The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

The Orange flag is unfurled. Sir Thomas Acland's notice of motion
to rescind the resolutions of the last House of Commons, upon which
the Appropriation Clause was founded, places the violent designs of the
predominant section of the Tories beyond all question. If we are to
be blessed with another draught of Toryism, it is clear we are to have
no mild decoction of it, such as the Duke of Wellington, or Sir Robert
Peel, if allowed to have a will of his own, would be disposed to indulge
vs with. We are to have the pure alcohol burning from the Chandos
still, and fit for the lips of the most rampant Orangeman in Ireland. We
always regarded the question between Whig aud Tory as tantamount
to the question of peace or war with Ireland. When two or three
wrongheaded Radicals exclaimed that there was no difference
between the two parties, we always replied that the difference
was as large as a third of the empire—that the interval
was wide enough to hold the peace and welfare of seven or eight
millions of her Majesty's loyal subjects. Were we right, or were we
wrong ? Is there now an individual out of his cradle, or out of Bed-
lam, who does not see as plainly as he sees the sun on the meridian
that the nation of a Tory Government in Ireland upon any but the
most bigotted aud most outrageous Orange principles is the idlest of
chimeras ? War with Ireland is as evidently the Tory motto as if
the words had been blazoned in orange and purple characters over the
head of Lord Chandos in the Tailors' Hall. It is not enough that
the reform of every Irish abuse shall be firmly resisted; it is not
enough that every oppression under which Ireland groans and labours
shall be religiously maintained ; it is not enough that to that country
the Reform Bill shall be a cruel and insulting mockery ; that England
and Scotland shall enjoy municipal rights and liberties, while to Ire-
land they are obstinately and contumeliously denied; it is not enough
even that the burden of the Irish Church—that mightiest grievance that
ever scourged a people—shall be guarded with pious horror from the
slightest mitigation or reduction. No! There is a still further length
which Tory insolence and despotism has yet to go, and to which it is
now declared that it is the resolution of this destructive party to push
their schemes : if there exists amongst the records of the British Parlia-
ment but a bare and solitary recognition of a just principle and a kindly
spirit :against that principle this ruthless and unblushing party wages
battle; against that spirit they desperately array themselves, and pro-
pose no milder foundation for their power than a solemn protest not
only against the concession of the smallest particle of justice to
Ireland, but against so much as the naked acknowledgment of a feel-
ing of sympathy with the gigantic wrongs of that portion of the empire.
Are we sorry that the enemy has made this demonstration ? We re-
joice at it. We always believed that the traequillity of Ireland was in-
compatible with their return to power. Now all doubt upon the subject
is removed. We always thought that the union and strength of the
empire were irreconcileable with their ascendancy in office. Now we
have the proof of it before us, written with a sunbeam, in Sir T. Acland'a
proposed motion. What man is there breathing, with one idea to jostle
against another, and not still reeking with the intemperance of Satur-
day's banquet, who will gravely assert the possibility of conducting the
affairs of the British dominions steadily and prosperously upon the
principle of the open, naked, insolent, thoroughpaced contempt for
Irish feeling evinced in the plan which the Tories have now nnfolded?
Brave candidates these for office and power! Fine recommenda.
