The Sun.
London, England, 1838-06-30 00:00:00

or even a fortnight. The late Mr. Weodfall, who took hie
station regularly behind the dock in the gallery of the late
House of Commons, used to dole out a debate, day by day,
for the above space. This system was put an end to by
the ?ate Mr. Perry, who first, by the aid ofnumbers, gave
a report of a whole debate next morning ; and step by step,
in little more than one generation, papers that have attained
their present formidable magnitude. As, however, the
power ofindividuals to read and apprehend remains what it
was, it is difficult to conceive how newspapers can be made
wore ample with any hope of being read, otherwise we
lave no doubt that in time we should have a folio's matter
regularly laid on the breakfast table.—Morning Chronicle.
The recent triumph of steam conveyance, either by ship-
ping or by railroad, constitutes one of the most extraordi-
nary signs of the times. The late arrival of the Great
• Western and its compeer the Sirius from America is
itself sufficient to create an era in the annals of human pro-
gress. We do not wonder at the excitement caused both
in America and in this country, but more especially in
New York, by the successful result of this memorable ex-
periment. Before this event the navigation of the At-
lantic by steam vessels had been regarded as little beyond
the solution of an interesting experiment. But since the
establishment of the fact by the reciprocal arrival of the
above steam vessels at Liverpool and at New York with
perfect regularity and safety, and in greatly-diminished in-
tervals of time, more enlarged views have been taken of
the present practical results and of the future conjec-
tural advantages of that social intercommunication
-which the event lays open. It is indeed not to be
considered as a trifling advantage or mean achieve-
ment—even looking at it in this narrow point of view—
that the result establishes the certainty of a speedy and
regular intercourse between England and the United
States. A rapid passage for the traveller, or a quick reply
from a correspondent, are advantages not to be disvalued.
Again, the possibility of passing the Atlantic by steamers
• has been doubted and denied even by first-rape scientific
men. This new proof, therefore, of the triumphant appli-
ton of modern science is itself no trifling achievement over
prejudice, difficulty, and disraluation. These conquests
over the elements lead to other conquests, stimulate to other
exertions, and open illimitable vistas in the march of scien-
tific discovery. But even these minor results are nothing to
the national advantages which will accrue to the country
from the establishment of this new mode of commercial
transit, which imparts certainty to the most uncertain of
things—the winds and the tides. It has been ingeniously
said, that it will be "something new under the sun"
for an American merchant, on landing from one of the
fast-sailing steamers now plying between New York and
Liverpool, to be able to step into a railway steam-carriage
(as soon as the Grand Junction Railway is completed in May
next), and in less than half a month from the time he left
New York to address a letter to his wife or partner from
the great metropolitan focus of British and European
commerce—imperial London. It will be "something new"
for an American passenger in fourteen days to arrive at
Liverpool, a period which has been spent in stormy weather
in mere coasting voyages in England (and we have indeed
known three or four days consumed in going to Margate or
Ramsgate) ; then to draw on his nightcap, if he please to
retire to rest in one of the splendid sleeping berths on the
railroad, and in nine or ten hours thereafter to re-open his
eyes to the light of day within hearing of the great bell of
St. Paul's. Formerly nearly two days were consumed by
the communication by coach or mail. But these, as we have
said, are not the sole advantages which the event lays open
to the cheering view of the great community of men. The
most important effects may be said to be of a strictly
commercial character. The practical employment of
steam-vessels, thus successfully tested on the Atlantic,
opens a new and gratifying prospect to the whole commer-
cial body in this country. We refer chiefly to the convey-
ance of raw materials from America for the British manu-
factures, and of the manufactured produce in return, through
the instrumentality of British skill, industry, and capital.
This encouragement to our manufacturers, and increased
profit on their capitals, will be among these advantages.
