The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-21 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
ENLISTMENT OF FOREIGNERS BILL.
Mr. RICH said that, though he had voted the night
before in support of the bill, he wished to guard him
self against being supposed to have voted in favour o
the empleyment of foreign troops as mere mercenaries,
(Hear.) He was not prepared to admit that the Ger
mans who had been spoken of as likely to enter our ser
vice—those Germans, he meant, who, having obtained
letters of denaturalisation from their own Sovereigns,
came over here with a view of emigrating to Canada,
Australia, or the United States—wherever, in fact, they
could get for the least money—would make good and
efficient soldiers—(hear, hear)—and coupling this with
the language held last night by the Secretary at War
and the noble lord the member for Tiverton, he was in-
clined to think that the views of the Government were
not confined to such men as these, but that they had in
contemplation some means which they did not reveal of
obtaining valuable and efficient troops, animated by the
same ieseeet of resistance to the ambitious designs of
Russia as were the troops of France and England.
Mr. DRUMMOND—T. think, perhap,, it is an act at
charity for some person to rise and protect the Govern.
ment from their own supporters—(laughter)—for really
sir, no bomb that ever arrived at Sebastopol can have
made a greater explosion than this shot frsm behind,
informing her Majesty's Government that upon this
vital question of the war, every single department in it,
from the Ordnance to the Commander-in-Chief, is in the
hands of that part of the Ministry in which it ought not
to be. (Hear, hear, and laughter.)
Mr. RICH said, he made no such observation.
Mr. DRUMMOND—WeII, well, sir—her Majesty's
Government have got the numbers on their side, and
they are wise enough to care very little about the ar-
guments. I was exceedingly sorry, sir, to vote as I
did last night. I think her Majesty's Ministers have
done themselves wrong. The fact is that the country
look upon this bill as very much like what they
call at Newmarket a " dark horse." (Laughter.)
There is a suspicion, sir, that all is not fair and proper
about it. (Opposition cheers.) I have heard insinua-
tions—some were made last night by the hon. gentle-
man who moved the amendment, but I will not repeat
them, for I really do not know, and, indeed, I can't
know whether they are well founded or not ; but of this.
I am certain, from the language used to myself by every
person to whom I have spoken on the subject, and I
may say chiefly by friends of her Majesty's Government,
that there is an idea that some ulterior measure is con-
cealed behind. (Hear.) That is the expression used by
the hon. member who spoke last, and this, I say, is not
fair dealing. (Hear.) The country has been taken en-
tirely by surprise by this measure. (Hear.) There are
meetings holding, I know, at this moment, and others
in contemplation in the country, and I believe from
what I gathered last night from the very contradictory
speeches which were made, that there is great jealousy
existing on the subject. But the country has a right to
know, freely and fairly, what you are going to do.
(Hear.) Now, I think all that has been said about its
being unconstitutional to employ foreign troops is down-
right trash. (Ministerial cheers.) If this be a bona fide
measure for taking into our pay 30,000—0 r any number
of thousands you please—of lawial troops, it will have
my most cordial support. (Hear.) Suppose, for instance,
the King of Bavaria were to say, "Here, I have got
30,000 men ; I cannot pay them, but you may ;" if you
like to confederate 'with him, and send them to Sebas-
topol, then I say, send them by all means. But, sir,
from what I collected, this is a totally different descrip•
tien of agent which you are going to employ, and one
about which I have a strong and very conscientious ob-
jection. (Hear, hear.) The profession of arms is a
most honourable profession—(hear)--and, I believe,
brings out the best qualities, moral and physical,
which characterise man, better than any other pro-
fession. Regular soldiers never go into action, they
are never carried to deeds of violence, except at the bid-
Bing of their Sovereign, in defence of the weak and
oppressed or for the protection of their country ; but
when you come to hire mercenaries who have no sove-
reign over them, no country to protect, and no one
ennobling sentiment in them, that is what degrades the
military profession. (Hear, hear.) These men are
nothing but men-butchers ; they fight and murder for a
shilling a day, and, of coarse, if anybody will give them
2s. a day they will turn round and murder you in tarn.
(Hear, hear.) And why should they not! I see tleat,
by this bill, yon propose that these men should take an
oath, not of allegiance exactly, but of fidelity. Fidelity
to what ?—to a shilling a day. (Hear, hear.) But is
not fidelity to 2s. a day a very much better thing ?
" A saint in crape is twice a saint in lawn."
(Laughter.) I say this is a most dishonourable mode of
warfare. (Cheers.) It was because I could not make
out from the contradictory speeches of the members of
the Government which of these two forces it is they in-
tend to employ, that I voted against the bill last night.
