The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-01 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 1, 1854.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.)

The ceremony which takes place in the House
of Lords when her Majesty opens Parliament in
person has been so often described that to give
again a detailed account of it will almost be con-
sidered needless repetition. Yet the occurrences
during the recess, and the fact that it constitutes
the initiative to those deliberations which may re-
sult in important legislative measures, always lend
to the event an interest which requires some de-
tailed reference. On the present occasion, how-
ever, Parliament assembled under circumstances
of more than usual gravity—the country being
almost on the eve of war with one of the greatest
and most powerful of European monarchs, and the
Government being pledged to a measure which is
to effect an extensive reform in our representative
system. A few descriptive words, therefore, upon
what transpired in this magnificent chamber to-
day, notwithstanding the want of novelty, may
not be altogether out of place.
The doors were opened for the admission of com-
pany at 12 o'clock, and the arrivals were continuous
until very shortly before the entrance of the
Queen. As usual, the majority present consisted
of ladies—peeresses and their daughters, and other
female members of the aristocracy and haitt ton—
whose many-coloured and gay dresses, sparkling
with jewels, thrown out in bold relief by the rich
and sombre robes of the peers, added greatly
to the brilliancy of the scene. Towards one o'clock,
some 20 peers had arrived, the most prominent
beinn: the. Archbishop -of Canterbury, the Bishop
of London, Lord Redesdale, and the Earl
of Delaware. There was also a sprinkling
of ambassadors among a group of peers near the
throne. The muster of judges was rather large.
The Marquis of Lansdowne and the Duke of
Argyll were the Ministers first in attendance.
At a quarter to two the whole of the benches
set aside for the peers were filled, so were also
those appropriated to the corps dip/ornatique. The
Ambassadors of France, Austria, Turkey, and
Prussia, were objects of particular attention. We
did not observe the Russian Ambassador (Baron
Brunow), but there was a report that he was
present. The Duke of Cambridge, the Earl of
Aberdeen, and the Duke of Newcastle, were the
next important personages in the order of arrival.
Along the route taken by the cortege this morn-
ing, the people thrOughout cheered to the very echo
his Excellency the Turkish Ambassador. At one
point, three good English cheers were called for,
and given heartily to the Representative of the
Sultan Abd-ul-Medjid. _ _ _

It was just a quarter after two when her Majesty
entered the house, leaning on the arm of Prince
Albert, and preceded and followed by the different
officers of state. The Earl of Aberdeen held the
Sword of State, the Crown was borne by the
Marquis of Lansdowne, and the Cap of Mainten-
ance was carried by the Earl of Zetland.
Her Majesty read the following Royal Speech,
with much clearness and emphasis :

HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH.

" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

" I am always happy to meet you in Parliament ;
and on the present occasion it is with peculiar sa-
tisfaction that I recur to your assistance and advice.
" The hopes which I expressed at the close of the
last session that a speedy settlement wculd be ef-
fected of the differences existing between Russia
and the Ottoman Porte, have not been realised,
and I regret to say that a state of warfare has
ensued.
" I have continued to act in cordial co-operation
with the Emperor of the French, and my endea-
, yours, in conjunction with my Allies, to preserve
and to restore peace between the contending parties
although hitherto unsuccessful, have been unremit-
ting. I will not fail to persevere in these endeavours,
but as the continuance of the war may
deeply affect the interests of this country
and of Europe, I think it requisite to make
a further augmentation of my naval and
military forces, with the view of supporting my re-
presentations, and of more effectually contributing
to the restoration of peace.
" I have directed that th© papers explanatory of
the negotiations which have taken place upon this
subject shall be communicated to you without
delay.

GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,
" The estimates for the year will be laid before
you, and I trust you will find that, consistently
with the exigencies of the public service at this
juncture, they have been framed with a due regard
to economy.

" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
" In the year which has just terminated, the
blessing of an abundant harvest has not been
vouchsafed to us. By this dispensation of Provi-
Itience the price of provisions has been enhanced,
and the privations of the poor have been increased;
but their patience has been exemplary ; and the
care of the Legislature evinced by the reduction of
taxes affecting the necessaries of life, has greatly
tended to preserve a spirit of contentment.
" I have the satisfaction of announcing to you
that the commerce of the country is still pros-
perous ; that trade, both of export and. import,
has been largely on the increase ; and that the re-
venue of the past year has been more than adequate
to the demands of the public service.
