The Sun.
London, England, 1838-05-22 00:00:00

NEGRO EMANCIPATION.

Sir E. WILMOT—Sir, I feel that it will be urged by the Under.
Secretary for the Colonies, and also by many other Gentlemen on both
sides of the House, that it is unwise and injudicious in me to bring this
question forward a second time after it has been once decided.—(Hear.)
But I feel it to be the duty, as well as the privilege of every Member of
Parliament, if he conscientiously believe that the House has decided
wrongly to bring forward the question a second time, in order to induce
them to revise and rescind their resolution, and if any evil shall arise
from the agitation of the question, that that evil is equally shared by
those who oppose as well as those who promote the inquiry. I have
another reason for bringing this question forward, and that is, that it
was not fairly met by the amendment of the Right Honourable
Gentleman. I think he ought to have met it by a direct negative,
instead of moving the second reading of the Bill, which I always
understood was introduced to run pari passu with another Bill.
Upon these grounds it is, Sir, that I bring forward this motion. In doing
so, I assure the House. I shall not attempt to excite their feelings and
their passions by enumerating all those horrors which have been related
as occurring in the West Indies, And I appeal to the indulgence of
House while I endeavour. fairly and impartially to discuss this question.
Sir, when I first undertook to bring this subject before the
House, I felt I had a most difficult task to perform—that I
had two objects to attain—first, to convince the House of
the truth of all the allegations which have been made as to the
enormities of the slave traffic, which the House and the public disbe•
lieved as impossible ; and also to convince the House that the imrne.
diate abolition of the apprenticeship system was the best mode ofreme.
dying the evil. As to the first of these propositions lam almost entirely
relieved of any difficulty. For nobody who has read the documents—
the authorised documents upon which these atrocities have been
proved—nobody who has heard or read the speeches of Gentle-
men in favour of, or against abolition—l allude especially to
the speeches of the ex-Chancellor of Ireland (Sir Edward Sugden)
and the Secretary-at-War (Lord Howick)—speeches which were un-
doubtedly (though levelled against) in favour of the measure—no per.
son can have done all this, without coming to the conclusion that
the allegations as to the enormities of the slave system have been
fully proved.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, in addition to this I hold
in my hands the Act of Parliament recently passed (Lord Glenelg's
Act) and I say that this Act is in itself a plea of "Guilty" to the
charges brought against the West Indian planters. Further than
this, Sir, I have the language of Lord Glenelg himself, declaring that the
apprentices had been cruelly treated ; that women had been brutally
Bogged ; that the allow antes of food to the apprentices had been ille
gally reduced; that the parents had been unlawfully separated from
and debarred from intercourse with their children ; and that pratdials
and nen prxdials had been unjustly eonfounded.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
I wish this Bill could speak for itself. It would show how it

had been scorned, ridiculed, laughed at and evaded by the planters.
—(Hear, hear, hear.) If they scorned, ridiculed, and laughed

at the Bill of 1833, which was a Bill for their advantage, and by which
they received twenty millions of money, which should they not scorn

