The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-01 00:00:00

certainly quoted the despatch received on the day after be
made his speech. The despatch written on the day a
Lord Stratford's arrival consisted only of half a dozen
lines, and was written before he could have had an oppor-
ttmity of seeing anybody. Well, did the despatch justify
Lord Clarendon in the confidence he expressed ? After
announcing his arrival that day, .he says I have
only to add that while the Turkish minister intimated a
strong sense of anxiety and alarm as to the. eventual in-
tentions of Russia, the impressions of the Austrian legs'
tion, founded on the language of the Russian ambassador,
are favourable to the existence of moderate views on the
part of that power, and to a friendly solution of the peed'
ing question." I ask what must Russia have thought,
what must have Baron Brunow thought ? Why, that
there was a party in the Cabinet who were screening hind
and his Government—a party keeping the country in the
dark. (Hear, hear). There was a very remarkable feet!
whilst all this was going on, on the 22d of March, Lord
Clarendon, writing to Lord Cowley, expresses his regret
and condemns tho French Government for sending their
fleet, and says that her Majesty's Government were die'
posed to place reliance on the Emperor of Russia and in his
solemn assurances that he would uphold the Turkish em-
pire, and that if any change took place in his intentions,
he (the Emperor) would communicate it to her Majesty's
Government without reserve. And yet her Majesty's Go'
vernment had received all these secret despatches. H°
goes on to say :—" No such communication having been
made, her Majesty's Government were bound to believe,
until they had proofs to the contrary, that the mission of
Prince Menschikoft was not of a character menacing to the
independence and integrity of Tutkey." On the 23d of
March he says, writing to Sir H. Seymotr—" Her Ma-
jesty's Government have felt no alarm, and have not
shared the apprehensions which the facts above alluded to
(the reports current about Prince Menschikoff's mission,
.&c.) might appear to justify, for on more than one occa-
sion they had releived personal assurances from the Ern'
peror of Russia that it was his determination to maintain
the independence of the Turkish empire, &c." Thus ills'
tifying the whole proceedings of Russia, and screening
her. I may be told that, although the despatches jest
published show grounds for distrust in Russia, yet that
the assurances in the secret despatches given by the Env
peror, on the word of a "gentleman," were such as to re'
move all apprehensions. But I find in the secret de-
spatches, tte well as in the public, that Sir H. Seymour re'
peatedly warns the Government' of the double-dealing of
Russia—warns them that she is preparing the dis-
solution of Turkey. The word " fradulent" has
been used with regard to the conduct of
the Emperor of Russia; and if I had not seen these secret
despatches, I should have said his coneluct was fraudu-
lent. But I do not wish to screen the deter , and I say that
he has been guilty of gross fraud. But then that is the
policy of his country, and a policy that has been pursued
by Russia for years,. and almost for centuries, as every'
body who knows anything of the policy of Russia must be
well aware. But what I complain of is this misleading of
the public in a solemn manner before the most august as-
sembly in this country, the House of Lords, and the put-
ting forward of opinions directly contrary to' the facts. I
will not press the same argument from the conduct of the
Government during the recess, when greater latitude is
perhaps used, and things said that a Minister would not
always like afterwards to be bound by. But I remember
reading the speeches delivered by the noble lord (Lord J.
Russell) in Scotland, and by the rightthon. gentleman the
Chancellor of the Exchequer in Manchester. The noble
lord's speech ,led everybody to believe that the integrity
and independence of Turkey would be maintained, but the
right hon. gentleman expressed a diametrically opposite
opinion ; and there was the greatest difficulty in coil d-
ing what was the policy of the Government. acme then
were the eminent members of the Government giving
opinions of a diametrically oppo-sitb nature on a euestion
of the most momentous importance. I might contiene this
line of observation up to the present moment. Het Ma-
jesty's speech at the beginning of the session was a Seen-
ment almost unworthy of the occasion. It spoke of the
quarrel as if it involved no great principle ; but the noble
lord (Lord J. Russell), in the debate upon the address,
made a speech to which I listened with intense plea-
sure, and I thought after all it was perhaps better not to
place in the mouth of the Sovereign any strong expres-
I glens of opinion and that the noble lord's speech was to be
taken as indicating what the Royal speech meant. There-
fore, I do not rise to move any amendment or make any
remarks on the address. But my astonishment was un-
bounded when I found that thenoble earl at the head of the
Government, in another place, had quite different language
—stating that we were at peace—that he hoped to maintain
peace—and that peace was the policy of the Government.
