The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-19 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FTBRUARY 19, 1853.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT,

HOUSE OF .LORDS-(YESTERDAY.)

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack

at five o'clock.

Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from a
place in Oxfordshire, praying for a distribution of Par-
liamentary papers. .
• The Earl of ELT.ENBOROTJGH gave notice that on
_ _

Friday next he .ivcruld present a petition from Madras,
praying for redress of grievances in connection with the
renewal of the East India Company's charter ; and also,

to ask whether it was the intention of the G-overnmeni
to introduce any measure this session with regard to the
Government of India. _

The Earl of CARDIGAN gave notice that on Mon-
day he would put questions to the Government relative
to the prosecutions pending with reference to the
Six-mile Bridge affray. ,
Lord BROUGHAM rose to correct a misapprehen-
sion -which had gone abroad, that the bill which he had
introduced last night had been for the purpose of extend-
ing Lord Denman's act of 1851 to Scotland. It was his
own act of 1851 that he wished to extend to that country.
Lord CAMPBELL had great pleasure in bearing
testimony to the excellent manner in which ,that law
had worked in this country. He believed the Scotch
judges were very anxious to have if extended to that
country.
Lord BROUGHAM presented several petitions from
commercial bodies in Scotland, praying for an assimila-
tion of the mercantile law of the two countries. The
noble and learned lord urged upon the Government the
expediency of preparing some measure on the subject.
The Earl of ABERDEEN said that the subject had
not been brought under his attention, but he would take
it into his consideration. .
Lord BROUGHAk hlso )I.64entecra number of peti-
tions from different parts of Scotland, praying for the
extension of the English County Courts to that country.

terminate in a peace of so permanent a cht wader as that
which has prevailed, proves that the tenden ,c; v, the opera-
tion, of all those causes which influence the ( o nduct of na-
tions leads to peace, from a conviction of its le Ivantages to
both countries. (Hear, hear.)- I will not, th ar efore, dwell
upon that point, except to express my protest , -against that
dogma, which, I am sorry to see, has been re vi ved of late,
not merely in England, but too prevalent in this country,
that there is a feeling of natural hostility bet w een the na-
tions of Great Britain and France. (Hear. ) There are
undoubtedly more novel and more important ( a uses which
may be imputed to the present unfortunate op it don that is
prevalent on the subject of our relations with France ; and
1 the first, and the most important nnqUestlona bl y, is in the
increase of,the armaments of this country. (Fin Ir.) There
are many wlio say, whatever may be the as; sertions of
statesmen, whatever may be the public declare, ti ons of per-
sons in authority, whatever may be the judgx nt formed
by sensible and unimpassioned men of the circi :instances of
the hour, no one can deny the stern conclusi on that the
Government of this country feels the respo uibility de-
volving
upon it of increasing its armaments, ; And with
what object can it be increasing its armaments.-unless it is
from a fear of some imminent and impending ! danger from
a foreign foe, and, if from a foreign foe, of con rse the near-
est and the most warlike of those that can be our enemies?
Now, there is a great deal very plausible on the face of
this position ;• nevertheless the real truth is, 'that there is
not in the circumstances of those armaments the slightest
foundation for the belief that they have been a wasioned by
recent transactions in France,'or by the appearance of any
particular characters who have taken a leading part in the
`transactions of that country. (gear.) The origin of the
increase of our armanWeikr..fe defenee,of. this count/71
is of a daticimit:cmOre remote than the incide eta which
are appealed to as the cause of those increased armaments.
