The Sun.
London, England, 1853-04-01 00:00:00

MINT IN NEW SOUTH WALES.

It is hoped by all persons connected with the trade of
Australia, that soon after the re-assembling of Parlia-
ment some definite information will be obtained as to the
position of the question regarding the establishment of a
mint in New South Wales. All that is understood at
present is, that the Home Government will offer no op-
position to the proposal, but will simply enforce a stipu-
lation that the sovereigns and half-sovereigns to be coined
shall have some distinctive mark to denote their place
of origin. The mercantile community, however, are
anxious to know whether any steps are in progress on
this %ide to facilitate the wishes of the colonists, and if
so, whether an opinion can be formed as to the period
when the entire arrangements are likely to be completed.
From the new blue-book just published on the gold dis-
coveries, it appears that on the 12th of August last,
Governor Fitzroy transmitted from Sydney a minute of
the Legislative Council, to the effect that immediate.
steps should be taken for the establishment of a branch
of the Royal Mint at that place, and that it should be
on the largest scale described by Sir John Herschell,
costing 10,0001. for engines and machinery and 20,0001.
for buildings, so that by means of three presses it might
be capable of coining the whole of the probable annual
yield both of New South Wales and Victoria. In this
resolution, which was followed by another, that applica-
tion should be made, through the Secretary of State, to
the Master of the Royal Mint to select the principal
officers and skilled workmen that might be necessary,
the Governor himself concurred, and subsequently, in a
dispatch to Sir John Pakington, dated the 2d of Novem-
ber, he notified that a remittance had been made of
10,0001. "for the purpose of meeting the cost of the
machinery and apparatus to be procured in England."
This 10,000/. was received more than two months ago,
and it would therefore appear that measures for sending
out the requisite articles may not only be in progress
but near completion. Meanwhile, however, a company
is applying for a charter with a view to furnish each of
the colonies with an independent mint by private en-
terprise, and the perplexity of the public as to what is
really intended is proportionably increased. There can be
no objection to such a speculation, but the thing to be
wished is, that whatever may be determined upon will
be accomplished without delay, and that conflicting pro-
posals will not be made a plea -for doing nothing. The
general policy of establishing a mint admits of no dispute,
although an over-estimate may have been formed in
some instances of its probable effects ; and if prompt
steps had been taken when they were urged nearly two
years back, an enormous risk and temporary waste of
capital might have been averted. Of course, the advan-
tages now to be gained from it will be only moderate, as
a sufficient supply of coin has probably already been re-
ceived for local wants. With the increase of trade and
population, however, these wants will constantly fluc-
tuate, and it would be most injurious to the colonists
that in such cases they should still have to depend upon
supplies from England. In the United States, with the
head mint at Philadelphia, a branch mint has always
been deemed necessary at New Orleans, and ample expe-
rience can therefore be quoted to confirm the opinion as
to what is requisite for a territory so distant as Austra-
lia. The true reason, however, for the disposition on
the part of many people to treat the idea of establishing
a mint in that region with indifference is to be found in
the fact, that both in the colonies and at home there are
large classes who profit by its absence. Merchants,
shipowners, and others, gain by the prevailing system,
while the community at large are the sufferers. Perhaps,
however' the extent to which business is likely to be
checked by the discovery of the wholesale adulterations
lately practised will henceforth render even these parties
anxious that the matter should no longer be neglected.—
Times.

