The Sun.
London, England, 1853-06-15 00:00:00

lAIPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.)
THE SLAVE LAW OF SOUTH CAROLINA.
Lord BEAUMONT moved for papers on the subject
of the detaining of coloured seamen and others, being
British subjects, on their touching in South Caroliria,
and he called the attention of their lordships to the
subject. _

The Earl of CLARENDON expressed his regret that
such a grievance existed, and that all attempts to re-
move it had failed. He assented to the production of
the papers, though he feared that it would do little good,
but he trusted to renewed remonstrance and to time to
remedy the evil.

Their lordships immediately afterwards adjourned,

110 USE OF COMMONS-.-(YESTERDAY.
HARWICH ELECTION.

Sir J. TYRELL moved kthat the Speaker do issue
his warrant to the Clerk of the Crown to make out a
new writ for the electing of a burgess to serve in this
present Parliament for the borough of Harwich, in
the room of George Montagu Warren Peacocke, Esq.,
whose election has been determined to be void.
Sir R. H. INGLIS argued that the house had no
right to withhold the writ, because the committee which
had already sat upon the subject, bad reported that no-
thing had come out in evidence to justify the suspension
of the writ.

Lord J. RUSSELL could not agree with his honour.
able friend that the house had no right to suspend the
writ, because the house had exercised such a right since
the period of the revolution. However, the question
which the house had now to decide was this—ought they
to make Harwich an exception to the other cases which
the house had disposed of this session. The chairman
of the committee which had sat upon the petition was of
opinion that nothing had been proved to justify
their withholding the writ, but how was that ? (Hear,
hear.) Why, the witnesses who could have proved
extensive bribery, absconded, and the inquiry was
therefore stifled. That was a strong reason why there
should be a further investigation, and he was ready to
vote either for that inquiry, or for a bill to disfranchise
the borough, which he thought ought to be done for the
sake of the character of the house. (Cheers.) In the
meantime, however, the writ ought to issue.
Mr. WADDINGTON supported the issue of the wr
The house then divided.
For the motion
Against it