The true policy of a great country was neither peace nor
war, but the maintenance of its honour and its interests.
Similar declarations were made by the Premier at the
Mansion-house and elsewhere about a policy of peace. (A.
laugh.) But the question was—were we at war ? If one
noble lord says we are at war, and another noble lord says
we are at peace, who are we to believe ? Ido not want to
hear any inflated proclamation • but let the people of Eng-
land be told plainly that they Wave great interests at stak,
and tell them what we are going to war for. Let them
know that this is a question not only of civilisation, but of
our material interests, and that if it is not taken up now,
it will have to be taken up by and by, and that in the
meantime it may lead to disasters which nothing that we'
can do will be able to avert. (Hear, hear.) Early in thee,
session, when I expressed my opinion of the mismanagemen,
of this great question by her Majesty's Government, the
right hon. gentleman at the head of the Admiralty got up
and admitted all that I had said. He said, "It is very
true we marlave been vacillating ; but see what we have
done ? Why, we have got Austria and Prussia with us."
(Hear.) That was the triumphant result of all their tem-
porising. But where are Austria and Prussia now ? What
has the noble lord told us to-night ? No man can count
upon the armed neutrality of Austria, which means no-
thing at all. (Hear, and a laugh.) But were we everjus-
tified in believing that Austria would join with us. In the
memorandum of 1844, long. before Austria was under her
present obligations to Russia, the Emperor of Russia said,
that between Russia and Austria there exists already an
entire conformity of principle with regard to the affairs of
Turkey. This is repeated distinctly in two, or three, or
four despatches of Sir H. Seymonee, in all of which be tells
us that he suspects there exists a distinct underetandtpg be-
neseeeetesesie and the Austrian Governnx•nt I beliefft such
an um lerstauding existed as early as 1842 between Austria
and Russia, with regard to the manner in which they
would jointly deal with the Turkish empire. Anti what have
we got now? In one of the last despatches that have been
placed on the table, which is very important in some
respects, I find a most extraordinary paraeraph : It is to
this effect :—" I wrote on the 18th of last month about
these measures (the accumulation by Austria of forces on
the Turkish frontier), upon which tranquilising assurances
were given to. the Porte that they were not of a hostile
nature, but were intended to preserve the frontier from in-
sult and to prevent the contagion of insurrection from
spreading; and that even if armed intervention on the
part of Austria became indispensable, it would be carried
out with a firm intention to preserve, in all respects, the
status quo of existing treaties between Russia and the
Porte." I ask the Government, have they agreed to any
such proposal ? (Hear, hear.) Are we, I ask, to go to
war to restore old treaties and the status quo? (Hear.)
Is that the understanding we have entered into with Aus-
tria? (Hear, hear.) But observe the dangers into which
this divergence of opinion has led us. If it were merely
confined to debates in the Cabinet, it might be all very
well; but look to the state we are in with regard to our
preparations for war. (Hear, hear.) In making these re-
marks I make them with a deep sense of the responsibility
that I incur in making them ; but I can state, for informa-
tion I have received within the last two hours, that in Con-
stantinople no adequate preparations have been made.
Not a sack of corn has been got, not a horse has been got
to assist in the moving of the troops. (Hear.) And at
Malta we are told that the troops are living fourteen to-
gather in a small and miserable garret, not fit for the ac-
commodation of one or two men. (Hear.) From the ac-
counts that have arrived, we find there are small canvas
tents, in which fourteen or fifteen men are living together.
