The Sun.
London, England, 1853-09-21 00:00:00

LDNDON, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 21, 1853,

According to the latest intelligence from what
may speedily becoine "the- seat of war"—thanks
to the fatuity of the Coalitiontließussian troops
are preparing to winter in -the Danubian Princi-
palities. It is the appropriate consequence of our
negotiations. Moldavia and Wallachia may hence-
forth be regarded as provinces tributary to the
Autocratic Government of St.. Petersburg. Let
them be evacuated to-morrow' by the soldiers
under Prince GORTZCHAKOFF, and the Hospodars
must still continue to regard the Czar., and not
the SULTAN, as their liege Suzerain. Hereafter the
Pruth can no longer be considered the boundary
line of the Turkish dominions. The Ottoman
Empire has so far collapsed under the weight of
Northern aggression, but still more under the
pressure of Western assistance, that its frontiers
have shrunk nominally to the current of the
Danube, but virtually to the range of the Balkan
mountains. Whatever may be said to the con-
trary, such is, in truth, the result of our protec-
tive interference. While in London, in Paris, in
Berlin, and, iu Vienna, the Ministerial quid/tom cs
have been counting upon the certainty of a satis-
factory settlement—while the British, French,
Prussian, and Austrian Represeetatives have been
mysteriously conferring within easy distance of
the Imperial Schoennbrunn—while the cfficers of
the combined fleets haVe been idly complimenting
each other in Besika Bay—Russia has literally
stolen a march upon her antagonists, and has so
far triumphed over their vaunted astuteness in
diplomacy, that she is prepared to tempt the
hazards of battle or of treaty (it scarcely matters
which under present circumstances) with her foes
at a disadvantage. The Emperor NICHOLAS has
never once, throughout the whole of these extra-
ordinary proceedings, trilled for an instant with
his position, or thrown away even the most mo
mentary opportunities. England has amused
herself with a mock camp at Chobham, and
France with a sham fight at Satory—but Russia
has, meanwhile, been seriously concentratinc, her
energies upon the seizure of Jassy and Bucharest,
and upon the occupation by her armies of the two
surrounding principalities. Our neighbours have
entertained their Sovereign with maritime displays
at Dieppe, and we ours with a mimic naval battle
off Spithead—but the Russians, meantime, have
consulted the interests of their, supreme ruler,
rather more wisely, by the accumulation of vast
stores at Odessa, and of enormous supplies of
warlike implements and ammunition in the re-
doubtable dockyards of Sebastopol. Everywhere
throughout these transactions, from first to last,
may be recognised the same frivolity [let us call
things by their right names], the same frivolity
on the part of the allies of Turkey and the same
sober reaolutiou on the part of her colossal
assailant.
Examine the course
and
you `gill
by the AUTOCRAT
diplomatically,
very
outset find that it has been
marked from the
p to the
Grantedin-
stantdetermination. by consistency
that it began with an odious display
be acknowledgedduplicity. sinc then
to we have observed,
to have been distinguished,
ConsistencY and the
by the most uncompromising
most unflinching determination. If the Original
Note presented to the Divan !:.3, Prince witxscui.
KOFF failed in extorting the obedient compliance
of the Porte with the wishes of the CZAR----the
Note was followed by the Seised with the utmost
promptitude. If the Sened in its turn failed no
less egregiously, it was succeeded with equal ra-•
pidity by. the ultimatum—and that ultimatum on
its rejection was as speedily replaced by the yet
more insolent and peremptory ititinvitissimum•
Directly the fourth 'requisition from St. Peters-
burg was repelled by the Ministers of the Otto-
man Power at Constantinople—the CZAR boldly,
"let slip the dogs of war" without further parley,
dispatched large military forces across the Pruth,
collected together his laud resources at Odessa,
and his sea resources at Sebastopol, secured the
immediate submission of the Moldavian and Wal-
lachian Hospodars, and formally took possession
of the Danubian Principalities. In all this, as.
before intimated, there has been apparent on the
part of Russia both consistency and determination.
That consistency and that determination have not
been -abandoned by the AUTOCRAT at the eleventh
how. by his acceptance of the Note forwarded in
the name of the Four Powers from. Vienna to
FA.P6tevshurg. On the contrary. The Government
of the CZAR has, by that
r
el itself
tc.,echng more than by
any other, prov
consistent and determined.
It has accepted the Vienna N
because that Note
assures to Russia more than her
of haughtyConstanti-
Chieftain
ever demanded from the Councils
nople. Of th: fact the very
manner of tl
Vienna Note's `acceptance at St. Petersburg
fulre
nishes, us with the clearest attestation. Had that
partial or conditional
acceptance been We might
have found reaf3an 'to Conjecture W:4o.tlicT Cz
had not roally COL3,a2tA to 50r.:4,44y, iii a a;,0041,_

