The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-25 00:00:00

IMPERIAL P Walk NIENT.
HOUSE OF LORD*4YPTEtEIskt.)
ses
ROYAL 'COMMISSION.
The Royal assent WAS given, b3r*-coinmission, to the
following public bills :—Gaming Houses ; Indemnity ;
Insurance on Lives • Abatement of the Income Tax
Continuance ; Poor 'Law Board Continuance • Union
Charges Continuance ; Linen Manufactures, &e. (Ire-
land) ; Ecclesiastical Courts ; Commons Inclosure
(No, 2) • Dublin Carriages ; New Forest ; Savings'
Banks ; !il.iliddlesex Industrial Schools.
The Royal Assent was given also to a considerable
number of private bills.
The Lords Commissioners were, the Lord Chancellor,
Earl Granville, and Lord Stanley of Alderley.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE gave notice that
on Monday next he would ask what were the intentions
of the Government with respect to the continuance of
the Encumbered Estates Court in Ireland.
MESSAGE FROM THE QUEEN—ADDRESS.
The Clerk of the house then read her Majesty's Mes-
sage as delivered on Friday to the house, viz. :
"Vrcronsa R.—Her Majesty, deeming it expedient
to provide for any additional expense which may arise in
consequence of the war in which her Majesty is now en-
gaged against the Emperor of Russia, relies on the
affection of the House of Lords for their concurrence in
such measures as may be necessary for making provision
accordingly."
The Earl of ABERDEEN—My lords, in moving the
address to thank her Majesty for her gracious message,
I assume that this house concurs in the desire expressed
in that message ; and, therefore, I do not anticipate any
objection to it on the part of your lordships. Whatever
differences of opinion may exist on the subject of the
War, I shall assume further that your lordships are of
agreement as to the necessity of adopting all such mea-
sures as may lead to its effective and successful termi-
nation. (Hear, hear.) I shall also assume that this
result is mainly to be produced by the activity and
energy of England and France, with the concurrence of
other powers. At the present period of the year, when
the close of the session may be anticipated, it may like•
wise be assumed that the vote may not be delayed. It
is also highly probable, that in the course of the year
contingencies may arise of which it will be of the ut-
most importance that we should avail ourselves in pro-
secution of these efforts. It is intended for this reason,
my lords, following all former precedents on such occa-
sions, to ask Parliament for a vote ,f credit of three
millions—a large sum undoubtedly which pos-
sibly some noble lords would prefer to see entrusted to
other hands for disposal than those of her Majesty's
Qtiverement : but lam unwilling to believe, my lords,
that any such wish will be permitted by thoge
noble lords to interfere with the desire which I
believe exists on all hands to promote and as-
sist as far as possible the efforts which shall
be made by her Majesty's Government in the circum-
stances. Your lordships will, however, clearly under-
Stand that this money has been already voted and pro-
vided by Parliament. There is no question now of
additional burdens on the public—no question of new
taxation—no question of a loan. What we ask for is an
authorisation to employ funds already provided, but not
hitherto appropriated to the purpose by Parliament.
Under these circumstances I think we are not taking
an unreasonable course in following on this occasion the
course pursued by all preceding Governments in analo-
gous cases, and in asking your lordships' concurrence
With the other House of Parliament in such measures
as may be necessary for making provision accordingly.
The noble earl then moved the address ; which was to
the effect that the House of Lords cheerfully concurred
in the desire of her Majesty to make due provision for
any additional expense which might arise in consequence
of the war in which she is now engaged against the
Emperor of Russia.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH did not think that
a convenient opportunity for entering into a review of
the general question ; and he should therefore abstain
from so doing. He could have no objection to the pro-
posal of the Government, engaged as they were in a just,
necessary, and politic war ; less still could he have any
objection, because he believed that if a similar motion
had been made last year, it would probably have brought
a successful termination of the war before this, by show-
ing Russia that this country was ready and prepared for
every contingency. This, however, he would say, and
only say, that in granting these funds, he hoped her Ma-
jesty's Government, while consulting the honour and
glory of the country, would not be forgetful of economy;
that they would carry that economy into the administra-
tion of the civil departments of the state, where no eco-
nomy could impair the progress of the war, but by attend-
ing to which it might be conducted, without further bur-
dens to the already overtaxed people of the country, to a
favourable issue. He knew that in periods of great wars
men did not usually attend to economy in the civil de-
partments of the state; but, on the contrary(the expendi-
ture in those departments were usually largely increased,
from want of due consideration and thought on the part
of the Government. It seemed to him, therefore, to be
most specially the duty of his noble friend at the head of
the Government to take into his consideration the most
minute details of the expenditure in the civil service of
the State, with the view to effect the strictest economy
in its administration, and so to satisfy the people of this
country that there was no extravagance, and that what
they had given willingly had been expended honestly and
economically. (Hear, hear.) This point deeply im-
pressed upon the mind of the noble lord at the com-
mencement of a war of which no man could see the ter-
mination, would avert the necessity of appealing to the
people to carry on the war except under circumstances
which could meet with no refusal.
The Earl of lIARDWICKE—There was no question
of greater importance than that before their lordships.
The noble earl at the head of the Government had
stated, that perhaps many noble lords in that house
wished to see the conduct of the war in other hands
than those of her Majesty's Government. This might
be, but he (the Earl of Hardwicke) nevertheless felt
assured that the loyalty of their lordships and the
necessities of the case would remove all obstacles on
that score. For his own part, he could only say that
he, for one, was quite ready to place in the hands of
the noble earl those powers which lie demanded on the
present occasion. There was no question that, under
the circumstances, and in a case like that under consi-
deration, discussion was unadvisable ; but, nevertheless,
he felt bound to remark that the house had no know-
ledge of the plans of the Government. (Hear, hear.)
Great exertions had been made by the country, and a
large force had been set on foot both in the Baltic and
the Black Sea, while a considerable army, perhaps the
most considerable ever sent from these shores—had been
despatched to the scene of operations. So far the pro-
gress of the war had advanced ; but beyond that fact
there was nothing known to the house or to the country.
He (the Earl of Hardwicke) only hoped and trusted with
his noble friend that with the means in their hands, her
Majesty's Government, under God's providence, would
be enabled to direct the war to a happy issue. But they
were in this peculiar position—by means of that great
force they had raised the hopes, and wishes, and expec-
tations of the neople of this country to such a high
pitch, that if the campaign should pass away without
some feat of arms commensurate with the power, glory,
and dignity of this country, he felt a great responsibility
would rest with her Majesty's Government. He acqui-
esced in the necessity of arming the Government with all
the power requisite to carry on the war, and, therefore,
he concurred in the address to her Majesty.
Earl FITZWILLIAM agreed with his noble friend
who spoke last, as well as with his noble friend who pre-
ceded him, that if it was desirable the conduct of the
war should be vigorous, it was also desirable that a most
searching investigation should be made into its econo-
mical management. He could not go so far, however,
pas his noble friend, when he said this country was the
most highly-taxed country in the world. So far from it,
he (Earl Fitzwilliam) believed that in no one of the other
States of Europe were the people so capable of paying
as those of this country ; consequently, there was .no
State in Europe on the people of which the burden of
taxation fell so lightly. Nevertheless, he (Earl Fitz-
william) was in favour of the most strict economy in
the administration of those funds which were placed at
the disposal of her Majesty's Ministers. Their lord-
ships' house and the other house of Parliament were,
however, placed in a singular position, he was bound to
say, by the silence of her Majesty's Government ; and
he was bound to add that never was a speech made that
conveyed less information on the subject at issue than
that of the noble earl. But there did fall from that
noble earl an observation to which he (Earl Fitzwilliam)
swished to draw the attention of the house, and he should
mot regret if he could attract also the attention of the
public. His noble friend had used the ominous expres-
sion, speaking of the restoration of peace, "with the
concurrence of the other powers." lie (Earl Fitzwilliam)
desired to know who were those powers whose concur-
rence his noble friend was so desirous of obtaining for
the restoration of peace.
Lord BROUGHAM—In carrying on the war.
The Earl of ABERDEEN said the noble earl had
totally mistaken his words. He had said nothing of the
sort. What he said had no reference to the concurrence
of other powers with respect to peace ; it certainly had
reference only to their concurrence with respect to the
war.
Earl FITZWILLIAM regretted he had misstated his
nu ble friend's words ; but he did not think still that he
tais took them. He could not quite understand the dis-
tinct,on drawn by the noble earl ; for, according to the
noble earl's own theory, the only object of the war was
to secure peace. Therefore, the concurrence of the
other powers in the war implied their concurrence in
peace. (Laughter.) If his noble friend stated that no
negotiation for peace would be undertaken without the
concurrence of France and Turkey, then he could under-
stand the statement. But was that the position of the
question. The great object of his noble friend was the
restoration of peace ; but if that object was to be at-
tained, it could only be attained by serious blows struck
against the power with whom this country was at war.
Re (Earl Fitzwilliam) felt compelled to avail himself of
the present opportunity to express his deep regret that
bell Y portion of the exertions of this country should
diverted from the great object in view—namely,
to
strike those blows on the enemy in all parts of the
world which would be the most likely to induce him to
make
peace. It was not by attacks upon small ports in
the_ Baltic or in the Black Sea that an impression could
be made calculated to produce the peace sought on the
terms on which alone it ought to be made. He (Earl
Yitzwilliam) entertained great apprehension
as to the
terms on which peace might possibly be made by her Ma-
jesty's Government. He trusted they would be such as to
secure the Turkish empire from being placed ever again
at the mercy of Russia. That was the true object to be
held in view. He was afraid, however, that through a
weak consideration for the wish of other powers the
Government might be led to accept es
certain objects of a
meaner character, as sufficient to justify them in aban•