EXPENSIVE CONVERSION.—We read in the Maar of
Algiers :—" In the reign of Braham-ben-Mamlouk, in
1819, a Jew became a Mussulman, under the name of
Abd-Allah. Some years after he married an Arab
woman, who died without leaving him any children. He
afterwards married another Mussulman woman, by
whom he has a daughter two years old. Every one
thought this man sincerely, converted to Islamism, when
a few days back a rumour was current that he had again
returned to the religion of Moses. This news turned
out to be true, as the following strange ceremonies, we
are informed, took place on his reception. The Rabbis
commenced by cutting the nails of his hands and feet as
close as possible to the flesh ; they then had his head
shaved, only two locks of hair being left, .one at each
side of the head. He next was made to take a cold bath
in a vessel kept in the synagogue, and if he is really con-
verted, he is to proceed there for six months at least,
anditake a similar bath every morning at break of day.
During this bath some eggs were broken on his bead,
which was then carefully washed. On hisleaving the
bath a shirt was placed on him, and forty blows of a stick
were administered to him on the back. He was then
placed in a hole, and every one present threw a small
stone at him. This operation being terminated, new
clothes were given him, and the old ones were burned.
He was, in addition, ordered to fast for a certain length
of time. Finally, he has been directed to whitewash his
shop in the Rue Combes, and to perfume it, and all the
merchandise which it contains, with incense, During a
period of seven days he is to eat ashes, to purify his
body. The Jews are tormenting him to make his daugh-
ter also change her religion, declaring that without that
act nothing will have been done."
SPREAD OF THE RAPPING DELUSION.—The Cincin-
natti Times says there are 59 " spiritual circles" regu-
larly organised in that city, and more than twice that
number occasionally meeting. The number of mediums
is stated at 310.
FRENCH SHlPS.—Official returns received by the.
Minister of Marine from the French consul at New-
castle, show that the number of French vessels (arrivals
and departures) which appeared in that port and neigh-
bouring ones, during the year I.Bs2;i+as 2,;652,-ganging
224,942 tons, being an increase-over the preceding. year
of 206 vessels and 18,338 tons. The greater part of
these vessels came in without cargoes to carry away
coals,