" I recommend to your consideration a Bill
which I have ordered to be framed for oxening the
coasting-trade of the United Kingdom flo the ships
of all friendly nations ; and I look forward with
satisfaction to the removal of the last legislative
restriction upon the use of foreign shipping for the
benefit of my people.
" Communications have been addressed by my
command to the Universities of Oxford and Cam-

bridge, with reference to the improvements which
it may be desirable to effect in their institutions.
These communications will be laid before you, and
measures will be proposed for your consideration,
with the view of giving effect to such improve-
ments.
"The establishments requisite for the conduct
of the Civil Service, and the arrangements bearing
upon its condition, recently been under re-
view ; and I shall direct a plan to be laid before
you which will have for its object to improve the
system of admission, and thereby to increase the
efficiency of the service.
"The recent measures of legal reform have
proved highly beneficial, and the success which
has attended them may well encourage you to
proceed with further amendments. Bills will be
submitted to you for transferring from the Eccle-
siastical to the Civil Courts the cognisance of
testamentary and of matrimonial causes, and for
giving increased efficiency to-the superior courts of
common law.
" The laws relating to the relief of the poor have
of late undergone much salutary amendment ;
but there is one branch to which I earnestly direct
your attention. The law of settlement impedes
the freedom of labour ; and if this restraint can
with safety be relaxed, the workman may be ena-
bled to increase the fruits of his industry, and the
interests of capital and of labour will be more firmly
united.
" Measures will be submitted to youfor the amend-
ment of the laws relating to the representation of
the Commons in Parliament.
" Recent experience has shown that it is neces-
sary to take more effectual precautions against the
evils of bribery, and of corrupt practices at elec-
tions. It will also be your duty to consider
whether more complete effect may not be
given to the principles of the Act of the last
reign, whereby reforms were made in the repre-
sentation of the people in Parliament. In
recommending this subject to your considera-
tion, my desire is to remove every cause of just
complaint, to increase general confidence in the
Legislature, and to give additional stability to the
settled institutions of the State.
" I submit to your wisdom the consideration of
these important subjects ; and I pray God to pros-
per your counsels, and to guide your decisions:"
The delivery of the Speech did not occupy many
minutes, and on its conclusion her Majesty retired
in the same order in which she had entered. She
was attired in a splendid dress of silver tissue,
over which was a robe of crimson velvet,
ornamented with gold lace and ermine, and she
wore a brilliant tiara of pearls and diamonds. The
company then separated.
Their lordships adjourned to 5 o'clock, the usual
lour for the assembling of the house for business.

When the Lord Chancellor took his seat on the wool-
sack at five o'clock, there were about 40 peers present ;
but the numbers soon augmented, although the attend-
ance was by no means unusually large. The only occu-
pants of the Ministerial bench at first were the Earl of
Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle. The Marquis of
Lansdowne, the Earl of Clarendon, and the other mem-
bers of the Cabinet in the house, shortly afterwards
entered.
The'principal peeri on the Opposition side were the

Earl of Derby, the Earl of Malmesbury, and the Earl of
Eglinton.
The galleries were crowded with visitors.
The Duchess of Sutherland, the Mistress of the Robes,
and one of her daughters, sat in the side gallery to the
left of the throne.

THE ADDRESS.
The LORD CHANCELLOR having read the royal
speech, and it having again been read by the Clerk at
the table,
The Earl of CARNA.RVON, in moving the address
in answer to her Majesty's most gracious speech, alluded
to the difficulties which beset our foreign relations, and
said that, though they might give rise to much appre-
hension, it was a gratifying circumstance that the past
year presented a prospect of national prosperity and
social improvement. After nearly forty years of peace
and prosperity, they were now threatened with war,
but we might console ourselves with the reflection that
it came to us an unbidden and unwelcome guest, and
that every effort had been made to avert its approach,
until forbearance was no longer a virtue ; and if our for-
bearance was unprecedented, it should be recollected that
unprecedented were the resources with which we were
able to meet such a calamity. Our only reluctance to enter
into a sanguinary and bloody contest with a great coun-
try was a thorough conviction of our own strength ;
and though we might not have a Duke of Welling-
ton or a Beresford among us, the example which they
had set had not been lost, and he believed, if we
entered into hostilities, we should find able generals
who would lead our armies to victory. But if we had
to deplore the impending evil of war, there was one ad
vantage we had gained since affairs had assumed a serious
appearance, viz., that the Governments of England
and France were never more cordially united than they
were at the present moment. After briefly referring to
the different topics mentioned in the Royal Speech—
the noble earl concluded by moving the address.