I am not against the employment of foreign troops, but
I think it was exceedingly unfair to say that, if we do
not swallow this measure before the country has time to
form its opinion upon it, we are to be threatened with
the withdrawal of the great Duke of Newcastle. (Hear
and laughter.) Why, sir, it's something like the old
maiden lady in the comedy, who lived with the poor
gentleman, and who pretty nearly bored him to death by
perpetually threatening him, " If you do not do as I bid
you, I will withdraw from you the protection of the
Hon. Lucretia M`Tab." (Loud laughter.) There aro
certain members of her Majesty's Government whom I
should be exceedingly sorry to lose, but I confess I
should not greatly grieve if the Duke of Newcastle were
to take his departure. (Cheers and laughter) I should
not think they would go into mourning for the event in
our camp before Sebastopol—(hear, hear)—though, pos-
sibly, the Emperor of Russia might receive the news
with sorrow. (Laughter.) Somebody else, I should
think, might be found who would have taken care that
our horses should not have kicked one another to death
in their transports ; who would have seen that the offi-
cers should have had a chance of linen before this time ;
that officers and men should not have had their clothes
rotting off their backs ; and that some means or another
should have been discovered by which the things which
were sent out from this country with a liberal spirit
should have got some time or other into the hands of
the persons for whom they were intended. (Hear.) But
this wonderful problem, haw to get a thing from one
I nof the Duke of Ne'v -a tie. (Leigh ter ) Ido not
place to another ii evident, far beyond the comprehen-
thuk they() can be . such hurry as has been repre-
: sivete—nrtnindvi,enialtinwdnoitlthh,edrioestpfu,prtrealnYarn inclined to hope that the Go-
\
dispute
sbtohuet
tmheeasure, but will postpone
l day—but at least post-

pone it until the country has had time to become ac-
quainted with it. (Cheers.)
Sir W. VERNER, as an old officer of long experience,
was persuaded that nothing could be more unsatisfactory
than the proposed employment of mercenary troops by
this country.
Mr. OTWAY said that, having voted against the
second reading of this bill, he wished to state the reasons
why he opposed the measure. He should be sorry to
impede the sending out of reinforcements to our gallant
army in the Crimea, but he believed that we had other
sources in important parts in our ewn empire that could
be made earlier available for affording help to that army
than the means offered by this bill. He had seen from
the newspapers that the Sheik and Ghoorka regiments
in India, who were especially adapted for this service,
were ready to volunteer for the Crimea. The East India
Company obtained powers last session for largely in-
creasing their force of Europeans, and he believed that
they were now carrying those powers into effect. In-
telligence had been received that a treaty of peace had
been entered into with the sovereign of Burmah ; and,
India being now in a state of perfect tranquillity, we might
obtain effective reinforcements from that quarter before
the foreign troops to be raised under this bill could be
organised and sent out to the seat of war. He like-
wise objected to the class of men contemplated by this
measure. Having had the good fortune to witness the
efficiency of many German regiments in the field, he
would be the last man to underrate their capabilities.
He believed that Germon troops, led by their own offi-
cers, fighting under their own standard, and animated by
the traditions of their military history, would perform
feats of valour second to none in the annals of the world.
But he had no confidence in German emigrants. The
Secretary at War had told them that these emigrants
would be trained soldiers, but Prussia was the only Ger-
man State where every man was of necessity a soldier ;
and of his own knowledge he could state that in some of
the minor principalities and small duchies this was not
the case ; so that we really could not have that secu-
rity as to the quality of these men that had been held
out to us. It was quite true that foreign troops had
served with our army in the last war, but it should
be remembered that among those foreign troops there
was only one regiment which did not sympathise with
the cause in which we were engaged. He alluded to
the Greek regiment ; aid what was its conduct ?