Some idea may be formed of the immense capital employed
in mercantile transactions between the two countries, when
it is intimated that the official value of our imports and ex-
ports with America exceeds twenty millions per annum. In
order fairly to estimate this new mode of transit, we must
assume that the dispatch and certainty identified with the
employment of steam instead of sailing vessels will ad-
mit of the same extent of mercantile transactions being
carried on with a diminution of one-third of the ca-
pital now requisite for the purpose. Larger profits
would, therefore, be produced in proportion to the amount
of capital invested in the American trade, or (which is more
probable) there will be a reduction of profit, and an increase
of consumption—a result which will be equally for the
benefit of the British manufacturer and for the British
public. The chief gain, however, derivable from the im-
portant change now in operation will be felt in the British
shipping and carrying trade, which latter has been hitherto
greatly in favour of the Americans, in consequence of the
superior facilities for outfit and structure of sailing vessels
in America. Our shipowners have hitherto been unable
to compete with the American lines of packets. In conse-
quence of this an enormous quantity of raw produce for
our manufactories, and of our manufactured goods for
America, were hitherto shipped by preference in American
tonnage. Now, however, the balance of advantage will be in
our favour. England with means infinitely more comprehen-
sive, and with resources for the building and equipment of
steam-vessels unequalled by any other country, can now un-
dersell America in so large a proportion as to turn the
tables entirely in our favour. It is impossible to calculate
all the advantages derivable from the use of British capital
in a mode so congenial to a maritime nation. First, with
regard to commercial profits the gain will be enormous—
the receipts for freightage (considerable as they must be)
will be transferred to our side of the account. But this is
not all. New and necessary encouragement will be given
to our shipbuilders, engineers, and manufacturers. Even
yet the climax of advantage is not complete, unless we
consider the now successful steam navigation of the Atlan-
tic as a means of creating additional demand for the ser-
vices of British seamen, and of extending our mercantile
preponderance at sea, and consequently of our armed force
as a naval power. These, indeed, arc results which must
be hailed with high exultation by every real friend of his
country, and as the most important extension in modern
times of social intercourse by every real statesman and
every sincere philanthropist, who would increase the social
comforts, improve the moral feelings, and elevate the
intellectual faculties of the human species.—Morning
Advertiser.

Whether the Government be right or wrong in the
proposed Act of Parliament for the giving to the Post-
office certain rights of conveyance upon railways, inde-
pendently of the terms fixed upon the proprietors of
these new ways, the attempt may be of use in teaching
those who refuse otherwise to be taught, the hardship
of a parliamentary invasion upon that which they con-
sider the right of property. For some years past that
part of the community most concerned in the interests
of money capital have shown very little concern for
that which, when its invasion touches themselves, they
call the " sacred right of property." They have encou-
raged and themselves acted upon, a general notion that
so prop,: rty save individual property was to be held
without the pale of parliamentary interference. We
do not know, indeed, that they have ever gone so far
as to argue that a mere plurality of possession afforded
a ground for inteif rence, but they have practically as
well as theoretically shown, that when masses or classes,
or corporate bodies were concerned, they thought the
interftrence of Parliament n ith property perfectly justi-
field,. They did not even take the precaution of defining,
at the time of passing the Bills to which we refer, any limit
to the power of Parliament in this respect. They merely
shared in the exercise of the power, and seemed to think
that confiscation by Act of Parliament was very good sport.
If they now begin to feel the inconvenience of having intro-
duced this practice, they insist not be surprised if many who
have been witnesses of their own conduct upon former
occasions should be able to afford them but little sympathy.
Upon an abstract consideration of the question, it is cer-
tainly difficult to conceive that the unperniitted inter-
ference with the property, or with the rights of a very
tnehlerable number of persons, should be less an act of
violence than if only one person were concerned. The '
abstract right appears to be the same, whether by
the liw it inhere in a class, or in an individual. Bat
eetien legislators abandon principles of abstract right,
as antiquated erejudices, and deem themselves at liberty
to act upcn their own notions of what is expedient for
the public, under present circumstances, without regard
to the established rights and property of a particular class
of that public, then they can with but very little, conis-
tency complain, if their own method be pursued a little
further than they intended, and thus wound themselves.
We are far froea saying that it is well that this reckless sys-
tem of Parliareentary interference with property should
proceed—we rejeice rather flea something has occurred to
show to those who probably could not he otherwise, cen-
eieced of it, the injustice and the danger of such proceed-
ing—but we %side to Lint to those who now complain most
loudly, that ina:muels as they showed little regard to the
complaiete of others, their own claim to be thereby dimi-
nished. If the arbitrary interference of Parliament with
the rights of property were justifiable at all, it would, no
doubt, be most justifiable with respect to such rights
as Parliament itself has only just created oc sanctioned.
If such interference be in any case reasonahle (which
we do not admit) it is when the Act of Parliament of to-
day modifies, or infringes upon, the rights which were con-
ferred by an Act of Parliament of yesterday. According
to the modern views of legislators in the Lower House of
Parliament, it might be almost supposed that they thought
the newness of any right gave it especial claims to inviola-
bility. These are the views of mere selfishness. Nature