promise. Such was not the case however. The
circumstance is already notorious. The accept-
ance of the Note by Russia was instant and un-
conditional. An occurrence rather significant,
we take it, particularly when coupled with the ad-
' mission that from Constantinople, and not from
I St. Petersburgh, came the demand for certain
modifications. No ! Again, and yet again, and
yet again we assert that the execrable policy of
the AUTOCRAT towards Turkey possesses, at any
rate, the merits of severe consistency and serene
determination. Whatever our abhorrence of that
arrogant, lawless, and aggressive policy—it must
be admitted that so far as its .candour, its sym-
metry (so to speak), and its resolution are con-
cerned, it extorts even from its enemies an un-
willing admiration. Turkey, in fact, has less
reason to look with surprise upon her assailants
than upon her so-called defenders. The former,
at least, are out-spoken, while the latter
are reserved in their language, and treacherous
in their acts. The present moment is not
the time, we conceive, in which to
Theygl haveose over
the conduct of our Administrators.
too deplorably compromised the honouranddigniti.
dignity
of Great Britain by their shuffling and pusivan
employing
gosie-n
itcomofploiumr menets
and
sugarytherto we have been accus-
tomed to speak of Russia as enacting the part of
a bully towards the Turkish Government. Re& c-
tion compels us to hesitate as to the appropriate-
ness of the designation—now that events have
enabled us to compare the conduct of Russia with
the conduct of her four opponents. If the AUTO-
CRAT has assumed an insolent bearing towards the
Sublime Porte, he has at any rate enforced
the insolence of his demands by the daring of his
subsequent proceedings. He has followed up the
haughty words of MENSCHIKOFF by the audacious
deeds of GORTZCHAKOFF. He has signalised the
rejection of the Note, the Sened, the ultimatum,
and the ultimatissimum, by the passage of his
troops across the Pruth, and the formal occupa-
tion of the Danubian Principalities. Whereas
with the Four Powers, it has been otherwise—
altogether and diametrically. At the outset—
Who so loud in promises of support to. Turkey,
and of opposition to the Russian troops and the
Russian Government ? Yet, in what now have
all those noisy promises terminated ? Why, in
the most disgraceful, in the mcst paltry, and in
the most pusillanimous of compromises ! Of com-
promises, say we ? Nay, rather of avowed and
exaggerated concessions ! Is it not the case ?
Answer it—the acceptance of the Vienna Note by
Russia, immediately and unconditionally ! An-
swer it—the rejection of that same Note by Tur-
key, respectfully, but positively, and unmistake-
ably ! Answer it—the Note itself—that Note in
which the CZAR is truckled to, and the SULTAN
abandoned ! Whoever at this juncture is the
bully—it is certainly not the Russian AUTOCRAT.
For it can scarcely be called bullying, to follow
up the words of Prince MENSCHIKOFF by the acts
of Prince GORTZCHAKOFF. It can scarcely he
termed mere bullying—the extortion from the
Four Powers of more than was ever demanded
from the Turkish Government, its extortion by a
bold front, and a resolute bearing in the continued
military occupation of the Danubian Principalities.
Unhappily, on the other hand, it would be by no
means difficult to define the policy of the Four
Powers, by an epithet in no way eulogistic of
their energy, wisdom, consistency, or determina-
tion. That policy was announced to be one resolutely
de fen si ve of the SULTAN'S authority, of his rights, and
of his independence. It commenced with the declara-'
tion that the Four Powers would, at all hazard,
withstand the ambition of the Russian AUTOCRAT.
It has terminated with the concession to that po-
tentate of more than his ambition had originally
attempted to wring from the fancied weakness of
the Turkish Government. In what manner, Ivo
ask, can a policy of this vacillating, not to say
truckling and pusillanimous character- be nt
correctly designated? The Vienna rote is so
melancholy an anti-climax to the appearance of
the combined fleets of France and England in
Besika Bay, that we may readily conjecture the
light in which the conduct of the Allies is re-
garded at Constantinople.
Notwithstanding the odium attached to the
various members of the Coalition Cabinet indis-
criminately, in consequence of these proceedings,
we are, nevertheless, satisfied that the principal
if not the exclusive, blame appertains by right to
one individual—one, unfortunately, placed by
circumstances at the head of her MAJESTY'S Go-
vernment. Implicated, of course, Lord PAL-
MERSTON is necessarily in these lamentable trans-
actions. Yet the peculiarity of his official posi-
tion as Home Secretary relieves him for the
nonce of a considerable share of responsibility.
Implicated yet more by his installation as Chief of
the Foreign Department, the Earl of CLARENDON
must be viewed as exonerated in like manner from
much of the discredit drawn down upon the
Ministry by these disgraceful negotiations. For
the onus devolves obviously at this crisis upon
the Premier—the statesman whose memory must
henceforth be associated with a diplomatic com-
promise productive to Russia of triumph, to
Turkey of defeat, to Europe of danger, to Eng-
land of the infamy and _ignominy, resulting from
a great national degradation.