,loning that great object. Certain powers would be
satisfied at the relinquishment on the part of Russia of
the Danubian Principalities ; but that would be wholly
insufficient to effect the ultimate object—a safe and an
honourable peace. Austria might occupy Wallachia
and Moldavia, and the mouths of the Danube might be
again opened to Austrian commerce ; and yet nothing
might be done to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman
empire. (Hear.) He .(Earl F.) wished to know what
interpretation her Majesty's Government put upon the
expression—"the integrity of the Ottoman Empire."
Did it mean the maintenance of that power on the foot-
ing of the treaty of Adrianople, or did it, on the con-
trary, mean an intention to enable that power effectually
to maintain its independence against the aggressions of
Russia ? (Hear, hear.) That integrity shou4 be one
not merely explainable by the boundaries of Bevarabia,
but one coincident with the.independence of that power.
That future aggession would be made, he thought their
lordships could not reasonably doubt. If they effected
peace by simply restoring things to the position in
which they were a year and a half ago, they might
depend upon it that no very long time would elapse
before they would be engaged in another contest,
and not, perhaps, under such favourable circutn-
staaces as the present. If they thought it worth
while to maintain the independence' and integrity of
the Ottoman empire, they would, at no distant date, be
obliged to engage in another war for that purpose ; and
it was because he felt desirous that we should never again
find ourselves under a similar obligation that he hoped,
whatever negotiations we might enter upon, the result
of those negotiations would be such as to enable us to
reflect with satisfaction on the endeavours we had made
to maintain the independence and integrity of the Sul.
tan. He would not detain their lordships further. But
he could not let that opportunity escape without draw-
ing their attention to what appeared to him the very
singular position in which the Parliament and the Go-
vernment of the country were placed at this moment,
by the fact that the former were not made acquainted
with the intentions of the latter. (Hear/ hear.)
_ _

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE Could not refrain
from adding the expression of his surprise to that of his
noble friend on the cross benches (Earl Fitzwilliam) with
regard to the extraordinary course that had been pur-
sued upon the present occasion. He said "extraordi-
nary," because he did not think it could be shown on
any former similar occasion was such a speech made in
proposing a vote of supply to Parliament as had been
made to-night by the noble earl. On all former occa-
sions he believed their lordships had had some explana-
tion given them of the progress of the war and of the
position of the country in respect to its allies. Now,
he held that when a Minister who had already had re-
peated supplies voted by Parliament with unexampled
liberality and readiness came down to ask for further
votes, as it was due to Parliament to give some informa-
tion respecting the progress which had been made, -the
operations performed, and the course pursued since the
former supplies were granted. (Hear.) If the noble
earl had had nothing else to say on the subject, at least
he might have taken this opportunity to pay some
tribute, however slight, to the glorious and brilliant
exploits of the ally in whose cause we had taken the
field. (Hear, hear.) For if anything had been
done, it was not due to the British Government.
He regretted to say also that little was due to the
British arms ; it was due to the Turkish arms—(cheers)
—to the firmness of the Turkish Government—to the
skill of its commanders, and to the bravery of its troops.
(Renewed cheers.) And it was to this fact that their
lordships were disposed to agree to the present vote with
so much more cheerfulness than they would have (lone
some months ago. 'Unfortunately the slight operations
in the Baltic, alluded to by his noble friend (Earl Fitz-
william), had only the effect of furnishing an opportu-
nity for showing the bravery, skill, and intrepidity of our
sailors and their commanders, as far as they were allowed
the opportunity of showing individually and collectively
those qualities. But in the Black Sea, although very
little had been done that could have a very serious effect
upon the war, undoubtedly some operations had been
performed and successes obtained, which with reference
to the question of which they had heard to-night, the
restoration of peace, would have a firm, lasting, and be-
neficial result ; he alluded to the capture of Russian forts
on the Circassian coast, and the clearance of the enemy
from that coast. (Hear.) If we had driven the Russians
out of the Circassian provinces, it was a thing which
ought not to be overlooked when we came to treat for
peace, and he must say he should like to have heard
some comments from the noble earl upon that point, and
its being passed over in utter silence by the noble earl.
was a little ominous. (Hear.) Then, with regard to
the confederacies and alliances into which this country
had entered, Parliament ought to have very distinct in-
formation upon that subject also ; and he begged to take
that opportunity of stating that, if no other noble lord
did so, he himself would take an early opportunity of
fixing a day upon which to move for the production of
the late convention between Turkey and Austria, as well
as other documents relating to the position in which we
now stood. (Hear, hear.) That treaty ought most
certainly to be communicated to Parliament, because,
by the treaty which had already been laid upon the
table, Turkey had entered into certain stipulations whioh
forbade her contracting any secret treaty with Austria.
(Hear, hear.) But it was well known that Turkey had
not entered into any "secret" convention with Austria.
(Hear.) It was, however, a most important conven-
tion ; and in voting the supplies which were now
asked for, Parliament ought to make itself acquainted
with the nature of that convention, and with the con-
duct of the powers with which we were allied, and with
which we were not allied. As to the conduct of Aus-
tria, he was willing to put the best construction upon
it. He admitted the truth of what had been stated from
the Ministerial benches, that Austria was an independent
power, that she had her own position and interests to
look to, and that we had no particular right to control
her. On the other hand, we had a right to see what
were really our prospects, and what was the nature of
the contracts into which our confederates had entered.
It appeared from general rumour, and the fact was no-
torious, that by the pressure and persuasion of the Bri-
tish Government the Divan, who were much averse to
it, and the Turkish Minister had concluded a convention
with Austria, by which Austrian troops were to enter
into the Danubian principalities, and occupy that por-
tion of the Turkish empire. That was a fact which
could not have been—and, undoubtedly, was not—with-
held from the knowledge of the English Government—
(hear, hear) ;—and the fact ought to have been men-
tioned to Parliament, and the treaty between the Turk-
ish and Austrian governments laid upon the table. Ac-
cording to the accounts in the newspapers this treaty
was concluded on the 14th of June, when, the siege-of
Silistria being raised, the Russians were in hot retreat,
not only from Silistria, but the principalities. But what
appeared to be almost incredible, and upon whichw e
ought to have some information, was this—that, i
after
the convention was signed, the Russians being n re-
treat, and the Austrian army on the Turkashfsreodnttiheery,
instead of acting, as it might have been supposed
would do, in vigorous fulfilment of the engagement then
entered into, and marching upon the flank or rear of the
Russian army, oiao endeavouring to act with any effect
whatever, when the Russian army halted, the Austrian
army kept their own position, and did not move into the
principalities at all. He wanted to know, then, and
Parliament ought to know, what was the meaning of
this Austro-Turkish convention ? (Hear.) Was it, or was
it not, a convention for driving the Russians out of the
principalities? If it were, how came it tha; the Aus-
trians, instead of hurrying into the field, fell back, and
commenced new negotiations ? (Hear, hear.) He must
say his own opinion was, that there was too much de-
pendence upon other powers, and too little self-reliance
in the management of these affairs. (Hear, hear.) Aus-
tria was an independent power. She had a right to be
neutral ; she had a right to take part either with Russia
or with the allies. But, at least, we were entitled to
know where we are, with whom we are acting, and to
whom we are opposed. (Cheers.) We must know how
other powers meant to deal with us in order to know
how we were to deal with them. (Hear, hear.) And if
the rulers of Poland chose to take part in that which
had been well described by his noble friend the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs on a former occasion, as a war of
civilisation against the advance of barbarism—if those
rulers chose to take part against civilisation and in favour
of barbarism, then an appeal should be made to the na-
tions which they governed as to whether they were in
the same mind, and whether their opinion was the same
as that of their rulers. He knew there were some con-
siderations which it was very delicate to touch upon
and which men in office, under the responsibility of office
could not touch upon ; but it was well that Austria and
Prussia should know that if a doubtful, a suspicious, or
an injurious course of policy towards this country and
France were adopted by them, this country and France
must put out all the power they possessed, and out of
the conflict so created he did not think that Austria and
Prussia would come unscathed. (Cheers.) It had been
stated in the public journals that an invitation had been
held out by Austria to renew the conference at Vienna.
Now, he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) thought that one
of the great mistakes made last year was our having had
much longer recourse to negociations than was advisable,
thus putting a stop to our own own operations, and
farcing us to begin the war at a disadvantage. He
thought that a great mistake was committed at the time
of those conferences of carrying on negotiations in diffe-
rent parts ; for at that time we had not less than five
places in which negotiations were going on together ;
and if there was now to be another conference at Vienna,
he contended that Parliament had a right to know what
it was that conference was about. (Hear.) Ile hoped that
nothing of the sort would be entered into. He, for one,
thought the time for that gone by. Already by these
negotiations and conferences we had got into a war, the
objects of which were so ill-defined that no one could
foretell the probable termination or issue of it. Further
conferences, he believed, would have no effect whatever.
We must meet henceforward—the allies and the enemy
--in the field of war. We must not be hoping and
lingering for other powers to join us. We must trust
in the justice of our cause, and in the strength of our
own arms ; and if we did that, serious as he admitted
the conflict would be, he had not the least doubt that
the allied powers of the west would come out of it victo-
rious. (Cheers.)
The Earl of CLARENDON—My lords, as my noble
friend has stated that he intends to name some early
day on which to call the attention of the house to the
state of negotiation and the operation and progress of
the war—
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE—No ; to move for
papers.
The Earl of CLARENDON—Yes, to move for the
treaty lately concluded between Austria and the Porte,
I should not have intruded on your lordships' time,
it were not to correct one or two errors into which my
noble friend has fallen, and more particularly with re.
ference to that treaty. My noble friend says that that
treaty was concluded on the 14th June, after the siege of
Silistria was raised, and the Russians were in full retreat.
I believe it is q true that the treaty was concluded on
the 14th June ;but at that time, so far from the Russians

