The Sun.
London, England, 1853-12-17 00:00:00

must sooner or later take, than to take good care
that all the better portion of them should be re-
presented by their own direct votes. The can-
didate might, and no doubt would, belong to the
higher classes, but then he must be one in whom
workmen as well as shopkeepers in a borough would
have confidence. There are an abundance of such
men, and it must have the best effect on the
minds of the now unrepresented class to know
that a representation from them to a member for
whom they had voted would meet with the same
respectful attention which every member pays to
the communications of his present supporters.
They would feel that they, too, had a mouthpiece
in the great Council of the nation ; they would
see their cause stated, and hear what could be
said for and against it. The ability to insure the
attention of the Legislature would lead them to
prefer bringing their influence to bear there
rather than waste it on mischievous agitation and
in social strife, and they would more cheerfully
yield obedience to laws made in co-operation with
themselves.

It is most absurdly assumed, and by organs of
mark too, that to extend largely the suffrage is
to put all power into the hands of the operative
class. We have recently shown that there is
much to nullify any such result, even from uni-
versal suffrage, and, a fortiori, it is not to be ap-
prehended from the municipal or any other fran-
chise, which would only include the more steady,
educated, and intelligent of the class. It is
truly marvellous how such monstrous deduc-
tions can be passed from journal to journal
as if they were unquestionable facts. Some-
times we are told that there is nothing in
these days of Income Tax, Succession Duties, and
Free Trade left for a working man to ask of the
Legislature. We fancy, however, that partnership
law, and other laws too, might be rendered much
more equal for rich and for poor ; but there is
left at least the demand, that hii class shall not
have political degradation heaped upon the disad-
vantages of comparative poverty. Again, we are
told that he is virtually represented. The state-
ment, if true, is suicidal, for as Mr. MACAULAY
observed, when the same statement was essayed
in the time of the Reform Bill, on behalf of the
non-enfranchisement of Manchester, Birmingham,
(te., we " do not understand how a power which
is salutary when exercised virtually, can be noxious
when exercised directly. If the wishes of Man-
chester have as much weight with us, as they
would have under a system which would give
representatives to Manchester, how can there be
any danger in giving representatives to Manches-
ter ?" So of the operative—either his wishes are
duly heeded, or they are not. If they are, no
harm can be done by opening to him the regular
channel for expressing his wishes. If, they are
not, why, then, he has aright to complain ; and
in his organised capacity he may one day make
his complaint formidable.
We have considered the subject in reference to
legislators. Masters and employers of labour of
every kind should, however, bear in mind that it
was the working class who obtained the franchise
for them ; fear of the thousands from the north
.arid west literally pushed the Reform Bill through
the House of Lords, and when the League first
began its public meetings they were constantly
reminded by the disturbing Chartists that the
masters had promised to get them the franchise
if the operatives would just secure that of their
masters. How often was this promise pleaded in
bar of proceeding with Coin-Law Repeal before
the suffrage was conferred on the many ? Such
feelings will probably reawaken amongst organised
numbers meeting for consultation; and assuredly
the ten-pound householders ought to leave no
wound like this to fester in the hour of danger.