The turning up of a leading politician of any
party during the dull piping times of political
peace is regarded as a prize of no ordinary value,
not merely by the fortunate provincials by whom
the capture has been effected in the first instance,
but even by the community in general. The
" sayings and doings" of second or even third-rate
men are seized on with avidity, and chronicled as
matters of interest for general edification. We
cannot feel greatly surprised at this attention to
such minute affairs when we find the Leviathan
devoting one or more columns daily to the pub-
lication of hotel bills, accompanied by the notes
and comments of querulous and disconcerted tra-
vellers. If, then, the proceedings ,of inferior men
are so eagerly sought after, the seizure of a Ca-
binet Minister—an ex-First Lord of the Trea-
sury ex-Home Secretary ex-Colonial Se-
cretary—ex-Foreign Secretary, and actual Mi-
nisterial Leader in the representative branch of
the Legislature, must be regarded as a real god-
send—one that will serve for a time to dispel the
existing gloom, and to cast a ray of light through
the surrounding darkness. The doubtful state of
the Fa-stern question, and -the knowledge that
Lord JOHN RUSSELL had recently been called
from his peaceful retirement to confer on the all
important subject with Lords ABERDEEN, CLAREN-
DON, and PALMERSTON, and that the noble
quartett had to decide matters of such grave sig-
nvifiroevaotisotn, tkhathey could not oven be whispered
too
theimtitled ears, naturally increased the interest
thighest pitch of intensity, and rendered the
ofofuGrtrheeelista°c Magistrates, and Councillors of the town
state'
thwehhoseeropersofeoeredtinhegstiwmiell bbeein
grecoofrdtehde
in every daily and
j-ielodeld."y journal, and " wafted
on the Wingsy,fanotdrd
and breadth of thehel Press throughout the length
It is due to.
his fate fßatueswn"he
that it was inevitable with becoming itnhogesfptaoertretei,teuitvhdeaedt, he resigned himself to
Y subraiiltt:tedvatgonaellaundde
taon chi sthpautst hceonedvuecnt andaefeuf Li ire intentions in terms
energetic to create
which, though,. toe
sufficiently
ae c et upon
un his
auditory,
He
agevneeryrali,nwspeirrietsintrgll
eulogised, in the strongest terms, the proceedings
of the Reformed Parliament since the enactment
of the modern Magna Charta, so much so, indeed,
that it might at one time have been supposed that
hooriL,ei
had degenerated
but he, ted intoat
thethean
smeree t
e,
art da tor te
pguardedly
se alludedntat
io
nt o. the
Hextension s ofth
at the e
,p,
perhaps,ceouultn,trypit rinciple
wouldo fberedpirflie-
tsoofimndanaytimmeeasiuurtesheolfiisitmorpyoortfaanncye
when
have been obtained without convulsion and without
revolution, as have been obtained and established
in this country since 1833 ;" but he at the same
time acknowledges that " there still remains
much for tho consideration, not only of all States-
men, but of all men who are lovers of humanity,
Ot.juatioe, -au& who layo- a -reggrd- for the welfare
cf their countrymen ;" and, after gzac,afullY aP-