being in full retreat, the siege had never been so vigor-
ously carried on, or, as they believed, with such great hopes
of success; and it was not until the 23d June that, owing
to the valour of the Turks, to whom my noble friend has
paid nothing more than &just tribute, the siege was raised
and the Russians were in full retreat. (Hear, hear.)
Now at that time the treaty had not been ratified, and
I am not exactly aware of the day on which it was rati-
fied. It was in consequence alone, however, of our not
having received that ratified treaty that it has not been
laid upon the table of the house, because I am perfectly
ready to admit that it is a treaty of the greatest import.
ance and interest to this country, and one which your
lordships and the public have a right to possess as early
as practicable. (Hear.) But your lordships must be
aware that until we receive from the Governments be-
tween whom the treaty has been made the ratification of
that treaty, it would be a most unnatural course to lay
it before Parliament. I repeat what my noble friend has
said ; I agree with him that Austria is an independent
power, and mistress to pursue her own policy in the
manner that she may think best. But Austria is under
solemn engagements to other countries ' • she has impor-
tant interests of her own to protect ; and unless we can
suppose that she would bring disgrace upon herself by
not fulfilling her engagements, or be blind to her most
urgent, and I may say vital, interests, I think we may
believe that Austria will act as we have every desire that
she should act, and as we have every right to expect that
she should act ; because Austria has already declared
that the course which France and England have pursued
in summoning Russia to evacuate the principalities, and
in carrying out the refusal of Russia to its legitimate
consequences, is a just and reasonable course. She has
declared that the evacuation of the principalities, and the
free navigation of the Danube, affect not only her own
interests, but the interests of the whole of Germany.
She has declared with England and France that it is ne-
cessary to devise means of connecting Turkey with the
general system and equilibrium of Europe ; which means
that Turkey is to be released, not only from her oner-
ous engagements with Russia, but from all wrongful in-
terpretations of those engagements. She has herself
summoned Russia to evacuate the principalities.
And last, though not least, at great expense, an ex-
pense which she could ill afford, Austria has orga-
nised and equipped one of the largest and finest armies
that have ever been seen in modern times in Europe.
Now, as it is impossible to suppose that Russia will
voluntarily submit to the demands of England and
France, and to the summons which Austria has ad-
dressed to her—and as I think it is equally impossible
to suppose that Austria, having made just and reason-
able demands, will ignominiously withdraw from them,
or sink in the scale of nations by acknowledging the
superiority of Russia, and submitting to her dictation—l
think, my lords, that the time cannot be far distant when
we shall have Austria co-operating with us ; and I be-
lieve that that co-operation would have taken place long
before this, if it had not been for the difficulties which
beset Austria, and which difficulties are, perhaps, not
understood or appreciated in this country. Your lord-
ships may remember that in the course of last autumn
the Austrian army was reduced by 100,000 men, and
any person conversant with that subject must know,
that again to raise the army to 300,000 men is neces-
sarily a work of time. (Hear, hear.) Your lordships
must be aware also that in the month of March last,
Austria was ready to conclude a quadruple treaty with
the other three powers, and that the protocol of the 9th
of April was the compromise to which she was com-
pelled to submit. You have recently had information
brought before you, by my noble and learned friend on
the cross benches, with respect to a combination against
Austria in the interests of Russia, which has been called
the Bamberg Conference, and which up to this day has
prevented the Austrian and Prussian treaty being sub-
mitted to the Diet. These difficulties, and ethers to
which I do not think it right to allude under present
circumstances, we should take into account, if we really
would understand what has been, and what should be,
the policy of Austria. I answer for none. lam merely
stating exactly what has passed, and the grounds upon
which I think we may count on this co-operation. And
now, my lords, let me say further, that my noble friend is
mistaken in thinking that on the 3d of July there had been
any fresh negotiations entered into by this country with
Austria or with Russia. Your lordships are aware
that Austria did address to Russia a summons for the
evacuation in a short time of the principalities, and it
was the answer of Russia to that summons which came
to Vienna early in the present month. But we were no
parties to the communication made by Austria to Rus-
sia, and no parties to the answer received by Austria
from Russia. Her Majesty's Government will .at all
times be ready to enter into negotiations for the ob-
ject of the war, which is a just and an honourable peace ;
but until any such terms are set before us, and until we
have any reason to believe that they are of a bona fide
character, no negotiation will be entered into by this
country. (Cheers.) I have upon former occasions ad-
verted to the almost utter impossibility, at the commence-
ment of a war, of stating what would be the terms of
peace. I have no wish to detain your lordships by going
over the same ground again ; but I do hope that during
the time it has been my duty to administer the
affairs of the Foreign-office, I have not given your
lordships any reason to doubt that I am insensible to
the honour and the dignity of this country. I ask your
lordships to believe me when I say, not only in my own
name, but in the name of all my colleagues, that there
is no intention of returning to the status quo—(loud and
general cheering)—that there is no intention of listening
to a patched-up peace, which would only be a hollow
truce, and render a return to war inevitable under these
circumstances. (Hear.) But if we continue to enjoy
the support of Parliament and the people of England,
I can assure your lordships that we will enter into no
engagement that shall not lead to a just and an honour-
able peace, worthy of the just and righteous cause in
which we are engaged, worthy the allies with whom we
have undertaken this cause, and, I hope, not unworthy
of the great and disinterested sacrifices which this coun-
try has so generously made. (The noble earl resumed
his seat amid loud cheering.)
The address was then agreed to.
PUBLIC LIBRARIES BILL.
On the motion of Lord BROUGHAM, this bill was
read a second time.
NATIONAL EDUCATION.
Lord BROUGHAM rose to make a motion on the
subject of national education. The noble and learned
lord, who was at first indistinctly heard, began by calling
attention to the efforts which had been already made by
the State and by private bodies to promote the educa-
tion of the people. He regarded the existing machinery
as inadequate for the proper accomplishment of that
great object ; but whilst he wished the State to extend
and increase its exertions in the good work, he did not
desire that it should discourage or displace the efforts of
individuals, but to stimulate and to supplement them.
The progress that had been made in popular education;
though gratifying as far as it went, was not so rapid as
it should be. Having adduced statistics of the number
of scholars attending public schools, private schools, in-
fant schools, and schools for all classes, the noble and
learned lord contended that there was a serious deficiency
in the means of instruction. It was only by means of
public and national schools, provided by the State, that
education could reach the common people, the working
classes, and the poor, on whose moral, religious, and in-
tellectual training the well-being of society at large, and
the diminution of pauperism and crime, so intimately
depended. The number of childrenufnoertwbheolint,after
making deductions for those who cschool
oi
ine
econsequence
wo f a theirs
absolutely
oe
osputtingso
e.nNtvitheme hthaadtn to ow instruction
should be provided, was variousl,
school-
ingohiet
tii
hof
sgo
trr only
eltyai
enhls, sfooofOr ,
iO3noosoto
r, singuo cohtooi
owenh edgarue dah fiyc
Ni cue cr y
wereof t h e
he meansex.
dtisederoevera the
coeufi ne
ittr,y
a.
olonni4p4a
rteodw towns,
with includingth e
country
o oatlrly the
districts,tgh l. eat
owfuadtsha
dae
considerable number of the lesser towns,i
means of instruction for 43,000 children. In towns c?n-
tcalainssingpmepoure than
latieh s,hof,oo3o,9inohoa2ntsoitoa.lthhertehwe
bs cehr o
he
les a tdhdeerde
own
ee
-rsei
x3th2la,
gOOO representing children,t
theo - mnaegyi
children who, though at private schools, belonged to the
working classes, making a total of 352,000,being a little
less than one-eleventh of the population. In the
remainder of the country there was a working population
of 10,437,000, and the number of scholars amounting to
1,134,000. The deficit in these great towns, as com-
pared with the rest of the country, was therefore 72,000.
From the facts which he had stated to their lordships,
he thought that it was quite clear that some steps ought
to be taken to remedy the existing state of things. He
would not trouble their lordships further, but would lay
his resolutions on the table, and present the bill which
he had prepared on the subject. (Hear.)
Earl GRANVILLE said that almost the first act
which he performed on becoming a member of the Coun-
cil on Education was to refer to the speeches of his noble
and learned friend on this important subject ; and he
was sure no one could have read those speeches without
acknowledgingvabbboeecielhad
ability, with
acause
n uwhich
hwi
eo onlyoh
his
at theti
lnobles spirit,tatni dn
learned
awar
na
eds
dnf or friend
nsdo eloquence,popularha
a d
and
d.
as it wad
daospatte pcir
suggestedfeos
re nt
htm,
eab
inumyt
pt
ohr
foe
vts
ehi nme geumnl
tae rao
means
sagacity
h system withh a
dowf s hei
since
.
cation. With regard to the bill introduced by his noble
andLoleers arisingo
adrnßeßdf foin
ruieGrndllsome time since, he was afraid that
some
eaarrslspioaobes p
further u
iesff.
ro measures were required with regard to the
abe
ilthil_ivi
eimismoraensatgrienmgeenntt opfowedeurscaatinodnaal
charities.
GRANVILLE thought the board had worked as
iblsel.aeletd in a applications
better
hadobtained most useful information,
a had
position.
tni
eu . In almost made by t
est
every
of
instancesenidio liolust
the commissioners had been obliged to say,
,‘ We think your case a good one—we wish your de-
sires to be complied with ; but we have not the power
to help you—you must go to the Court of Chancery."
These parties, however, had no pleasure in going to the
Court of Chancery, and the schools remained without
improvement. He trusted, however, that if a measure
on this subject should be introduced next year, it would
receive the favourable consideration of their lordships.
After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM in reply,
The bill was read a first time.
The Public Libraries Bill, the Parochial School-
masters (Scotland) Bill, the Registration of Births, &c.
(Scotland) Bill, the Youthful Offenders Bill, the Usury
Laws Bill, and a number of other bills, were severally
read the second time.
I Other hills were advanced a stage, after which their
lordships adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at one o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The Lords' Amendments to the followng bills were
considered and agreed to :—Ambergate, Nottingham,
and Eastern Junction Railway (Working arrangements