247
102

Majority
THE BALLOT

Mr. M. CHAMBERS presented a petition from Green-
wich, and Sir J. V. SHELLEY three petitions from West-
minster, in favour of vote by ballot.
Mr. H. BERKELEY said he rose, pursuant to notice,
to ask leave to bring in a bill to give to the electors of
Great Britain and Ireland the protection of the ballot.
When Lord Aberdeen's Ministry announced to the country
their intention to bring forward a measure of reform, he
ho had hoped that the ballot might be a component part
of their scheme, and that they would have deemed it ne-
cessary to protect the consciences and the persons, the
minds, and the bodies of, electors, by the ballot. But
hav,ing had a distinct intimation in the addresses of Lord
John Russell and Sir James Graham to their constituents,
that they were determined not to have anything to do
with that measure, he, under a strong sense of duty, and
by the counsel of friends for whose judgment he enter-
tained a great respect, had deemed it necessary to ask per-
mission to legislate on that subject. When he last ad-
dressed a House of Commons on that question, it was on
the eve of a general election. ,Lord Derby had determined
to throw himself on the country ; and perhaps that might
have suggested to Mr. Dickens the' strange idea of Lord
Coodle throwing ',himself on the country in the shape of
sovereigns and beer. (Great laughter.) The hangers-on of
the two factions were on the alert. The springs for
moving the constituencies were put in order ; and they,
had it in evidnco that gentlemen high in office—for in-
stance, the Right Hon. Wm. Beresford—had taken counsel
with Mr. Frail, of Derby notoriety, no doubt for the pur-
pose of securing the purity of the great Tory party ; at the
same time they had ocular demonstration that the Right
Hon. Wm. Goodenough Hayter might be seen taking
counsel with Mr. Coppock, of St. Albans celebrity,' no
doubt for the purpose of securing the same laudable result
for his party. (Cheers and laughter.) They had evidence
that the inasquarade shops had been ransacked ; that wigs,
spectacles, and disguised had been put in requisition—that
aliases and alibis 'were in vogue—(hear, hear)—and all this
to usher in with due solemnity England's great septennial
saturnalia, and to do honour to that freedom of election
in which her Majesty's Cabinet Ministers would seem so
greatly to rejoice. (Cheers and laughter.) At that time
he raised his feeble voice to point out to the house the
gathering storm. He endeavoured to show that England
was about to place herself in a position disgraceful to a
Christian country in the eyes of Europe. Two hundred
years ago, old John Evelyn had made the same
complaint, almost in precisely the same words. He
spoke of " the confused, debauched, and riotous manner
of electing members qualified to become representatives
of a nation," and said that elections more resembled a
Pagan bacchanalia than an assembly of sober and, Chris-
tian men. (Hear, hear.) Was it not a disgraceful
fact, that after the lapse of 200 years, with the march
of intellect, the increase of intelligence, the progress
of education, and the ceremony, not to say the mockery of
a reform bill, those very evils still formed the earnest com-
plaint of every honest man, from Dover to Inverness, from
the Cove of Cork to the Giant's Causeway? (Hear, hear.)
Some 40 years after John Evelyn had made this complaint,
another great reformer arose, and attacked the same evils
which Evelyn had deplored—Daniel De Foe ; and he
pointed out the ballot as the remedy. His writings must
have taken great effect on the public of that day; for the
House of. Commons passed a bill to make the ballot the
mode of electing members of Parliament, but it was re-
jected by the Lords, who of course refused to lay the axe
to the root of their own unconstitutional influence. Well,
our great Pagan bacchanalia had passed over, and left the
nation staggering under its effect. A great struggle had
taken place, in which tyranny with its iron heel had
crushed in the dust the liberty of the elector, through
means of our existing electoral system; bribery`and inti-
midation had gone hand in hand to complete the work of
general demoralisation. When ho (Mr. Berkeley) last spoke
he warned the house that flocks of low attorneys, the means
by which the House of Lords returned their nominees to
the House of Commons, were hovering over the land—
(cheers)—like the harpies of old, seeking to pounce upon
and defile the banquet spread before them. (Cheers.)
Those flocks of attorneys were new gorged, sated, rumi-
nating upon the past enjoyment of unlimited expenditure
and untaxed bills—(loud cheers and laughter)—or re-
pluming themselves for another fight, allured by the pros-
pect of a hundred teeming election petitions up stairs,
involving the outlay of some 200,0001., of which those
gentlemen expected, and no doubt would obtain, the lion's
share. (Cheers.) Such were some of the consequences of
our glorious electoral system, that system of which we
were so proud, which was so manly, so English— so es-
pecially English, that other nations repudiated it. (Cheers.)
The honest portion of the electors themselves hated and
detested it, for it was to them a system of humiliation and
disgrace, and at a general election they suffered under
what might be appropriately termed a reign of terror.
(Hear.) While they hated and detested this system, a
majority of the elected were determined to abide by it ;
thus showing to demonstration that they were not elected
by the voice of the electors, but by a power which con-
trolled that voice. The evils of the system wore twofold;
they consisted in bribery, including treating and intimida-
tion. That house had made many futile attempts to put
down bribery; all its efforts had been addressed to that
point;; no effort had been made to put down intimidation.
They compelled their committees to take an anomalous
and inconsistent course ; they forced them to turn out of
that house members who were perfectly innocent of bribery
themselves, because some agent, either through gross cu-
pidity, or the greatest rascality and treachery, had either
given some venal elector a couple of pounds, or had
drenched some beast with a gallon of beer. (Laughter.)'
While thus intent on purity of election, they equally per-
mitted candidates, candidates' friends, and candidates'
agents, to drive their tenants to the poll, there to falsify
'lei-

aeir consciences and to ,give a dishonest vote. (Hear,
near.) They permitted customers to compel tradesmen t(
vote under pain of ruin. (Hear, hear.) They permitted
creditors to drive their debtors to the poll or to prison,
'Cheers.) They permitted masters to discharge their scr-
_