and laugh at a Bill passed for the benefit of the negro. Ido ne

stand upon this Act—l trample on the Act—l put my stand-
ing on the undoubted right of every man to his liberty given
to him by the Almighty and which no man has a right to take
from him except for the commission of crime.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
If both parties were tried at the tribunal of justice there can be no
doubt who would receive compensation. The first objection made
by the friends of the planters relates to the contract. Now
with respect to the contract itself, it is either a contract or it
is no contract. if it is no contract at all, and I declare it is not,
thereis an end of the question, because I say although Parliament may
legislate—may command, it cannot contract. But, Sir, the contract has
been partly repealed. This Bill repealed that part of the contract which
made children under a certain age, for a certain time aprentices,p
Now, I should like to hear why, if Parliament can repeal part of a con-
tract, it cannot repeal the other part ? and why, if it can give liberty to
infants, it cannot also give liberty to adults ?—(Hear, hear.) The
contract was either void in itself, or voidable by the Act
of Parliament.—(Hear.) Parliament, by the Act of 1833, enacted
that from henceforth slavery should cease. It then created a new
species of slavery under the masque of liberty. The eontract, if it
be one, was, that Parliament should give 20,000,0001. for a
certain term of apprenticeship, and, on the other side,
they were to observe certain engagements—they were to
perform certain covenants mentioned in the Bill for the benefit of the
apprentices. I ask, has Parliament performed its part of the contract ?
Undoubtedly it has—it has given its 20,000,0001. I ask, have the other
parties performed their part of the contract ? I maintain, most
decidedly they have not. I know it has been urged by an
Hon. Gentleman, and he has given innumerable instances that there
were certain estates on which the apprenticeship clause had acted
well and beneficially. I believe, on t e other hand, that there were
many instances in which it had not acted beneficially ; and there-
fore I put the two testimonies against each other; and in doing
so I take my stand upon this Act of Parliament. Sir, when I
read to the House what has been said by a Noble Lord in the other
House of Parliament—a Member of her Majesty's Government, and
perhaps the best authority upon our side of this question, the House
will perceive which of the two testimonies is of the more value, and worthy
of the greater attention. I believe that the Noble Lord was
either insisting upon the argument that there was a contract,
and that the contract ought to be fulfilled.—[The Hon. Baronet
here read an extract from a speech of Lord Glenelg's, in which the
Noble Lord said that the special and other magistrates were thwarted
in every possible way in the execution of their duty—that the
apprentices were sent to the workhouses for the most
trivial offences, that they might be removed from the protec-
tion of the law—that they were abridged of the hours neces.
sary to labour on their allotments, and prevented from seeing
their children in a dying state, and finding that nothing was to be
hoped for from the local Governments. Sir, after such testimony from
the head of the Colonial-office, is there a Gentleman in this House
who v. ill stand up and argue teat the planters have performed their share
of the contract ?—if any contract ever existed—which again I deny—
'nut ,Sir, it is said also that the emancipation of the apprentices by the
Ist of August next, would be a spoliation of the property of the
tern. I deny that they can have any property at all in the persons of
the apprentices. If there be any party which could claim the ownership
of such a property, it could only be under the Emancipation Act,
which gave it under certain conditions, and these not being fulfilled, the
property reverted to the original owners. If there were any proprie-
tor, the legislature which paid the money was the proprietor.
I speak Sir, with the greatest respect of the Owners of es-
tates in the West Indies. I respect their feelings—their cha.
teest. the. ataLiuu In life. I give them
credit for all moral virtues ; but I say this that the plague spot is upon
them,—(Hear, hear),—that they arc themselves owners of slaves, and
that they are incapable ofg:ving testimony upon the question, being de-
graded infinitely below the slaves which they hold.—(Cheers
and loud cries of hear, hear, hear) Yes, Sir, I would feel myself
more honoured in being a slave for a year than a slave owner for an
hour.—(Hear, hear.) I will not say one word with respect to
the overseers or the agents—it is quite impossible for them to feel the
cruelty of the system. They have been born and bred under a system of
tyranny—they have learned the cruelty from their cradle, the cry which