with Great Northern Railway) ; Electric Telegraph
Company) No. 2 ; Great Western Railway (Berke and
Hants, &c.) ; North Shields Quays and. Improvements ;
Selkirk and Galashiels Railway ; Stockport, Disley,
and Whaley Bridge.

The Millbank (North Shields) Estate Bill was con-
sidered and ordered for a third reading.
THIRD READINGS.
Tne Merton College Bill, Mitford's Estate Bill, and
Wilkinson's Estate Bill, were read a third time and
passed

DUCHY OF CORNWALL OFFICE.
On the order of the day for the third reading of this
bill,

Mr. WISE, as a representative of the people and a
tax-payer himself, objected to the passing of this bill,
which asked for a sum of 17,0001. to build a new office
in Pimlico for the Duchy of Cornwall, while there was
ample accommodation for the purpose at Somerset-
house.

Sir W. MOLESWORTH said he should fully explain
the necessity for this bill being passed when the house
went into committee of supply.
Mr. W. 'WILLIAMS thought the house ought to
resist the passing of this bill till they had a full explana-
tion respecting the reason for erecting such a building,
while the Government had Somerset-house, and such a
number of other public buildings.
Mr. HENLEY objected to the bill being passed hastily
through the house without hon. members having had
time to consider it, as the bill was only distributed to
hon. members on Saturday last.
The house then divided, when the numbers were—
For the amendment lB
Against it 79
Majority
The third reading was accordingly postponed till
Thursday.

