The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-13 00:00:00

HARVEST PROSPECTS.

THE CROPS IN THE WEST. —ln the western counties
the cereal crops are generally very promising. The late
rains have retarded the hay harvest, and in some places
there will be a deficient crop, but. fine weather having
now set in, it is hoped that the hay crop, on the whole,
will be an average one. The potatoes are most luxu-
riant. In Devonshire the crop never promised to be
more abundant, and as yet there are no signs of disease.
Fruit and vegetables in the latter county are very plen-
tiful and cheap, and agricultural produce has generally
declined in price. Wheat sold in many parts of Devon
shire during the last week at 9s. 6d. and 10s. per bushel.
A few weeks ago the quotations were from 10s. 6d. to
lis. per bushel. If the weather is fine for harvesting,
the price of grain will be much lower, it is thought, than
it is at present.—Cheltenham Examiner.
LINCOLNSHIRE.—In a circle of many miles around
Boston the appearance of every description of produce
affords the most gratifying promise of an aklndant har-
vest, According to the farmers' own admission, the
wheat crop has not, for many years' past, been in a more
promising condition.—Lincolnshire Times.
THE LOWLANDS.—The advent of warm weather is
most welcome to the hay crop, which was suffering
greatly from the continuous rain. Crops of all kinds
I promise highly.—Greenock Advertiser.
The aspect of the country is now extremely luxuriant,
moisture and abundance of electricity in the atmosphere
having caused a plentiful growth of vegetation ; wheats
are, however, already damaged from the prevalence of
rain and absence of sun and heat up to this advanced
period of the year, and unless a speedy change occur the
bad effects will not be confined to this cereal. Turnips
have suffered much from want of sun. Very little hay
has yet been cut, though appearances are more favour-
able for mowiag..Duntsfrus ooutior.

M. KOSSUTITS SECOND GREAT SPEECH
AT GLASGOW.

On Wednesday evening week a soirée was held in the
City Hall, in honour of M. Kossuth. Professor Nichol
occupied the chair and was supported right and left by
M. Kossuth and lady, the committee of arrangements,
and other friends of the Polish and Hungarian cause.
The hall, which was crowded to suffocation, was taste-
fully laid out for the occasion, and had a very animated
appearance, there being a great many ladies present.
Amongst others, we observed the following clergymen
and laymen :—Rev. Dr. Robertson, Rev. Dr. Jeffray,
of De►inay, Rev. George Jeffray, Glasgow ; Rev. J. B.
Dickson, Paisley ; Bailie Macgregor, Councillors Gem-
mil, Moir, M'Adam, Cooper ; Messrs. Thomas Brown,
James Hocy, Thomas Bishop, John M'Adam, William
Melvin, John Cairns, Thomas Smith, Robert Maggot,
&c. On M. Kossuth appearing upon the platform, he
was greeted with the most enthusiastic cheering and
waving of hats and hankerchiefs, which demonstrations
were continued for some time. After a blessing had
been asked by Dr. Jeffra,y, of Denny, the company were
served with strawberries and cream.