the anguish the lash caused was the song which sent them to sleep, and
the fetters of the slave was the rattle of their children. It is impossible for
them to feel disgust at those scenes which would make others turn away
with loathing. I do much blame the Colonial-office of this country
from that they, knowing these things, they did not come down to Par-
liament for power to put an end to the system. Hundreds of thousands
of the people of England, of Scotland, and of Ireland have raised their
voices in reprobation of the gross cruelties which have been al-
lowed under the system, and the only offer matte by the Government
to allay that cry was the miserable Bill I hold in my hand. Then it is
said in opposition to the abolition system, that it is necessary to train
the slave, in order to accustom him to freedom. In all my life, I have
never happened to hear any arguraentmore absurd or without foundation.
Wirhout going over the old ground—without alluding to Antigua and
other Islands, where the slaves have obtained their freedom—it is
enough for me to say that wherever free labour has been tried, it has
succeeded, and the produce of these places has, in p'ace of being di-
minished, been much increased. The proposition that the Slave
required training did not appear in the Bill of 1833, for it said
that any slave who had money might purchase his freedom—if he
had money he might be manumitted to-morrow, and without any training
I say that if any one slave can he manumitted, every slave upon every
farm might be manumitted to-morrow. What is there to prevent
any man from manumitting every slave on his property. But the
Act itself has pointed out that money, and money only is necessary to
the release of the slave ; money, and that alone, was the object of
the slave owner. No slave owner would keep his slaves an hour if
he could get money enough. I do not wish to trouble the House with a
long speech, but I speak with such a conscientious conviction that the
House will be awakened to the necessity of an entire abolition of slavery,
that I feel it unnecessary to go into partieulars—indeed, if I felt inclined
to do so, I should be prevented by the fact—the subject being so much
exhausted, and the public mind so completeiy saturated with it. I
now call upon the House to put an end to a system that is
attended with disgrace and cruelties uheard oi, and by that means re-
store to its original splendour the brightest jewel on the British Crown
—Liberty.—(Loud cheering.) I call upon the House to break
the bonds of the slave for ever; but if they must be bound
then I call upon the House, by adopting my resolution, to bind
the slave, not with fetters of iron, but with fetters infinitely.
more lasting—he meant the fetters of gratitude.—(Loud cheers).
With these feelings I call upon the House to agree to the motion which
I have now the honour of submitting to the House, and I trust you 'will
see the necessity and advantageof rescinding theresolution which has been
already attended with such disastrous results. I move " That it is the
opinion of this House that Negro apprenticeship in the British Colonies
shall immediately cease and determine."—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. VILLIERS rose to second the motion. Differing as he did from
the Hon. Baronet so widely in politics, he hoped their agreement on this
subject would be received by the House as an assurance on the
part or those who advocated this cause, that they wished to preserve
the question free from all kinds of party or political feeling.
Ire supported the resolution of the Hon. Baronet because he believed it
was as much recommended on the ground of wisdom and sound policy, and
on the ground of justice and humanity; and he did not deny that
he was somewhat influenced by the pressure from without, though he
must say that lie expressed the same opinion with equal con-
fidence before this excitement had been promoted in tile country,
and he ventured to express an opinion upon a public occasion, that
if the whole of the British publid could only he induced to direct
their attention again to the subject they Would again call
on the Legislature to give effect to their opinions.
so far from deprecating this agitation he (Mr. Villiers) hoped
that its good effects in this instance would be observed, and
that the example would in other cases be followed, and that the lesson
would be learnt that nothing could obtain the attention of this House
except it canoe before them as the creature of agitation —(Hear, hear.)
He was the less alarmed or disturbed at this agitation, because lie be.
lieved that the result of this agitation was no bad test of the nature of the
subject agitated, for there was a fund of honesty and good sense in the
country which would prevent any great attention being given to a
question not supported by strong arguments, and resting on truth and
justice.—(Hear, hear.)