tions they produce to the favour of a nation every interest
of which is wrapped up in the preservation of order and
tranquility ! Only restore the Tories to office, and they will
bless the United Kingdom with the fairest chances of anarchy and con-
'fusion. - They will single out of the multitude of Irish grievances the
hugest and sorest, and upon that will they take their stand, and the hand
of Reform shall come nigh it. They will make the case of Ireland
their diligent study, to decide where they can plant the heel of oppres-
sion with the best prospect of stinging the people to madness. They
will scrutinize the bitter cup of that cruelly ill-treated country, and if
there be but one drop of sweet mingled in the abundance of the bitter s,
that drop they will extract, and pour it with " the milk of concord into
hell," As Sir Robert Peel ridicules Mr. Fox's principles of Govern-
ment—to consult the wishes and sentiments of the people—we may pre-
sume the Right Hon. Baronet has made up his mind to act upon the op_
posite principle, should the evil genius of Great Britain replace him at the
helm. Sir Robert Peel will consult the aversions and hatreds of the
people! He will shew himself superior to Mr. Fox by following the dic-
tates of Lord Chandos. He puts on again his old cast-off orange suit,
turned up with purple; he is a slave and he must wear his master's li-
very; if SOO Tortes feast him the chameleon cannot do less than take
whatever hue his obliging friends select for him, Orange is Dow the
uniform, and most submissively Sir Robert flames in the brightest tints
of that popular and alluring colour ; struts like a grand master, and
treats the notion of consulting the desires and respecting the feelings of
seven millions of Irishmen with contempt the most supreme and un-
bounded. Sir Robert Peel cannot help it ; he must either be a stark
Orangeman, or a mere cypher. We said all along that to this alterna-
tive he would at last be drives.—Morning Chronicle:
Sir Thomas Acland's motion goes in substance to rescind those resolu_
tions passed by the House of Commons in the month of April, 183.5,
which resolutions—l et, pledged the House of Commons to the applica_
Lion of any so-called " surplus" revenue actually possessed by the
Church in Ireland, " to the general education of all classes of the
people, without distinction of religious persuasion ;" or, in other words,
to the diversion of Church revenues, to the education of Papists, under
the direction, and for the objects and purposes, of their priests-2dly,
put on record as the decided opinion of the House of Commons, that
" no measure upon the subject of tithes in Ireland could lead to a satis-
factory and final adjustment which did not embody the pranciple con-
tained in the foregoing resolution." Experience of the !state of
parties In this country Las proved the impossibility of acting upon
the above resolutions. From the first hour, they have been
regarded by the House of Lords as ingrafting upon any measure which
might have for its aim a re-modelling of the Irish tithe system, such a
principle of downright and wholesale Church robbery, as rendered the
adoption of the policy contained in them altogether inadmissible. In-
stead of facilitating a satisfactory and final adjustment, or being essen.
tial to it, the principle of spoliation " embodied in the above resolu-
tions" has Constituted the grand, if not the only, obstacle to the corn.
pletion of some scheme of settlement which would long ere now have
passed both Houses, to the infinite satisfaction of all well disposed men,
whether Roman Catholic or Protestant, although to the bitter annoy-
ance, no doubt, of those who thrive and fatten on public discord. The
Duke of Wellington has on various occasions in Parliament declared
his anxiety for the peaceable and final adjustment of those ques-
tions, concerning the Church of Ireland, by which the
mind of both countries had been so long disturbed—and law and
property so endangered. There is no part sf the political conduct pur-
sued by that illustrious Duke which has obtained for him louder, or
more ostentatious, eulogies than the announcement of such his patriotic
wishes respecting the Irish Church. We must, therefore, take for
granted that Lord Melbourne deeply feels what the Duke of Wellington
has expressed as a disinterested statesman—a strong desire to remove
the difficulties, or difficulty rather, which impedes the practical solution
of the great question of Irish tithe, and would be rejoiced to see the vile
appropriation clause resolution expunged from the journals of the House
of Commons, let the personal 'consequences be what they might to him.
self and his official colleagues. That consummation, we are happy to
remind Lord Melbourne, is now rendered of the easiest possible fulfil.
merit by the motion of which fair Thomas Aclend has given notice for
this evening. Perhaps no individual in the House of Com.
MODS deserves less (if so little) the name of a party man
than that Hon. Baronet, the popular Member for North Devon.
