The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-12 00:00:00

and promised him his support as soon as circumstances
should admit of Parliamentary Reform.
Mr. HUME had reluctantly arrived at the same con-
clusion as the noble lord ; but he thought there was no al-
ternative but to abandon this measure for the present.
(Hear, hear.) It was for the interest of Reform that the
question should be postponed until the war was at an end,
and he therefore hoped his friends around him would
do honour to the reasonable feelings of the noble lord
on this subject rather than meet him with those unbecom-
ing taunts of which the noble lord appeared to be afraid.
Mr. BRIGHT was glad that this bill was not given up
as a sacrifice to the clamours of the Opposition ; it was
given up because the noble lord was now thoroughly
alive to the impossibility of making progress with a mea-
sure of Parliamentary Reform while a war was raging
around us. (Loud cheers.) The noble lord had been a
political Samson .in his time, and had done much which
hereafter would be remembered to his honour, but it would
be impossible for the noble lord, or any other minister, to
get a Reform Bill passed while the war was going on.
(Cheers.) He had never doubted the sincerity of the
noble lord on the subject of Parliamentary reform; nay,
be would go the length of saying, that the man who doubted
it would he either blind or stupid, but he blamed the
noble lord and his colleagues for having advocated
the policy which had led to the war. (Hear, hear.) The
house, however, had supported them in that policy, and
they could not, therefore, censure or taunt the noble lord
for the course he proposed to take with regard to this biil.
(Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman then proceeded to criti-
cise the now defunct Reform Bill, and to argue that it
conferred more advantages on the counties than on the
towns. He advised the noble lord not to give up the
idea of reform, which he had cherished so many years,
as the people were with him, and he hoped in happier times
the noble lord would be prepared with an improved bill
when he was convinced the country would be ready to sup-
port him. (Cheers.)
Mr. LABOITCFIERE believed the noble lord had acted
with his wonted integrity and courage in taking this course.
The noble lord would have seriously injured the cause of
reform if he had been actuated by any false shame, but
seeing that the attention of the people was wholly absorbed
in the war the noble lord had manifested a wise and pru-
dent feeling in consenting to postpone his bill to a future
period. (Cheers.)
Lord JOCELYN accorded his meed of praise -to the
noble lord for the sacrifice of personal feeling which he
had made on this occasion, and expressed a hope that,
now that the reform difficulty was got rid of, the war
would be carried on with energy and vigour.
Lord H. VANE could not refrain from expressing his
high sense of the conduct of the noble lord on the present
occasion, entertaining as he did a very strong and decided
feeling that it was inexpedient in the present crisis of
affairs to press forward a Reform Bill attacking so many
inteeets, and which might lead to a dissolution of the Go-
vernment, and to consequences of the most disastrous
nature. He agreed inatsthehpeen
tppe
oprysles contained
would by no means pledge himselfj torinevepei
in the Reform
lillvUiyatmanidl nedart e,fbiutt.
(Hear,. hear.
identically
) Approving entirely of the policy now pur-
sued,sure: if beingnet
containing mea-
sure,
same principles, would be brought forward, he would not
prolong the discussion. (Hear, hear.)
ajesty
Mr. DISRAELI—I think her e • •
s Government
have arrived at a sound and satisfactory conclusion in that
which they have communicated to the house to-night, and
I think the country is to be congratulated upon it. (Hear,
hear.) I am not, therefore, disposed to indulge in those
• sarcasms—(a laugh)—which the noble lord anticipated on
this occasion ; and if the conduct of the Government with
respect to other measures which I shall also feel it to
be my duty to oppose be influenced by the same feeling
and regulated by the same policy, I promise the noble lord
that he will experience from me an opposition as mitigated
as on the present occasion. (Hear.) But, although sitting
on this side of the house, I shall never shrink from exer-
cising any best efforts to vindicate the opinions of my
friends—(cheers)—and to resist any measure I think ob-
noxious to the public welfare if brought forward by the noble
lord, I can assure the noble lord I am little disposed to-
night, after the address he has made, to view with any
spirit of acerbity the course of conduct he has adopted.