The origin of increasing and completing the defences of
this country finds itself in those great changes which have ,
occurred in most of the affairs of life, which have prin-
cipally been occasioned by the application of science to the
business of life, and which application of science has not,
among many circumstances and subjects, spared the art
of war. (Hear, hear.) Those who from their position
were responsible for the defence of this country, who from
their character and their talents were best calculated
to observe the great changes that in this respect were
occurring, long and many years ago called the attention of
the executive Government of this country to that impor-
tant subject. But we all know, especially in free and po-
pular communities, that the few are sensible of the neces-
sity of change before the multitude are convinced of that
necessity, and that it is extremely difficult to bring the
great body of a community to agree to a change of the ne-
cessity of which they are not convinced, and the Govern-
ment of this country many years ago attempted to adapt
the position of the country, with respect to the means of
defence, more to the resources for that object which now
prevail, but they found ofpourse extreme difficulty in ad-
dressing the House of Commons for their support, when
increased expenditure was a necessary condition of the
change—(hear)—and therefore a long time the efforts
were few and feeble, although the convictions of the Ca-

net of the day were deep and earnest upon the subjec
There then happened, some ten years ago, a very unex
pected incident, under the Government of Sir Robert Peel,
that startled even the two nations themselves at the possi:
bility of a war occurring between the two countries. The
cause was almost a contemptible cause when we think of
the stake 'at issue ; but there is no doubt, 'without now
inquiring into the peculiar circumstances which brought
the crisis to such a fine position' that for a short time even
the possibility of war between England and France was
not entirely out of question. (Hear.) Well, the Govern-
ment of that day, ten years ago, took advantage of the
course of the public mind being somewhat startled and
alarmed upon the subject, and endeavoured, even when the
immediate danger had passed, to lead the public mind to
the consideration of the important question which never
slept in the councils of the Cabinet, and there were some
efforts, and not contemptible efforts,' by the Government of
Sir Robert Peel at least te commence a new system with
regard to the public defences of the country. The people
of this country learnt for the first time that a great revolu-
tion had occurred in the art of war, that that revolution
had deprived them of their ancient and, as it were, natural
sources of defence, and they began generally to entertain
the idea that they must adopt other means for their de-
fence. So far the question advanced ; but, as the fulfilment
of what was necessary was, of course, attended with large
and increased expenditure, and as there was a natural ob-
jection always to increasing our expenditure for the sake
of armaments in the House of Commons, the question,
though it became, as far as the country was concerned,
from that time a question that never entirely slept, yet
advanced but slowly. There was a controversy still
whether the country was sufficiently defended or not,
whether the ancient means were so completely superseded
as was represented. There still was alingering superstition in
reference to the " wiodels svallssaf9ldsEngleard.'--fitiddenly
we-had a-series of r.)svolutions ori'ne-coictinent, a period of
great alarm and of great disturbance. The people of this
country were at last convinced that the dream of perpetual
tranquility and of material improvement might be closed.
That was a time when again an opportunity was offered to
the Government of the day to lead the popular opinion in
the direction which it wished, as far as the defence of the
country was concerned. The words of one of the greatest
of our men were then prevalent round every hearth, and
public opinion at last assumed the form of an earnest de-
sire to complete the defences of the country. (Hear.) I
have no doubt that whatever Government existed, they
would loyally and completely have fulfilled that which
was necessary. It fell to the lot of the late Government
to meet the requirements in this respect of England. I
claim no merit for the late Government more than that
to which they are fairly entitled in having earnestly en-
deavoured in this respect to do their duty. (Hear, hear.)
When they acceded to office the question of national de-
fence was ripe. No doubt, if the Government of the
noble lord had continued, they would have done all that
was required ; it fell to us to fulfil that duty, and briefly
I would place before the house what we did in that respect.
During the time that we were responsible for the admini-
stration with regard to national defence, we established a
militia upon a popular principle—a principle which at the
time was much derided, but which, notwithstanding the
opposition that we received, we adhered to, and which has
succeeded in producing a body that commands, as far as a
new force of that character can, the confidence, and I may
say the respect of the country. (Cries of " sear, hear.")
