The Sun.
London, England, 1853-06-04 00:00:00

[PRICE SD.

Well, if the investigation is to be pursued at length—and
hero I am satisfied that those members of the committee
lyvnho quiarryeiantoowbepprerosetnratcitnedTaenhdomusienuwtiellenbdearaccmueraoteute—noifugthhe,
I say it will not last one session nor two sessions, but will
continue for a much longer period than that, and for a
much longer time also than I believe any single lion, mem-
ber would be disposed to suspend legislation. Ni; does
it appear to me that any great advantage would, in any
respect, be derived from waiting for further evidence, as is
proposed by some gentlemen from India. I believe that
on the subjects with which at present we have to deal—
namely, the relations between the Board of Control and the
Court of Directors, the constitution of the Court of Di-
rectors, the abolition of that court, or any of these ques-
tions which are agitated here, we are better able to decide
than any witnesses who could be brought from India.
Upon many subjects which are stated to he grievances, and
which may be properly subjects of our inquiry—as the want
of public roads, the want of irrigation, the tenure of land,
and the taxation of India—we might perhaps obtain good
information ; but all these points were raised before
us by those whom we have heard, or by representations
we have had submitted to us, and I do not see that any new
light, or any additional information, islikely to be obtained
for our assistance in the consideration of these subjects, by
deferring any attempt to legislate until the ensuing session.
Still less would that information, if so obtained, bear on
the question which we have before us; because I take leave
to repeat, that all those points which I have specified as
matter on which further information might be desirable are
points for Indian consideration and settlement, and are not
subjects which could by possibility be decided by the legis-
lation of this house. My hon. friend the member for Poole
(Mr. D. Seymour) asked the other night if we were pre-
pared to go on with our measure on this subject, whilst the
committee were still occupied with investigating the ques-
tion of the home government, and before the house ha:LW_
an opportunity of becoming acquainted with he -result_of
the inquiry. But if lam not mistaken, the Association of
the Friendsof India, to which the hon. gentleman belongs,
has announced that it is prepared to oppose anyplan which
does not proceed on the basis of what is called the single
government in this country—that is, putting an end to the
Court of Directors and substituting a Secretary of State,
with or without a council. Having made up their minds
on the subject, Ido not object to their tryingtobringothers
round to the same view; and it is, perhaps, only natural that
they should wish to be enabled-to procure testimony that
may have a favourable bearing on the side they espouse.
Well, the house and the Government may have made up
their mind, too ; and they at least, I feel convinced, will
not use any argument for delay. That argument seems to
me to be taken from them by the resolution to which they
themselves have come, and whatever their opinion may be
as to the proper form of government to be established, I ex-
pect, and I am sure I shall not be disappointed in the ex-
pectation, that they at least will not meet me by any argu-
ment or motion for delay. It seems to me, whatever course
be adopted, whether a single government or a double go-
vernment, whether the present act be continued or amend-
ed, that it is our bounden duty to give to India, at the
earliest possible moment, the best government which the
wisdom of Parliament can devise. (Hear.) And surely those
who attribute greater influence than perhaps I am disposed
to do to the past arrangement of the Indian administration,
who think that much of what has been done or left undone
is to be attributed to the existing form of government,
ought to be prepared, at the earliest possible moment, to
amend that government. We, Sir, are prepared to lay be-
fore the house that plan which, in our judgment, is best
calculated to promote the welfare of India and the benefit
of this country—objects which, in our v ew, are insepara-
bly connected. (Cheers.) Alter it if you will, amend it if
you will, suggest improvements if you will, but do not re-
fuse to India the best government which we can devise,
nor endanger by delay its true happiness and permanent
prosperity. (Cheers.) In the opinion that we are not
likely to obtain additional information from India that
would benefit us in this inquiry, I am confirmed by the
opinion of a most intelligent witness, who appeared beforethe committee a few days ago (Mr. Halliday), a gentleman
who has resided all his life in India, and who is bettor ac-
quainted than almost anybody with the feelings and opinions
of the people of India. No person can speak with greater
authority on this subject; and, in answer to a question in
the committee, he stated his opinion as follows :—" For
the arrangement of the general government of India,
both at home and abroad, I think the committee has
received as much information as can be deemed ne-
cessary, and that nothing would be gained by wait-
ing for further light upon that subject. I do not think
it at all likely that by postponing legislation we should ob-
tain-further valuable information from India, and I think
that there can be no necessity whatever for waiting in the
hope of receiving further information from India.' Well,
then, sir, if there be no validity in the argument for delay,
I ask, if there be no danger in postpojaing the consideration
of the subject ? (Hear, hear.) I can only say this that I
have heard from no one connected with India any other
opinion than this, that whatever we do, we ought now to
legislate. (Hear, Hear.) The same gentleman to whom I
have referred states his opinion very clearly upon that sub-
ject ; he declares that, in his opinion, it is most advisable
to legislate in the coure of the present year. I can have
no hesitation in appealing to the opinion of the direc-
tors, the great majority of whom are connected with
India, and who have all told us—settle it as you will, ap-
point as you please, but inthe course of the present session
leave no uncertainty in India. (Hear, hear.) But that
which I hold to be of far greater importance even than the
opinions of authorities here, is the opinion entertained by
the Governor-Genes-al, Lord DalhgnsjAz,llLltarr.)—N4
man, sir, has ruled India iiiiire eneeeseally‘..ow man is
better acquainted, after five years' residence, with the go-
vernment, thefeelings, and the dispositions of the people of
India. (tiorthaire,
prospects
tsNaon Tia,riscitazaiecsomoisettn tftuotubree agu;
and as the term of his rule is nearly expired, he is in every
respect a disinterested witness. (Hear, hear.) Lord Dal-
housie then says :—" By all means eoncludeyour legislation
at once, and without delay. Delay is a source of weak-
ness, embarassment, and danger—(hear, hear)—and if the
people of India begin to suspect that the rulers of India
are uncertain, perplexed, and vacillating—and if they find
that parliament has not yet decided in what way India is to
ruled, they will be apt to conclude that the existing au-
thorities may be set at nought, and lightly dealt with."
(Hear, hear.) Let me point out to the house that in the
evidence given by Lord Ellenborough to their committee
there is a somewhat parallel case mentioned, forming a
striking instance of the effect produced in dealing with
great interests by the supposed weakness of the governing
power. He mentions that, in the negotiations which he
was carrying on with the State of Gwalior, the probability
of his recal, rumours of which were then circulated in
India, materially affected their progress and result. (Hear,
hear.) I cannot but believe that, if there be any doubt
suffered to arise as to what form of government or govern-
ing power is to be adopted, the prestige of our power in
India may be shaken, and that to an extent for which no
adequate reason can be given. With these opinions, I
think we should have been in excusable if we had not de-
termined to bring forward a measure at the earliest pos-
sible opportunity, and without unnecessary delay. Many
reasons, no doubt, besides the desire to put an end to the
protracted sittings of parliament, would have disposed us
not to bring forward the measure, if we thought we could
have done it without danger; but with these opinions ma-
turely and dispassionately formed upon the testimony of
the most disinterested and capable authorities, we should
have been acting unjustifiably if we had not, at the earliest
possible period consistently with due attention to the
other great measures now before the house, submitted to
its consideration that measure whieh we believe best
calculated to promote the welfare, the good government,
and the prosperity of our Indian possessions, (Hear,
hoar.) Now, sir, though I quite think that it would
have been most impolitic to have delayed legislating
until we had conducted our inquiries through the vari-
ous topics connected with the administration of India,
yet I hardly feel that I should be doing my duty to
that Government, or dealing fairly with the house, if
I did not proceed to set before them, as concisely
as I can, what has been the result of the administration of
our Indian empire for the last twenty years. The com-
mittee was appointed to inquire into the effect of the acts
of 1833 on the improvement and condition of India, and I
fully admit that if any great abuse were found to exist, or
any great crime or iniquity brought to light, it might
affect most materially the question with which we have to
deal. But it is due to the house that they should know
how matters have been transacted in India, what progress
has been made during the last twenty years, and how far
the governing power in India has discharged the task
which has been imposed upon it. In making that review
we must, I think, be careful that it should be a fair and
impartial ons. We must not judge of India progress by
the English standard of the present day, which would be
exceedingly unjust and unfair. It would be unfair to
judge of !English progress some years ago by the standard
which at the present moment we are able to apply to our-
selves. We must make allowance for the difference of
character, the difference of race, the obstacles which are
opposed to progress by the utterly different circumstances
of the country. (Hear.) We must deal with India with
somewhat of an Indian view, and take into consideration
all the circumstances which modify her social state. In
this country we know there is every possible stimulus to
activity, both public and private—public ambition, pri-
vate rivalry, largo capital—every motive to stimulate an
energetic race to progress at the most rapid rate. No pre-
judices, no habits, no manners or customs, are suffered to
interfere with this necessity of our natural life. In India,
on the contrary, you have a race of people fettered by re-
ligious prejudices, jealous and apt to suspicion, slew to
change, now enjoying, under the protection of British
sway, an amount of tranquillity and comfort such as they
have not enjoyed for many centuries past. (Hear, hear.)
There is, in fact, except in the last circumstance I have
mentioned, every obstacle to a rapid progress by the people
inhabiting that great peninsula, whilst in this country you
have every stimulus to accelerated progress in each suc-
ceeding year. More than that, we find that there is the
greatest difference in different parts of India—that what
is true of one district is almost sure to be untrue of au-