The usual loyal toasts were received 'by the company
with great enthusiasm, and then
The CHAIRMAN gave "The health of Sir W. Moles-
worth," whom he said they had assembled to compliment
in the way most consonant to their feelings, by, giving
him a public dinner. It had hitherto been considered an
anomaly that a Cabinet Minister should represent a
constituency which was. designated as Radical, and it had
been made a subject of lamentation that a Radical like
Sir W. Molesworth would inoculate the Cabinet with his
principles. The fears thus expressed were not partici-
pated in by the electors of Southwark, but they-did hope
that the Liberal element admitted into the Administra-
tion, begun by a drop, would soon form an essential
portion of its composition. (Cheers.), . The time had
passed when the destinies of the empire were to be
swayed by party tactics, for,•by the mighty influence of
a free press, the people were able to form a fair and im-
partial judgment on all questions that affected them.
Public opinion now exercised, as it henceforth • always
must, a great power in all the affairs of the. State, and
large, and liberal, and free constituencies felt that the
time had arrived when the corruption prevailing in small
boroughs; of which thbre hml-been-such recent exposures,
must be terminated. He would not detain them by al-
luding to the qualities of the right hon. baronet who sat
beside him, but he believed that he was actuated by tho-
roughly independent principles in taking office, and that
he would not remain there if doing so required any
sacrifice of his political convictions. He believed that
the affection and confidence of the constituency of South-
wark were dearer to Sir William Molesworth than the
position which he occupied, and he asked the company
with great confidence to drink Sir William's health, and
to join in the wish that he might long remain their
representative, and not only a Cabinet but a Radical
Minister. (Cheers.)
Sir W. MOUSWORTH, who was received with loud ap-
plause, then rose and said—l am excessively obliged to
you for the flattering manner in which you have received
me this evening and drunk to my health. It gives me
great pleasure and satisfaction to meet on this occasion
so many of my friends and cordial supporters, to whom
I am so deeply indebted, and who have exerted them-
selves so repeatedly and energetically to place me in the
honourable position of representative of this borough—
a position which I have now held for eight years, and
which I hope, with your favour and aid, long to con-
tinue to hold. (Cheers.) I thank you for the honour
which you have done me by giving this dinner to cele-
brate my re-election. When, in accordance with the
wise rules of the constitution of this country my seat
was vacated by taking office, and it was my duty to ap-
pear before you and to ask you again to trust me as
your representative, I stated to you in general terms
the views and intentions with which I accepted office
under the Crown. I need not now repeat those state-
ments ; for, in fact, the time has come for deeds instead
of words—for actions in the place of professions.
(Cheers.) We are in the middle of a session of Parlia-
ment, and I think it must be admitted that since Par-
liament reassembled in the beginning of last month,
neither the House of Commons nor her Majesty's Mi-
nisters have been altogether idle. I will therefore very
shortly refer to some of the things which have lately been
done in Parliament, and which show the objects, the in-
tentions, and the principles of the present Government.
Gentlemen, chiefly in consequence of free trade and of the
wise financial policy which originated with Sir R. Peel, this
country is now in a most flourishing condition, our artisans
of every kind are well employed ; industry of every descrip-
tion is thriving ; peace, plenty, and contentment reign
throughout the land. Therefore her Majesty's Ministers
were able to turn their attention, in the first instance, to
the affairs of our remoter dependencies, and they com-
menced their Parliamentary labours by bringing in a
measure of much importance to the greatest of our colo-
nies—a measure of which I had given notice before the
resignation of the late Government,—l refer to the bill
with regard to the clergy reserves of Canada. The ob-
ject of that bill is to empower the Legislature of Canada
to deal with the local question of church establishments
in that colony. Two years ago the Legislature of that
great colony, which contains nearly 2,000,000 of inhabi-
tants, addressed the Crown to submit to Parliament a
bill similar to that now before the House of Commons.
The Governmentof-my noble friend Lord John Russell
promised to do so, and were about to do so, when they
quitted office. The late Government, partly animated
by old and not very friendly faaling towardo Canada,
determined to set at nought the wishes of the Canadian
Legislature, and refused to fulfil the promises of their
predecessors. It was the first duty of the present Go-
vernment—and an agreeable one it was—to redeem
those pledges, and to apply to Canada the great, the
true, and all-important rule of colonial policy—namely,
that all questions which affect exclusively the local in-
terests of BP colony possessing representative institutions
shall be dealt with by the local Legislature. (Cheers.)
That rule should, in my opinion, form the basis of our
system of colonial government. The strict adherence to