We secondly placed the artillery of the country—that im-
portant arm—in an efficient state. Thirdly, we introduced
measures, or we prepared arrangements, which would have ,
completely, and will completely, fortify the arsenals of the
country, and some important strong posts upon the coast. ,
Fourthly, we increased our navy by a proposition which,
when carried into effect, 'will add to it 5,000 sailors, and
1,500 marines ; and, fifthly, we made arrangements which
I have no doubt will be well completed by our successors,
which would have established, or rather will establish, the
ancient garrison in the form of a Channel fleet, an efficient
Channel fleet of 15 or 20 sail of the line, with an adequate
number of frigates and smaller ships, and which, when
those plans are completed—and I trust they will be
speedily completed— will allow a Channel fleet of that
force to rendezvous at a very short notice at three or four
ports, introducing into that fleet all those modern im-
provements of scientific machinery which now are avail-
able. (Hear.) These were [the plans which we thought
it our duty to submit to the approbation of Parliament,
and which received the approbation of Parliament—plans
which, in our opinion, when completed, will fulfil all
that is necessary for the complete defence of the coun-
try. I was very glad to hear from the noble (the Se-
cretary of State) on the first night of our meeting, that
her Majesty's Ministers do not propose any increase of the
.(Hoar.) I have noticed this point
army. That was a subject which we felt it our duty well
to consider, and it certainly was our opinion that no such
iinncsroemasse wdeatsailne,ce becausessary be remembered that one of the
principal grounds for believing that the friendly relations
of France and England are about to be broken is the in-
crease of the armaments of this country. Myself, how-
ever humbly, in a certain degree responsible for that in-
.)
i
crease,eyoa rr n
howevert
gbhboeeßourbonve
tranquil Whoever
mightor
I wish to take this opportunity of pointing out the
uttera
,ft Government,
fnanl
ta
the
ay
tohf to hnhaeotwoconclusion.
France,verdisturbed
whether(
a Bonaparte—(hear)—whatever might have been the form
o
the state of Europe, those who were responsible.whiei
haforvethaely_
one:era
self-defence,
fn.
do not f fromen
e
administration of affairs in this country_emoairmeum
what party or from what section the
selected—
would sooner or later have felt it their duty ti)
eI a s circumstance,
country in a state of defence —(hear)--that
therefore,
utpylaaceristihnge
from the great change which has taken place in the art of
war and. the means by which offensive or defensive opera-
tionstha tEnglandare w
has conducted.increased
itsn the
I find no reason for a moment to think that there is
an
luded. (Hear.) There is one other cause, also of a novel
character, which has been alleged—which is daily alleged
authority for the too prevalent belief to
—for the belief of this impending rupture, and which no
doubt is extremely prevalent and influential 'and the is,
the troubled state of France during latter year,_
troubles
which have terminated in the revival of what I think is
fallaciously styled a military dynasty. Now; there can be
no doubt that the founder of the dynasty that not re-
vails in France was one of the greatest conqueren P
n only
of modern but of all ages ; but it does not follow—and
history, indeed, contradicts the position—that the descend-
ants of a conqueror are necessarily his rivals. Generally
speaking, those who follow a conqueror are inclined to
peaceable pursuits—(hear)—and when we find that the pre-
sent Emperor of the French, who in a certain sense must
be said to owe his throne to a great conqueror, is not even
by profession a military man, we find a circumstance which
rather inforces the truth of the observation that I have made.
But then it is said that there is in France a military Govern.-
meat, and that that country is at this moment regulated
by the army. But there is a great error also, I appre-
hend if history is to guide us, in assuming that , because
a country is governed by an army, that army is ex-
tremely anxious to conquer other countries. When armies
are anxious for conquest it is because their position at
home is uneasy, because their authority is not recognised
and because their power is not felt. It is the army return:
ing from conquest that attempts to obtain supreme power
in the State. But if an army finds that it does possess su-
preme power you very rarely find that restlessness of
foreign aggression which is supposed to be the inevitable
characteristic of military force. Now, there is one re-
markable characteristic of the present military Govern-
' meat in France, that that Government has not taken place
' by the ambition of the army, but by the' solicitation of
classes of civilians, of large bodies of the industrial popu-
• lation, who, frightened, whether rightly or wrongly, with
. a state of disturbance, and as they supposed of menacing
anarchy, have turned to the only disciplined body at com-
' mend which they thought could secure order. (Hear.) I
am led, therefore, .t? the belief that in the circumstance
• that there is a military dynasty which is not a warlike
dynasty, and that France is governed by the army, not in
consequence of the military 41abition of the troops, but in

disquietudeatanxiet of
ywhthieehciistiziton I
ws.
prevalent.