It is not to be imagined that he would have countenanced, much
more introduced, a motion of this nature from party motives, from
an eagerness to displace a Minister, or to bring an opposition into
office. That conscientious and high-minded gentleman sees nothing
before him, and seeks nothing but the public good alone. Like the

Duke of Wellington, he finds the " damned spot" of the appropriation
clause staining and evenoming the wholesome page of Parliamentary
history, and makes a ♦irtuous effort:to expunge it. He is aware that
it, and nothing else, obstructs so much of the tranquillity of Ireland as
depends in a settlement of the tithe question, and therefor• strives to
annual and obliterate that single declaration of a former House of Com.
mons, which so long as it rests upon the journals, must affix a
character of de,fectiecness and disappointment to whatever measure may
be passed into a law, but which does " not embody the principle" of
despoiling the Church. The motion of Sir Thomas Acland, therefore, is
essentially one of kindness mid conciliation, for furthering the progress
of tithe reform, and removing a great stumbling block from the path of
internal concord. Whether it will be so construed and accepted by the
Queen's responsible advisers is a doubt which we are unable to satisfy.
If these despised men dream of no world beyond the precincts of Down-

ing.street, and still feel the pressure of their sordid pledge, delivered in
April, 1835, we suspect they will oppose Sir Thomas Acland's motion.
They may say that the appropriation clause binds none but a defunct
House of Commons. That is not true. It affects and characterizes the
policy of the present House of Commons to this extent—viz., that so

long as the House of Commons of 1838 leaves untouched and recorded
upon the Journals one or more resolutions passed by the House of
Commons in 1855 relating to, and prescribing a certain course
of action, in a question upon which the existing House of Commons is
actually about to legislate, it is impossible that the people of either
country, whether friends or enemies of the Established Church, should
regard any tithe measure now brought forward by the Melbourne Mi-
nisters otherwise than with reference to the resolutions of 1835, which
are left designedly unrescinded, and to be governed by those resolutions,
according to which we are therefore to expect, that whatever Bill is
now brought in, is by Ministers themselves looked upon as an incom_
plete measure—as a mere foundation on which the edifice of Church
robbery is hereafter to be erected—a mere "instalment " of that Church
ruin which is hereafter to be paid off in full. This argument, we say,
is unanswerable, and is incapable of addition. If Ministers now
refuse to rescind the spoliatory resolutions of 1835, it can be for
no other reason than that they mean to hold out to the Irish
priesthood a pledge to act upon them at the first convenient
opportunity. They are plainly conscious that without a re_
peal of those resolutions no Irish Tithe Bill will ever pm,
Against the repeal of the appropriation-clause resolutions, form-
ing as they do the sole barrier against a final and effective Church Bill

for Ireland, no shadow of a motive can be assigned but that of keeping
the Melbourne Cabinet in office. It is therefore manifestly in this base
Cabinet that we discover the exclusive obstacle to a "satisfactory ad.
justraent" of the tithe question in Ireland. Lit that be well under.
stood. It is the downright truth. Let the people of England ponder

it, and let the great Conservative Opposition in the House of Com-
mons—the most unexampled for numerical and moral power that ever
sat in any British Parliament—follow up its proceeding elsewhere, by
deepening this death-wound of the public enemy, until they fall to the
earth an unhallowed monument of political worthlessness and weakness,
a theme of astonishment that in an enlightened nation such a gang of
adventurers were not brought to condign punishment sooner, or that
they were not strangled on first coming into life.—Times.
Sir Thomas Acland's motion, to rescind the discreditably memorable
appropriation resolutions, stands for this evening. From the tone_.
half bullying and half whinning—in which some of the Ministerial
journals have alluded to the intended motion, we may easily collect the
alarm with which it is viewed in Downing-street. Need we remind
the Conservative Members of the necessity of mustering in their
strength, and supporting the motion like men determined to do their
duty towards the Church and Constitution, which they have been ap-
pointed to defend—having inscribed upon their banners—" No compro-
rnise ?" A Ministerial paper says— This assault is to be regarded as
the 11rst demonstration of the new policy of attack. The compro-
mise system is to be abandoned. The Duke of Wellington's pro.
claimed disposition to settle the questions in dispute upon fair conces.
sions, is no longer to be treated even with the pretences and the cere.