The Earl of DUCIE, in seconding the motion trusted
that, in the event of war, Parliament would be unani-
mous in granting that assistance to her Majesty, which
was necessary to maintain the reputation of the country.
After a brief pause,
The Marquis of CLA.NRICARDE rose and said he
was glad to find that in the existing state of affairs in
Europe there was no intention to move an amendment
to the Address. (Hear, hear.) But, though he cor-
dially agreed with the scheme of domestic reforms con-
tained in the speech, he felt that he should not be doing
right in giving his tacit consent to the address. He
was sorry that he could not agree in the expressions
used in the speech with regard to the efforts of the Go-
vernment to preserve peace. Those efforts, it seemed
to him, had been so characterised by vacillation and in-
consistency that, in point of fact, neither Parliament nor
the world knew what the determination of the Govern-
ment really was. Warfare was talked of, but no one
knew with whom we were at war. Nay, no one could
say whether we; were at war or not. But, if public
rumour were true, we were at war, and, if so, why were
the Government afraid to state the fact ? Another point
of complaint was that no information on the Eastern ques-
tion had been afforded to the public, so that the inhabi-
tants of other and unconstitutional countries were in a
better position to form an opinion of the state of
affairs than the people of constitutional England.
It was impossible to avoid coming to the conclusion
that all this uncertainty was owing to the difference
of opinion on the Eastern question which prevailed
in the Cabinet ; the result of which division was,
that every step taken in the matter bore evidence of a
compromise between the conflicting parties. Though
he had asked questions very sparingly last session, from
a wish not to embarrass the Government, he had said
enough to show that the opinions he had then formed,
and the anticipations he had then expressed, had been
justified by the course of events, and that Russia, which
from the very first had shown the " cloven foot," had
only continued the same line of falsehood and duplicity.
The only way to deal with Russians, as he had found
from personal experience, was to put to them a plain,
straightforward question, and to insist on a straightfor-
ward answer. Had the Government done this, much
of the present complication might have been avoided.
In this respect, as compared with England, the conduct
of the French Government was worthy of the highest
praise, and he only hoped the relations now existing be-
tween the two nations would be maintained with unin-
terrupted cordiality. The noble marquis then passed in
review the various phases of the negotiations entered
into by the great Powers with respect to the Turkish
and Russian quarrel, and concluded as follows :
The massacre of Sinope is an eternal disgrace to this
country. I cannot, in my conscience, help saying that
grave responsibility for the blood that has been shed
rests upon the Ministers of this country. (Hear, hear.)
I wart to know what your fleet went to the Dardanelles
for ? Why are they sent into the Black Sea nowt They
have gone into the Black Sea for the purpose, I suppose,
for which they were originally sent out, as we are told,
to protect Turkish property and the Turkish empire. I
want to know what has occurred since the massacre at
Sinope to justify your sending your fleet into the Black
Sea, when they were in the Dardanelles ? I say you
have no justification. You may regard, and justly re-
gard, with abhorrence that massacre, as it is called, in
detail in that unfortunate town and in those ships, to-
tally contrary to our notions of civilised warfare, and
the practice of all civilised nations at war when a supe-
rior force meets an inferior one. But so far as the at-
tack on the Turkish ships goes, the Emperor of Russia
was perfectly justified. Re was in a declared state
of war with Turkey ; he found the Turkish ships con-
voying the munitions of war and troops to Asia. I
have no doubt they were, or had been employed, in
conveying troops and the munitions of war to Batoum.
I ask if you sent ships up to Constantinople to pro-
tect the Turkish territory and Turkish property, why
did you not protect these ships ? It is no anwswer to
tell me you advised these ships not to go to sea. If a
people go to war, and you, proclaiming yourself their
allies, refuse to be their auxiliaries, it is a disgrace and
a discredit to your arms and your policy. (Hear, hear.)