(Hear.) reason
q ufeonrc et ohfa
tthgree
(Hear.) I know there is another cause, notwithstanding,
which may occasion extreme embarrassment and dispute.
Although I think I have shown to the house, if it were in-
deed necessary—(hear, hear)—that the increase of our -ar-
maments has not been occasioned by any circumstances but
the inevitable necessity of 4placing this country in a state
of safety and defence, and not _by any of the changes in
foreign countries, and although I hope I have shown the
house some cause to believe that the state of affairs in
France does not-necessarily, as some suppose, lead to mili-
tary aggression, I admit that there are reasons at this
moment which should make men uneasy, and that there
aro causes of misconception between the two nations, which
cannot be watched too narrowly, and which, if neglected,
may lead to disastrous consequences ; and I proceed now
to advert to them. (Hear.) There is no doubt that there
is a considerable prejudice in this country against the pre-
sent ruler of France-:—I say it without reserve—for two
reasons. It is undereood that in acceding to power he iias
terminated what we esteem a Parliamentary constitution,
and that he has abrog,itted the liberty of the press. (Hear,
hear.) I wish to put the case—l think it best to put the
case as fairly as I can before the house, as the object of
these observations is to put an end to what I think, what
I hope, is a very-mistaken feeling, and to elicit from her
Majesty's Government explanations which I trust will
substantiate that belief on my side. (Hear, hear.)
I have no doubt—we know—there is a prejudice against
the present ruler of France on these two grounds. (Hear.)
It is unnecessary for me to say that it is not probable
I shall ever say or do anything which should tend to
depreciate the influence or to diminish the power of Par-
liament or the press. (Hear, hear.) My greatest honour
is to be a member of this house, in which all my thoughts
and feelings are concentred—(hear, hear)—and as for the
press, I am myself a gentleman of the press-,-(hear, hear)
—and have no other scutcheon. (Cheers.) ...pw well
the circumstances _under which 'we have eht '`,,, . in'thia
country the invaluable blessings of a freepress. It is only
a century and a half ago since we got rid of the censorship ;
,and when we had got .rid of the censorship we had a law of
libel, which, for nearly a century, rendered that freedom
of the press a most perilous privilege. Until Mr. Fox's
great act upon the law of libel, no public writer could have
been said to be safe in this country. (Hear.) •I mention
that to remind the house how very recent is the date, of
' our real enjoyment of the press in this country, because we
are mainly indebted to Mr. Fox for that great privilege ;
and the house will recollect that during the interval—not
a very long interval, little more than half a century—that
libEirty of the press has been often modified, often interfered
with, by British Ministers ; and that modification and that
into rference have always been sanctioned by British Par-
liaments. I hope we live in happier times than those
which preceded us in that respect. (Hear, hear.) I hope
we have arrived at a conclusion in this country that, if the
press is free, it should enjoy a complete freedom—(hear,
and cheers)—that the best protection against the excesses
of the press is the spirit of discussion, which is the prin-
cipl e upon which our society at present depends—(hear)--
and I think that all parties in this country have come to
the conclusion that the liberty of the press is the most
valuable of our public privileges, because, in fact, it secures
the enjoyment of all the rest—(hear, hear, and cheers)
—bi it, at the same time, it is always advisable, when we
make observations on the conduct of foreign nations, that
we should be perfectly satisfied that the circumstances in
those countries to which we are applying the opinions pre.