it would, more than anything else, tend to strengthen
and consolidate our vast colonial empire which now
contains every climate of the earth—which is capable
of producing every commodity that is useful or agree-
able or beneficial to man—which is in the act of being
rapidly peopled by myriads of our race, speaking our
language, with wants, feelings, and tastes similar to
our own—anxious to exchange the produce of their new
homes for the creations of our unrivalled skill and manu-
facturing industry—willing to carry on with us an im-
mense and increasing and a mutually beneficial com-
merce, but, like true Englishmen, desiring to have the
management of their local affairs, and to possess Anglo-
Saxon institutions. (Cheers.) With such institutions
the colonists would long continue to be loyal and de-
voted subjects of the British Crown. Therefore, to give
them such institutions should be the great object of the
colonial policy of this country, and as the great object
of the colonial policy of her Majesty's present Ministers,
and especially of my noble friend the Secretary of State
for the Colonies, who is a sincere, zealous, and deter-
mined colonial reformer. (Cheers.) One of the first
official acts of my noble friend was to frame, with the
cordial approbation of his colleagues, a constitution for
the colony of the Cape of Good Hope. A constitution
ought to have been given to that colony at least eight
years ago ; but Lord Derby, who was then Secretary of
State for the Colonies, refused to comply with the wishes
and entreaties of the Governor of the Cape. And when
Lord Derby's late Government came into power, they
raised every obstacle, and discovered every difficulty, in
the way of granting free institutions to South Africa.
But my noble friend's energy soon removed every one of
those obstacles, and overcame every one of those diffi-
culties ; and an order in Council has lately been sent to
the Cape conferring a most liberal constitution upon
that colony, from which I anticipate the happiest con-
sequences. (Cheers.) In accordance, also, with the
same true principles of colonial policy, my noble
friend has complied with the prayers of the petitions
which have been addressed to the Crown and Parliament
by the Legislatures of the four great colonies of Austra-
lia, and, by abolishing transportation to Van Dieman's
Land, has put a stop to the sending of convicts to
the goldfields of Australia, and to the rewarding of our
criminals by a passage free of expense to the diggings. I
(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen,•l do rejoice at the abolition
of transportation to these colonies, because, 16 years
ago, I was chairman of a committee of the House of
Commons appointed to inquire into the subject of trans-
portation, and those inquiries convinced me that trans-
portation to the great colonies of Australia ought to be
abolished ; and for 16 years I have done my beat to
bring about a result the accomplishment of which, I am
glad to say, has been one of the first acts of the present
Government (Cheers.) The second Parliamentary act
of the present Government, to which I will refer, has
been to bring in a bill to remove what I consider to be
a great stigma and a foul disgrace to the institutions of
this country—l mean the disabilities of the Jews, an
odious relic of bigotry and intolerance, unworthy of this
age, unworthy especially of this empire, and which de-
prives this metropolis of one of its representatives. in
Parliament. I hope that this measure, • which has so
frequently received the assent of the House of
onse:
Com-
mons, and so particularly concerns the Lower
thewil l
good n not again
annhe
eprudence,
rejectedrnbanydthienteUlplipgeernnHaonufset,hbaut but that
ce,
will induce them to set this question at rest for ever.
(Cheers.) Gentlemen, the estimate for the military and
naval expenditure of this country was a third subject
which has been lately brought before the House of Com-
mons by her Majesty's Ministers. After careful consi-
deration the Government came to the conclusion that it
was not necessary to increase the amount -of our mili-
tary or naval forces, or to add to the number
iofs our
in-
tern
soldiers or sailors ; for we dobenoont wrwriiasehyoalwith t
toy t
assailoterms any
with
counatlryaffaoi.
or to
We
etedrLeirree
to
nn any
the established Government (whatever it may be) of
every European nation ; but at . the same time the
Government felt it to be their duty to render this
country unassailable by improving our defences—a ne-
cessary but costly work. The conduct of the Govern-
ment in this matter has received the most decided
mark of the approbation of the House of Commons, for
the army, navy, and ordnance estimates have passed
without opposition, and almost without discussion.
(Hear, hear.) In mentioning our foreign relation, I can-
not help referring to some lamentable events which have
lately occurred abroad—l mean the deplorable insurrec-
tion at Milan and the execrable attempt to assassinate
the Emperor of Austria. Those events have been attri-
buted by writers in foreign newspapers to the intrigues
and machinations of political refugees in this country ;
and it has been said that the Government of this country
ought to expel those refugees. But the Government
has no power to do anything of the kind ; they have no
intention to ask Parliament to give them any such power
they have no wish to possess or exercise such a power.
{Cheers.) For this country has been, and I hope will