I contend that the energy with which the French Go-
vernment wished to act for so long a time was checked
and damped by the English Govornment. That I have
not the least hesitation in saying. (Hear, hear.) But
it is said that there is a considerable unaninimity in the
feelings of the European Powers upon this question,
and I suppose I shall be told that we have Austria and
Prussia with us. Now, I deny that to be the case. I
say, if there is any reason that can justify your enter-
taining strong opinions upon an hypothesis, it is per-
fectly clear that Austria joined us when she was forced
to join us by the course of events, and that if we could
have gone on with a more weak policy she would not
have joined us. But if I am told that Austria and Prus-
sia have joined us—principally Austria, for that is the
power insisted upon—l ask what is the contingent
that Austria has engaged to furnish ? I should like
to know if it was upon the advice, or even with the
approval of Austria, that our ships have gone into
the Black Sea ? If it be not so, let me not be
told that Austria has joined us. Austria says
that she entertains the greatest respect for, and wishes
to support the integrity of the Turkish empire. Why
Russia says she has great respect for the integrity of the
Turkish empire. But that is a general kind of assurance
that will not do for this country. No one can doubt
that if this conflict occurs, Austria must, more or less,
join England and France in this matter, or the Austrian
empire will in six months be at and. No one can look
at the state of South Germany and Italy—no man who
knows the composition of the Austrian empire, can sup-
pose that she can join Russia in a Turkish war. No
man can doubt that, by energy and speaking out, and
showing a determination, you would claim that alliance;
but you would not do so by hesitating and sending
notes, and making propositions which to no one could
be satisfactory. It was not by prolonging these matters,
but by using firm and energetic language that Austria
has been induced to join us as far as she has joined us,
but very wisely she is not mentioned in the same man-
ner as France, because I believe we cannot count on her
for any great military support. Well, what is the state
of affairs at the present moment? We have sent a pro-
position to St. Petersburg for the renewal of a conference.
I believe a favourable reply is not likely to ho received ;
but at the same time I will say that, if the Emperor of
Russia does not send a favourably reply, lie totally mis-
understands his own interest. You gave him up at once
all he professed to aim at. He said, " I only want to
stand upon the old treaties—I only want the proper re-
cognition of my rights of protectorate." And he will
go into that conference totally unpledged to anything
different from what Prince Menschikoff demanded five
months ago. But see what an advantage you have given
him if he refuses, and you force him into war. God for-
bid this country should ever go into war without objects
so great as to make it, in the opinion of the Govern-
ment and of Parliament, necessary that we should adopt
that alternative. (Hear.) What are our objects if we
go to war now? We are to go to war for the renewal
and re-imposition upon Turkeyof thosetreaties whichhave
led to constant contentions, and have now led to this
very war, and which, if renewed as they were before,
will be sure to generate another contest in a short time,
whenever Russia finds herself in a position to commence
one. You proclaim that to be your object. If that be
your object, and you are to do that, you had better at
once have taken the other course. It was open to this
country to have said, "We will have nothing to do with
these matters, which do not concern us--these matters
do not concern us, and we will not go to war to assist
you ; and if you, Turkey, get into war, upon your own
shoulders let the consequences rest. A great number
of persons have entertained that opinion. Now, I enter-
tain a contrary opinion. I think that course would have
been attended with considerable difficulties and unpleasar.t
consequences. I believe that in the course of a short time
it would have led to a general European war, into which
we should soon have been forced, and in which we should
have had to contend with a triple league, with every other
possible disadvantage, and it is not unlikely that such a war
might have led to the loss of our Indian empire. I be-
lieve that might have been the result of such a course of
proceeding, (Hear, hear,) But I say, if Russia is mad

enough to force us into this war, of which no man can
doubt the result, and which I am afraid uo man can cal-
culate the expense and the consequences—l say if Rus-
sia is mad enough to force us into this war, it must not
be for the renewal of these treaties (hear) ; it must be
for the abolition of those treaties (hear), and for a final
settlement of the question. (Hear.) When our Govern-
ment was so indignant at the supposition that the eva-
cuation of the principalities was not a sine qua non, why
has Russia been permitted to hold these territories for
six months—why has she been permitted to confiscate
the revenue of the Sultan, to press his subjects into her
service, to maltreat the boyards, and to exercise every
act of oppression ? Is not Russia to be called to account
for the whole of these proceedings ? The sanction of
such things is a disgrace to which I trust England never
will be subjected. (Hear, hear.) I have such an abhor-
rence of war that I think it would be inexpedient to
stop without a rearrangement of the question. (Hear.)