valent in our own are identical with the circumstances in
which we ourselves are placed. (Hear.) Now, with all
my Love of the liberty of the press, with all my confidence
that we have arrived at a state of society in England
which will prevent any Minister at any time ever again
attempting to interfere with that liberty of the press, I
am still conscious that we enjoy it in this country on
certain conditions, which do not, in my opinion, prevail in
other countries ; namely, of a long-established order, a
habit of freedom of discussion; and, above all, an absence
of all those circumstance and of all those causes many of
whi6h are disturbing society in other countries. Now,
I will take a case as an example. Suppose that in
England at this moment we had the greatest
of al 1 political evils let us suppose that, instead
of our happy settlement, we had a disputed succes-
sion. (Hear, hear.) Let us suppose that there was a young
Charles Stuart, for example, at this moment at Breda, and
a young Oliver Cromwell at Bordeaux, publishing their
manifestoes, and sending their missives to powerful parties
of their adherents in this country. We may even suppose
other contingencies. Let us suppose that we had had, in
the course of a few years, great revolutions in this country
—that the form of our government had been changed—that
our free and famous monarchy had been subverted, and
that a centralised republic had been established by an ener-
getic tyranny—that the tyranny had been unsupportable,
and that the army had been called in by the people gene-
rally to guard them from the excesses which they had ex-
perienced. Do you think that, under any of these circum-
stances, you would be quite sure of enjoying the same
liberty of the press which you enjoy at this moment ?
(Cheers from the Opposition benches.) Do you think that
in the midst of revolution, with a disputed succession, se-
cret societies, and military rule, you would be quite certain
of having your newspaper at your breakfast every morn-
ing? Sir, these are considerations which ought to guide
us when we are giving an opinion upon the conduct of rul-
ers and of nations. (Hear, hear.) There is no doubt the
circumstance of the present ruler of France has stopped
that liberty of the press which we so much prize has occa-
sioned great odium to him in tilis.cpuntry,..andlas arrayed
the fetlings of the powerful ptress of England against the
French Government. I myse If speak upon this subject
with no other feeling towards the Emperor of the French
than that feeling of respect which we ought all to entertain
for any sovereign whom her most gracious Majesty has re-
cognised and admitted into the fraternity of monarchs.
(Cheering from both sides of ti to house.) I am not ashamed
or afraid to say that I for one deplore much that has oc-
curred, and sympathise with the fallen. Some years ago I
had occasion frequently to v isit France. I found that 1
country then under the mild sway of a constitutional mon-
, arch—of a prince who, from temper as well as from policy
was humane and beneficent. .1 know, Sir, that at that
time the press was free. I know that at that time the
parliaments—or rather the Chambers—of France were in
existence, and distinguished by their eloquence, and by a
dialectic power that probably even this house has never
equalled. I know that under these circumstances France
arrived at a pitch of material prosperity which it had
never before reached. I know also that, after a reign of
unbroken prosperity, of great duration, when he was aged
—when. he was in sorrow, and when he was suffering under
overwhelming indisposition, the same prince was rudely
expelled from his capital, and he was denounced as a pol-
troon by all the journals of England because he did not
command his troops to fire upon his people. Now,
other powers and other princes have occupied his seat,
who have asserted their authority in a very different
way, and some are denounced as tyrants because they did
order their troops to fire upon the people. (Hear, hear.)
I said, Sir, that I deplore the past and sympathize with
the fallen. I think every man has a right to have his feel-
ings upon these subjects ; but what is the moral I presume
to draw from these circumstandos ? It is this,—that it is
extremely difficult to form an opinion upon French politics,
and that so long as the French people are exact in their
commercial transactions, and friendly in their political re-
lations, it is just as well that we should not interfere with
their management of their domestic concerns. (Loud cheers
from both sides.) I am glad to find that the house is of the
opinion, which I have ventured to express upon this impor-
tant subject. I don't say that is not perfectly the privi-
lege of the English press, or of any foreign press, to make
any observations they may please upon, the conduct of
foreign rulers and upon the conduct of foreign nations. It
is an affair of discretion; it is an affair of public wisdom.
