The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-20 00:00:00

IMPERIAL

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94 - 96

133 - 136

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THE SMOKE NUISANCE.

133 = lie

ii :: iid

29 - 30
92 - 91

TAM ENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.)

The house met at five o'clock.
The Earl of CARLISLE presented a petition from
the Society of Friends, agreed to at their annual meet-
ing, against church rates.
The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from
a Free Church in Scotland, against the Maynooth grant
and the appointment of the Catholic chaplains.
The King of Portugal, and his brother, the Duke of
Oporto, entered the house shortly after 5, and were ac-
commodated with seats before the Throne.
There was a very numerous attendance of peers.
The Duke of RICHMOND gave notice that to-
morrow ho would ask whether it was the intention of
the Government to give any mark of approbation to
non-commissioned officers and private soldiers who had
served in the Kaffir war.
The LORD CHANCELLOR, in answer to the Earl
of DoNouGumoßE, who complained of some informality
in the recent election of an Irish representative peer,
explained the law on the subject,- and said the Lord
Chancellor had no jurisdiction to issue a fresh writ.
In reply to Lord LYNDHURST,
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that, in the course
of next week, he intended to move that the nine bills
which related to the amendment of the criminal law be
referred to a select committee.

A short discussion arose on this subject ; but in con-
sequence of the noise which prevailed in the house, it
was impossible to catch its purport.

Lord REDESDALE asked the Prime Minister when
the Secretary of State for the Home Departmentpro-
posed to issue orders and directions to the commis-
sioners of police for the metropolitan district
and the city of London, in accordance with the
provisions of an act passed last session to abate
the nuisance arising from the smoke of furnaces in the
metropolis, and from steam-vessels above London Bridge,
in order that information might be laid against all per-
sons who should not from and after the Ist day of
August next comply with the requirements of the said

act.
The Earl of ABERDEEN said the Secretary of
State had instructed the Commissioners of Metropolitan
Police to issue notices to the owners and occupiers of all
furnaces, to which the act was applicable, of the time
when the act would come into operation (the Ist August),
and whether steps would be taken to compel its obser•
vance. The number of furnaces returned to the Com-
missioners, which would come within the provisions of
the Act, was 8,800.
Lord LANSDOWNE -expressed a hope that the act
would be beneficial in its operation.
After a few words from the Earl of SHAFTESBURY and
Lord REDESDALE, the subject dropped.
THE GERMAN POWERS.
Lord LYNDHU RST then called the attention of the
house and the Government to the memorandum relative
to the Eastern question transmitted by the Courts of
Vienna and Berlin to their envoys at the Germanic
Die