Why, I ask, should they expose fine men, with prospects
no way brilliant, to the damp and dew. (Hear.) Then
an account is given of the rain falling upon the High-
landers, and how they are suffering; and it is asked if there
be no ordnance or hospital board to see how these men are
lodged? Then look to the fleet. Every day I see in the
papers that the fleet is at Beycos Bay. (A laugh.) What
I ask, is the fleet doing at Beycos. (Hear.) We hear of
the Russian fleet going out to sea, and landing troops and
stores on the Circassian coast. It is true we are told also
that they are not at sea ; but then we have heard a report
that the men have left the forts—that the Russian forts
have been set on fire—that, very wisely, they have taken
away from them the garrisons that would become an easy
prey; and snore than that, we are told that they have landed
troops and stores, while our fleet is at Beycos Bay. Then I
am told that our fleet have no coals. Why, they have been
lying there these two months doing nothing, and telly should
they remain for two months without co: ls. (Hear.) I
said, on a former occasion, that we should have some ex-
planation about Sinope, and the right hon. gentleman the
First Lord of the Adiniralty on that .ccasion contradicted
me when I said that under the instructions of the Bth of
October the fleet could have acted. I say now they could
have acted under those instructions ; and if they could not
have acted under them, I ask why the Government told us
that we should have an explanation? (Hear.) I see a des-
spatch which contains a communication that was made by
the British Minister at Constantinople to the Ottoman
Secretary of State, to whom he puts eategoricsl questions
respecting the fortifications at Isinope, and the sending of
the fleets there. It is rather curious language to use to a
Prime Minister. He asks the Prime Minister for informa-
Ceti on these subjects—he asks to be fully informed on
these points ; and begs, if Reschid Pacha cannot give him
the required information at once, that he will take steps to
get it. I want to know where, after that communication,
is the independence of Turkey ? He asks who is to blame
for sending the fleets there ; but (lid that justify our fleet
remaining in the Bosphorus while the Turkish fleet was
destroyed? He asks who sent the Turkish fleet to Sinope,
but that is not what we want to know ; we want to know
why our fleet did not prevent the massacre at Sinope ?
But what has been the consequence of all this delay ? The
Russians are crossing the Danube. (Hear.) The import.
ance of the position of
military
is misunderstood—it is of
politibal as well as of military
importance. It is import-
ant to prevent them getting
at Servia, for if they get to
Servia they may raise an insurreceion. The Russians are
bound to keep a large army at lealafat, for if it be success-
fully attacked, and if they defeat Omer Pacha, Constanti-
nople will be in the hands of the Russians in three months.
(Hear' hear.) It is stated that we are going to make an
entrenched camp at GalliP oli to save the capital ; but when *
capital. It is said that Lord Stratford
has been haul
all Turkey is in the hands of the Russians, where is the
use of saving
Merii2g the
out of the unfortunate Turks con-
cessions in favour of the Christians, but is that generous.
them
to it fair, for the assistance we
(Hear, hear.)
conces • give era
them 81011 s in favour of the Chris-
,
to get out of
Chris-
tans ? (Bear, hear.) Is it politic, I ask ? (Rear, hear.)
Yougot at the head of the Turkish Government the
haveni ghtened of Turkish Ministers. He is a man who
will most
make concessions ; but give him time, otherwise you
will undermine his authority and strengthen the fanatical
party in Turkey, and the result may be that you will have
i, rebellion in Turkey. (Hear.) I read a letter from Con-
stantinople in which it i' stated that some delay has oc-
curred in the signing of the convention between England,
France, and Turkey—that the conditions were protested
against—that it was said that they had better give way to
the Russians at once, for then they would only have one
master—that no doubt it would be mortifying to them,
but that submit they must. I ask, is that politic? I say
you are doing all you can to prevent these Christians
having these privileges. (Rear, hear.) You are asking
the Turkish Government to put the Christians into the
army, and to submit them to conscription. If you desired
to check the progress making by the Christians, and to
render them miserable, you could not devise a better plan
than that. (Hear.) What will be the result ? You may not
take advantage of these conventions and articles, but the
French and the Austrians will do so, and you will find
persons going to the French and Austrian ambassadors,
and seeking their intervention; and we shall have no end
of interventions every day. Then it is said they must
abolish the capitation tax ; but remember the great mass
of revenue you Oil 111)911 the Turkish Government to