- ADMIRALTY COURT BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
LAND REVENUES OF THE CROWN
(IRELAND) BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
HIGHWAYS (PUBLIC HEALTH ACT) BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
BRIBERY, &c., BILL.
On the order of the day for this bill, as amended, to
be considered,

Lord J. RUSSELL moved the insertion of the fol-
lowing clause .—" And whereas doubts have also arisen
as to whether the giving of refreshment to voters on the
day of nomination or day of polling be or be not accord-
ing to law, it is expedient that such doubts should be
removed. Be it declared and enacted, that the giving,
or causing to be given, to any voter on the day of nomi-
nation or day of polling, on account of such voter having
polled, or being about to poll, any meat, drink, or enter-
tainment by way of refreshment, or any money or ticket
to enable such voter to obtain refreshment, shall be held
and be taken to amount to bribery or treating, at the
case may be, within the meaning of this act."
Mr. FRESHFIELD opposed the clause, on the ground
that refreshments might be given to a voter without any
corrupt intention.

Mn HENLEY thought this clause, if passed, would
go much further than lion. members!at present thought
of; and he believed that by enacting laws so absurdly
stringent they should bring their legislation into con-
tempt, instead of putting down bribery or corrupt treat-
ing. What they wanted to strike at was the people who
gave sums of money to induce a man to vote or to ab-
stain from voting, not cases where a man got a pint of
beer at a private house, or a sixpence to buy it. (Hear.)
He therefore thought it better to leave the law as it was
at present.
After a few words from Mr. SPOONEZR,

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the clause passed
on Saturday included reasonable travelling expenses
only. But he thought that giving refreshments to a
man coming a distance to the poll ought not to be con-
sidered illegal treating. He never intended the present
clause to reach such a case as that indicated by the right
hon. gentleman (Mr. Henley) ; but he thought the house
ought to decide whether refreshments given to a man
for voting, and notoriously because he had so voted, or
intended to vote, came under the head of corrupt treat-
ing. He was himself strongly of opinion that the voter
ought to be perfectly free from all obligation to the can-
didate, even for refreshment, and he fished the house to
decide the question one way or the other.
Lord It. GROSVENOR spoke in favour of the clause,
though he hoped when the bill came to committee the
penalties would be made less severe than they were at
resent.
Mr. G. BANKES opposed the clause on the ground
of its excessive stringency.
Mr. HILDYARD wished to know whether, if a can-
didate, meeting his constituents after the election, or
when he goes down to give an account of his steward-
ship to the constituency, and gave them a dinner, or
contributed to any such dinner, would be illegal or cor-
rupt treating ? Or might they have tea parties for the
wives and daughters of their constituents, or were bread
and butter to be prohibited ? (Hear, and laughter.)
ROYAL COMMISSION.
Mr. PULMAN, the Deputy-Usher of the Black Rod,
here appeared at the bar, and summoned the house to
attend at the House of Lords, to bear the Royal assent
given by commission to various bills. The Speaker and
a number of hon. members immediately left the house
for that purpose. On their return, _ .

Mr. HILDYARD resumed by saying he did not
mean to deny that in many places most disgraceful
scenes occurred at elections ; but he believed, if they
could get at the truth of the matter, it would be found
that the voters were not to blame, but the publicans,
who gave drink to all who asked for it, and charged the
candidates ten times as much as was really consumed.
He therefore regretted that the house had not adopted
a clause which would enable a candidate to distribute
to the voters tickets for a moderate amount of refresh-
ment.
- Lord J. RUSSELL said if the house Bone dared the
question as it now stood they would see that the clause
only referred to giving refreshment on the day of the
nomination or the day of polling. It did not seem to
him that any great inconvenience could arise that for
two days once every three years it should not be lawful
to give refreshments to voters. (Hear.) He therefore
thought the house might safely adopt this clause.
Sir F. KELLY thought some little modification of
the- clause might be effected, which would allow the
voter to receive a moderate amount of refreshment at

the election, which were strictly incidental to the occa•
sion. (Hear.)

Mr. V. SMITH said the house had decided that

they would not legalise any species of refreshment, but
his noble friend (Lard J. Russell) said noincon-
venience could arise by proclaiming a
general fast
of two days once in three years—(laughter)—but the
Attorney-General seemed to take quite a different view
of it. Let the decision of the house be positive and well-
defined one way or the other. (Hear.)
After a few words from Mr. KNIGHTLEY, Mr. KNIGHT,
and Lord A. VANE, against the clause, it being then a
quarter to 4 o'clock,
The SPEAKER interrupted the hon. gentlemen, by
intimating that the debate must be now adjourned.
Lord J. RUSSELL moved that the debate be ad-
journed till 12 o'clock to-morrow.
Agreed to.
The sitting was then suspended.

The house met again at six o'clock.
Mr. FRENCH wished to know whether the Govern
ment intended to direct the law officers again to prosecute
the persons who had conspired to defeat the Sligo
election petition ?
Lord J. RUSSELL understood that it was the intention
of the law officers to proceed against those persons.
Mr. WISE wished to risk the Lord President of the
Council whether her Majesty's minister at the court of
Madrid was at his post ? -
Lord J. RUSSELL said that our ambassador had re-
ceived orders to return to his post. and was now, he
believed, on his road to Madrid.
Lord D. STUART wished to ask the First Lord of the
Admiralty whether he would have any objection to lay on,
the table of the house copies of all the logs of her Majesty's
ships having borne admirals' flags in the Baltic during the
noble lord, but he could only answer his question by putting
to him another, and must ask him what is object was in
putting the question ? If the noble lord sought to impugn
the conduct of the admirals, he must lay parliamentary
present
J.
wGn?AmAli
said be meant no disrespect to the
Sir war
grounds for making the motion. If there were any specific
point to inquire, he would offer no objection to it; but a
unusual cha-
racter, and would take an immense time to comply with
it. He could not, therefore, consent to it without some
ground.
Lord parliamentary gr •
D. STUART said he had intentionof im-
pugning
pthreesegn no
was of an
had
the motion simply be he thought the
and made cause
generlmtohteioncolnikaeuctthoe 1
public ought atllant officers in the Baltic,
to have as much information as possible with
- on in that
regard to what was going
Mr. THORNELY wished to know if the hon. member
for Montrose intended to bring o,
his motion to-morrow
respecting the opening of
public places on Sunday
quarter.
afternoons?
Mr. lIUME said that the motion. stood first, and he hoped
eSthiertricage.
wished to brieging it forward.
Sir J. PAKINGTON
question with reference to the works going on at Storey's
aate. He wished to know whether +I,
nothing would occar to prevent him •
--e gate was to be re-
moved altogether, or what alterations were to be made ?
alengwas anxious to make a
auY hange was to be
calk? Owing to
angle with the road at that point, it
was one of the most dangerous places in London.
Sir W. MOLES NmH the
made
d gate
al also wished
btweh
ii
the
ho.o et
at
ORTH said that St orefs-gate was
of the
be-
ing altered so as to admit t
.entrance of two carriages
away a gate, so that a
similar ulteration at the end near to
,rtaane end eowf thewh
Buckingham Palace,
and by taking down . . the lodge to obtain a clear vie through
te tio w
to the Pimlico-road. His in n n was to have that done
as speedily as possible.
abreast. aosnt .0 Ilw
would
uhkaidbne oupe oc
ows
se
ar
royf.
Mr. PELLATT asked whether the inquest on the body
of the child Alfred Richardson was held by orders from the
Government, and whether a short hand writer's notes could
be procured, so that the evidence given on that occasion
could be printed ?
Lord PALMERSTON sa4 d he hall stated that the inquest
had been held in consequence of instructions from the
Home Office. No short-hand writer had been employed
by the Government, and he was not aware whether any
notes were taken. At 311 events, neither he nor the house
had any power to order these notes to be laid on the table.
The notes of the coroner, acting as judge, might be ordered
to be laid before them.
In answer to Sir E.
PERRY,
Sir C. WOOD said, that the pressure of other business
had prevented him bringing forward his statement on In-
dian finance. Whenever that pressure ceased, he would
give notice of his intention on the subject.
SUPPLY.—THE VOTE OF CREDIT.
The house then resolved itself into a committee of sup-
ply. Mr. BOUVERIE in the chair,
Lord J. RUSSELL moved that her Majesty's
message
be read.
Mr. BOUVERIE read it, as follows ;
" Victoria Regina.--Her Majesty, deeming it expedient
to provide for any additional expense which may arise in
consequence of the war in which her Majesty is now en-
gaged against the Emperor of Russia, and relying on th•