I should be sorry to move an amendment to the Ad-
dress ; I am as ready as any man in the country to sup-
port the Government, and to bring them out of the
scrape into which they have got, but I could not, as an
honest man, withhold the expression of my opinion ;
and when we hear so much about the deceit of the Em-
peror of Russia, I must say that our conduct has greatly
tended to deceive him. (Hear.)
The Earl of CLARENDON.—My lords, I think my
noble friend who has just sat down would have acted
more fairly—although possibly not more conveniently to
himself—if he had waited for the production of those
papers which her Majesty has promised shall be laid
before your lordships without delay, and which before
your lordships separate this evening, it is my intention
to place upon the table. (Hear.) I repeat, I think my
noble friend would have acted more fairly if he had
waited for that information ; but it is only another proof
of that inconvenience of which I have seen so much in
the course of the last few months—the inconvenience of
not being; able to lay all the information on this subject
before the country. No one can have regretted that in-
convenience more than myself; nobody knows better
than myself that many misrepresentations might have
been prevented by greater publicity ; but we thought it
right not to depart from the established practice of this
country. The Government is amenable to Parliament
alone for its conduct. To Parliament alone could it give
full and complete information ; and we therefore thought
it right to abstain from following the example that has
been held out to us of the conduct of other Governments
which have no Parliaments to account to. (Hear, hear.)
We thought it better to abstain from producing, from
time to time, the information which I am about to lay
on the table, although it might have satisfied the public
at the time, and to a certain degree, have been advan-
tageous to ourselves ; but at the same;time it might have
been disadvantageous to the cause of peace. And although
I fear I may stand still lower in my noble friend's esti-
mation than I now appear to do, I am neither ashamed
nor afraid of saying that the maintenance of peace lhas
been the great and the dearest object we have had in
view. My noble friend seems to think that we have
shown an abject determination to avoid war. My lords,
we have done no such thing. But we have felt it our
duty to stop short of no sacrifice except that of national
honour, or of not fulfilling our engagements. (Cheers.)
We have felt that to be our duty to this country because
of those numberless social, political, and commercial in-
terests that have grown up, and have extended to every
part of the world, during a peace of unexampled dura-
tion. We have felt it due to other countries—countries
which, like ourselves, have turned to account the bles-
sings of peace, and which must be desirous, therefore,
honourably to maintain it; for, my lords, it must be re-
membered that if this peace be once broken, be once dis-
turbed, it may be followed by a war alike without paral-
lel—(hear, hear)—and as unexampled as itself ; for you
must remember there may be something more than the
rending of all those ties and reciprocal interests which
now bind Europe together as one state. You must re-
member that those doctrines which convulsed Europe in
1848 are still cherished by vast numbers; and that they,
having lost none of their strength, a war now would be no
ordinary war, would be attended by no ordinary conse-
quences. Europe, in such a war, would be the battle.
field not only of contending armies, but of contending
opinions ; and we, to whom such mighty interests are
entrusted, would have been worthily thought utterly un-
mindful of their importance, would have disqualified
ourselves when we asked for support in a necessary war,
if we could not have then shown that we had first ex-
erted and exhausted every means of maintaining the
blessings of peace. (Hear.) But, my lords, if we are
destined to do so, if it is appointed for us that we are to
embark on that state of things then I must say that never
was the tranquillity of the world more wantonly disturbed
than it will have been in the provocation of that necessity.
(Cheers.) Never, also, I must say, was there a moment
when it was more the duty of France and England to
stand up together, formally to oppose aggression and
support the just cause of the weak against the strong.
(Hear, hear.) My noble friend has said that we have
placed the most undue confidence in the assurances of
Russia. (Hear, hear.) I admit that we did place con-
fidence in these assurances—because they were not only
more than we asked, but, in addition, were all that we
could desire. The noble lord says himself, that when
he got—though he tells us he seldom got—a direct
answer from Russia, he invariably found that it was a
correct one, and one on which he could in security
rely. Such were the answers we received—not evasive
answers, but direct ones—answers on which the noble
lord would have relied. (Hear.) Were we to receive
them with suspicion ? I would beg to observe that in
my humble opinion a policy of suspicion is never a wiseor
an expedient policy ; and I would beg to state that on
this occasion there was no ground for suspicion. The
Emperor of Russia during a long reign had given what
might be deemed abundant proof of a desire to maintain
the peace of Europe. Over and over again he had
affirmed that the Ottoman Empire was a European
necessity, and that the maintenance of it was a funda-
mental principle of European policy. (Hear, hear.)