plying the well-known line of the poet, respecting
the traveller in a mountain district, who sees
" Hills rise on hills, and Alps on Alps arise,"

to the condition of the Legislature who will
always have something " to discuss, to arrange,
to establish," he touches on some of the many
questions which must ere long come under the
showing the dim-
consideration of Parliament. He speaks of educa-
tionalcuities and
that sanitaryobstrue
obstruct
theea s u r es,
accomplishment of all
we could desire respecting the intellectual and
physical development of the people—indicating
that the very freedon on which we so greatly
pride ourselves, which is the noblest boast of
Britons, and the jealousy of Government interfe-
rence, constitute some of the greatest impediments
to the realisation of our wishes.

But the most interesting portion of his oration
—that which deservedly elicited the most enthu-
siastic and rapturous applause from the delighted
audience, and which is certainly of paramount
weight at the present moment--refors, if not by
name, yet very distinctly to the state of the Turco-
Russia difficulty. On this subject we shall be
excused for repeating the ipsissima verba of the
Noble Lord. After alluding to the questions of
internal legislation upon which he had declared
that further measures ought to be adopted, he
says

"It is also to be considered, and I trust we shall none
of us forget, that this country holds an important posi-
tion among the nations of the world. It is not once
but many times she has stood forward to resist oppres-
sion, to maintain the indepeudence of weaker nations,
to preserve to the general family of nations that freedom,
that power of governing themselves of which others have
sought to deprive them. I trust that character will
not be forgotten, will not be abandoned by a nation
which is now stronger in means, which is more popu-
lous, more wealthy than she has been at any former
period. This, then, you will agree with me, is not a period
to abandon any of those duties towards the world, towards
the whole of mankind, which Great Britain has hitherto
performed. Let us perform them, if possible, by our
moral influence—let us perform them, if possible, while
we maintain the inestimable blessings of peace ;
but while we endeavour to maintain peace, I certainly
should be the last to forget that if that peace cannot be
maintained with honour it is no longer peace ; it becomes
then but a truce, a precarious truce, to be denounced by
others whenever they may think fit—whenever they think
an opportunity has occurred to enforce by arms their
unjust demands either upon us or upon our allies. I
trust, gentlemen, that so long as I can bear any part in
the public councils of this kingdom, such will be my
sentiments, and such will be my conduct."

These, as FLUELLAN remarks, are " prave orts,"
and, if accompanied by corresponding actions, will
do much to redeem the character of the Coalition.
They clearly indicate the course which the Noble
Lord is prepared to advocate with all his powers,
and which he would be for ever disgraced if he
now, or at any time hereafter, abandoned. The
emphatic declaration that "peace without honour
is no longer peace—that it is then but a truce, a
precarious truce, to be denounced by others when-
ever they may think fit, whenever they think an
opportunity has occurred to enforce by arms their
unjust demands either upon us or upon our allies,"
cannot be obliterated from our memories; and Lord
JOHN RUSSELL, by using them so emphatically, has
bound himself isr ample recognisances to protect the
integrity of the Ottoman empire, and to prevent the
unjust aggressions of the Northern Despot. He
has solemnly pledged himself in the face of the
country to maintain the honour and dignity of the
British nation—to continue the chivalrous course
which prompted our ancestors to defend the weaker
party against the usurpations of powerful adversa-
ries—to show to the world that we are not the de-
generate offspring of men whose actions acquired
a high character for themselves and a proud posi-
tion in the scale of nations for their father-land.
If these pledges be fully and fairly redeemed, we
shall forgive and forget past grievances; if violated,
they will heap additional condemnation, not only
on Lord JOHN RUSSELL, but on all his colleagues
of the Joint-Sto3k Administration.