zeal and affection of her faithful Commons, trusts that
they will make provision accordingly."
Lord J. RUSSELL—Mr. Bouverie, I rise for the pur-
pose of asking the committee to agree to a vote of
3,000,03001. in supply, usually denominated a vote of cre-
dit. In performing this task I shall think it quite unneces-
sary to refer to the negotiations which preceded the break-
ing out of hostilities, or to the causes of the war in which
we are now engaged. lam ready to acknowledge at all
times the willingness with which this house concurred with
her Majesty in the necessity of undertaking that war, and
in the supplies which were asked for by the Ministers of the
Crown. Likewise, I have to acknowledge that, having at
the commencement of these hostilities stated to the house
that it would tend greatly to impede the public service if
questions were asked from time to time with respect to the
mode of carrying on hostilities, the members of this house
have been remarkably forbearing in reference to the ask-
ing of questions which might embarrass the Government in
regard to the conduct of naval and military operations. I
have, therefore, in the first place, to return the thanks of the
Government to this house for the support they have re-
ceived in the arduous task which they had to undertake ;
and, in the next place, I have to state that which indeed is
well known to the house, that large expeditions have been
fitted out; that, with regard to the navy, the ships of her
Majesty occupying the Baltic and the Black Sea, are in-
disputably the masters of those seas, and that the enemy
has not ventured to come out of port to encounter her Ma-
jesty's arms in either of those seas, which have been
hitherto considered as the peculiar domain of the Russian
empire. While this circumstance is gratifying, it, no
doubt, would have been more gratifying to our gallant sea-
men if they had been able, in fair battle, to measure their
prowess against that of the enemy, and to reap some of
those laurels which have been so amply the share of their
progenitors and of our forefathers. But, sir, I may per-
haps be allowed to state somewhat more in detail the in-
crease which has been made to our naval force in conse-
quence of the votes of this house since the beginning of the
year 1853. With regard to the first, second, and third-
rates, there was, on the Ist of January, 1853, only one ;
on the Ist of July, 1854, there were seventeen. I am
speaking now of steam-vessels. With respect to sailing
line-of-battle ships, there were in January, 1853, eleven ;
there are now eighteen. Therefore, while the steam-
vessels have increased from one to seventeen, the sailing-
vessels have increased from eleven to eighteen. The whole
number of steam-vessels, which were then 100, are now
139, and the sailing-vessels, which were 109, are now
120 ; and the total number has been increased from
209 to 259. The seamen afloat have increased from 28,000
to 47,000, and the marines from 5,000 to 9,000 ; so that
the whole number, being in January, 1853, 33,910, is now
57,200. With regard to our army likewise, we have been
enabled, by the great exertions which were made, to place
on the Turkish shores an army exceeding 30,000, a great
part of which was lately at Varna or its neighbour-
hood. I shall of course not notice in this house the
various criticisms that have been made with respect to the
operations of our fleet aid army. As I have said, great
forbearance has been displayed on this subject. The opera-
tions of the war are, on our parts, just commenced, and no
person who is acquainted with naval and military opera-
tions would agree with those remarks that have been made,
depreciating either the conduct of any of our admirals or
that of any of our generals. But it is impossible not to
notice in this place, that while our exertions have been
directed to making preparations to aid that ally whom we
went to succour, the Turkish army have displayed acts of
valour and of prowess which aro deserving of the highest
admiration. (Loud cheers.) In the course of last year,
when negotiations were in suspense, it was frequently
represented that if we went to the assistance of Turkey we
went to the assistance of a decaying State—that we went
to raise an empire already fallen ; and, to refer to the
language of the Foreign Minister of the Emperor of Russia,
it was said, and said by him no later than at Olmutz, that
it required but a filip to overthrow the whole Turkish em-
pire. (A contemptuous laugh.) So far is it from this
being the case, that the Emperor of Russia, having occu-
pied the Principalities at first with only a small force, and
having devoted a whole year to preparations with the
avowed purpose that in the month of May in the present
year the operations of the camgaign would begin with the
siege and capture of Silistria, the Russian army which
crossed the Danube for that purpose, with a force of which
the numbers have certainly not been reported with specific
accuracy, but which are stated to have amounted to 80,000
men, have been driven back and repulsed from the pre-
cincts of that fortress ; and after a siege in which feats of
valour were performed worthy of the greatest examples of
siege operations either iu ancient or modern times—
worthy of Saguntum or of Saragossa—the Russian army has
been compelled ignominiously to abandon that citadel.
That being now the position of affairs, the last incident
which has taken place is one of too much importance to be
passed over even in a cursory statement. It was thought by
many persons that, however motives of policy might induce
the Governments of England and France to combine in an
alliance against the aggression of Russia, yet that the wars in
which the two nations had been engaged had left such feel-
ings of national animosity that the two countries could not
easily be induced to co-operate in the field and upon sea.
We have seen, however, not only the armies of the two
nations combined in the neighbourhood of Constantinople
with the most friendly feelings, hitt we have also seen within
the last few days a considerable French military force embark
on board English line-of-battle ships— (cheers)—and from
all the testimony which we have received, nothing could be
more cordial and friendly than the feeling displayed by the
armed troops and seamen of the two nations. (Cheers.) While
it is impossible not deeply to regret that peace should be
broken, still I must say that the establishment of such
cordial feelings between two nations which have so often en-
countered each other in arms, and met on the embattled
field with hostile feelings—the establishment of cordial
feelings with a nation so near and so powerful as France is
in itself a great security for the future maintenance of the
amicable relations between the two nations which we should
ever wish to see continued. (Hear, hear.) In referring
now to the present state of affairs, and the necessity which
exists for this vote, I shall decline altogether going into
any details as to the services for which this large sum may
be required. With the plan of operations undertaken in
Turkey, the commissariat expenses may amount to a very
considerable sum ; the ordnance expenses will also, no
doubt, be much greater than they have hitherto been.
There are likewise some expenses for the navy and for tran-
sports—especially for the later operations, which are not
included in any of the present votes of Parliament. But
it is quite impossible to frame anything like a clear esti-
mate of what those services may require, as they will
greatly depend upon the nature of the operations which
our admirals anti our generals may think fit to undertake.
It would not, therefore, be consistent with our duty to go
into any particular estimates with respect to the applica-
tion of the sums for which I have now asked. I should
think, so far as we can at present foresee, that nearly two
millions will be taken up for tho service to which I have
alluded. But we may have other calls upon the resources
of the nation, and more especially among other things a
question has been raised, or rather suggestions have been
made, with respect to a large body of Turkish troops
which might be joined with our army and receive pay
from the British Government. That is one way in which
it may be thought fit to apply part of tho resources which
I have named, but I avowedly ask for this vote with the
view that her Majesty's Government may apply the sum
they require from time to time for services rendered neces-
sary by the prosecution of the war. I ask the vote con-
fessedly without an estimate, on the ground that as the
usual time of the prorogation of Parliament has nearly ar-
rived, we may be enabled, Parliament not sitting, to direct
these resources in a manner to obtain such success as may
lead to an honourable peace. I shall touch upon two other
points. and shall do so in the view I have taken of our being
near the time of the prorogation of Parliament. I think it
is fitting to give to this house as much information as con
sistently with the public duty of the Government I may be
able to afford. In stating last year nearly at a similar
period to the present that negotiations were then pro-
ceeding, I was above all careful not to say anything
which would tend to disturb the train of negotiation, or to
diminish in the least degree the chance of success. We
are now more certainly at liberty in that respect, and our
exertions must now be undisguisedly directed iu a different
manner to the attaining by the force of our arms and the
strength of our alliances that just and honourable peace
both for Turkey and for ourselves, which we were unable
to procure by our negotiations. (Hear.) In adverting to
the present state of Europe, every one is naturally anxious
to learn what part will be taken by Austria on this very
interesting and important question. (Hear.) I have always
maintained that whatever might be the interest of Eng-
land and France in defending and protecting Turkey, the
interests of Austria were much greater. (Hear.) It is im-
possible to conceive of the Emperor of Russia succeeding
in what must now be considered as his designs, namely,
the effective control, if not acknowledged dominion, over
the Principalities, and an increased and predominant influ-
ence in Turkey, without his having at the same time a com-
plete command over the Government of Austria. I cannot
conceive how the independence of Austria could be main-
tained if Russia were to extend her power in the way in
which she now seems desirous of extending it. But in order
fairly to consider this question, it is necessary to bear in
mind the difficulties with which Austria must have to deal,
now that upon more than one side of her empire the Rus-
sian armies can approach to no great distance from her ca-
pital, and that it would have been imprudent in her to
commit herself to arms against Russia unless she had
been fully prepared. We must also remember that
with regard to two of the kingdoms submitting to her
sway, those kingdoms have been in very recent years so
greatly disturbed as to make the peril of entering into
hostilities greater than it would have been had no such
state of things existed. It has therefore been the policy
of Austria, declaring that she concurred with us in our ob-
jects, to attempt as long as possible by negotiations to ob-
tain a settlement of the questions in dispute. Austria. has
more than once declared that, although the prin cnclptis
which her Majesty's Government has laid down, !s
objects which her Majesty had in view, met with her full
approbation, she did not despair of Russia evacuating the
principalities and agreeing to terms of arrangeme ()vier
in
would secure the maintenance of the balance of p
Europe. Very lately Austria has sent a message, which
has been published in the newspapersewithin the last few
days, asking Russia to evacuate the principalitiese—paesrkiiondg.
her to fix a time for that evacuation at no
With this message Austria tdrantosmaitttvedietnonoStioPtweteeernsbutnrge
the protocol of April, g
four powers, in which iatirse
attached object ot
of
tt
hh
oe
four powers was, that Turkey
system of Europe ; that the kinsEgenlorompos;honunlddtfhoartmarrpaarntgoef.
the general balance of power in
menpowers ts ought to be carried into 13ffect by thoefgeEn'uerarolpecoinn-
sent anti concurrence of the other
swer has been re-
order to obtain that settlement.
ceivod from the Government ofßrenasnsi
for my own part,l' nce with the re-
I should hardly l 1 aaenv' sni whichvaenfbeurtw
pretended in some sort to be afirctom
es sviaac
icilaoteiso not
quest of Austria. But in the P_
profess herself ready to fix any tim. e
the principalities. She declares, effect,e
that now war
frl )arni aet
11 tten
aEnndg
are
dupe-
iu
I.t.
having been declare.d, tha.t
B lt.
Sea French are engaged in hostile, ill
the a lc, where her
eatilniastt her,
rior to her in the Black
anttat there remains only the II
fleets do not leave their
principalities and trhaeosyttliocertieogih.tbhoeurblalolaondeoef.
seat of war in the
herself.
yp
ni n
ac calfidnptt i
thees.
threeh
the Danube where sh_ecaunroihnoiebttfin
and by the success of h
She therefore dellinetsbeast-acsubsetiisngrtehmed
declares, to be sure,
_les being plainly declared to be the ova-
aiionoeitPl in the protocol of Vienna of the 9th of
principles
thesosceonptr
cuation of the_ principalities, the granting of privileges and
rights to the Christian inhabitants of the Sultan in such a
manner es to opium these rights ; and likewise that a
in convention should be entered iato between the
d Turkey aseurine those rights. Now,
treaty
fourthis reply, there is this objection to it,
which all t
without
hose who have read the protocol will rw criticisinger and
n
eadily
a fair one, and that is,- there is a complete
admit to /3°