And certainly, this was not his best opportunity—cer-
tainly, if he had desired the overthrow of the Ottoman
Empire, and the aggrandisement of Russia at the
expense of Turkey, the year 1848 would have better
suited his designs, and would have been more likely to
have seen their attainment. The Emperor of Russia s past
thus gave additional weight to his assurance for the
future ; and f say that any precautionary measures, in
such a case, would have been but wanton provoca-
tion. I can assure your lordships, moreover, whatever
the noble marquis may think, that up to the end of
April last we had no reason to believe there existed any
other cause of dissension between Russia and Turkey
except that connected with the Holy Places—(hear,
hear)--a question which closely concerned France, and
in which the Porte, by endeavouring to please both
Powers had given some cause of complaint. (Hear,
hear.) But though the matter only indirectly affected
England, her good offices towards its adjustment were
offered and were accepted, and the difficulty about the
Holy Places was settled thereupon. It was only after
that settlement that we, for the first time, became aware
that other and ulterior objects were sought to be at-
tained by Russia. (Hear, hear.) Not but that it is
perfectly true that during the time occupied in those ne-
gotiations rumours of various kinds reached us as to
large armies which, according to the same authority,
were being prepared by Russia. Any person aware of
the great secrecy with which all the affairs are conducted
in Russia, and of the still greater exaggerations which
distinguish all the news from Constantinople, could tell
your lordships the value of these, and with what caution
and what distrust they should be received. But inde-
pendently of that consideration, whether these rumours
were true or untrue, probable or improbable, well
founded or ill founded, the Government did not take
upon itself to decide. As soon as they 'reached us they
were every one made known by us to the Russian Go-
vernment, and he asked a categorical answer to our in-
quiries upon them. The answer we received was a plain
and distinct answer, an answer such as those on which
my noble friend has told your lordships he was happy to
rely. We met with the most unqualified denial to all
the rumours we had received. (Hear.) We were as-
sured that that the mission of Prince Menschikoff had
reference to nothing but the Holy Places —(hear,
hear)—that he had great latitude allowed him in the
settling of that question, and, in fact, might almost
settle it in what way he pleased ; but that it
was all he had to settle. Subsequent events partly
prove the correctness of these statements ; for it might
seem that though he, in his character as head of the
Orthodox Church, had gone farther in his demands than
the requirements of his mission justified, he had, at
length, abandoned these particulars, and assented to a
note which, though still unacceptable to the Porte, was
certainly very much reduced in regard to its stipula-
tions. When, however, he quitted Constantinople, be
quitted it under circumstances menacing to the peace of
Turkey and the interests of Europe. It was impossible
for us to tell where some of these armies collected on
the confines of Turkey might not be marched to. We,
therefore, immediately ordered her Majesty's fleet to
proceed to Besika Bay, where it was joined by the French
fleet. (Hear.) Your lordships are aware that after
Prince Menschikoff had withdrawn, Count Nesselrode
sent back his note to Constantinople, with a threat that
unless it was signed in eight days the
ou Principaalities
should be occupied. To that demand y are ware
that a refusal was the reply, and that thereupon Count
Nesselrode's execution was carried into execution. My
noble friend seems to think that if the fleet had been
ordered when the first Russian soldier crossed the
Pruth all that has followed, or is likely to follow,
might have been prevented. But the noble lord
must consider that in entering the Principalities the
Russians were either sincere or insincere in the assur-
ances and professions made by them to Europe, that that
occupation would be but momentary, that they would
hold the Principalities only as a material pledge for
the fulfilment of the demands then made by Russia
upon Turkeys and that the evacuation of them was

the wish and desire of the Emperor of Russia himself.
In either case it was in the interests of peace, and in
the interests of the Sultan, to allow further opportunity
for the ascertainment of the real issue, and for the dis-
covery of some form of note distasteful to either party,
and sufficient to carry into effect the intentions of both.