(Cheers.) Although it has been my fate to be always
opposite to the noble lord, I can say, most sincerely, there
is no one in this house has a more heartfelt reaped for the
noble lord. (Cheers.) I think his character and career
are precious possessions of this House of Commons, and I
am sure that the members of the House of Commons will
always cherish them. (Cheers.) Wherever the noble lord
sits, I am sure he will be accompanied by the respect of
every member of the house ; and I think the manner in
which to-night he has made what was evidently a painful
communication to the house, is in every way worthy of
the noble lord. (Cheers.) But, sir, although I have felt
satisfied with the course which her Majesty's Ministers
have proposed to take with respect to this bill for Parlia-
mentary reform, and though the feelings which I have en-
deavoured imperfectly to express with regard to the noble
lord are most sincere, I still feel it my duty to express my
conviction that all that the noble lord has said to-night
has not really met the real difficulty of his position. (Hear.)
All the influences which he has placed before us to-night,
and which have induced him to take a course so opposite to
that which he originally contemplated wero in existence the
whole of the session ; and therefore I am obliged to ask the
noble lord how it was that, yielding now to those influences,
the noble lord and his colleagues felt themselves justified in
bringing forward this bill for parliamentary reform. (Hear.)
The noble lord has expressed to-night a variety of
causes which induced him to adopt this final course. Did
-they not exist when Parliament met ? (Hear, hear.) Did
they not exist on the 13th of February, when the noble
lord in detail, in spite of every warning, notwithstanding
every remonstrance, determined to place that measure be-
fore Parliament and the country ? (Hear, hear.) Why,
on the very first night we assembled the noble lord wax
suet from this side of the house by appeals to him not to
pursue the course ho then contemplated. He was told
that the state of war that then virtually existed was one
that rendered the period most inopportune for the discus-
sion of a proposal for organic changes in the constitution.
(Hear, hear.) The noble earl would not listen to the ap-
peals then made to him. The noble lord, with great inge-
nuity, maintained by instances and by arguments that a
period of war was particularly qualified and adapted for
the discussion of such business ; that, the public mind
being distracted from the measure of Parliamentary re-
form, it was possible to devise a measure, without being
so much influenced by popular passion as in ordinary cir-
cumstances they might be, lie attempted to lay down the
principle, that the fact of being in a state of war was any-
thing but objectionable. (Hear, hear, hear.) The noble
lord afterwards showed us that war with Russia was
a condition of things peculiarly favourable to the pro-
secution of a measure of this kind. The noble lord has
to-night observed that there is some force in the remark
that there is some inconvenience in laying a measure
upon the table, and not proceeding with it, which brands
almost a sixth of the members of the l louse of Commons.
(Hear, hear.) In a country like this, where much depends
upon this question, the noble lord must feel that at any
time for a Minister to bring forward a measure that shakes
the influence of prescription is a very hazardous enterprise..
It is certainly one that should not be hazarded, unless that
Minister has every prospect of succeeding with his mea-
sure, and of substituting for the power or influence which
he is going to destroy or abrogate that new power or in-
fluence which,tin his opinion, will more beneficially operate
upon the government of the country. (Hear, hear.) A.
measure for the reconstruction of Parliament is a measure
to affect and to change the principal depositary of power
in the State. A measure of Parliamentary reform is a
measure which virtually says to a large class of the
people, " You do not possess political power—you ought
to possess political: power—and this is a measure to give
you political pewee ' On the other, it says to another
class, " You possess political power—you ought not to
possess political power—and we are going to take the
political power you hold from you. A measure of
that kind, if introduced by an independent member, may
be looked ou as a measure brought forward for discussion
in a debating society, through the ability of the indi-
vidual who introduced it, his knowleds e of the subject, his
depth of reasoning, and eloquence of language may
that
in the long run an amount of public opinicqht,
would support his views ; but when a measure of
of Parlia-
mentarythe reform is brought forward by a Minister
is
great reputation of the noble Lord, and when a anttoldo
that he does not possess political power, and oughteuld give it
pos-
sess it, and the measure of the Covernment
w lf asa e -
to him, from that moment that man feels himse p r
Wein,* a flier
son aggrieved ;so that you are absolutely pro( o
(hear.]
