The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-11 00:00:00

STA.3IP DUTIES BILL.

On the motion for going into committee,
Sir H.WILLOUGHBY asked if the hon. gentleman (Mr.
Wilson) would object to lay on the table a comparative
table of the duties now levied and those proposed to be
levied.
Mr. WILSON said he would furnish such a table. The
bill itself was intended as a compromise to meet conflicting
interests, one of which was redresented by the hon. member
for Sheffield (Mr. Hadfield) ; but if there were any decided
objection to the new scale of duties, he would not press
them.
On the motion of Mr. HADFIELD the committee was
postponed.
The report of supply was brought up and received.
JA MAICA LOAN.

In committee of the house a resolution granting a loan of
50,0001. to the island of Jamaica was agreed to.

STANDARD OF GOLD AND SILVER WARES

BILL.

The order of the day for the second reading of this bill
having been moved,
Mr. CARDWELL, in reply to Mr. HENLEY, said that
the object of the bill was to lower the standard of the gold
used in the making of watch-cases from 18 carats' to 10
carats fine. The tmde in the manufacture of watch-cases
of a lower standard of gold was rapidly on the increase ;
and the manufacturers of this country loudly complained
that they were shut out from the advantages of that trade
by the arbitrary rule with respect to the standard of gold
to be used in the manufacture of those cases at present in
force.
Mr. T. FIANKEY said that the gold manufacturers of
the City of London entirely disapproved of the bill. They
were of opinion that it would ruin the trade in England if
watch-cases were allowed to be manufactured of which only,
one-third should be gold, and would drive the manufac-
turers to Geneva.

Mr. ELLICE thought the hon. member was stating the
wishes of those manufacturers who enjoyed, and wished to
enjoy, the monopoly in the trade. 'On behalf of his consti-
tuents he should beg to express his approval of the bill.
The fact was that under the present system the mlnufac-
turers in this country were obliged to send the works of
watches out to America to be put there either into French
or American cases. He did not desire that the public
should be deluded with respect to the value of a watch. It
was simply sought that the oases should be stamped accord-
ing to their fineness, so that the purchasers should not,
under the operation of the bill, be in any way defraudel
The whole object of the bill was to enable the watchmakers
throughout England to extend their trade, and upon that
ground it merited the support of the house.
The bill was then read a second time.
CRIMINAL JUSTICE BILL.
-

The bill was read a second time.
The Militia (No. 2) Bill was read a second time, and the
committee .fixed for Thursday mornin;7.
MERCHANT SHIPPING ACTS REPEA.L BILL.
Mr. CARDWELL moved the committee on this bill.
Mr. DEEDES objected to proceeding with it at that
late hour.
Mr. CARDWELL pressed that itmight be permitted to
go into committee.
The bill went through committee ; the third reading
was fixed for Thursday.
REGISTRATION OF BILLS OF SALE (IRELAND)

BILL.
This bill went through committee.
THE GENERAL BOARD OF HEALTH BILL.
On the order of the day for the committal of this bill
being read amidst cries of " oh, oh," and "postpone,
postpone."
Mr. WISE moved that a select committee be appointed
to consider the provisional orders.
Sir W. MOLESWORTFI consented for this session to
withdraw the orders for the places which did not object
to the bill.