THE EASTERN QUESTION.
Lord LYNDHURST, in rising to call the attention of
the house and of her Majesty's Government to the memo-
randum relative to the Eastern question, transmitted by
the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin to their envoys at the
Diet, said,—l presume that the notice of your lordships
has been already directed to the important document to
which I am about to allude, even although it has not yet
been laid upon your lordships' table. It is a memorandum
addressed by the Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin to their
envoys at the Diet of Frankfort, with directions that it
should bo communicated to that body. It states the course
of policy which has been pursued by the Four Powers,
with the view of obtaining the approval, concurrence, and
sanction of that body. It has not been laid upon your
lordships' table, and, perhaps, in point of form, it could
not be, because it is a document between two foreign
States ; at least, it could not be laid upon your lordships'
table in the usual manner, but it has been published in the
official journals of Vienna, of Berlin, of Frankfort, and of
Paris, and I believe, in most of the public journals
throughout the continent. It is a matter, therefore, of
general notoriety. It has given rise to much discussion
both on the continent and in this country, and it has been
viewed by some persons with much anxiety and uneasiness.
Upon that ground I have thought it my duty to submit it
to your lordships and her Majesty's Government, in order
that we might come to a distinct understanding with re-
spect to it. My lords, it is of so much importance to bo
accurate upon a subject of this nature that I must read
those parts of the document to which I refer. The first
passage to which I beg to call your lordships' attention is
in these words :
"Both Cabinets have agreed with those of Paris and
London in the conviction that the conflict between Russia
and Turkey could not be prolonged without affecting the
general interests of Europe, and those also of their own
States. They acknowledged in common that the main-
tenance of the integrity of the Ottoman empire and the
independence of the Sultan's Government are necessary con-
ditions of the political balance, and that the war should, un-
der no circumstances, have for result any change in existing
territorial positions."
Now, my lords, I apprehend it is perfectly clear, according
to the correct interpretation of that passage, that, when it
stated that " the war should under no circumstances, have
for result any change in existing territorial position" it
means "territorial position" as between Turkey on the
one side, and Russia on the other. (Hear.) The passage
is not expressed with so much precision as to be free, per-
haps, from all doubt ; but, if any doubt does exist, it will
be effectually removed by referring to another document
the protocol of sth of December—to which tho paper to
which I have referred relates. In that passage the Four
Powers express themselves in these terms :
" In fact, the existence of Turkey in the limits assigned to
her by treaty is one of the necessary conditions of the balance
of power in Europe, and the undersignegt,plenipotentiariesre-
cord, with satisfaction, that the existing war cannot in any
case lead to modifications in the territorial boundaries of the
two empires, which would be calculated to alter the state of
possession iu the East established for a length of time, and
which is equally necessary for the tranquillity of all the oilier
Powers."
It is, therefore, perfectly clear, from the document to which
I am now referring—the protocol to which the other docu-
ment relates—that, according to the agreement between
the Four Powers, no alteration is to take place, whatever
be the result of the war, in the territorial limits between
Turkey on the one side, and Russia on the other. In
other words, according to the principle laid down by the
Four Powers, whatever may be the result of the war, us far
as relates to territorial position, the status quo ante is to re-
main established. Now, my lords, it may be said, and pro-
perly said, that the protocol and the passage to which I
have referred wereframed previously to France and England
entering into war with Russia. Undoubtedly that is so ;
but after that war had been entered into, the representative
of the Four Powers again met for the purpose of confirm-
ing what they had previously done. In the former proto-
col and documents they had stated what they considered
to bo the principle of the alliance or connexion between
the Four Powers ; and after war had been declared by us
and France against Russia they met again to sanction
what they had previously done, and in distinct terms they
stated that they confirmed the principle upon which the
former protocols had been founded. Under these circum-
stances, therefore, and considering the principle upon
which we roe now acting, and upon which France and the
Austrian and Prussian Powers are acting, as well as we,
it is extremely difficult to comp to any other conclusion
than that, whatever be the result of the war, we are finally
to put an end to it by restoring Russia to, and leaving
Turkey in precisely the same state as that in which they
wore anterior to the commencement of hostilities. The
document to which I first referred adopts the same lan-
guage, and after the passage which I before quoted it goes
on to say—
" The last of the protocols shows that, although France
and Great Britain have entered into a war against Russia, the
four Cabinets invariably adhere to the principle proclaimed
heretofore by them in common, and to have united in regard
to the basis on which to deliberate as respects the appro-
priate means for obtaining the object of their endeavours,"
In conclusion, after the passage to which I refer, they
come to this determination—that the principle laid down
in the original protocol is to be acted upon, whatever may '
be the end of the war in which we are now engaged.
(Hear, hear.) Now, my lords, that that is the principle
upon which Austria and Prussia are acting is free from all
doubt, because, according to their actual statement, if
Russia wore to agree now to withdraw from the Principa-
lities, and at the same time to enter into a guarantee as
to the integrity of the Ottoman empire, there is no doubt
that neither Austria nor Prussia would take part in the
further contest. And if that be true with respect to
those two Powers when they are acting in common and
ou one common principle with the two other Powers,
it appears to bo clear almost to demonstration—
and I must come to that conclusion unless I
hear something to convince me to tho contrary from the
noble earl opposite--that at this very moment the Powers
are acting upon the principle that if Russia should assent
to admit the integrity of the Ottoman Empire and the in-
dependence of the Sultan, and should consent to guarantee
that integrity, we must be content to terminate the war
upon that principle. (Hear.) Now, my lords, in this paper
Austria herself appears to me to be acting inconsistently
with that principle, and I do not know how to reconcile
the part of the paper to which I am about to allude with
that to which I have already referred—l mean that part of
the paper which relates to the navigation of the Danube.
The navigation of the Danube is stated in that paper, by
Austria, to be of the utmost importance, not to her terri7
tory and her subjects alone, but to the whole of central
Europe; and in that paper the importance of the naviga-
tion of the Danube, and of its freedom from all int
se.r bupt,
tion, is enlarged upon in the strongest possible
eerThe,n
the
my lords, not in terms by any a
importance of the subject warrants—itsnisnilrpoourgtahnceet,
tneotthtoe
Austria alone, nor to central
mGeerremiealn
whole of the civilised and coin Germany alone,
I say therefore, nay lords,
that we must not conclude any
peace, we must not put. a end to this contest, unless we
insure the free and uninterrupted navigation of that im-
portant river. Now, my lords, having stated this as part
of the document to which I have referred, I beg leave
to call your attention to the actual state of that river, and
to the circumstances under which it is placed ; and
will bring me to the conclusion that Austria herself is
inconsistent with the document to which I have referred,
if she means to say that she will retire from the con-
test provided the integrity of the Turkish empire is se-
cured, and a guarantee is given for that security. My
know lords, we all that by the treaty of Adrianople—
the
unfortunate treaty, I must call it, of Adrianople—
Russia secured to herself both banks of the Danube, the
one in absolute right, the other substantially under her
command. We know further, also, that by that treaty
she obtained the right of establishing a quarantine in one
of the islands in the Danube. For many years having
possessed, therefore, the absolute control of that river,
Irons its mouth to a considerable distance upwards, she
has conducted herself in such a way as to interrupt in the
moat effectual manner the free navigation of that impor-
tant river. (Hear, hear.) Remonstrance after remon-
strance has been addressed to her by Austria, I,),y..onugt-
land, and by almost every other European Power 'An
effect, and it is quite certain, judging from the unless
unless we remove Russia from that position,,
the limits which she now holds are chantgeedh
jeaiett
quite impossible to insure that important wfoill•lthbee
future—the free and uncontrolled navigation of the
Danube. (Hoar, hear.) I may be
.told ld soihmtehpiesvrsoenrys
—and I believe it is thrown out son ent a y
paper—that all this may be arranged by treaty. *3,-
lorcip, I ilaYo 110 faith in a treaty Of thin land Unido `nth