wants ; and they Permitted a reign of terror to pervade the
country from one end to the other. (Hear, hear.) That
was straining at the gnat and swallowing the camel. Inti-
midation was the giant malady of our electoral system ; in
comparison with it, bribery was but a puny dwarf. The
action of bribery was simple ; they purchased a man's con-
science, and commanded his vote. Though bribery was
indefensible, there might be redeeming features in it. He
had known a workman redeem from pawn his box of tools
through receiving an election bribe. He had known me-
dical aid furnished to an ailing family through an election
bribe. But what redeeming feature was there in intimi-
dation ? (Hear.) Its action
was complex ; its effects were
manifold. Its weapons were punishment; and it worked
by that far-famed instrument, wholly and solely English
in its invention and application, the election screw. Need
he tell the house what the election screw was, and how it
worked? (Cheers.) It was a power which the elector
could not resist. It commenced with an inquisition into
his private affairs, worthy of a Fouche or a Vidocq, carried
on by the election agents • and when, by means of this
severe inquisition, his liabilities and misfortunes were laid
bare, the power became clear by which ho might be acted
upon. The working of the system was to twist from the
free, manly, and independent Englishman a dishonest vote.
(Hear.) Fourteen years ago, in seconding Mr. Grote's mo-
tion, ho had demonstrated at some length on the mischiefs
of the election screw, and he would state a few instances
which he then gathered front the canvassing book of elec-
tion agents. These books contained the names of the elec-
tors, either printed, lithographed, or in manuscript, with
their residences and avocations, against which was left a
margin for the experienced agent to enter his remarks.
The following were some of them : " John So-and-so,
publican, votes against us. Mem.—Put the screw on him
through Mr. So-and-so, the spirit merchant, with whom
he is in arrears." (Cheers and laughter.) " Thomas So-and.
so, beershop-keeper, refuses to promise. Mem.— Canvass
him in company with Mr. So-and-so, the licensing magis-
trate." (Laughter.) ".Peter So-and-so, cheescmongcr,
splits his vote. Mem.— Put the cheesefactor upon him to
make him plump." (Laughter.) " Abel So-and-so, tailor,
votes against us. Mem.—Makes Sir Thomas So-and-so's
liveries; apply to Sir Thomas to compel him to split, or not
vote at all.' (Laughter.) He could add instances of h.
kind ad infinitum, with the names of the parties; an d,lf
he were before an election committee, he could callan
evi-
dence to prove the existence of that election screw to
the
extent scarcely credible—certainly not believedaro by
For one
hon. members who opposed that motion. (
case of bribery, there were 5,000 es of intimidation.
It was ramified through every grad©
man was brought more or less to screwhis neighbour.
The committees took a course that appeared anomalouseasof society soety ; every
and ridiculous, if their object WW3 Purity of election;