affeetn class by the proposition a the Government
is
Ou the other hand, every man whose franchise...threaten-
edcorporation, every individual
by such a measure, every
to .him
who is told that the Government are about deprive
of power that
he and those who preceded him have long
exercised, though ,uponhvernment do not proceed with the
will look ptho Government as their enemy—
measure,
they have the power, would deprive
as persons Who, when
them of the rights and franchises
which they so muck value.
Therefore, it is clear,
•that when a Minister makes a prope-
sition of i
his nature, and does not proceed with it, he is
creating
disaffection amongst some classes, and dislike
amongst others. (Hear, hear.) He is in fact weakening
the constituted authorities of the country, and enfeebling:
the established institutions of the land. (Hear.) That,
think, is a most unwise course, and it only proves that
no Minister should embark in an undertaking of such a
nature as Parliamentary Reform without the necessity for
the change being clear, and his ability to accomplish
his purpose being most evident. (Hear, hear, hear.) And
now we are told that we are going to war, and that it is
necessary that the sympathy of all classes should surround
the Government and the Executive. We are told that
we are going to war, and you are encouraging and deve-
loping the sympathies of all classes of her Majesty's sub-
jects by telling some that they deserve to possess rights
which you will not give them, and telling others that they
exercise rights which you mean to take from them. (Hear,
hear.) Why, sir, the noble lord has iu the course of this
session expressed his opinimethat a state of war, and espe-
cially a state of• war with Russia, was no sufficient reason.
for relinquishing the measure that has been recently under
our consideration, or rather proposed to us. (Hear, hear.)
The noble lord is not the only member of the Cabinet who
has expressed this opinion. The first Minister in another
place, and even very recently, expressed his opinion that
there was nothing in the state of our external relations
• which would induce the Government not to proceed with
this measure—a measure which he believed had been re-
ceived with the utmost favour throughout the country-
(Hear, hear.) The noble lord seems to complain of the
apathy with which his measure was received by the coun-
try. But we have always been told by the noble lord and
his colleagues that we should legislate on this question
when there is no excitement and no passion ; that the
proper time for introducing these changes and making
ese
amendments in our representative system is the wife
tet
when the people are tranquil, and the public mindis the t
in-
flamed, or unduly attracted to the subject, so thatbed And
con-
templation of statesmen maybe calm and undisotue
this debate
therefore it is a new argument introduced
Ili
for not pro-
that the apathy of the public mind is a reason
anther reason which
ceeding with this bill. Well, there is
w_.o_ ,
hi ls I confess,
has been urged by the noble lord, and
astonished me. I understood him to comp
lain of the oppo-
sition which this measure had received in the Ho use of
Commons. Now, what I complain of is that no opportunity
has ever been given us for discussing this measure.
Lord J. RUSSELL-1 said the house had shown inais.
position to consider this measure.
Mr. DISRAELI—But I cannot understand how the
noble lord arrives at the fact of this iudisposition. The
noble lord in the first place advised the Sovereign to notify
in the speech from the throne, that the measure of Parlia-
reentary reform would be brought forward. This, of course,
is the solemn wode of introducing the subject to the consi-
deration of Parliament. Ido not suppose that on the first
night of the session, when her Majesty's gracious speech was
under consideration, that any one could complain that the
manner in which that announcement was received was die.
couraging.to the Minister.
.An appeal was made to him
not to, bring forward the measure on the ground of the
exigent state of the country, but to this the Minister
weal not Betel. On the-contrary, he brings for Ward
this)/104sure,,lays it'on the-te,ble, and -says, "I deprecate
discussion now, but on this day fortnight, or some other
convenient day, yon will diims theiteuggre which in cla.