long continue to be 3 an asylum for men of every political,
faith. It has afforded shelter by turns to every van-
quis-liFd—p-arty7l-tifd---even to our bitterest foes. It has
given equal security to the friends of liberty and to the
friendi of despotism, to the Bourbon and to the Red
Republican-to the Orleanist and to the Socialist—to
Metternich, Kossuth, and Mazzini—to Joinville, Louis
Blanc, and Ledru Rollin. But I must express the same
opinion as my noble friend Lord Palmerston did, in reply
-to a question which was put to him in the House
of Commons, that foreign refugees, in:accepting the
.hospitality of this country, are bound_ by . every prin-
ciple of honour to abttain from entering into intrigues,
and from attempting to disturb the tranquillity of other
countries, and that if they do not do so abstain they
deserve the severest censure and condemnation.
(iiear, hear.) Gentlemen, in speaking of the-' various
matters which have already occupied the attention of
the House of Commons, there is one of great. im-
portance, which must still more occupy the attention
of Parliament and of the whole nation—l allude to the
proceedings before the election committees. The investi-
gations of those-committees have disclosed the existence
at the last general election of hideous scenes of bribery,
corruption, intimidation, undue and disgraceful influence
of every kind, sort, and description—exercised, I am
sorry to say, in some instances by persons too closely
connected with the late Government of this country.
(Hear' hear.) How to put a atop to these lamentable,
these loathsome evils, is a problem not •of the easiest
solution ; but a stop must -be put to them, for their un-
checked continuance would bring discredit upon repre-
sentative government, and endanger 14, institutions of
this country ; and if those institutions ever perish, they
will die, not front external causes, but from the cancer
of corruption consuming the vitals of Our electoral
system. (Hear.) A •remedy must be found and ap-
plied, and a potent one it must be. A new Reform Bill,
the disfranchisement of the corrupt constituencies, and,
in my opinion, the ballot, Are wanted. (Cheers.) But
until the election committees have all reported, and the
commissions appointed to inquire into the.corrupt con-
stituencies have concluded their investigations, and those
investigations have been carefully considered, it seems
to be the general opinion that it would not be expedient
for the Government to bring in a new Reform Bill, and
that it had better, therefore, be left for next session,
especially as there are several other important questions
which must occupy the attention of Parliament during
the greater portion of the .renaainder of this session.
Those questions-aro-the education of the people, the
budget, and the government of India. My noble friend
Lord John Russell will on Monday next bring the ques-
tion of the education of the people under the considera-
tion of the House of Commons, and state the intentions
of the Government. The Chancellor of the Exchequer
will, as soon as he can, bring on the budget, and state
his views on the income tax ; and the question of the
future government of India must be raised this session,
as the charter of the East India Company will expire at
the beginning of next year. -Until the Government shall
have announced to Parliament their intentions on these
subjects it would, you know, be indiscreet and contrary
to all the rules of etiquette for me to discuss them.
(Hear.) I will therefore consent myself with say-
ing that the measures of the Government will, I hope,
give satisfaction to their friends and supporters. Now,
gentlemen, let me again thank you for the manner in which
you have received me this evening. I hope that I shall
continue to deserve your approbation and to retain your
confidence, andthat again and again I shall receive at your
hands, as the reward of my political conduct, the distin-
guished, and by me most highly prized, honour of repre-
senting you in Parliament. I know that there is only
one way by which I can deserve the approbation and
retain the confidence of the numerous and intelligent
electors of this great and important constituency, and
that is, by showing that I am sincerely and earnestly
anxious, to the best of my power, ability, and judgment,
to give prudent and practical effect to those political
prieciples which have induced you four times to return
me to the House of Commons. (Cheers.) And I am
convinced that you, prudent and practical men of busi-
ness, will pronounce a fair and candid judgment on my
conduct in office, believing that my colleagues and my-
self have only one object in view—namely, the good
government of this mighty empire, and the well-being
of iEs inhabitants. (Loud cheers.)
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL acknowledged 'the toast of
"The House of Commons," with which his name was
associated by the chairman. He said that, however
unworthy he might be of the honour thus paid him, in
on 3 respect he merited it, for no man could be more de-
voted than he was to the sacred principle of popular re-
presentation. In that principle was involved the hap-
piness and welfare of the empire. Within the last few
years a storm had burst over Europe, and the waves of
democracy had threatened at one time to sweep away
all existing institutions, but these had been since rolled
back, and the stagnant waters of despotism again
covered the fair face of the continent. (Hear.) Eng-
land was the last stronghold—the sacred altar of liberty
and freedom of opinion—our constitution wisely tem-
pered the ardour and vigour of democracy with the more
stable institution of monarchical government, but popu-
lar representation especially he regarded as being the
basis of peace, good order, prosperity, and freedom
among us. (Cheers.) The time had come when that
principle must be carried out to a still further extent,
and when, as had been said by the chairman, they must
have another "Russell purge." The company would
remember the story of the medical man who sent the
prescription with his medicine, " when taken to be well
shaken." (Laughter.) Members of Parliament were
being well shaken at present, and happy the man who.
came out of the ordeal unscathed. (Cheers
_AA-
Jaughter--) -
" Let the galled jade wince,
His withers were unwrung;"
and he defied any man to say that he had tampered with
the elements of corruption, (Cheers.) He felt that he
ought not to tresspass further upon their patience, and
he concluded by expressing a hope that the constituency
might long be represented by such a member, and such
a member long represent such a constituency.