Austria and Prussia entirely agreed with us as to Rus-
sia's occupation of the principalities, which they consi-
dered not only unjust and dangerous as a precedent, but
as dangerous to themselves, and menacing to the peace
of Europe. They therefore asked, at this crisis, to en-
ter into the negotiation, and to assist in an 'attempt at
the settlement of these differences ; and they earnestly
deprecated any declaration of war on the part of the
Sultan until all peaceful means of settling his differences
with Russia had been finally exhausted. And, whatever
the noble lord may think, I doubt not that your lord-
ships will own it was of great importance that the four
Powers should be thus united, that Austria and Prussia
should join with Eugiand and France in isolating Rus-
sia in her wrong, and in letting Russia to understand
that she would not be able to reckon on that support
from Austria which, for more than one reason, she
might have expected. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's
Government never doubted that the occupation of the
Principalities was a easus belli—(hear, hear)— but
the Government, recognising it as a cases belli, con-
sidered also the declaration with which it was accom-
panied, and, under the impression that that might be
sincere, did not advise or press the Sultan to treat it
as such, and so end all chance of peace. Take the
other case, that Russia was not sincere. A declaration
of war at that moment would have furnished the Em-
peror with just the very excuse he wanted. It would
have absolved him from his promise, and from the re-
sponsibility of commencing hostilities, and would have
left him in a position' -to say, "i'eectipied the Princi-
palities' but I declared it should only be for a short
time. I did not desire war. I was ready to accept
peace ; but my assurances have been disbelieved. War
has been declared upon me, and I now consider myself
bound in honour and dignity to accept the challenge."
(Hear, hear.) Ido not say.that the argument would be
just ; but it would be as good an argument as many
others employed in the course of this affair. And your
lordships must be aware that at that moment Turkey
was wholly unprepared for resistance, her fortresses
ungarrisoned, and her army weak and undisciplined.
Were not these most cogent reasons on our part for not
recommending the Sultan to declare war ? By our not
doing so, he gained time—time for settling affairs peace-
ably, time for making preparations for war. And before
this opinion of her Majesty's Government could be con-
veyed to Constantinople, we found that her Majesty's
ambassador there—who, being on the spot, was a better
judge than ourselves of what was for the interest of the
Sultan—had tendered the same advice, that the Sultan
had accepted and determined to act on it, and that, with
such a hope of a peaceable solution, it would have been
most unjustifiable in ns to urge the Sultan on to war. I
trust your lordships will consider these satisfactory rea-
sons why we did not then press on those more active
measures which my noble friend considers to have
been necessary ; and I assure him that our not
doing so was not front any abject indisposition to
war, such as he seems to attribute it to ; for I do
not think that any Government in this country
with a just and righteous cause, would be allowed to
want the support of the people of England in carrying it
out. And here, lam sure you will not think it out of
place if I declare my testimony to the straightforward,
friendly, and perfectly honourable policy of the French
Government on this question. The two Governments
have been in daily, I may almost say hourly, communi-
cation. They have formed, as it were, but one Cabinet ;
and I can assure my noble friend that there have never
been more differences between the two Governments than
are to be found in the same Cabinet—differences that
have only increased our respect for each other and ren-
dered the harmony more complete. And this union that
exists between the two Governments is not only con-
fined to the Eastern question, but extends to other mea-
sures, in which happily the policy of the two countries,
hitherto antagonistic, may be now seen to be harmo-
nious. This good, at least, then is secured, that two
great and hitherto rival countries have learnt to know
and appreciate each other, to detect the fallacy of con-
cluding themselves natural enemies, and to act heartily
together for a just and righteous cause, to which their
common sympathies attract them. There was another
point on which the noble lord dwelt on which I may
say a few words, reserving myself in all matters of
detail till the papers are before your lordships. As re-
gards the Vienna note, it should be stated that after
Prince Menschikoff left Constantinople, the Austrian
Government suggested such a note as, whilst not unac-
ceptable to Russia, should have regard to the indepen-
dence of Turkey. In the meanwhile the French Go-
vernment prepared a note on the same basis ; and they
submitted it to us. We did not think it a note likely to
he successful, but as the French Government had a ma-
nifest desire to send it, by way of peace offering, both to
Petersburg and Vienna, we offered no opposition of
course, and it was duly forwarded. The Russian Go-
vernment, however, gave no answer to it, having already
accepted that of Austria. No answer being received at
Vienna this note was adopted, and was sent at the same
One to Petersburg and Constantinople. At Petersburg