ink
for though taking cognizance of bribly esl°Gfeereie
dation, and physical force leading to,, °_7e7.ationcfogee
they passed by this screw. Though its °reeler et nee
fore them as a matter of course, yet as s resee ieee
they must pass over it, for there was ne,ll7,o,Feeeg„
could wield against it. This was remade` in them,
in the Clitheroe committee. They referfeuu, eat sea'
to bribery and physical force intimidate; frif„,e.e
word of that more deadly intimidation hetLich eenvel
small farmer out of his barn or his house, ;at ere ,nTe
tradesmen, or put the debtor in prison• the °Di 11'
tiP°3
ld
a letter ()fele
tbuygncootmfeienlgauutnhdoerristehde
tnoarmepeoorft the seret.v7/,, bee lee
screw acted at Clitheroe, he would reads forthal
thisee- °i
tion agent, who hired another election se' -
ler, the 4e4,1
pose, and the sole purpose of putting
vhe
It was a letter from one William , eeeere yi
Mr. Matthew Wilson, the sitting merenere„enise
ton, a farmer, who it appeared was grib"to; A114:1;;
great influence with poachers and prieengee /len t
abneednbeatampered
lewict
vice of Mr. Wilson, and altogether reieeewesee
tohrsto,
boubttiatinseammeodh47ti`wulerreaselore%',-,-1
That letter was as follows :—" Dear 9i,re of Jane, 'ffe
obliged to you for your letter of tho eeter.
your kind exertions on the of , the
Jeo
vote that we can get will Wanted,beana ae
be glad to hear of any addition to our._'_etre;nob.eisitib''''';
Watson, of Brownlow, has notyet pronnsystill -
lc°,''cL
we expect he will vote for Mr.
you, wi4, perhaps, get a definite proton direeesvee
ting on the screw with their tenants iller, roula,),e-•
we Lutist do the same in self-defence. ilas' a eeseloiv,„,
tenants voters? Mr. Sutcliffe Witham / bold
who is all right, and a Tomlinson whole-L.100os?
to see ; in fact, any one you have any 'Last e'rl,o
course you must charge sue with your,_lX
and loss of time, whiCh I shall he g'iage.--dee*
thanks, believe me yours truly, W. ee as 11'9-tie'
1852, Clitheroe." If these electors we
eeeterne4e
rabbits they could not be spoken of nic)re.coreot.,,ee.
and the mode of handling buck-rabbits weet with w, e'
(105.,
of the mode in which these gentlemen Ts e
tors. (Hear. hear.) They took them her theerio.ei °!,,e
ferred them from one side to the other, tonaytV'
plaint or resistance from the docileeh
(Laughter.) Was this a stateof things sc: ,„plite/
nation should suffer without attempting to s°o r
But against intimidation they had el° re—t hoes• e
He defied the'most astute member of that heed
e 4 ;
out anything like a remedy for it. (fief they 1'1°0"
was no remedy but the ballot ; „vent °oleic-
(Cheers.) They could make no law to Pleage, dee
from ejecting a tenant-at-will when he Poo fL
lord was not obliged to assign his
and they could not make him assign 9'lollcl
pass no law to prevent that. They . eteiseete
law to prevent a customer from ehanginre irarjot.
as often as he pleased ; it was utter.74oo gte
make a law to prevent that. They couldkeitu'll /ea,
day the judgment creditor, and prevent bite i°• 4hi
his debtor either into the polling-booth „•elee, 019,
(Hear, hear.) That was utterly irariel 01.
every grade and phase of society they etleploYeale
to compel the employer to keep on th One' 4
what act could they pass to prevent te „Oh
The cases he had referred to were those ntling Keeler
gist of intimidation consisted. Open w the °jig
voter to the influence of persons who, Weieitoolloe
they so obtained, were able to deal out re'eeiseee9.,
ward to the elector. The elective frnitled;,.
wrested from the class that was legally eiliettskelc
was usurped by others, who had no right t° re for 't ,
titularly by peers of the realm, who bets 114
law from interfering in elections for lilt onlied`r
ment. (Cheers.) Secret voting was lei' eels 'gelel
preventing this evil, and he should not hQ., the
V~
on the subject of intimidation, further than
f
y,
e rt oh ein otherosentences—onew
pith
ero
t"imThe •
evil, •t is ty
see said'
°a
elleelv;
the people, but by the way of balloteairaelebie!of
De Foe. " There is no way of storming leeposeo
by making intimidation mechanically I eleint.
claimed George Grote. (Cheers.) His cO/the f'ie
ytothsbteyo the best without/ we
though intimidation was raging through,. a reol,etee'e
epidemic, and though they had as eerten, esol eed