The CHAIRMAN then said—Assuredly, ladies and gen-
tlemen, I shall not abuse the confidence with which you
now honour me by interposing more than the fewest
unpretending words between this great assembly and
that exceeding pleasure which awaits us all. And I
know you will agree with me that it would only'
be a breach of taste were I to indulge in laboured
eulogy of a man with whose name and actions all
civilisation is familiar, and who will be thought of
with affection so long as there remain on this
earth an intelligent heart that can throb at the con-
temptation of the heroic. It is sometimes said, gentle-
men, that great crises produce great men—that oppor-
tunity for action brings or creates an agent. Alas ! I
would it were so ; if the fitting reaper always came with
the harvest, there would be a less grievous waste of that
abundance which the conditions even of terrestrial exist-
ence places so bountifully within reach of mankind. The
maxim, I fear, is rather true in its reverse—great crises
being oftenest destroyed, because, through want of ef-
fective guides, they fall to be managed by very little
men. It is, indeed, no simple task, no work even for.
the most respectable red-tapery, to take hold of an epoch
and control it. To mark the reasoning and sympathies
of a people, and so to rouse and concentrate their best
impulses that they shall obey as if they were but one
man, and through such obedience achieve deeds of a kind
that brighten large spaces of history—to accomplish this
is given only to those hearts and intellects whose ap-
pliances, on the theatre of human events, are few and
far between,—men, however, who when they do appear,
never fail to fulfil mighty purposes—who, whatever their
merits, success or want of success, whether in war or in
what is termed diplomacy, are still the true practical
statesmen of humanity, for they illustrate and impress
principles which cannot die— (cheers) —principles by
which the whole future is beneficently affected, just as
surely as the liberties of Hungary, come in what form or
at what time they may—nay, the whole progress of
Central Europe—are now indissolubly connected with
the life of Kossuth. (Immense applause.) I have felt,
for one, that this war in which we are engaged, this
terrible calamity which, through the errors and crimes
of past generations, has fallen on the present, is one
of those incidents which never will be managed aright,
unless we fall back on such principles. And Ido
rejoice that at least one powerful voice exists which no
fear can silence, and which will not be withheld from
laying the truth before the audiences of the British
people. Some persons, indeed,' suppose there is no
need of this, others tell us it is dangerous, and certain
parties give " satisfactory explanations." Such, if only
for a moment, is the question as it avowedly stands.
The broad issue is already before us, and on this let
there be no mistake, whether we are to purchase peace
from Austria ? If this is a war undertaken ostensibly
for the solid pacification of Europe, are we prepared to
accept a sham conclusion ? Are we prepared to be
satisfied that these existing discords are huddled up—
that we will purchase this as a satisfactory conclusion
from Austria, and pay her a price, not blood, perhaps,
but what is more, the guarantee of the prolonged de-
struction of the sccial lite of several of the finest races
in the whole world ? I think I may take the voice of
this meeting as replying that we will not pay such a
price. (Loud applause.) And although unwilling, as I
am sure we must all feel, to disturb the equanimity of
such an estimable gentleman as the Earl of Westmore-
land, I do trust that when he is asked again at Vienna
what is the meaning of this Glasgow meeting, he will
find himself compelled to reply that the meaning of the
Glasgow meeting is simply this—to declare that the
British nation at least will not purchase peace from
Austria. tTremendous cheering.) After a few further
remarks, Professor Nichol concluded, amid reiterated
applause, by introducing %I. Kossuth.
M. Kossuru, on rising, was received with loud and
continued cheering—the illustrious orator commenced
his address by giving a short but graphic sketch of the
history and results of the last great war in which this
country was engaged with France. He then said—so
much, gentlemen, has been by the inexorable pen of his-
tory already put down on the records of 1853-54, that
judgment Great Britain can escape no more. But I,
standing here before you, call on the history of times to
come ; I call on thee to write down these my words in
addition to what thou hast already recorded. There-
fore, should the British nation not take care to fix
upon a well-defined positive aim in due time for
this war, and as well with comprehensive wisdom,
as also with manly resolution express her national
will, so as to make it headed in Downing-street
and Westminster Hall ;—but stop, beg your par-
don, gentlemen that won't do—l forget the letter of
the Duke of Newcastle—l forget that you have no right
to have a will about war and peace ; beg your pardon
again ! let me anew begin my dictate to the pen of his-
tory ; and as the people of Great Britain had no right
even to petition Parliament in direct reference to war
and peace, matters entirely within the power and pre-
rogative of the Crown, thus it came to pass that the
Oriental question has not been definitely solved by this
war, the danger which by the unsolved pendency of this
question hangs over Europe had not been removed ; and
the British nation had, after innumerable sacrifices, to
experience that, like as in her former wars she has fought
but for a Bourbon, so in the present war she has been
not gross
without
Britishmacl e tto fightpeople
he e
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From but
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y internalaffecting
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yf
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the national interests or the social condition
sne_ia
Bri-
tish empire, the Cabinet of St. James's pursued I
which in no way could have disadvantageously affected
whirlpool of vio-
driven that prosperous country into the
lent commotions at home and of humiliation abioad
course of policy which, in its ultimate issue, has needs.
So much of history of coining events. It is no pro-
phecy,‘he gentlemen. It is but political arithmetic.
science of policy has its theorems settled like those of
Euclid. To this portion of my humble remarks I have
only to add, comparing your present situation to that in
your French wars, I see that, in fact, you have the con-
solation not to fight for a Bourbon—that is negative ; in
return you have got the pleasant and highly-liberal task
of fighting for a Hapsburg—that's positive Well, a
Hapsburg for a Bourbon—it strikes me that it does not
sound like a Roland for an Oliver—a Hapsburg for a
Bourbon! Let me use Shalsspeare's words, "Write them
together which is a fair name?—Sound them which be-
comes well the mouth? Weigh them which is heavier ?
Conjure with them which will start a spirit ?" The Bour-
bons will certainly start none any more—the Haps-
burgs probably may ; but it will be the spirit of assas-
sinated nations—Poland 1--Hungary !—ltaly ! I con-
gratulate you to that Roland for yonder Oliver (Loud
cheers.) Or is it not so ? Are you not fighting for
Austria ? What, then, mean the diplomatic assurances
of Lord Westmoreland that the Government of Great
Britain will oppose any attempt at making the Oriental
conflict subservient to the projects of the Hungarian
not
kn
e meant nationale othriaeptnsttrahtli
the Government
? conflict
Go not:
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Danubian Principalities after they have become evacu-
ated by the Russians, beaten—not by you, but by the
Turks—you haovhtee
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forcible advices preventing Turkey from taking by the
hand her only safe and natural allies, Poland and
Hungary? Advices much in the style of Pilate's sad
story Mind not to do this, or else thou art not
Caesar's friend." Mind, Turk ? not to countenance
the Polish and Hungarian nations, or else thou shalt
not have Great Britain and Louis Napoleon for friends !
What means this ? And what means the fact of having
torn until now the ripe fruit of deliverance from our
lips ? What does it mean, if it does not mean to be
subservient to Austrian despotism ? (Hear, hear.)
Well, if such be the will of the British nation we will
bear it ; and, in spite of Great Britain we will not de-
spair. God will ho with us. I trust to his bounty and
justice. And with this, and our own resolution, we
will not fear Great Britain itself. Our nationalities
have seen other storms—still there they stand ; a mourn-
ful catafalque, yet still alive ; murdered, yet still not
dead ; though shaken, still unbroken and unbent. They
will stand the British Lion also, if it must be. And if
they could not stand his opposition (which I proudly
deny), then I dare repeat the majestic prophecy of one
of our own Hungarian poets—
" A world in blood
Shall attend the funeral rites."

Yes, there will be blood enough to mount in gory clouds
to the eternal throne, and fall back in hails of retribu-
tion from him who was saying, "Mine is the justice,
and mine the revenge ;" so let it thus come if such be
Great Britain's will. (Loud cheers.) But it is because I
know that such is not the will of the British nation ;
because I know that all the feelings of the British people
are with us, and still see such things done in the name
of Great Britain ; it ia therefore I aceept one out of four