(LErr SPEAKING.)

Tfrrt
CiL.A _iaL4 K:9

77 TT_ el .

EXPRESS FROM BRISTOL.

ARRIVAL OF
THE GREAT WESTERN

STEAM-SHIP.

KING-ROAD, MAY 22,
HALF-rAsT ELEVEN O'CLOCK A. M.
The Great Western came to anchor here at ten rri.
'lutes before eleven o'clock. She left New York on the
7th inst., at half-past two :)'clock, having to encounter
contrary winds, except for about six days of fair

weather. She has on board 51 passengers, who are I
well and in excellent spirits. Her arrival was an-
nounced by the firing of guns ; and when she came to
anchor, the band on beard struck up, in admirable
style, " Old England for ever !" This splendid ship,
which carries four masts, and was looking fresh as
when launched, had floating at her foremast the
American ensign ; from the second a streamer,
with " Great Western Steam Ship" on it ; and, from
her fourth mast, the English ensign. The Cambrian
steamer was waiting alongside, to convey the passen-
gers up the river. The arrangements made for this
purpose, and also on board, were most complete.
Captain Hoskins announced to the passengers that it
had been arranged that they should be landed at
Ronwhan, without the delay of passing through
the Custom-house, which announcment was received
with cheers. The Great Western left New York at
half-past two o'clock, on Monday, the 7th instant,
and spoke the Cosino, of Bristol, for New York, at
half-past 11 A.M., on. the 9th. On the 10th May,
the Great IVestern spoke the ship Howard, of
Greenock, bound to St. Petersburgh. The Sirius left
New York on the Ist, and reached Falmouth on the
19th—eighteen days' sail. The Great Western has
made the voyage to King-road, being 140 miles
greater distance, in fifteen days.
At a late hour this evening we received from our
Correspondent at Bristol, a file of American papers,
to the 7th inst., arrived by the Great Western, from
which the following are extracts :

