The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-04 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, APRIL 4, 1854.

If the performances of Air. "GfADSTONE in any
degree correspond with his promises, he will be
regarded as a very great man by posterity. Nor
will the gratitttle of future generations be un-
merited by one who has so strenuously exerted
himself to diminish their liabilities. Bat there
are unfortunately two shies to be heard, and the
policy which is so very advantageous to the coming
men, cannot unfortunately bo equally beneficial to
those at present engaged in the struggle for ex-
istence. The Right Honourable Gentleman made
an energetic appeal to the House of Commons to
induce it, on behalf of the people generally, to
make a resolute attearpt " to defray the charaes
of the coming war." H.) earnestly i nquired whether
it would be just, whether it would be manly,
whether it would be worthy of the wealth and
power of England, that we should charge these
burdens on our posterity ? The interrogatory
was one of very great importance, requiring calm
and mature consideration before suitable answers
could be returned. The responses should not be
hastily given, or while influenced by the enthu-
siasm of the moment. We must carefully reflect
on the causes of the war ; and, whether it is
undertaken to suit the purposes of the present
generation, or to avert the necessity of a more
protracted, a moreexponsive; and a more perilous
contest, in which those: very descendants vrill have
to struggle for their liberties, religion, and exist-
ence, to prevent Cossack domination and despotic
power, the propagation of the " orthodox faith"
at the point of the sword, and the wholesale
destruction of every adult male, either in manly
opposition to the barbarian cohorts, or by
a more protracted, but by no means less certain,
doom, while serving in the ranks of their op-
pressors, compelled to a fight in a cause that they
detested, and under a banner they repudiated.
We resist the possession or occupation of Constan-
tinople and the Turkish dominions in Europe by
Russia, simply because it would enable her to
realise her wildest dreams of universal domination
at least so far as the old world is concerned.
The class of which Mr. BRIGHT is a representa-
tive do not feel this. They know full well that
the possession of Stamboul and the adjacent
country, coupled with the key to the Elaine, and
a commanding force in the Mediterranean, would
be regarded by NICHOLAS as a very fair stage on
which he might rest contented for some years,
during which cotton-spinning would flourish,
while their own children might emigrate with
the wealth gained during the interval, and seek
a congenial home among the drab-coated brethren
of Pennsylvania. Bat thi, is not the feeling of the
great body of the people. They are still PrePa"
trotaga. MIX Of tom. *µd just 4cl

at any risk to hand • down to their children the
inheritance to which they may succeed, as secure
and unsullied as they themselves received it from
their forefathers. It is for this purpose that they
rapturously responded to the Declaration of War ;
that they have enthusiastically accepted all its
risks and responsibilities, and that they are even
now willing to undertake burdens under which
it is by no means improbable that they may
eventually sink.
But is-it well "to spur a free horse to death"
to take advantage of the liberal and generous
spirit to press unfair demands,- or to claim more
than could equitably be required ? We name it
on high authority, that the war has not been oc-
casioned by any motives of aggrandisement, or
designs of ambition. We believe even Mr.
GLADSTONE will not contest the point, or deny
that it is chiefly, if not altogether, on behalf of the
rising generation, and in defence of their real
interests, that we have entered ou the contest.
Why, then, we ask, should not some portion, at
least, of the outlay be charged to posterity ? It
is surely enough for the present time to defray
the interests of the public debt, and the ordinary
charges for the maintenance of the National
Establishments, without being expected also to
bear, at the very moment of incidence, all the
expenses of a war solely undertaken in the
interest of posterity !
But this by no means shows the extent of the
evil or the magnitude of the burden which our
Financial Minister imposes on the shoulders of
that patient animal
" JOHN Bum." Not only
are we to defray the ordinary expenditure of the
country, and the extraordinary expenses of the
war, but we are at the same time to satisfy a large
sum (no less than eight millions sterling) of the
principal of the debts createl by our progenitors,
and to extinguish so much of the national liabili-
ties. This is unquestionably going beyond ex-
isting precedent. Never was such an attempt
previously made. Most assuredly when the
project for the Conversion of the South Sea
and other comparatively small stocks, was
promulgated, the Chancellor of the Exchequer never
anticipated having to provide for the demands
of dissentients to the amount of 8,000,0001.
sterling, and being compelled to draw on the Ex-
chequer balances for that large amount. To con-
cede the possibility for a moment would be to at-
tribute to the Right Hon. Gentleman what his
worst enemies never dared to assert. That there
was an absence of caution it is impossible to deny ;
but we believe that the energy and determination
then exhibited afforded hopes of obtaining an
ample equivalent at another time, from a person
who had thus decisively disregarded the trammels
of " red tapism." To think otherwise would be
to brand one whose honour had never been im-
peached as a " Russian agent," rather than an
" English Minister." We do not for a moment
impute sinister motives. It is the mistake
of the head, and not of the heart, of which we are
complaining. But why, then, has not due pro-
vision been made for the change so as to replace
the Exchequer balances in the same position as
they stood before the ill-advised attempt ? If we
are net to liquidate the claims of the dissentients,
why are not the equivalents offered to be placed
to the credit of the Treasury, and sold from time
to time for the benefit Of-the community ? Then
we should meet a certain loss of a million or
twelve thousand pounds, but we would know the
worst, and not be compelled to increase our stakes
on what is manifestly a losing game. Every other
nation in any degree concerned " takes time by the
forelock," and endeavours to make due provision fur
the war in anticipation. We alone disregard the
obvious precaution, and in the very plenitude of
confidence, the wantonness of prodigality, in au-
gurating hostilities by au attempt to p off eight
millions sterling. Is this reasonable ? Is it
politic ? Is it just ? Or, is it, the very excess of
recklessness to place such a charge on a nation
afflicted with a string.nit monetary cede ? If a
fztteted currency be inconsistent with free trade,
it is much more so with a contest in which we
have the most powerful nation on earth as our
opponent. An adversary, too, as unscrupulous as
it is powerful.