other. With respect to the tenures of land, for example,
there are three or four different sorts, and those who are
acquainted with the circumstances of one locality invari-
ably think that other districts in this respect are similarly
circumstanced to their own. On another topic, that of
the army, we have had the most. contradictory evidence as
to the advantage or disadvantage of employing in our ranks
the high caste soldiers of the country. We are told by one
officer that nothing could be so mischievous as to enlist
men of high caste, whilst another said that they made in-
variably the best soldiers. On examining where the offi- •
cers came from, with the view, of finding, if possible,
some clue to the difficulty, we found that one was em-
ployed in the Bengal army, and the other in that of Ma-
dras, the circumstances of the two services being perfectly.
different ; so that statements which appeared totally con-
tradictory were found to be quite correct, and to be per-
fectly accounted for in this way. I think it due to Indian
functionaries and officers that I should advert to these ano-
malies, because it appears to me . that no inconsiderable
amount of apprehension has been spread abroad relative to
the condition of India during the last twenty years. We
have had laid before us petitions professing to be the pro.w hich O
hasne
received
ductions of native associations in India.
attention was early called, and
which
c 1 no
con-
to be from the Native Associatl7' Was
a
siderable notice in this count
petition professing
traordinary nature • and
the statements made in it a ion of Madras. Undoubtedly,
when
to me to be of a very ex-
the result was that
of exaggerations and misstate-
, hadexi I had inquired into them,
seldom seen
utterly
refuted, not only by facts, but by documents to which the