NEW YORK MONEY MARKET.
WALL-STREET, MAY 6.—The weather has been so very
stormy to-day as to retard all out-door business. The sale of
stocks at the Board was uncommonly small. The whole
amount sold was only 1,139 shares. United States Bank
went for 116 ; Delaware and Hudson Canal, 72 ; Mohawk
R. Road, 59 ; Harlem, ditto, 58 ; Stonington ditto, 35:1i.
TREASURY NOTES.—None offered. Specie continues the
same as through the week, and nothing doing.
BANK DIVIDENDS.—We published the dividends of thirteen
Banks in a table on Friday, since which the following Banks
have declared, and we publish them together with the total
amounts from Friday's paper.
Capital. per cent. Amount of Div.
Thirteen Banks 12.271,200 8 1,023,720
Layfayette Bank 50,000 8 40,000
National Bank.. . 750,000 8 60,000
Butchers and Drovers 500,000 ...... 8 40,000
Greenwich Bank 200,000 8 16,000

14,921,200 dol. 1,179,720 dol
The State Bank at Albany has declared a dividend of 10
per cent., payable on the 16th, and the Cayuga Country Bank
a dividend of 8 per cent., payable on the 22d.
A Convention of the Western Banks was held at Auburn
on the 25th ult., J. H. Beach, Esq., of Auburn, presiding,
and William V. J. Mercer, of Waterloo, acting as Secretary.
It was very numerously attended, and resulted in a deter-
mination to co-operate with the city of New York in an early
resumption of specie payments, and to maintain the credit of
New York safety fund notes. A Committee to proceed to
New York and to assure the city banks of this determination,
was appointed, consisting of Messrs. H. Dwight, W. M.
Oliver, W. B. Wells, J. Magee, A. St. John, J. 11. Beach,
and L. Jones. This Committee meet in this city on the 12th
instant.
A numerous and highly respectable meeting was held at
Fort Plain on the 28th ult., at which a resolution declaring it
expedient to organize without delay a Banking Association in
that village, with a capital of 200,000 dollars, was accepted.
A Committee of fire was appointed to promote the object of
the meeting.
As the rumour has gone abroad that Biddle's Great Regu-
lator would resume specie payments on the 1536th:98500f3;28h4:39 pre-
sent month, we think it well to publish the following, to show
his condition on the Ist of April : Dollars.
He had in specie
His liabilities were—Due State Banks
Private deposits
New notes
Circulation Post notes
Resurrection notes
From this statement there can be but one conclusion
drawn, and this is, that Nicholas Biddle is wholly unable to
resume.
PIIILADELPIIIA BANKS.—The Commercial Herald of Phi-
ladelphia states that a convention of Delegates of the Phila-
delphia Banks were held on Wednesday evening, for the
purpose of determining the period when it will be practicable
for them to resume specie payments. A Committee was up-,
pointed to report on the matter. It seems that the meeting
last Monday of the citizens generally, came to a resolution,
as the deliberate opinion of the meeting, that nothing but the
influence of the United States Bank, exercised over the other
banks, prevents them from redeeming their promises to pay.
A Committee of eight was appointed to get the banks to say
at what time they intended to resume and the causes which
retarded the resumption.
MICHIGAN—By the terms of the suspension law, which ex-
pires on the 16th inst., the banks of Michigan must, on that
day, resume specie payments, or incur a forfeiture of their
charter. In alluding to this subject, the editor of the Buffalo
Commercial thus expresses himself :
We have advices from New Orleans to the 28th ult. They
state—
" Dollars have advanced per cent and doubloons 124
cents., but there is no great demand fur either. U. 8.
Bank Notes are now 5 a 54 per cent., which is an advance
over the rates of last week I per cent. Alabama money re-
mains the same, 14 al5 per cent. cls. Treasury notes have
advanced to 7 a 7 per cent. prem., and have become scarce.
Mississippi money remains about the same as last week, say 26
a 35 per cent. dis.—This circumstance appears most extra-
ordinary when we take into core-ideration that Mississippi is
the largest cotton growing state in the Union, and when this
article is at the present time substituted for specie, in order
to equalize Exchanges between this country and Europe."
Mississippi BANKS.—The patience of the good people of
the neighbouring State, seems to have been worn out at
length, in consequence of the impolitic course pursued by the
Banks, and loud and bitter complaints are heard on every
hand, charging the banks with a wilful depreciation of their
own paper, with the view of buying it in at low rates, and
other delinquencies of a:serious and flagitious character. A
meeting was }it'd on the 19th instant, at Vicksburg,:the object
of which was to express popular feeling in relation to the de-
preciation of bank paper, and the course pursued by the
banks. The resolutions are drawn up in strong language,
imperatively calling upon the banks for an exposition of their
affairs, and the causes which have brought on the deterioration
of their paper. It is expected that similar meetings will be
held in other parts of the State, The state of public feeling
is represented as uneasy and excited, and no doubt a rigorous
scrutiny will be instituted into the management of the bank-
ing institutions.
The position of these banks is peculiar. The chartered
banks have been managed with as much ability and honesty as
any banks in the country ; they are in as good condition as the
Ohio Banks, but they cannot resume without running the
greatest hazard of being forced to suspend the second time.
The trouble is that Michigan has no surplus products, the ba-
lance of irate is continually and heavily against her.
Ohio, on tae-: contrary, has a large surplus. The bills of her
banks, although in fact they may not be a whit better than
those of :Michigan, will purchase pork, wheat, flour, &c.,
which sent to /slew York or any other eastern market, will
command cash. This fact gives Ohio Bills currency, and
keeps them up nearly to par, while Michigan notes are at a
discount of from 12 to 15 per cent. The Ohio banks could
resume withoet danger, because balances are due that State
from every quarter.
Judging by the tone of the leading Michigan papers, we
should think an effort is about to be made to call a special
meeting/of the Legislature, in order to devise some uncle o
giving effectual support to the banks.

SUNDAY, P. 31:

Three packet ships have arrived to-day, including 'the ship
Un;ted States, from Liverpool, which brings Liverpool dates
to April 9. Business in Europe was improving, and the factors
were expecting large orders for fall goods from this country.
The papers were speculating as to the result of the steam
navigation between the two countries. The political news is
of no importance.

Sales at the Stock Exchange, may 5.
50 shares United States Bank _
116
50 do do do
8 453°
d'l ss 111651
50 do do do
50 do do do 820 ds 115
100 do do do i
20 do Phenix Bank 220 (is 1154
50 do Butchers and Drovers Bank 116
100:1
:25 do Commercial Bank
90
25 do Delaware and Hudson Ca.aal cash
71
20 do et) d') do
50 do do do do 7
71;1
250 do do do do it
60 do American Trust Co Bait 71
50 do do do do s3O as 984
98i
10 do New York Ina Co
50 do North American Ins Co 103
45 do Nlo%awk Rail Rcad 99i.;
59
cash 57
100 do Harlem Rail Road
25 do do do
57i7
25 do , do do
3 :4.
100 do New Jersey Rail Road
93
26 do do do 1
93
10 do Stonnington Raid Road
$ 30 di 35i

STATE OF TRADE.
Saturday, May 5, P.M.
Th., tolls collected on the New York state canals from the
opening of canal navigation tr the 22d April, was
Dol. 70,000
Collected during the 4th week in April ......... 56,29 61

In all 126,289 61
There was collected during the month cf April
in the last he sum of 89,074 72

Excess in firtcr of 183 e 87,241 89