Mr. A. PiileiT acknowledged the toast of Pros-
perity to the Trade and Commerce of the Borough," and
in doing so dwelt strongly on the necessity of providing
Southwark with municipal institutions.
The health of the High Bailiff and of the Chairman
were among the other toasts of the evening, the proceed-
ings of which were enlivened by some excellent vocal
music, controlled and directed by Harker, the toast-
master.

SHOCK OF AN EARTHQUAKE A 7 HEREFORD.

We have again to record the shock of an earthquake,
which was felt very generally through this city and its
neighbourhood on the night of Sunday last, at about 20
minutes after 11 o'clock. The present visitation was
not only more perceptible than that experienced in Nov.
last, but, from the time at which it occurred, a greater
number of persons had visible proof of its effects, felt the
shock, and heard its accompanying noise or explosion.
We have heard from a great number of persons (all
agreeing as to the time) the various sensations produced.
Those who were in beds felt their beds move, and beard
a noise as it a door were suddenly closed by a gust of
wind, and the house consequently shaken. Those who
had not retired to rest felt the shock, saw articles of fur-
niture move, and heard the explosion. At the city
prison, the inspector and serjeant of police saw a table
in the room shaken, by which a glass of water thereon
was spilled, they heard a loud noise similar to a cart
passing near, and on the inspector looking at his watch,
he found the time to be twenty minutes past 11 o'clock.
There were several parties in other parts of the town
who experienced similar alarming evidences of a shock,
and the policeman on duty distinctly heard a rumbling
noise, and felt slight shocks and other indications of an
earthquake. We hear of many persons who were so
alarmed on being awoke that sleep was afterwards
banished, and they arose and dressed themselves in fear
and trembling. Others rung their chamber bells, be-
hl iea vdi grotkheaitn
into some o mt
he e
re
houses
nu
sse
sw. e r eE
xi tic
etphte itrhaep
fright,artm en ths,o
wo r_
ever, we are glad not to have heard of any injury to per-
son or property. On the banks of the Wye the shock
appears to have been more violent ; Mr. Bottrel, of the
Friars, informs us that his house was so much disturbed,
and the report so loud, that lie immediately got up, be-
lieving there were robbers effecting an entrance to the
I premises. Several persons in the vicinity of the river
describe the shock as if their beds were lifted up, and the
sound immediately succeeding as of a violent shaking of
doors and windows. At Broomy-hill a person was dis-
turbed by feeling the bed move, and hearing a noise simi-
lar to the falling of a heavy
fgpwoei
iefatchegehl a
soa fosit)usisnmeairnbbvdeleirrn:.
chinag
nIT
honi
wseseea, vsaedsriasi
partstl
i passingn
tlyof heard,uthned e r townilet
accompaniedh
house
ojui ns ge i
on
liarold, Peterchurch,
inha-
bitants of the parishes of Evrys,s,
Kentchurch, Abbeydore, and Llanvihangel, seem to have
been generally aroused by the shock. We learn from
the respected vicar of the first-ua,med.parish that, not
guessing the fact, and being awoke with a siolent_shak-
ing, similar to the shutting of an outside door, and the
windows rattling, he went down stairs to examine the
premises ; and all with whom he afterwards conversed
described the shock in the same manner. The weather,
like the wind,
has as been variable during the past few
days. On Saturday it was fair, but extremely cold, with
the wind
on Sunday at times it was very warm,
the wind during the day being nearly westerly, or veer-
ing a point or two towards the north. The night was
extremely dark, and the wind shifted to the east, where
it remained during Monday. It will be remembered
that the earthquake felt on the morning of Tuesday, the
9th of November, was succeeded by disastrous floods and
long-continued rain ; the effects of which are not yet
removed in many places. What will follow the late
earthquake remains to be proved. The vibration lasted
for about three seconds, and is generally described as
proceeding from south to north.—Hereford Journal.

AN INGENIOUS DEVICE.--The custom house officers
stationed at Wallers have just made an important
seizure. A cart drawn by four horses, and apparently
laden with coal, came from the Belgian frontier, and
drew up at the custom-house to be examined and obtain
the usual pass. One of the officers, in verifying the con-
tents of the cart, put his hands on what he thought to be
an enormous block of coal, and to his great surprise
found that he could lift it without difficulty, This led to
a minute examination, when what appeared to be large
masses of that combustible, turned out to be boxes in-
geniously coated over with coal, which was attached to
them by some kind of cement. The cart in this way
contained about 2,000 kilogrammes of tobacco, and
several thousands of excellent cigars. The cart and
horses were also seized.

DREADFUL STORM.—A most destructive storm swept
over Columbus, Ga., on the 10th inst. The damage, it
is estimated, will amount to 250,000 dollars. The tele-
graph line between Columbus and Alexandria was com-
pletely demolished for several miles, but has again been
put in working order.

• I'V 41..1- , :4.ifi "zt -7 - '
'Vint,
r

LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 1, 1853.

