The Sun.
London, England, 1854-03-11 00:00:00

TI3E EASTERN QUESTION.

The Preitssiscke Correspondenz gives the following
article, which is to be considered as an official state-
ment, in a prominent form :

" The nearer the decisive crisis of the conflict in the
East approaches, the more reason have we to congratulate
ourselves that Prussia, thanks to a policy as honourable as
it is independent, is placed beyond the immediate influ-
ences of a dispute which, in spite of every attempt at me-
diation, threatens to increase in importance and extent.
" Whoever has followed impartially the progress of the
late negotiations cannot deny that the policy of Prussia—
and this insures her the national sympathy—has been
characterised by an independence against which all pres-
sure from without has been powerless. But Prussian
policy, however national it may be, has not escaped the
suspicion of foreigners, because it proclaims openly its ob-
ject and its tendencies. To preserve the interests of Ger-
many and the equilibrium of Europe—those are the two
objects which she cannot lose sight of, but, on the con-
trary, she roust consider them as intimately connected.
" Prussia has clearly marked out her position in regard
to the disputing parties by her participation in the con-
ferences of Vienna. That position she will maintain when
the latter shall have ceased to exist. In accord with Aus-
tria, she held out her hand to the Western Powers, in
order to insure by an arrangement as well the possessions
and the independence of Turkey as the rights which be-
long to Christian worship in the Ottoman empire.
" Although the conferences of Vienna did not lead to
the result which they had principally in view, they afford
testimony of the united efforts of the four Governments to
maintain the balance of power and the peace of Europe.
The effect of this unity between them is not confined
within the limits of those endeavours which have not been
crowned with success.

" But, however sincere may have been the intention of
the four Governments, so far as relates to the basis of an
honourable compromise between Russia and the Porte, the
protocols of Vienna do not compromise any engagement
respecting an armed intervention in the Oriental quarrel.
On the contrary, they leave to each of the Governments
interested the liberty to employ the means most appro-
priate to its position, with the end of maintaining that
line of policy which it had traced for itself. According to
our opinion, the great German powers are, above all, not
bound to acquiesce entirely in all the measures which the
two western governments have put in execution from their
own decisions, whether in the course of the conferences at
Vienna, or when those conferences failed in their object.
If latterly inconvenient doubts arose regarding the inde-
pendence of Germany, the present appears to us to be the
proper time to furnish from all sides the proof that such
independence is perfect.
"In spite of their attachment for a Government which
has been their ally for many long years, the German Go-
vernments did not hesitate to defend with all the weight
of their moral influence the independence of the Porte
against the great pretensions of that ally. But it is
allowed to them to leave to the powers whose influence
is decisive at Constantinople and whose fleets command
the Black Sea the charge of giving armed assistance
to the threatened Ottoman empire, while by their atti-
tude they reserve to themselves the right, when cir-
cumstances may be more favourable, of making the words
of conciliation heard by both sides. We entertain the sin-
cere hope that upon the basis of this independent policy
the union so happily maintained hitherto between Prussia
and Austria may be consolidated more and more, and
in order that she may also show it when, under the
influence of other events, the interests of Germany and the
balance of European power may require that a more deci-
sive attitude should be assumed.

" As regards Prussia in particular, under present cir-
cumstances, her neutral attitude between the disputing
parties is alone capable of preserving the peace of Central
Europe. From the moment that she might raise her arms
either for the East or for the West, she would infallibly
create war on the banks of the Danube, the Rhine, or the

Vistula. This is what neither Germany nor the rest of
Europe can desire. For these reasons we hope that the
Government of his Majesty will recollect the duties it has
to fulfil as a great European Power, as well as the respon-
sibility which the private interests of Russia and Germany
impose upon it."

The St. Petersburgh. Journal of the 2nd inst. says :
" We have just received a report of the sitting of the
House of Commons of the 17th of February, and the speech
which Lord J. Russell made on that occasion. It is not
here the place to repeat brutal outrages of which every
faithful servant of the Emperor will preserve the recollec-
tion, but which do not reach the august person to whom
they are addressed. We shall confine ourselves to re-
marking that the Parliamentary annals might be searched
in vain for an example of such intemperate language from
the mouth of a Cabinet Minister in reference to a Sove-
reign against whom the country of that Minister has not
yet declared war. What are of importance in this speech
are not the invectives of the Minister, but the aature of
the determinations of the Government which the speech
reveals. It must be very evident henceforward that the
peace of the world does not depend upon chance only, but
that war forms a decided element of the plans of the
English Ministry. From this cause has necessarily arisen
that fatal distrust which in the Eastern question was the
origin of all the previous difficulties, and which will lead
at last to the most deplorable result.
_ _