omission of that which is the essential part and foundation
of the protocol,—viz., that Turkey should in future form
part of the general system of Europe. That question is
the one which is at the bottom of the difference in which
Russia and Turkey were engaged in the last war; it is at
the foundation of the war in which we find ourselves at
present engaged. Ever since the victories of the Empress
Catharine, the Government of Russia has considered the
relations between Russia and Turkey so peculiar that
Turkey could not form any alliance with other Powers ex-
cept with the general supervision of Russia, and that the
greater part of the subjects of Turkey being Christians
were to look to the Emperor of Russia as their protector
and supporter, in spite and in contradiction, if need be, of
their own Government. The object of the four Powers is,
on the contrary, that the Sultan having the right, which he
has exercised, of confirming by solemn acts the privileges of
his Christian subjects, should be admitted to form part of our
general system, and should be permitted to govern his own
people by the exercise of those sovereign rights which belong
to sovereignty itself, and forming part of the general sys-
tem of Europe, should not lock to protection solely to
Russia, but should look to the Powers of Europe, singly or
united, which would maintain him, as they maintain the
other States of Europe in their position. Such, however,
being the answer which Russia has given, the Government
of Austria, which has informed us of what they intended
to do in each of three cases—namely, of the reply being
affirmative, negative, or evasive—has considered this reply
as evasive, and has asked the Governments of England and
France to communicate to her what is their opinion of the
proposal which has thus been made. I should have said
that not only does the Emperor of Russia require that
England and France should be parties to any arrangement
by which the Principalities should be evacuated, but that
an armistice should be concluded by which we should not
by our troops or our fleets in the Black Sea attack his
troops and fleets while evacuating the Principalities. Our
answer is that we cannot admit that this answer of Russia
affords any grounds for peace—(cheers)—and that we must
continue to obtain by the force of those armies and fleets
which are already engaged in the war such conditions as '
we may deem necessary for a just, an honourable, and a
safe peace. (Renewed cheering.) With respect to Austria
and the part she may take when she knows our answer,
all I can say is, that although she might be mistaken as to
her policy—although I think she has been mistaken in not
joining sooner and more frankly with the Western Powers
—I cannot believe she will forfeit the engagements into
which she has entered. Austria has entered into engage-
ments not only with the Western flowers, but with Tur-
key. She has declared to the Western Powers, that if the
Principalities are not evacuated by Russia, she will use for-
cible means in order to compel their evacuation. She has
stipulated, in a convention with the Sultan of Turkey, that
she will endeavour to secure the evacuation of these prin-
cipalities by negotiation ; but if these negotiations should
fail, then that she would by other means, and that she will
be ready to furnish the number of troops necessary for
that purpose. I conceive from these declarations and by
these engagements that Austria will be bound to take part
in the attempt to drive back Russia from the unjust ag-
gression which she has attempted. Whether Austria may
act with that hesitation and delay which has been unfor-
tunately already prolonged too long—(cheers)—or should
attempt to gain from St. Petersburg some better and
some more satisfactory assurances, I ant unable to say.
We have of course no control over the councils of the Em-
peror of Austria. With respect to the policy of Austria I
have no doubt, neither have I any doubt that she will hon-
ourably fulfil her engagements, although with the difficult
circumstances which surround her, with but a poor half-
and-half support of the kingdom of Prussia—(hear)—she
may think it necessary once snore to obtain a favourable
answer to her representations at St. Petersburg. I have
stated this in order that the house may be in possession of
the actual facts of the case so far as I can afford the infor-
mation. I have stated some things which have not only
recently taken place, but have also stated the answer which
we propose to give to Austria. There has been as yet no
formal communication from the court of Austria on the
subject of the answer of Russia. I am,. therefore, only