Notwithstanding the decisive announcements
in the Lords and Commons, that the Government
were in possession of ample materials for legislation
with respect to the future government of India,
there is every reason to hope that Ministers will,
for once, take warning, and consent to avoid the
difficulty for the present session. It is not often
that a FABIAN policy is desirable, or even justifi-
able. Even moderately good legislation may be
better if given promptly, than more important
ameliorations after tedious and vexatious procras-
tination which irritates and embitters the feelings
of the parties concerned, and leads to the mutual
estrangement of those whose interests are really
one and indivisible. But the Indian is an excep-
tional question. There is a Select Committee
sitting for the purpose of acquiring information,
and it would be a bad compliment to the many
eminent and able men who have devoted much
time and labour to the inquiry, if the mat-
ter should be finally disposed of before the
results of their investigation were published. It
would form a bad precedent if some of the most
distinguished Members of the House of Commons
were to have their energies concentrated on a very
important subject, to the exclusion of other very
interesting topics ; and that it should then be
found that their toil had gone for nothing—had
been as lightly esteemed as that of SYSIPIRTS
in the olden time, always employed at rolling his
rock to the top of the hill, merely in order to see
it fall back again the moment the summit had
been attained, or as of thieves and pickpockets at
the present day, who ascend the treadmill daily,
merely for the sake of laborious occupation, with-
out any profitable result. In justice, then, to the
Select Committee, no permanent' enactments
should be carried until their recommendations
have been put . forward, and dispassionately and
attentively considered, so that a sound conclusion
may be arrived at on adequate data.
But there is another and no less urgent reason
why there should be a postponement of legislation
on this vitally important subject. The inquiry
before the Select Committee up to this time has
been altogether one-sided. Many eminent men
have unquestionably been examined—men who
would not wilfully prevaricate, or state that which
they did not believe to be " the truth, the
whole truth, and nothing but the truth." But,
unfortunately, they have all been,at one time
or
other employees of the companY, and were, gene-
rally speaking, greatly biassed in .
vely achieved
favour of the
system under which they had respect].
fame and fortune. Lord ELLENBOROUG preju-
dices might possibly be enlisted on the other side.
But still there was no evidence produced on be-
half of the native population—no witness who
could give expression to their views and feelings—
who could explain the evils they were enduring,
and the nature of the remedies that could alone
afford adequate relief. In the petitions of the
Native Associations of Bombay and Madras, and
also of the European residents of Bengal, we find
that the prayer has been for delay, so that oppor-
tunities may be afforded of substantiating the
various matters so forcibly detailed in their seve-
ral statements ; and that, for the accomplishment
of that object, the Charter may be annually re-
newed until the investigation is complete.
It is, therefore, only right and proper that the
parties chiefly interested should receive an atten-
tive hearing before the question be finally disposed
of. It would, indeed, under any circumstances,
considering the vast importance of the experiment
about to be tried, be better that the new system,
whatever it may be, may only be established for
a limited time, so that it may remain open to

Reference is again due to the remarkable Essay
recently penned by Mr. DYCE, RA., in regard to
the reorganisation of the National Gallery. Al-
ready we have twice taken occasion to allude to
that pamphlet in well-merited terms of commen-
dation. It has been observed in these columns

that Mr. DYCE argues—and we think reasonably
enough—against the inadequacy and confusion
of the present collection of paintings, considered
strictly as a national collection. He insists
that the range taken should be more extended.
He maimtain.s that, not one or two, or half a
dozen, or ten or twenty, as the case may be, but
that all the various schools of art should be repre-
sented in a gallery of pictures seriously pretending
to be national in its character. Without this, he
insists, the enterprise would be unworthy of its
name, and, to a very considerable extent, value-
less. A National Gallery, in fact, he defines to
be a collection illustrating the History of Art down
to the present time, and extending back to the
period of its earliest commencement. As a proof
that all this can be really effected—that the pro-
ject, though undoubtedly gigantic, is, at the same
moment, literally practicable—he reminds us of
the rapidity with which the pictorial treasures
of the Royal Museum . at Berlin were col-
lected together. Scarcely fifteen years after
that Gallery was first projected, it com-
prised works of all classes, " from the rude By-
zantine down to the productions of the last cen-
tury," to the number of some twelve hundred.
Obviously, therefore, we repeat, the scheme is
practicable. In order to render it still more easy
of accomplishment, Mr. DYCE suggests that the
chief regard of the selectors of the various pic-
tures should centre, not so much on the merit of
the different paintings, as on their genuine-
ness. The suggestion is sound and rational.
Were it adopted frankly, and carried out
systematically, we should very speedily wit-
ness the good effects of the whole plan
proposed. Fifteen years would not be required
to elapse before England could see herself in a
position to regard, without emotions of despairing
envy, the different institutions established for the
same purpose in the respective capitals of the countries
of the European Continent. We might, then, with-
out a sense of degradation, pass between the storied
walls of the Louvre and of the Pinacothek. As
matters are at present, it is otherwise. Nowadays
we are conscious, in this particular, of little more