"That such distrust may have been entertained by
France—that it may up to a certain point have found a place
in the mind of a Government still recent, which has not
had time to acquire by long experience of former relations
with it an exact idea of our real intentions, and abandon-
ing itself almost involuntarily to the almost traditional
opinion which has been formed of Russian policy in the
East—that may easily be conceive' ; but on the part of
England. which is aware of the antecedents and the cha-
racter of the Emperor from a connexion of long date, an
opinion of such a nature justly excites surprise. Less
than any other the British Government should entertain
such suspicions. It has in its hands the written proof
that there is no foundation for them, for long before the
present position of affairs, before the questions which led
to the mission of Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople
had assumed so serious an aspect of difference, before Great
Britain had adopted the same line of policy as France, the
Emperor had spontaneously explained himself with the
most perfect candour to the Queen and her Ministers,
with the object of establishing with them a friendly
understanding even upon the most important result
which can affect the Ottoman Empire. Since the
year 1829, his Majesty followed with great atten-
tion the march of events in Turkey. The Emperor could
not shut his eyes to the consequences of the changes which
were, one after the other, introduced into that State.
Ancient Turkey disappeared from the time when it was
sought to establish those institutions diametrically opposed
as well to the genius of Islamism as to the character and
usages of the Mussulmans—institutions more or less bor-
rowed from modern liberalism, and consequently entirely,
opposed to the spirit of the Ottoman Government. It be-
came evident that Turkey was undergoing a complete
transformation, and that these experiments, at least doubt-
ful so far as regarded the re-organisation of the empire,
seemed rather calculated to lead to a crisis which would
overturn it. It seemed likely that a new order of things
would arise which, although indefinable, would at all events
destroy that which existed.
" To these permanent and increasing causes of dissolu-
tion recent complications have been added, resulting from
the affairs of Montenegro, the religious persecutions exer-
cised in several Christian provinces, a difference with the
Austrian Government, considerable financial embarrass.
ment, and lastly, the important affair of the Holy Places, to
which the imperious demands of the French Ambassador
at Constantinople were beginning to give a serious and
menacing character. These complications, which created
sullen excitement among the Christian population, were
likely from one day to another to bring about a sudden
catastrophe which it was urgent to prevent.
" Penetrated with the extreme importance of such a re-
sult, and having at that period almost reached the region
of the possible, if not entirely of the probable—convinced
of the disastrous consequences which might result from it,
the Emperor thought it necessary to assure himself before.
hand whether the English Government shared his appre-
hensions. He wished more particularly by a frank pre-
vious understanding to remove every subject of misunder-
' standing between Great Britain and himself. It seemed
of the highest importance to his Majesty to establish the
most perfect identity of views with the Government of
Great Britain.
" With this view the Emperor engaged the English
Minister at St. Petersburg to cause her Majesty to be in-
formed of his anticipations with respect to the danger, more
or less imminent, that menaced Turkey. He requested on
this subject a confidential interchange of opinions with her
Britannic Majesty. That was certainly the most evident
proof of confidence which the Emperor could give to the
Court of St. James ; and thus did his Majesty most openly
signify his sincere wish to prevent any ulterior divergence
between the two Governments.

" Sir H. Seymour acquitted himself forthwith of the im-
portant commission which the Emperor had impressed on
him in a long and familiar conversation.
" The result has shown itself in a correspondence of the
most friendly character between the present English Minis-
ters and the Imperial Government.
"It is not permitted to us to divulge the contents of non-
official documents, which do not concern the Emperor alone,
and which contain the expressions of a mutual confidence.
What we are permitted to say is, that in examining the cir-
cumstances more or less likely to affect the duration of the
status quo in the East,—an examination undertaken from_
the conviction respectively entertained that every effort
should be made to sustain that status quo, and to porfola faint
as long as possible, there never was any q
by which Russia and England might dispuoesstiebleforehiLd,
and between themselves, of the destiny of dispose beforehand,
different
provinces which constitute the Ottoman ernpire ,still less
them,of a formal agreement to be concluded between
with-
out the knowledge and unassisted by the counsel and in-
tervention of the other courts.
"The two parties were limited to a frank and single con-
fidence, but without reserve on either side, to communi-
cate what -Might be adverse to English interests, what
might be so to Russian, so that in any given case hostile
or even‘
contradictory action might be avoided.
‘ In looking over the different parts of this confidential
correspondence —in recalling the spirit in which they
themselves had interpreted it, the Ministers with whom
at the time it was carried on, and who since have per-
mitted themselves to be swayed by prepossessions to be
regretted, will be able to decide if those prepossessions
are just. Let Lord John Russell more especially reperuse
that correspondence, is which he was the first to take part,
before ceding to Lord Clarendon the direction of foreign
affairs. Let him consult his conscience, if the passion
which leads him astray permit him to recognize its voice.
He can decide now whether it be really true that the Em-
peror has been wanting in frankness towards the English
Government ; or if rather his Majesty has not unbosomed
himself to England with as little reserve as possible ; if
there exists the least reason for believing that we have
ambitious or exclusive views on Constantinople; or, if on
the contrary, the Emperor has not explained himself in a
way to remove all doubt as to his real intentions on the
subject of the political combinations to be avoided, in the
extreme case which he at the time pointed out to the fore-
sight of the British Government."

CONFESSION OF MOSES lIATTo.—An official commu•
nication has been made to the local press of Aylesbury
that Moses Hatto, convicted of the murder at Burnham,
has made a full confession of his guilt. The magistrates
to whom the confession was made have at present felt it
their duty to withhold the particulars. It is in the form
of a written document, and its publication will be looked
forward to with considerable interest in the neighbour-
hood on account of the mystery which still surrounds
the crime.