am satisfied. (Laughter.)
Sir G. PECHELL said the hon. member was easily
satisfied. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Were the towns
which had not objected to it satisfied ? and if they were,
were they at all aware of its nature ? If so, seeing that no
one ventured to defend the iniquities of the board, any
approval of the measure should be sent to the British
useum.
Lord PALMERSTON said that the object of the bill
,waa to constitute in a number of towns local boards of
He hoped that the house would not punish 100,000
bt;people from any feeling of hostility that might be enter-
leaineath.t° a par t'icu
lar member of the General Board of
The bill then A through committee, Hanley and
Much en ph roug
schedule. 0
POOR-L AW
JOT
This:7l,:rehataivina
se.ecbenedn
tsitrmuec.k out of its clauses and
-NT:STOCK BANKS (SCOTLAND) BILL,
Colonel DUNI•II49
On the ordero CONTINUANCE (IRELAND) BILL.
The bill was then reads
committee that the
edonrteiaditimneg of this bill,
intimated. his intention of moving in
cownAt:ttanti:Trt:fs tae bill be limited to
two years.
HIGH
This bill was read a second time without discussion.
H T Awßa EreadSE
aCtrseRcoinTdTiSmeSCOTLAND) BILL.
ThisEßbill
• TURNPIKE TRUSTS,
The Turnpike Trusts A iagenlei 8, n
Continuance Bills, were severallyretad an Turnpike Acts
REFORDIATORY SCHOOLS (scoTsece iND) BILL.
nd time.
Ou the order for going into committee'
Mr. MAGUIRE opposed the further progress of the
bill pending the delay of the Government n
.51r. DUNLOP hoped that at that period
the sesaio
no attempt would be made further to delay the bill. n
Mr. MA.GUIRE persisted and moved that the committee
should report progress.
Mr. LUCAS supported the amendment.
After a few words from the LOAD ADVOCAT?.,
Mr. LUCAS contended that this bill was part of a
great system of aggression upon the Roman Catholic reli-
gion direertitd in this case as it had been in the Middlesex
Industrial Schools Bill, and the Youthful Offenders Bill,
again it the poorest and most helpless part of the popula-
tion. (Cries of " Divide.")
Yr. J. O'CONNELL supported the m4tion for reporting
progress. (Divide, divide.)
After some conversation,
Mr. DUNLOP, seeing there was a determination to ob-
struct the progress of the bill, consented to allow the :zio-
tion to pass without a division.
The Chairman accordingly reported progress, and ob-
tained leave to sit again on Wednesday, the 19th inst.

carrying the colours of the KAISER has yet
crossed over from Transylvania —is to
us, indeed, very welcome intelligence. Nay, long
ago, we did not scruple to avow that, to our mind,
it would be better for the interests of Liberty, of
Humanity, and of Civilisation, if Austria were
against us, rather than with ns. We here de-
liberately reiterate that as our opinion. We
here hesitate not thus formally to endorse our
previous acknowledgment.
Suppose Austria to be with us -- in name, that
is, br we could never expect her to be so ear-
nestly and heartily, under any conceivable cir-
cumstances. Suppose Austria to be with. us.
We—the Western Allies of Turkey—would not

for that reason: be more formidable to Rus::ia and
her despotic Sovereign. On the contrary—a
dead weight of Viennese tradition and Berlin sub-
serviency would hang upon the arm of France,
and upon the arm of England, like unconsecra,tel
maniples palsying our thews and sinews,
and embarrassing our every movement. .

Suppose, on the contrary, Austria to be against
us—England and France would be free to act
without the necessity of their having especil
regard to the wishes of the Courts of the Ger-
manic Confederation.

Moreover, let it not be forgotten by those
whose hopes are fixed on the spread of Liberty,
and on the diffusion of all the more blessed

and benignant influences of Civilisation—let it not
be forgotten by them that in the one instance the
law of Might, and of Fore; and of cruel and

grinding Injustice could alone be perpetrated in
Pesth, and Milan, and Venice, and/ Warsaw !
While in the other case, according to the adop-
tion of the other branch of the alternative, Hope

would again arise for Italy, for Poland, and for
Hungary ! Wherefore again, and yet again, we
say—Better that Austria were against than that
she were with us ! Better for the chances

of a more speedy and more satisfactory

settlement of the present struggle with
the forces of the northern AUTOCRAT. Better for

our dreams of the future peace of Christendom.
Better for the prospective development of Civilisa-
tion. Better for the oppressed millions of the
Poles, Italians, and Hungarians. Treachery can
alone result from the pretended alliance of the
German Governments. Rather let us have from
Austria—her avowed enmity than her pretended
friendship. -