It was said to be unsatisfactory, but the Emperor never-
theless professed himself ready to accept it, with no
alteration. The Porte objected to accepting it without
certain modifications. Those modifications being consi-
dered simply as means of rendering more clear the bona
fide intentions of both parties, were, on that ground,
adopted at the conference of Vienna ; but they were
rejected by Russia. We did not, of course, think that
the note originally exposed the Porte to the dangers
supposed, but the changes made were made on that sup-
position, and were merely such as more clearly defined
the first meaning and intention of the note. Great mis-
apprehension exists on this point as to the part taken
by the Four Powers. The Four Powers, be it re-
membered, had merely offered to mediate between the
two parties ; they were not arbitrating, and are not to
be considered as arbitrating. They were not there
to enforce the note, of which the first proof is, that,
as I have stated, they at once and unhesitatingly
adopted the modifications pronounced requisite by
the Porte. But her Majesty's Government did not
suppose the note to be of the dangerous character
supposed by the Porte, until Russia explained the
use it might be turned to ; then her Majesty's Govern-
ment said no more in behalf of it. The conference, after
having signed the protocol, determined to ask the Porte
on what terms he would be prepared to negotiate it, and
the Four Powers offered their bases for the consideration
of Russia. By the protocol they affirm that if Russia
does not accept them, she is the sole obstacle to peace,
and must be held responsible for war ; and that is the
present state of affairs as far as negotiations are con-
cerned. No answer has been received from St. Peters-
burg ; but I am inclined to agree that such fair and rea-
sonable propositions as those are not very likely to be
rejected. As regards the position of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, when, notwithstanding that negotiations were
going on, that horrible disaster at Sinope happened—
when, the Turkish fleet not having been employed that
I know of in the way stated by my noble friend, but
simply lying peaceably in harbour—when this Turkish
fleet was destroyed in the barbarous manner it was—
(hear, hear)—in the harbour of Sinope, her Majesty's
Government with France determined at once to protect,
not only the Ottoman territory, but also the Ottoman
flag. They determined then to extend their protection,
and, as in honour bound, they sent notice of their inten-
tion to the Russian Admiral at Sebastopol and to the
Russian Government. That is the present state of our
communications on this important subject, and, as I have
said, I shall refrain now from entering into any details.
I have merely endeavoured to meet some of the main
charges brought against the Government by the noble
lord, leaving it for the house, when your lordships have
the papers before you, to say whether the interests, the
honour, and the dignity of the country have not been
well cared for. We may even then possibly be charged
with having laboured to long, too far, and too hard in
the cause of peace, but such will not, I think, be the
opinion of the majority of the house. On the contrary,
I think that in the event of war we shall be able, with
all the greater force, to appeal to those pacific efforts,
when, if we must, we call for the hearty and energetic
assistance of the people of this country in aid of a Just
and righteous cause. (Cheers.)
The Earl of MALMESBURY said—The first para-
graph of the speech from the Throne, in reference to the
Eastern question, seemed to take away
might have remained of the settlement of
thatanyh ounfortu-
nate affair in a peaceful manner. There were in that
first paragraph several omissions which appeared to him
of an important character. In the first place, he must
say that it appeared to him most remarkable that no
mention was made of two oat of the three countries
which were in alliance with us in this most important
question, Austria or Prussia. Another omission was
that of the real purpose for which the people were to be
invited to support an increase of our armaments—the
maintenance, namely, of the independence of Turkey—
whereas the only object assigned in the speech was the
support of her Majesty's representative, and the more
effectually contributing to the restoration of peace. The
only explanation of this omission seemed to he that, in
point of fact, Ministers were not earnest in their support
of the independence and integrity of Turkey. Lord
Malmesbury then complained that the Government had
withheld from their lordships the means of forming an
opinion on their conduct, but had allowed one of the
most important documents in the negotiation to be pub-
lished in the Times, within a fortnight, be said, of the
time when Earl Clarendon refused to produce the reply
of the Government to the second manifesto of Count
Nesselrode, on the ground that its production might
endanger the solution of the question. The paper
in question appeared at full length in the Times
newspaper, and was introduced by the language and
preamblerode.
,s which,
manifesto,
incorrect wh o knew
version
having newspaper,been gveive re:
perfectly understood as indicating that it was a sort of
official announcement. The paper was stated to be a
correct version of the noble earl's reply to Count Nessel-
I in some other journal. blow, he (the Earl of 3/alines-