Russia. (Hear, hear.) There has been a treaty upon the
subject for nearly fifteen years- between Russia and. Ans.
tria. Russia, upon the ono aide, undertook to keel* the
course of the Danube free from interruption ; and; open
the other side, Austria, in consideration of that, engaged •
to pay a toll upon ships passing down the river. What
has been the course off conduct pursued by Russia in this
respect ? She has extorted the payment of the toll in
every instance ; but she has not only done nothing to
keep the course of the Danube free, but she has thrown
every obstruction in the way of it. She has refused to
take any steps whatever for the purpose, and the conse-
quence is, that the obstructions of the river are of such
a nature as to have the effect—which 1 believe was in-
tended to follow from it—of giving a great advantage to
the rival port of Odessa. (Hear.) This is what no one who
has considered the subject can for a moment doubt. At
the time when the Turks were in possession of the river
and had the command of its navigation, by a very !ample
Process they contrived to keep the navigation clear (hear,
hear), and when it passed from their possession the depth
of the water at the mouth of ,the ricer was upwards
of 16 feet it is now reduced to only nine. - In
what way did they do this ? By making use of a most
simple apparatus ; by insisting that a kind of drag should
be attached to each vessel that went down the river, and,
by thus scouring the mud, by the action of the stream
they kept the navigation free. Applications have bean
repeatedly made at St. Petersburg, to Count Nesselrode
and other authorities, to adopt the same mode of proceed-
ing ; but, they have always refused to resort to this
means. Count Nesselrode pretended that some new appa-
ratus of the most extraordinary kind should be made use,
of for the purpose of effecting the object. He was told
that it would not answer the purpose, but after a long de-
lay it arrived on the spot, after still further delay it was
made use of, and it turned out not only to be ineffectual,
but more than that, it increased the very evil it was in-
tended to remedy. It soon got out of order, and was no
longer used. It was said, why not use the old apparatus
in conjunction with this? why not use a steam-vessel to go
up and down the river with the drags? But every kind
of evasion was practised. The object was to maintain the
rival port of Odessa at the expense of Austria and of all
the other kingdoms of Europe. If any noble lords wish
for any details with respect to this subject, I exhort them
most earnestly to read the papers that were laid on the
table of your lordships' house last year, and they will be
found to afford a lively instance of the shuffling and, could
I apply such words to such illustrious persons, I would
say, the mendacious policy, the diplomatic *kill and false.
hood of the Court of St. Pietersburgh. (Hear.) Is it not,
then, evident, from the statement, that it is absolutely
necessary that a change should take place in the territorial
possessions of the mouths of the Danube—(hoar)—that such
an alteration is necessary to secure that important and
valuable object, on which so much reliance is placed by
Austria and Germany—the free navigation of that import-
ant river? I say, then, that this object is in contradic-
tion with the principle which has been attempted to be
established, that the status quo, as far as territory is con-
cerned, is not to be altered. Now, my lords, having touched
upon this point, allow me to go to another ; allow
me to travel to the East. We have, by the superiority of
the combined fleets, shut up the Russian fleet in the har-
bour of Sebastopol ; it does not dare to come out for fear
of encountering our superior naval power. In consequence
of this, they have been compelled to desert and destroy all
their establishments except Anapa, on the eastern coast of
the Black Sea. The chain of forts which they had for 50
years been constructing, in order to afford themselves op-
portunities to evade that territory and to give them free
intercourse with their possessions south of Circassia, they
have destroyed. Can it be supposed possible that, after
wo have encouraged the Circassians and supplied them
with arms, it should be intended again to restore that ter-
ritory to Russia, to place her in the situation which she
before occupied ? (Cheers.) How unjust would such con-
duct be towards the Circassians—how unjust to our allies I
I say that such a course of proceeding never can by possi-
bility be adopted. Allow me now to refer to the general
question. If you place Russia in the same situation with
respec,, to territory as that in which she stood before the
war, whatever may be the events of the war, I ask why,
notwithstanding everything that has now been done, may
she not hereafter take the first opportunity that she may
think will serve her purpose—what security have you that