Our constitution has intrusted the writers in public jour-
nals with the privilege of expressing their opinions ; they
have a very responsible position—(hear, hear)—they must
consider what is the tendency and what may be the conse-
quences of their acts ; they have a right to act, and no
British Minister, and no foreign potentate, can question
the power which they exercise. (Hear, hear.) Well, Sir,
feelingusosfellt)hue
upon
nvtehrnme
snehnjteeotfttohwe
hnioebhlelloail
owphpaots
iwt,
ea s(
It ho
re
d j.Russell)
alluding? It is important to know what was the feeling
and what were the opinions of the noble lord when he him-
self was at the head of the Government. It is a pleasure to
turn to Hansard, not to twit and taunt an hon. gentleman
with some quotation which may impugn his consistency,
but to refer to a statemant of views becoming a person fill-
ing the noble lord's exalted position, and expressed with
all that propriety and terseness of language which distin-
guish him. This was the declaration of the noble lord in
1852, about a year ago, almost immediately before he quit-
ted office. These expressions were delivered in another
Parliament ; there are many gentlemen present who did
not listen to them ; they are peculiarly apposite to the pre-
I sent moment. An acquaintance with the opinions of a
great Minister at such a period must be interesting to all,
and therefore I shall make no excuse for bringing before
the house the views which the noble lord then professed,
and which I most sincerely believe he now entertains.
" This, however," said the noble lord, on the 3d of Feb-
ruary, 1852,

" I am bound to say, that the President of France, with
the large means of information which he possesses, has no
doubt taken that course from a consideration of the state of
the country, and that the course which he has taken is that
best fitted to secure the welfare of the country over which he
rules. Let me re-state what I have said upon the subject."
The house will observe that the noble lord spoke with per-
fect calmness. It was not a speech in reply. It was a
speech delivered on the first night of the session. It was a
statement well matured and voluntarily made, and, that lie
may not be mistaken, the noble lord begs permission of the
house to give a summary of his views, and to re-state them.
" Let me re-state," said the noble , lord, " what I have
said upon this subject : .
" I stated I could not giye my approbation to the conduct
of the President ; but L haVe no reason to doubt, and every-
thing which I have heard' confirms that opinion, that in the
opinion of the President of France the three things which I
have mentioned—namely, putting an end to the French Con-
stitution, preventing the elections of 1852, and the abolition
of the parliamentary constitution, were all measures condu-
cive, and perhaps essential, to the welfare of France. But I
have something to state further, because I confess that I have
seen with very great regret the language which has been
used by some portion of the press of this country with respect
to the President of France and the affairs of that country. I
remember something as a boy, and I have read more, of that
which occurred during the peace of Amiens, which rendered
that peace of so short a duration, and which involved these
two great nations in the most bloody hostilities which ever
mangled the face of Europe. I believe that temperate dis-
cussion, temperate negotiation between the two countries,
might have averted the calamity of war with England, but
that the language of the press at the time was such as greatly
to embitter all negotiation, and to prevent the continuance
of that peace. Sir, I should deeply regret if the press of this
country at the present time were to take a similar course.