speaking of what is contemplated and intended by the
Government when that answer shall have been received.
The house will remember that, on a former occasion,
I refused to bind the Government in any way with
respect to the conditions of peace to which her MA-
jesty's Government would agree, because the conditions
of peace must always depend upon the state of the
belligerents at the time when negotiations are entered
into. I will, however, state what I think is the nature of
the conditions which I think would be absolutely necessary
to justify us in assenting to any treaty of peace with Rus-
sia. While the negotiations were going on last year, if the
Sultan's Ministers had thought proper to advise him to
agree to the Menschikoff note, or if at a later period they
had advised him to agree to the Vienna note without alte-
ration or subsequent explanation, I believe the people of
this country, seeing that the Turkish Government was
satisfied to enter into these engagements, and to take the
assurances thus offered, would have been well pleased that
no war should have broken out, and that the continuance
of peace for a time at least should have been secured. But
the Turkish Government having failed to accept those
terms, and having declared that thl proposed conditions
threatened the independence of Turkey—having refused at
all risks and at all hazards, while alliances were uncertain,
and her forces were considered by no means equal to those
of Russia, to yield to conditions which she thought igno-
minious, her position is now entirely changed. We are
engaged in a war—engaged in support of Turkey, with the
view of defending her from aggression, and it behoves us
to see in any treaty of peace which we may make, that we
do not leave Turkey in as bad a condition, or possibly even
in a worse condition, than when we promised her our suc-
cour and assistance. (Hear.) Let the house consider for
a moment what are the dangers to Turkey of a treaty of
peace similar to those previously in existence. That ques-
tion has been elucidated by the very clear and masterly
despatch of the noble lord now at the head of her Majesty's
Government, written soon after the treaty of Adrianople.
I intend to read but one passage from the despatch ; but

it is one, however, which will exhibit those dangers in the
strongest light. The despatch statss :—" The modes of do-
mination may be various, although all equally irrestible.
The independence of a state may be overthrown, and its
subjection effectually secured, without the presence of a
hostile force, or the permanent occupation of its soil.
Under the present treaty the territorial acquisitions of
Russia are small, it must be admitted, in extent, although
moat important in their character. They are commanding
positions far more valuable than the possession of barren
provinces and depopulated towns, and better calculated to
rivet the fetters by which the Sultan is bound." The de-
spatch goes on to show in 'what manner this power is se-
cured to Russia. For five-and-twenty years Russia was
content without any increase of territory, and, without
bringing her augmented influence to the arbitrement of
war, to rest satisfied with the conditions of the treaty.
These conditions gave great power to Russia; and now
that the position has been changed, it behoves us to con-
sider, not the securities into which he had entered under
the treaty of Adrianople, but the securities which may be
had from a power haviug the advantages of the treaty of
Adrianople, and having moreover the will and the dispo-
sition to push those advantages to the utmost, and to ex-
tend her influence over the subjugation of Turkey. Now,
I say we are justified in so considering the question, be-
cause, in the first place the occupation of the principalities
by Russia was effected under the most flimsy pretences.
(Hear, hear.) In the next place we know, from corre-
spondence which has been produced before the house, that
the Emperor of Russia had fixed ideas in his mind that
the empire of Turkey was about to fall, and that her
neighbours were justified in securing a part of the
spoils to themselves. We know more particularly that
the possession of those provinces of Wallachia and
Moldavia by Russia, under the title of the pro-
tectorate with nominal chiefs, was a part of the
scheme which the Emperor of Russia had formed in his
own mind. We know, moreover, that after a long reign—
exhibiting, I must say, great forbearance in many in-
stances of temptation -forbearance in interfering with the
affairs of other nations in Europe—forbearance in not at-
tempting conquests—of the two parties in Russia known
by the names of the German party and the Muscovite
party, the latter has recently obtained the sway, and that
it is the fixed plan and purpose of that Muscovite party to
establish what is called southern Russia, and that the seat
of that empire of southern Russia is to be Constantinople
—I say, with the knowledge of such state of affairs, we
ought to endeavour to obtain valid securities against acts
of aggression similar to that which has so recently taken
place. I hold, therefore, that it is impossible that the
arrangements which were made by the treaty of Ad-
rianople with respect to the principalities shall again be
renewed—(loud cheers.)—arrangements which gave the
Emperor of Russia a predominant voice in the political
affairs of Wallachia and Moldavia—which gave him the
power of controlling in cases where he thought his affairs
were not conducted to his satisfaction, and which, by the
destruction of all the Turkish fortresses, gave him facilities
at any moment for occupying with his army the two
provinces, containing four millions of inhabitants. I
aay that the integrity of Turkey and the balance of power
in Europe could not be secured by returning to the
status quo ante helium, which would confirm such arrange-
ments as regards Russia and Turkey. (Hear, hear.) But
there is another mode in which the position of Russia is
menacing to the independence and integrity of Turkey.
The establishment of a great fortress prepared with all the
combination of art and science, made as impregnable as it
is possible for art and science to make it, and containing
within its port every large fleet of line-of-battle ships, ready
at any moment to come down with a favourable wind to
the Bosphorus—that I consider is a position so menacing
to Turkey, that no treaty of peace could be considered safe
which left the Emperor of Russia in that same menacing
position with respect to Turkey. (Lond:and prolonged cheers).
I have thought it right to state not particularly, but the
general view of the Government with respect to the secu-
rities which we ought to obtain. What these special se-
curities should be, in what manner they should be gained,
and how they should be affirmed, is not a subject upon
which I think I can go further than I have already dale.
I believe we shall be ready—we have been readyteom-
municate with the Government of France on this
subject.
I of the
r own
Govern-
mentupon
this subject. We shall be ready to views of
with the
.nn
of the Emperor I have every reasonrtoofbFelriaenveeetheoaitntehiedevicr
with u
Government of Austria when it wishes to know our opinion
. communicate
with respect to such a settlement as in our opinion would
be alone secure, honourable, and just. I must say that
with regard to those securities, Ise EdL9 symptom of the
Emperor of Russia at present b
I p,ue PPoscd, I will not
conditions such ashave hinted at, or to •
say to grant give
have said are in our • •
securities such as I opinion desirable
—I cannot say that he is disposed to depart in every
demands which, made res-
pect from those by Prince Menschi-
koff were indignantly rejected by Turkey. In the
acquisitions which have been made by Russia great
from the
time of the Empress Catharine, the same course has uni-
formly been pursued. It was the adoption
of policy which at every treaty of )ea of this course
increased territory. The treat secured to Russia
y of KI will not say "secured," but ainardji
stipulatedsecured—
the independ-
ence of the Crimea, The fell
ing war made the Crimea aow:nug treaty and the follow-
rabia, added lately, combined withs theian provie Bessa-
command of the
Danube in such a manner that Russia
ochhas been able to
impede and obstruct the navigation
portant river, followed the treatyof
Atiha.l great and im-
step she has weakened Turkey ; she
hasenkoep)lte.TtAnkteeach
that situation in which, without giving im'iniediate. Turkey
yarinan
to Europe, she could dictate to Constantinople. Late years
considerably the government of Turkey. have changed
I
will not say that change has extended to all the interior, or
to all the paehas and governors,
but the Government of
Turkey has seen that there are new and improved modes of
government, consisting in dic:pensing equal justice to all her
subjects whatever might be their religion, which might
make Turkey stronger as a power than she had ever been
while her power rested upon the ascendancy of the Maho-
medan race, and the subjection and degradation of every
other race. (Hear.) These great improvements in Turkey
have excited the jealousy and apprehension of Russia, and
you will see that in no case hasthe Government of Russia,
which has always pretended to be anxious for the exten-
sion of the privileges and the promotion of the good of the
Christian subjects of Turkey, been favourable to those
amendments and enlightened reforms which the e
Govern-
ment of Turkey has curried out. On the contrary,