvert on the
conduct of the gentleman who had succeeded the
l,te Lord Rossiya in the Lieutenancy of the County of Fife.
The Noble Lord stated that the whole of the Yeomanry corps
in Scotland, with the exception of Ayr and Lanark, had been
disbanded. What the reason of that could be, it was impossible
for him to conjecture, unless for political purposes, and for the
ulterior object of forming a sort of gendarmes all over that
coantry, and probably all over England, to be solely under the
influence of Government. The Lord-Lieutenant who suc-
ceeded Lord Rosslyn had refused to attend an inspection of
the corps of his county, which was a most unusual refusal.
—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He had afterwards, at a
dinner with his constituents, expressed a hope that the
Yeomanry of the county would very soon be dismissed,
and used expressions, which he subsequently expressed his
regret for to Colonel Lindsay of the Guards. He sincerely
hoped that this measure would be re- considered by her Ma-
jesty's Government, and that, at all events, if any of the
disbanded corps offered to continue their services gratuit-
ously, he hoped that it would be immediately accepted.
Lord MELBOURNE said that upon considering the whole
subject—the state of Scot!.and, and the circumstances of that
country—her Majesty's Government had thought it consistent
with the public safety to make the reduction in the Yeomanry
of that country which had been announced ; and that the Go-
vernment meant to preserve the peace of Scotland by the means
itposaessed, and which he had no do übt it would be able to
do. The Noble Lord had himself said that the yeomanry
would not have been a proper force to be employed on the
election occasion to which he had:referred. There were:serious
doubts in the minds of many, of the propriety of continuing
such a force, and more particularly or the prudence
and expedience of employing it, especially in domestic tumult;
and that of itself formed an explanation of the conduct of his
Hon. Friend the Lord-Lieutenant of the county, whose
conduct had been brought into question. If he were ad-
verse to the Yeomanry force, he was quite right in
not sanctioning an inspection of it by his presence. What
he had said to his constituents was said in his cha-
racter of a Member of Parliament. In that charac-
ter he was asked what he thought of the Yeomanry
Corps ? Ho was bound to answer the question, and
his answer was a disapproval of it. A gentleman did not
change his political opinions when he became Lord-lieutenant
of a county, nor was it customary for Lords-lieutenant of
counties to suit their opinions to the Government of the day.
The measure adopted with reference to the Yeomanry corps by
Government was one of public policy—taken without any
intention of offering offence to that corps, He was not going
to advert to any intention with reference to ulterior measures
—with reference to the:peace of the country—that was
e subject prematurely and hastily dragged forward.
He had never been able to see any individual connection
between civil and religious liberty and the licentious com-
mission of crime, though he knew that some persons did.
The Earl of MAL ME SBURY sail that he knew a case
where a town had been literally sacked, during a riot, which
was only put down, not without difficulty or bloodshed, by the
gentry and middle classes, who got upon horseback and turned
out against the rioters. If they had had this constitutional force,
for such he considered the yeomanry, a cheap and preventive
force, he was confidant that this would never have happened.
Government said that the country was in a state of perfect
tranquillity. He (the Earl of Malmesbury) wished that he
could assent to that opinion. There was one Act which-
had created more disturbance in the country, than per-
haps, any that ever was enacted. He meant the Beer Bill.
Ever sines the passing of the Beer Bill, the charac-
ter of the rural population had been greatly deteriorated.
He attributed also the great deterioration of their character to
the extent to whic:l the enforcement of the new Poor-law
had been carried, and to the new Game laws.—( Hear,
hear, hear.) He entreated his Noble Friend to consider
how small was the saving of 12,0001. compared to the utility of
the corps, especially at a period when so many troops
were required in the colonies.—( Hear.) He assured
his Noble Friend opposite, that the sudden and unexpected
measure bad caused a great sensation in tho parts of the coun-
try with which he was acquainted.

The Duke of W E LLISI GT ON concurred in what had been
slid by his Noble Friend (Lord Malmesbury.) The Yeomanry
had been of the utmost efficiency in preserving the peace of
the country. He believed that the suppression of the Yeomanry
as the year 1827 had been attended with a cost of
thirty times as much as the expense of maintaining that body.
In the county of Hampshire above one hundred persons were
convicted at the Commission for outrages which would not
have occurred if the Yeomanry had continued.
The Earl of WINC HIL SE A deprecated the disband-
ment of the yeomanry corps, and he had no hesitation in
saying party feeling had influenced it. He thought
the country was greatly indebted to the force,
as he would venture to predict, that but for it the greatest
local disturbances would have taken place within the last
twelve months. From this time he was determined to become
a great agitator in the country.—( Laughter.)
The Duke of SU'T'HERLAND presented petitions from
Chester, and other places, in favour of the immediate aboli-
tion of the system of Negro apprenticeship.
The Bills on the table were forwarded a stage.
Their Lordships then adjourned until Thursday.