than the fact that the wealthiest country in the
world possesses, perhaps among all, the meanest
collection. We know perfectly well that it is
not merely very narrow in its scope, but very
disorderly in its want of arrangement. Superior
excellence cannot be claimed for more than a few
of the specimens constituting its principal trea-
sures. Genuineness even, in one or two de-
plorable instances, is more than questionable.
We have two or three glorious CORREGIOS, one
or two noble MITRILLOS, an exquisite CITYP, a
wonderful VANDYCK, and a PIOIIII3O of deserved
celebrity : Gumo is not indifferently represented,
there are some estimable examples of CLAUDE,
and some of PousslN, and some of RAFFAELLB, and
some of REmßßANDT—beyond these how few could
be enumerated ! As Mr. DYCE reminds us—rather
painfully—we may wander round the apartments
of that melancholy building in Trafalgar-square,
and look in vain for a single production from the
hands of masters in the art of really eminent
reputation. We have not one work, for instance,
of CONEGLIANO, not one of CARPACCIO, or of
BASAITI, or of GHIRLANDAIO, or of GIAN BELLINI,
not one of SIGNORELLI, or of PERITGINO, or of PIN-
TURICCHIO, or of BENOZZO GozzoLl. Not one ! And
the catalogue might be deplorablylengthened. This,
remember, in a " National" gallery !—nay, more,
in the National Gallery of England. No wonder the
more patriotic of the genuine lovers.of art amongst
usare beginning at last to bestir themselves, and are
calling loudly for some munificent interposition on
the part of the Government .1 No wonder that
that detestable masterpiece of Mr. WILKINs', in
Trafalgar-square, has fallen so rapidly of late lower
and lower in the public estimation that it scarcely
could be regarded with more profound contempt
had it emanated from the architectural genius of
SETH PECKSNIFF, or, as it might almost have done,
from some stone and stucco freak of Mr. WILKINS—
MICAWBER ! Hope has at length been awakened
by the purchase of a site for a new National Gal-
lery, the funds being partially furnished by the
money obtained by the Great Exhibition, and re-
maining unconditionally at the disposal of the
Royal Commissioners. Precisely at this period,
Mr. DYCE has issued his pamphlet, and in that
pamphlet be has spoken, as we have shown, for-
cibly, cogently, and convincingly upon the neces-
sity of rendering the collection comprehensive, and
of properly regulating the manner of its ar-
rangement.

So much in reference to the formation of the
National Gallery. Now, in regard to its ma-
nagement.

The inadequacy of the present Board appears so
undeniable to Mr. Dye; that he candidly con-
fesses (p. 43) he sees no remedy for it " short of
its entire abolition." As an institution its
power is unquestionably too scattered. To be
effectual in its operation, it must obviously be
concentrated. Hitherto the Keeper of the Gal-
lery has not been a responsible officer—he has
had no definite duties—he has been regarded as in
no way accountable to the Trustees or to the
public for the performance of those vague duties
—those duties both indefinite and irresponsible.
Instead of this, he has been " a mere servant,"
acting under the authority of the Board, who
were, therefore, the responsible parties in the
establishment. Nevertheless, whatever might
have been the responsibilities of the Trustees
prior to the August of 1846, those responsibilities
have ever since then, as Mr. DYCE observes (p.
27), ceased and merged in the official responsi-
bilities of the Treasury ! Yet more—as our
pamphleteer somewhat bitterly and sententiously
insinuates—the incapacity shown by the Trustees,
in judging of the excellence or even genuineness
of pictures, has, since the date already mentioned,
become the attribute of the Treasury ! To re-
medy all these evils, Mr. DireE proposes that the
whole scheme of the manag
immediatelyement should be
thoroughly, and,if possible,
re-
organised. It would be difficult to explain in a few
words the whole of the scheme here advanced—not
simply difficult, moreover, but superfluous.
wuoues.havAe
glance at the intelligent pages to
in these columns more than once beforaesbn on
referred,ee
will reveal plainly enough that there has
precipitation in the indubitably bold coursepursued

in this matter by our gifted Academician. liis
suggestions are the result, manifestly, of mature
reflection, the fruits of mingled experience and
deliberation. We cannot doubt that the influence
of the argument put forward by Mr. DYCE so
very opportunely must become speedily manifest,
more particularly as it has been expressly addressed
to the more intelligent classes of the community,
under the direct or personal auspices of H. R. H.
the PRINCE CONSORT—those high auspices which
are not inaptly defined by the writer (p. 75) as
" based on the rare union of genius, talent, and
almost universal acquirements, with exalted rank,
and invariably exerted in a manner at once the
most graceful and the most princely." Under
those auspices we shall begin to anticipate with
confidence the establishment of a new and pro-
perly organised institution for the encouragement
of Art at the National Gallery about to be erected
near Kensington. •