monies of respect." So then the Fabian, or rather the Espartero, policy
of the greater part of the Session, which our respected contemporary
the Standard informed us was adopted to prevent the necessity of a
compromise of Conservative principles, has been regarded by Govern.
ment partisans as evidence of an intention on the part of the Conserva-
tives to compromise the great questions on which the destinies of
the British empire depend ! And they call the Duke of Wellington
to the rescue of the Government, that, for the purpose of displacing
the Duke and Sir Robert Peel, agreed to sacrifice to O'Connel our
noblest and most sacred institutions. We hope "the 310" will be
at their post to indignantly refute the charge of being, at least in-
tentional, accomplices to any such disgraceful compromise.—Morning
Herald.

It may strike a casual observer, that in the frequent and lengthy
notices which we have already conceived it is our duty to take of the
National Loan Fund Society," in order to make that portion of the
public for whose advantage it is peculiarly adapted, and whose interests
it is calculated to promote, thoroughly acquainted with th• principles
which distinguish the plan upon which it is based, that we have thrown
away more than sufficient space and labour upon the subject ; but to
those who have at all made themselves familiar with the great object to
be achieved, both as regards the increase of morality and the diminution
of the manifold ills which improvidence inflicts upon humanity, we will
be thought rather to have fallen short in the accomplishment of our
task, than liable to the imputation of re-discussing a question the
merits of which are now perfectly understood, and every argu-
ment connected with it completely exhausted. Long before Mr,
Lambe Murray promulgated his views to the public upon
this subject, it had struck ourselves foralY that MO in.

. _
' stitution - of the kind 'was a desideratum which the wants
of the major portion of society—of that portion which is the most
numerous and least attended to, loudly demanded. The exalted and
wealthy have the benefit of numberless banks and insurances offices,
where they may obtain pecuniary accommodation during life, or provide
for their relatives after their demise; but the humbler classes were
wholly without any establishment embracing the three great objects which
the Loan Fund Society triumphantly encompasses. And yet it is surpris-
ing, in a country where, from the freedom of its Constitution, states-
manship has become a science, and legislation grown into a profession,
that a question so momentous, so startling, as that involved in discover-
ing a proper channel into which the surplus wealth of the masses Might
safely flow, and which would in time accinnulate into an immense seas for
the alleviation of human misery, as well as for affording an opportunity
for the developement of those virtues in quarters where
they are sur
posed not to exist, because they are not manifested, should be left to
the penetrating mind and enterprising genius of a private individual.
Political economists and philosophers have, since the earliest period of
the world, been perfectly aware of the danger of allowing the savings °f
the working portion of society to find their way into improper hands.
and of the vast advantages which might result to a State from the pru-.
dent application of a part of the profits derived from such an investment
In Duhalde's " History of China" we find that not only were the people
of that country materially served by this system, but that the Govern-
ment found it also a source of immense revenue. In modern time, We
know that Frederick the Great reclaimed Silesia, and Buonaparle
succeeded in founding a benevolent institution in France, by
the reproductive savings of the working classes ; nay, the
great Bank of Amsterdam is the offspring of the same P3'
rent, which disseminated the practical knowledge of banking_
throughout Europe. The necessity of some institution like that of
which we are now treating was long since felt in this country, and led
to the establishment of Queen's Anne's charitable corporations, the
funds of which afterwards, owing to the want of proper precaution, ulti-
mately merged into the Bank of England. In Ireland the Government
Loan Fund, even with a capital not exceeding 60,0001., has been foil"
to work miracles in the shape of social improvement, and in mUltiPlYiSaff
the comforts of a people who suffer more perhaps than any other in tug
world, in consequence of the want of capital, where a trifling capital can
be made to yield one hundred-fold. The following short extract to the
London Board from the Local Directors in Thurles, a small but thriving