all this matter will not be again re-opened? (Hear,hear.)
From the earliest period, from the time of Catherine down
to the present day, Turkey has been considered as the ulti-
mate prey of Russia; every war in which Turkey has been.
engaged with Russia has ended in such a way that Russia
has advanced step by step towards the accomplishment of
her purpose ; and now at last, from documents which hay*
been shown to us, we know that she considers Turkey as
a victim within her grasp, and that nothing will prevent
her from using every possible endeavour to seize the
spoil. But, my lords, let me
.ask you, if you were
to place Russia, whatever may be the events of war,
in the same situation as far as territory is concerned
that she occupied at its commencement, what will be,
her actual position with respect to Turkey ? Ido not
wish upon a subject of this kind to rely on my own
authority, and I will, therefore, refer to an authority
which cannot be doubted, that of Count Nesselrode him-
self. Some time after the termination of the war which
was ended by that unfortunate treaty of Adrianople,
Count Nesselrode, by the direction of the Emperor of
Russia, wrote to the Grand Duko Constantine at Warsaw
to give an account of the result of that treaty, and of the
relative situation of Russia and Turkey in consequence of
it, and I wish to refer to Count Nesselrode's language to
show in what position Turkey will stand iu future if the
status quo ante bellum be adopted. He says, "we have
placed Turkey in such a situation that she must in future
be dependent upon our will, and do whatever we desire ;"
and he then goes into the question of the principalities.
" The principalities," ho says, " aro of no importance to us
to retain, but will only be a means of creating jealousies in
the other Powers. It would subject us to great expense
to maintain troops there ; and we have given them up,
knowing, at the same time, that either in peace or in war
we shall dispose of them entirely at our discretion. We
have obtained," he says, " the key of the position, and the
Sultan must feel that if at any future period ho dare;
again to brave us the result must be his entile and certain
ruin." This, then, is the position in which Turkey will.
stand if Russia is to be allowed to retain the position she
held before the commencement of the war. As I wish to
be perfectly accurate upon this subject, I ii ill quote the
passage to which I have referred. It is as follows :
"The Turkish monarchy is reduced to exist only under the
protection of Russia, and must comply in future with her
wishes. The posses,iou of these principalities is of the les*
importance to us, as, without maintaining troops there, which
would be attended with considerable expense, we shall dispose
of them at our pleasure, as well during peace as in time of
war. We shall hold the keys of a position from which it will
be easy to keep the Turkish Government in check, and the
Sultan will feel that any attempt to brave us again must cud
in his certain ruin."
This would be the consequence of restoring Russia, what-
ever may be the events of the war, to the position which
she occupied at the close of the treaty of Adrianople. But
I must further call your lordships' attention to what sours,
Russia is likely to pursue, to what policy she is likely to
adopt, in the event of her finding a favourable opportu-
nity, provided peace is concluded upon those conditions,
for the purpose of attaining that object which she has long
cherished, and which has been considered as an essential
part of the policy of her empire, when she is in a condition
to pursue it without being embarrassed by European com-
binations against her. Here, again, I do not wish to ad-.
vance anything upon my own authority, and I will do—as
I have done with respect to the other point—direct your
lordships' attention to the opinion of an unexceptionable
witness on the subject-L-Prince Lieven. Prince Lieven
was consulted previous to the commencement of the war
that terminated by the treaty of Adrianople, as to what
course should be pursued by the Emperor for the purpose
of carrying into effect the designs he then contemplated,
and he expresses himself in these terms :
" We must be prudent, we must be cautious, we niusteen-
eeal our policy, we must be secret, we must collect double
armies, and when we have made our preparations without
notice, we must be prompt in action, and pour down upon
the territories of Turkey before any European force is able to
prevent us."
The words of Prince Lieven are—
" Our policy must be to maintain a reserved and prudent
attitude until the moment arrives for Russia to vindicate her
rights, and for the rapid action which she will be obliged to
adopt. The war ought to take Europe by surprise. Our
movements must be prompt, so that the other Powers should
find it impossible to be prepared for the blow tnat we are
about to strike."