as vaccination was for the small-portethieettle
country the cure. (Hear, hear.) un't
markable in all the speeches of the prey of '49
Lord Aberdeen downwards,— the admissiegeenelt,
‘,lO y
able faults of our electoral system. Thies ere 944 e
made at the eleventh hour. (Hear, le. odeellietso
time almost, those faults had been most 0009
nied. Lord Aberdeen said—" Some sine° eestiee
presentative system is n • and 1113%130'
necessary ,
result of the last election has not been eenct- testPii.
any man more enamoured of the 10°4119 the r
re 09
lordship used that strong expression befo a he ;0/
closures in the committees : What well' pesrelq
(Hear, hear.) When Lord John Russell aLuesey
didate for the suffrages of the electors °fne ; al`6!11/4
ple called on him to give them the ha'tebecleiel
Berkeley) was perfectly ashamed of the
reason which so great a statesman was see,ies°o•ee
to. (Hear, hear.) The gist of what he Ole thslek I
must be perfect equality in our institutionseeeeelpielli
not admit of secret voting in one, unless wreestAtoli
all ; and he illustrated that position in a veef CO%
manner. He said that as the proceedings
were open, so should the proceedings °I rhear•W
members to serve in Parliament. (Hear' ri
9 err
timidated a judge? Who corrupted aJU a, e /
command, by dint of punishment or reVerfir hee,e.,ty
a judge or the verdict of a jury ?
could the publicity of judicial proceedin,ae friall
judge or jury? (Rear, hear.) But they enseetereeeVe
menfary electors Were intimidated, that •eeeernelei
elector 0
rupted, that the decision of the lease eye ,
rgie
fear of punishment and the hope of rows the efl''
publicity of the proceedings led to a fraud °,,e9 estiele4
of the voters. What analogy could therein, in Pep
two cases ? Who could forget the speec'e.tesPei'el,
noble lord at Perth and Leeds ?At perth, eel
had said • that it was true conservatism ne" f 're° ;
just demands of the people.o, „eo,
having its rights as vella Did he nateeyef eitoe
, safer it was to yield those rigshtsalitleirer theieeee,..4,le
they were forced ? 'eyelet dide thennoblel°ll9o,-011
—" I believe that the institutions of this °it
;re
be entirely impracticable—would ent_eeie-leeries'!"
break to pieces in the working of the noir I ev9;el
not for the good sense, the 9:9 • an t r forQ
moderation, that e
wisdom of the People ; but I believe inseelrle9,e.
that moderation, that wisdom, we have 3,4;loe:iv':
future welfare and prosperity of those ine'ffereleeele'
the language of the noble lord was very e9e
opposition and when a member of the,"C of nth
what did lie say whoa he stood for the "lest
Lord J. RUSSELL—AII the addresses, deli
re r
tors of the City of London included, we the ,r?
opposition. 4s lee i"?
Mr. BERKELEY thought that the echireri). eleeleees,i
tors of London was made when the noble tau tesl9oF
the present cabinet. (Oh, oh. It dide.9l%esbefee.•
whether that were so or not, because all t'9
,rof
was that there was a d and aCu (1114
discrepancy 3 ese
the language used by the noble lord on 011 oil el'e
sions. • (Hear.) After extolling the go(49ele lertst#'e9
tion, and wisdom Of the people, the n° evil' etee
fact, to tho electors of London, "'Ole bud
gooseeef,
and See the vote torn from the side of g°'`iiy, oreiy
tiou, and wisdom, and usurped by te,r3,,rl eohleee
and arbitrary conduct. (Hear, hear.) 'eeet they e
that the democracy had its rights, and thaestece pee,
On the good sense of the people or the 01t he f',; fesi
institutions ; but when it came to the P°lenf thelsese;
give them the free and uncontrolled use -the I° 0'11,4
If the noble lord would listen to and heart" ie the eele
the people, he would find them saying that horeelee)
reform the noble lord was the best collar% terei
moment he took office, he became restive, °his
leer " broke his collar, and sat clown °3 to 11)019°''''
(Loud laughter.) He would now toileimo o
which the right hon. gentleman tho Firet berefeeee
miralty delivered at Carlisle. The right 11°9'uI a1fe,,;19
" No man can view with more disgust thawilielleitey
midation, bribery, and corrupt Practices ore' 01111
veiled at elections, and even at the last ge erailf.er
this country. It is cruel when men have eriitlerleest9el
they ought to exercise freely and indepon . t_eeee