It will be matter for deep regret if the Settle-
ment and Removal Bill be defeated or postponed
through Irish jealousy or party tactics. Like the
great Whig measure of 1832, • to which this is
but a sequel, and which was so cordially accepted
by the Duke of WELLINGTON, the present question
is one which, however strong the temptation,
every man of right feeling ought to keep sacredly
aloof from party politics ; and-we are happy to
believe that the cause of the :poor-is generally felt
to be far too grave and important a matter to
become a subject of political strife. The necessi-
tous poor are the legacy of long civilisation, a
permanent charge on an,advanced state of society ;
and the problem for us all is, not merely to cul-
vate, in our working classes, the self-reliance,
energy, and providence which will save them from
depending on legal relief, but also to make the
necessary adjuncts to such relief as little annoy-
ing and oppressive to the necessitous man as pos-
:-,ible. We quite concur with the best thinkers
on the subject, in believing that the abolition of
the power of compulsory removal would serve
both objects. It would make labour frqe of the
whole country—enable the working man, without
apprehension, to migrate whit hersoever a third-
class carri%ge or a steerage in the steam-b at could
take him would thus perfectly adapt the
labour supply to the labour demand—and for
these reasons would moat certainly diminish ulti-
mately the general pauperism of the kingdom. A
few parishes may be able, for the first few years,
tofairPlymt,hurceowns°rae upon
the
instanm.cei of paupers not very
but in the next few
years some of their own destitute poor will be pro-
bably receiving relief from other unions. Mean-
time, labour is the very life-blood of the nation,
and, by its freest possible circulation, every part
of the social body will best receive its due nourish-
ment, and the whole system be better able to bear
its burdens.

We would put it, then, to. the Irish members
whether they have dope quite.wisely in checking
the progress of the measure, and whether they
will not do yet more unwisely if they further ob-
struct it on the plea of justice to Ireland. We
cordially sympathise with their anxiety to place
the Irish in England on a level with the English
themselves. Every consideration of humanity and
They could nct state
justice is on thnr side.
their own better than
Lord PALMERSTON did
sentiment s , that svliere any man,
it for them, and they may be sure that the gene-
ral English
English, Irish, or Chinese if they will, spends the
i
days of his strength in labour advautagemis to
those who employ him,
there he ought to be able
to claim relief in unavoidable calamity and desti-
tution. All that is asked by the more intelligent
and benevolent members of the Rouse is, a little
leisure to arrange, so that the Irish pauperism
relieved in England shall be bona Me the
pauperism of the Irish labour which England
has employe& The fears of Liverpool, Bris-
tol, and Maryleboneon this head may be ground-
less ; if they be so, either a little examination
may show it, or defensive provisions, if enacted,
would be inoperative from want of occasion to
enforce them.

Mr. MAGUIRE despaired of obtaining justice for
Irish paupers, if English paupers obtained it first,
and warned the Irish members "not to forfeit
the power they now had of putting the screw on
Government." We would strongly counsel, in
the interest of the Irish themselves, a more gene-
rous policy. 21,1cgland has borne now for huudrecia
of the iourjoii °S poor lan, 44 ita Inor the