town in Tipperary, will be read with much interest, and is published by
us with much satisfaction, both as it demonstrates the advantages result-
ing from the principle of loan funds, and also places in bold
relief the obligations which the Irish people owe the " Agricultural,
and Commercial Bank," an establishment which, amidst many °b"
stacles and discouragements, has conferred incalculable services upon
the country, and is now, thanks to the joint stock principle of bankinf,
in a condition to add to them :—" Taking it as a fact that the opera-
Lions this year (1E37) were rather of an experimental nature, and
therefore exceedingly limited, your Treasurer feels much gratified
in
stating that their success has equalled his most sanguine expeetstion;
With a paid subscription of 301. 10s., and by the liberality or
the Agricultural Bank in lending to your Treasurer any sums he
might want on his own personal responsibility, 1,2631, were dig-
tributed in 594 small loans, all of which, to the great honour
of the borrowers be it recorded, has been paid with the striote"',
punctuality. The moral honesty evinced by the class who .13'
tained relief from this society is indeed very laudable, and a proof
sitive that capital may be introduced with safety among them. A'
to the benefits derived from these small loans, they have been
almost incredible. Many instances can be adduced where the profits
realised have doubled and trebled the sums lent. In one case, 11,
profit arose from a 31. loan. Besides the stimulus thus given to in-
dustry, those loans encourage virtue, and are a reward for good conduct
The divine may preach to the drunkard, the quarreller, or the rioter;
the authorities may inflict penalties on them; but the sentence of tle
Loan Fund Committee, passed in open Court, before hundreds of his
meritorious townsmen, against the drunkard, rioter, or quarreller, that:
he shall get no loan (because he is such), has often proved more power
ful than divine or human laws in effecting his reclamation." licre
have convincing proof of the advantage arising from a well-regula's-
Loan Fund; but how much superior for the individual and the Eaeril-
hers of his family, is the plan of the National Loan S'nrietrl
which gives him the option of providing for infirmity and °
age by way of annuity, of borrowing two-thirds of the sum irl/e6tea
in case of misfortune or sickness, or, should he be cut off by dea—o th
i
of leaving, by an insurance upon his life, his 'family the mean' -
support. The Savings Banks have rendered some service to the e°nln-
munity, but then the interest is comparatively so insignificant, coupled
with restrictions which make it impossible for anything like a consider
m
able sum to be lodged by an individual, that they can never so einh„rt
all classes as to become generally useful as :places of deposit. -"-
wealthy, therefore, will never have recourse to them, while to the 11".1-
bier classes they are little better than what their title describes thetaltl
namely, depositories for their savings, as the trifling interest hold' °u
but a small temptation to prudence and frugality ; neither should it 4..,
.'nis
together be forgotten, the danger which may one day occur by suilloa
an immense capital to accumulate, which may be demanded in a temp
racy excitement by a clamouring multitude. This latter view °I: sass
matter we know is one which more properly concerns th• politicissa ta's
the commercial speculator ; still we cannot overlook it in a discussOn pz
this nature. Benefit Societies are, unquestionably, in their way,of
para-
mount utility, as a provision is made against sickness ; but
do they deal with the healthy and industrious man, who may have Tb!
subscribing to such an association for years, and yet by some accident
deprived of life in a moment, or find himself, by some unforesecalcir-
cumstance, reduced to abject misery. In the one case, he could not I
the consolation of knowing that the sums he had for years paid out, °a
s%
savings would now to a certain extent be available for the relief of
family; nor, in the other, could he fly for succour, and withdraw a,trez.
tion of that sum to alleviate his distress, which he had subscribed if
days of his comparative independence. To the operative, or labouring'
man, struggling through the stormy ocean of life, the prospect of Wecnog..
ing a calm and comfortable old age, which the annuity sYsten° raesTer
nizes, must be at once cheering and delightful, as pointing to a
how untairin,,
which even the lofty of this world are but too happy to reach.
again revert to this subject, which is of great importance to the Xs: ;E.*
l.
generally, but more especially to the working classes and tbo6o
connected with Benefit Societies —Morning Advertiser.