Now, give me leave to call your lordships' attention to
another document of no inconsiderable interest connected.
with this subject, and contemporaneous with that to which
I have referred. The history I am about to relate is shortly
this—The Emperor of Russia was dissatisfied with the
conduct of the other Powers of Europe with respect to
the course they pursued at the time of the great Greek in-
surrection. Re therefore drew off from the alliance, and
said—l will act for myself, I will be secret and reserved as
to the course I shall pursue, but, before I take any mea-
sures, let me be cautious as
.to my situation ; and he di-
rected Count Nesselrode to write to the different ambas-
sadors at the European Courts to inquire what course they
would bo likely to take if he invaded the principalities,
what course they would take individually, and what pro-
bability there was of any concert between themc.m. The
answers returned are of the most curious descripti
emwoesrte ceuvreiroyu s di.Bniorfrot,thwrheos aeotn-
stoefpChoyunttepP,ozzegoi
—what England do_?
overe from her financial
questioni is
that
tTohtehi this
answer country.
is E
nTghl
sonciduhe question orne les
and commercial crisis, she is in a condition to go to war,
and probably will oppose you. She will, if she does cp.
pose you, do you considerable mischief, great injury, but
y not altogether irreparable; with respect to military
operationsinur
she can do nothing, she cannot oppose the march
of your armies. Then he refers to France, and after
throwing some abuse upon the then Minister of that coun-
try, he thus answers the question of what she is capable of
doing. France, as to marine operations, would be of no
importance, because everything that could be done by her
naval force would bo prevented by England ; and, with
respect to her military power—l beg your lordships to mark
the opinion he has expressed upon this subject—her geo-
graphical position prevents her from exercising it again"
us ; nowhere will a field of battle be found in France, and
it is well known what their armies will have to expect if
they come in contact with ourselves. My lords, we
shall
see what will be the result of that meeting with respect to
which Pozzo di Borgo, who I believe was a Corsican, ex-
pressed so confident an opinion—(cheers, and a laugh) ;
that England and,
and perhaps the Emperor may sae • • '
France have now raised a barrier against his ambition
greater than be ever expected to meet. I have stated the
with respect to the po.l-
tion of England and France, of Count Pozzo di Borgne
d hie conclusion is, thaFrance,33,
of the object of Russia. I
I_,feelingsf
therespect
were
our Powers
uvective against that most enlightened
forth a torrent o
plishing that objf
.t Count roue di Borgo, after pouring
statesman, sums
country, ho says, war is a calamity, but to
To every
tatcsnian, seals up the condition of Austria in a very few
Austria
it iscortain ruin. The result of these considerations
Emperor might prosecute his design without any
of impediments, for none of the other powers, either
cfi3lrectively or separately, would be able to oppose any
effectual resistance to it. Such is the policy, and at tho
sßtihs:at the
same time crafty perfidy of Russia, always intent upon in-
creasing her power, sometimes by silent means, by false-
hood and trickery—sometimes by open violence, as in the
caw to which I have referred. But I have not yet alluded
to Prussia. (A. laugh.) The policy of Russia is permanent':
it never changes ; and so, to a certain extent, is the policy
of Prussia also. The coalition between Russia and Prussia
is not recent, it is of long standing, and has been main-
tained with great diplomatic skill, and a great counteract.
ing power is necessary to overcome that coalition. I will
read what Count Pozzo di Borgo says with respect to
Prussia :
Prussia being less jealous, and consequently more inivar•
tial; has constantly shown by
her opinions that she has a pit