" The ticket-of-leave" system has been weighed
in the balance and found wanting. It is now
found that but little, if any, reliance can be
placed in a prison repentance, or rather simulated
repentance, which is ascribable to a regret for the
consequences of the crime rather than for the
crime itself. Many elements must be naturally
weighed before we can arrive at an accurate solu-
tion of the great social problem, and teach crimi-
nals who have violated the laws of their country
to "go forth and sin no more." The great object
to be attained, that which' in the great majority
of instances has foiled the most energetic efforts of
the philanthropists who have entered on the diffi-
cult task, has been the reformation of the offender.
It h for this purpose that the various plans of
discipline have been framed—that the pri-
soners have been kept in solitary or separate
confinement—on short diet, or no diet—that
the tread-wheel or the crank, the collar or the
strait-jacket, have been placed in requisition,
and even the " cat o' nine tails" occasionally re-
sorted to. It is when these instruments of torture
have done their work that the supposed penitent
is liberated, and once more sent forth to withstand
the trials and temptations of the world, a strict
watch being kept over his movements, and being
liable for any lapse to be sent back,to durance to
serve out the original term under even more
stringent conditions than previously. -
It is not very -hard to account for the causes of
the numerous failures—it is even astonishing that
a still larger proportion of the tainted flock aro
not brought under magisterial cognisance, and
sent back to their old quarters. The system is
in many respects erroneous, but there are some
points in which it is especially defective, and
which must be altered iu some essential particulars
before we can look for wholesome fruits. -

In the first instance, the government of con-
victed prisoners is one almost entirely of fear—
they are influenced almost solely by terror. There
are many stringent rules, any violation whereof is
visited by severe punishment; while any conduct,
however exemplary, does not bring any immediate
reward or relaxation. When under Captain
MACONOCHTE'S plan—which the Birmingham ma-
gistrates dispensed with for the AUSTEN cruelties—
good marks were conferred, the possession gave a
certain substantial benefit, and every trifling de-
viation of discipline might be sufficiently noticed
by the resumption of some of these coveted
tokens. They were tangible, substantial recogni-
tions of good behaviour that were duly appre-
ciated by the recipients who strove to merit.
them. When none, however, aro given—.
whentit ie 3 no
the
amount of previous good conduct
a
party to pard in for a trifling offence,
e
and we cannot know with certainty the nature of
the report concerning him, he becomes careless,
if not reckless—incurs punishment, and his heart
becomes harder, and his nature more brutal and
irreclaimable than ever. Should ho think it worth
his while to dissemble, he only adds a specious
hypocrisy to his other crimes, and becomes more
unfitted for the world-more d'mgerous to society
at the time when he is about to be set loose. It
is the " URIAH HEArg," those who can succeed by
an affectation of religion, and the assumption of a
vile cant, in deceiving the chaplain, that are the
most likely to receive indulgence, and to be sent
forth again to deceive their dupes. There should
be better and more decisive tests than any that
have yet been adopted, before we can speak with
any degree of certainty of the reformation of the
convict, who may be a hypocrite, or, even if sin-
cere for the moment, may have his principles not
sufficiently firm to withstand the ordeal through
which he will have to pass on his re-
storation to society, by which he is
branded and stigmatised, and where, from the
suspicions entertained, he is unable to obtain an
honest livelihood by his own exertions.
This latter is the main cause of the backsliding
Bad as may be the system of discipline in the
Prisons, the Hulks, or the Convict Depots—inade-
quate as may be the tests imposed—they all sink
into nothing when compared with the treatment
of the man, who is sent forth to earn his own liveli-
hood, with a blemished character, and kept under
police surveillance—with a drawn sword impending
over his head that may fall at any moment. While
there are so
many competitors of unexceptional
character seeking for employment, where can the
penitent sinner, without recommendation of any
kind, hope to obtain it ? Who will take into his
establishment any man Who has not only fallen,
but who will bring with him the espionage of the
local constabulary, and subject the entire of his
fellow-workmen to police interference on every
occasion ? No, the man is a moral Pariah,
shunned and avoided by his fellows and distrusted
by his master. No matter how strenuous may
be his determination to do the thing that is right,
he is driven to crime by the exigencies of his
Position—and we mourn over the depravity of
mankind when we hear of a relapse, in place of won-
dering at the almost miraculous strength of those
who aro able to withstand trials from which the
best principled and most meritorious might shrink
aghast.

Something should be done for those miserable
creatures who have no friends or relatives capa-
ble of giving them a chance of retrieving their
positions,
that and providing against absolute want.
The old system of banishment had one advantage,
ally description of labour was anxiously
sought after in the localities in which the convicts
were thrown, and that the liberated convict could
gain bread, and was not living in daily dread of
exposure. The moment the penal settlement
became thickly peopled, it was no longer suitable

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 11, 1854,