landlords or employers to intimidate thene if airy,
for customers to declare to tradesmen thafieed
vote in a particular way they shall be der"thet tertee
It is unworthy of this free count*. 000404
should be exposed to what I hold to 7 VI, +fee
and oppression." (Hear, hear, and peaty Fee
could imagine the upturned faces of weal;
it/
they heard the benign voice of the right
,e beGliebje
man, and that the cry of " Graham for e"aut 01°01
order of the day. (Hear, and laughter.)
ste4"/, to lifeol.
right hon. gentleman was ready to Il;9 do it' ejevi°o°ll
tion, he did not believe the ballot wow thiege
right lion. gentleman did not say that lull., unteeeeeee bi
He had recourse to arguments so weak n:wite
the right hon. gentleman must bo at his
ehterYoolll lat
that was at a considerable distance--( 3,Pthey
used them. The sight hon. baronet sane ehouhoehee
enact in this free country that every te tee
vote in secret, and that without this iv refuse; so'?
found flagrantly inefficient for if' the °but to °le te
• landlort f
his vote openly when asked by his et vote toa
landlord would assume that his seer Jyr. ileteet tbN
against him, and he would act accordinge,4o,
ohoetiitg.
authority did the right hon. gentleman..v...eote coes
could not pass an act requirieg that eeieye eetheoresetpe
taken secretly? (Hear.) -What Priaruli:e to '4f eoal
tion would be violated by enabliug
absence 0,0 ale?
franchise with perfect freedom ana t rode' ,
(Hear.) Those men who would be inoseueee aneeeeleei)
the voter might indeed find their Ineel_'",e,selvee7,e,b (r
dreadfully shocked, but the electors tefsee. (lieees
joice exceedingly if such an act we_reorreutienee!lere , et,e
The second argument of the right ho ;,6 (Laud 016 ,11
• fitable. fate eye
fectly " stale, flat, and unpee „ be i ~,e
thing could be more pharasaical. begot leer
right hon. gentleman, that with
uteekuesee,ea.4ot,,r!,,
have Flewkers and Frails—men of pitch's° ievealtli°
sent down from the Carlton Club. ten
ff thety erest Lee
wholesale in the small constitnenrelee_e°, woulot eee Leer be
no return no pay." He (Mr. I3e lee,.%eeat
ete's `i'pitge.
for the sake of argument. But, to,_llo copeoe;,, (i 4.001
on the other Why, that te fri,th 0 Nee
sent down to oppose the Flewkers
be eieeed .°_,1,001`1013
The Coppocks would no doubt did ucelenejlet
ielio to
heavy purse, and the electors, a. they , I no- s,'
themselves to' the hhest bidder.Buie, woo ,_ eire
uncertain, and Pe°l mejesty „Kee
render the market flee re ce ee
risk their money in that waY•_ large dates
ment were pledged to bring n
fooming /let°
sere
That measure of reform was
0,„ it cote would ago;
(laughter)—but it was so far et iliSt
hter.) Ij° the
by ministerial telescopes. (lee g rge
ild en'3- gear,
See;
that this measure of reform uot
tituences• • ,et ee-jotee
and thus get rid of the small consu,
et. the sen. eeete
If that were so, then the Theargurrteeright
.0
iis:tfi,teirtej
tleman had no force whatever.
wkers And D. 31,0 rag oe,
made a stock in trade of the Fie
ontne. But its Dear'
Peeks and Edwardses, did 9(7'1_15 , which, Veep (iiteef)
these people in the light of
a fga corruPinieey, alseeer.
gave notice of the presence 0 reeterioe
(gear,
optie,
hear.) Let them got rid of t 1
the 3 Of C°ll. the.
would then not suffer from t eve
But they kept a groat weltering eeleeel
au
eeee'oee
and they found fault with the funs ryb
ut In d toe o
(Hear.) Ho would now p hifte an , piton eery t
contrast to these miserable s rd deco' reel 1
_eeo
cabinet ministers the straigbtforwa That hoe it oretaes
Solicitor-General (Sir R. Bothell); bury that the die, to
f Ares" ter or ab ech
gentleman told the electors 0
chaeee wes f
within his power to describe the ,liiotee
_cut.°
of the reform measure which thlfi„t elelerobiesecie ot
introduce, but he must extension tat the ef the f7l 0001,10
a measure ought to bo the yfee the !rico° (each
the next the possession of the haler; end silhos.)lepeee
the voter." Whereupon the ele (Neer' geel Eef
out "Three cheers for the ballot 9. d learnt)
up, .
hon. an • die° of P'ele
then was the opinion of the .4 of ea • ea ee
lei or,
the first counsel in the highest cow the oP s 1,
land. (Hear, hear.) Such was
he e
t
Romilly, the present Master of vice.CbsucljSP
opinion of Mr. Page Wood, 11°Irm.
era t> to
hear.) It was.pleiviant 0 o—v—"