Wo have, indeed, the great advantage over the timo to which
I refer, which is, that the First Consul of France, great as
were his abilities, was totally ignorant of the means and of
the Constitution of this country ; the present President of
France has that advantage over his uncle, that he is perfectly
aware how much liberty—nay, how much license of discussion
prevails in this country, and that the fiercest and most un-
measured invectives of the press do not imply any feeling of
hostility either on the part of the Government or on the part
of the nation. I am convinced of this, that there never was
a time in which it was mere essential that these two great
countries should preserve relations of peace and amity with
each pther. There never was a time when the peace of En-

I have the pleasure of being able to express my unquali-
fied concurrence in, I believe, every word which the noble
earl who preceded me (Lord Derby) uttered. I entirely agree
with him as to its being the duty of this country, as a coun-
try and a nation, and the duty of each individual in his indi-
vidual capacity, to abstain from any interference in the inter-
nal politics of that great and powerful nation which lies near
to us. I, like the noble lord, observe with the deepest con-
cern, and, I may say, with the indignation which the noble
earl has expressed, the tone which has been taken by a large
portion of the newspaper press of this country. I think that
the denunciation of the person at the head of the Government
of France, coupled with those more than exaggerated—l will
say, untrue—representations of the defenceless condition of
this country, do not only savour of imprudence, but of some-
thing worse than imprudence ; and I rejoice that the noble
earl, in the position which he occupies, has come forward to
assert, in the emphatic manner in which it has been done,
his utter repudiation of language such as I have described.
And I do trust that when, with the full assurance that I have
the concurrence of my colleagues, I join in that repudiation,
and when I am convinced every one of your lordships will
echo the same sentiment, I do believe and hope that the mis-
chief, the incalculable evil, which might otherwise have re-
sulted from language thus held by a great part of the news-
paper press of this country, will to a great extent be neutra-
lised, and that it will be understood in foreign countries that,
however those newspapers may express the opinions and the
feelings of those who write in them, they do not express the
opinions or the feelings of any great and powerful party in
this country, or in the houses of Parliament."
Now, the house will understand that Lord Grey, on that
occasion, entirely coincided in opinion with the noble lord
who was then at the head of her Majesty's Government in
this house. I think it will be observed that, on that
occasion Lord Grey answered for the complete agreement
of his colleagues as to the evil, not of public characters,
but of anonymous writers in the press, denouncing the
ruler of France. We are clear, therefore, that on that
occasion the whole of the colleagues of the noble lord in
his Government were of opinion that the criticisms of the
press of England—a lawful and legitimate organ—were to
be deprecated, and that there was a most anxious desire
and determination on the part of the noble lord and his
Government to maintain between this country and France
r the most - friendlp-relation, tliTt was the state of
affairs between the two countries a year ago. Perhaps I
may be permitted to say, that during the period for which
we occupied office nothing took place that at all impaired
that cordial understanding between the, two countries
which I may say we inherited from our predecessors. I
know well that there are some gentlemen—some in this
house—who, though they may highly esteem a friendly
understanding between this country and other powers, are
apt to speak in a tone of great disparagement of the duties
and the influence of diplomacy, and do not attribute to
such intimate connexion any great, or permanent, or
advantageous influence on the general course of human
events. I can only say—l feel it my duty to say—that
during the period, however brief, in which we occupied a
responsible position as regards the Administration of this
country, we found a cordial understanding with France to
be of great advantage to the welfare of the world,—that on
several occasions we found that cordial understanding com-
ing to our aid to maintain peace, to advance civilisation,
and to promote the general welfare of mankind. (Hear,
hear, from the Opposition.) I don't wish to take refuge
in vain declamation, but of course upon such a subject I
am bound to exercise considerable reserve. I shall not
now pretend to give to the House a catalogue of the many
instances in which we found the advantage of that cordial
understanding and sincere co oporation on the part of
France, but I noted down last night some instances which
I am permitted to state to the House, and I shall place
them before you with the conviction that-when unbiased
and unprejudiced persons consider the transactions to which
they refer, and the brief interval in which all these trans-
actions—which are only a part of the transactions that did
occur—took place, they will see the great importance of
the consideration that I am endeavouring now to impress
upon them. Let me mention some cases, to which I can
without impropriety allude, in which during the time that
we occupied office we found the advantage of having a
cordial understanding with our neighbours. There was a
misunderstanding between France and Switzerland on a
subject which disquieted Europe, and which many sup-
posed at one moment might greatly disturb the peaceful
relations of the world. Our advice was accepted in that
case. Our good offices were tendered and accepted, and
that cloud was completely dispelled. Take another case—
the case in which France joined with us in the negotiation
for the opening of the South American rivers. What was
an operation tending to increase the commercial relations
of the world, and to advance that cause of progress which
all are so anxious to foster. Then there was the case of
Prussia and Neufchatel, when a violent course might have
been anticipated on the part of Prussia against Neufchatel,
but the united representations of France and England,
made in the most friendly spirit to the enlightened mo-
narch who governs Prussia, led to the happy result of that
affair. A fourth case is one in which France joined with
us in pressing upon the United States the tripartite renun-
ciation of Cuba. It is true we did not succeed in the im-
mediate object of that interference, but the moral effect of
the step has been very considerable, and at least indicated,
on the part of France, a total absence of that anxiety to
keep alive subjects and opportunities of public embroilment
which is so liberally imputed to her. We succeeded, also,
in cordial union with France, in preventing the war which
was about to break out in Hayti. But I will take another
case, which is greatly to the reputation and honour of
France. I will take the case when the peaceful relations
of the Levant were threatened last year, with regard to the
tanzimat in Egypt, which was instituted by the Sultan of
Turkey. We had entirely failed in inducing the Sultan to
modify that tanziment. Now, although France has always
regarded with jealousy the subjection of the Pasha of
Egypt to the Porte, when affairs assumed an aspect which
seemed to threaten a disturbance in the Levant, we ap-
pealed to the cordial feeling of France ; she joined with
us, and, by our united influence, the 'question in dispute
was amicably arranged. I might state another instance.
I might appeal to the conduct of France in reference to the
revision of the Greek Succession Treaty, which secured to
the Greeks the fulfilment of their constitutional law. I
might also appeal to the conduct of France and to her cor-
dial co-operation with England in preventing the distur-
bances which threatened the new regency of Tunis. I
have stated eight instances in which the cordial union of
France assisted us in preventing great evils, not only to this
country, but to the world generally ; but remember that
during all this time, while all this was taking place, much
to the credit of the noble lord who presided over the Fo-
reign-office, and who had had such scanty justice done him
—(hear, hear)—but to whose indefatigable application and
determined energy, this country is much indebted—(hear,
hear)—remember that all this time, while France quietly,
tranquilly, and diplomatically is working with our Govern-
ment for these great objects of public benefit, France is
painted as a corsair and bandit watching to attack our
coasts without the slightest cause. (Hear, hear.) Well,
then, I have shown that the cordial understanding between
England and France was the great principle, as far as our
of the Government of the
foreign policy was concerned,
noble lord opposite, and of the Government of Lord Derby.
I doubt not,
especially considering the much more pro-
tracted term of the noble lord's Government, he has ex-
perienced from that cordial understanding greater benefits
than even the Government of Lord Derby ; but we shall
always remember that the conduct of France, while we
were in office, was conduct which entitled that nation to
the respect, sympathy, and good feeling of the people of
this country. Now, in the portion of the speech of the
noble lord opposite which I just read, the house perhaps
noticed one of those remarkable phrases and fine observa-
tions which often distinguish the remarks of the noble lord.
The noble lord pointed out to the house the advantage
which the present Emperor of France has over his illustri-
ous relative, in the fact that, instead of being ignorant of
the laws and constitution of this country, he had long been
a resident here, and was familiar with our language, our
habits, and our customs. No doubt that is a most bene-
ficial circumstance in the position of the present Emperor
of the French ; he has lived long in England, he has known
English society in very various classes—(some laughter)—
his education has not been deficient in the most important
element--adversity, and it is not likely he would miscon-
ceive, however much he might be annoyedat, the character
of the English press. No doubt the present Emperor of the
French must have been perfectly aware that the attacks of
the press on him were attacks for which neither the Go-
vernment nor the nation is resp;Aagible ; and if 110 lAO, tgi I