Being stationed at Malta, it revolted and seized pos-
session of one of the forts, from which it cost us a
great deal of trouble to dislodge it. If the Government
had declared it to be their intention to form a Polish
legion with its own officers, he would gladly have sup-
ported them. If we landed a body of Poles to-morrow
in the Crimea, with their own officers, he believed that
great numbers would desert from the Russians, and a
great moral effect would be produced from which this
country would derive much benefit. He understood
that a letter had been written containing an offer from
certain Polish prisoners that were detained in our ports
to enlist in our service as soldiers and sailors to oppose
our enemy, instead of remaining inactive and a burden
upon the people of this country. If this story were true,
it showed what was the spirit of the Poles, and how we
might make them of use in this war. He was convinced
that the great question at issue in this contest would
never be solved until the cause of Poland was brought
before that house, and with that subject he was sure the
Government would have sooner or later to deal. But he
wished to ask where these foreign troops were to be sta-
tioned? Were they to be billeted on the inhabitants of this
country or stationed in our dockyards ? Supposing theta
not to be encamped, but to be sent to our strong places,
to Portsmouth, Plymouth, Sheerness, or Chatham, would
not such a step be attended with danger I Look at the
class of men of whom they were speaking S They had
no feeling or enthusiasm in the cause, but came here,
as the hon. member for Surrey had said, to under-
take to murder for a shilling par day. Now, with the
numerous Russian agents that were in this country and
at the Courts of all the petty German princes, nothing
could be easier than for these Russian agents to get 20
or 30 of these men for a certain sum of money, and
send them over to England as emigrants to enlist in the
proposed mercenary legion. And what would be the
result ? Why they may do irreparable damage in our
dockyards and arsenals. (Hear, hear.) This, there•
fore, was a point worthy of attention, and the house
should require information from the Government upon
it. It was impossible to separate this measure from the
conduct of the war hitherto. He admitted that we
could not expect to enter into a great war with a peace
establishment without making many mistakes of detail,
but he could not refrain from noticing the want of ordi-
nary precaution shown by some departments of the pub-
lic service. At this time last year Ministers must have
known that there was every probability of a war with
Russia. Hurried attempts were being made at our
dockyards to fit out our fleets for service ; and when
hon. members asked why a particular class of vessels
was not sent to a particular quarter, the answer of the
First Lord of the Admiralty was, that we had not the
men nor the gun-boats that were required. Well, but
at that particular conjuncture, 12 months ago, when
preparations were so urgent, we actually turned our
own vessels out of dock and admitted two Russian
ships, which were there armed and sent to sea. This
was surely bad enough, but what followed he should
think must have caused some remorse to the First Lord
of the Admiralty. The Aurora having taken refuge in
the harbour of Petropaulovski, in the unfortunate ac-
tion which took place there a short time ago, he found
that the damage done to a portion of our navy was
done by that very Russian ship which we allowed to
escape from our hands in the way he had stated.
hear.) The right hon. member for Buckingham-
shire referred last night to Thncyclidee ; bat England
had produced a historian not second to that classic
writer whose name was immortalised by his history of the
decline and fall of a great empire. Some of the pages
of that philosophic writer he would commend to the at-
tention of her Majesty's Ministers, and more especially
those in which, speaking of the statesmen who by their
pusillanimity accelerated the fall of the Roman Empire,
he said that crafty Ministers substituted temporary ex-
pedients fir salutary counsels. He could not but view
the present bill as a mere temporary expedient. Why
were the Government net prepared to mention the name
of Poland, and to rally round them those who were
ready to assist in the struggle ! Why did they not call
upon men above 30 years of age, and tell them of the
need for their exertions ? Let them raise the bounty if
that were necessary, and offer every inducement to the
country to come forward and fight their battles, and then,
no doubt, we should win other victories equal to (for
it was impossible to surpass) those of Alma and In-
kerman, which would lead to an honourable and lasting
peace. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. WHITESIDE said the" had listened with
some attention to the speech of the honourable mem-
ber for Richmond (Mr. Rich), who belonged to that
rising party in the country who spoke one way and
voted another. (Hear, hear.) That hon. member
was of opinion that the Ministry might be advantageously
reconstructed, and possibly the hon. gentleman might
himself be induced to assist in that work. (A laugh.)
He trusted that the sound views expressed by the
hon. gentleman would prove satisfactory to his own con-
science and to his constituents. Three speakers had
addressed the house on the part of the Government—the
Lord President, the Home Secretary, and the Secretary
at War ; and he hoped the house would permit him to
make a few observations on the arguments which those
eminent statesmen had submitted to the British Parlia-
ment, summoned together at that unseasonable period
of the year, on a great and important question. The
noble lord (J. Russell) gave them, as was his wont, a
disquisition on the balance of power—a very ticklish
and delicate ground on which to tread at the commence-
ment of the war. This doctrine of the balance of power
was subject to many limitations when understood, not
merely as it was viewed by writers and thinkers, but as
it was viewed by the common sense of mankind. It was
subject, for instance, to this limitation—that we must,
at the earliest moment we discovered the designs of a
Power threatening to disturb the equilibrium, express
ourselves to that Power with decision and firmness, and
point out to it, before resorting to the last alternative,
in plain and unmistakeable language, the object and
policy we were about to pursue. We must prove to
hlm, said the writers on public law, that he wanted to
d dictatecoarseon e
this,
hwli
sah, laws
h and to an
the
seeing a nno bil ne dl
himoepr
de npdoseti nni ttl
dSp teoaruts
tee:
we
raeinnmdg having
must
tn
then
have recourse to arms. This argument was used by
the noble lord, although there had been in the posses.
sion of Lord Aberdeen, the head of the Government,
since the year 1844, a document plainly indicating what
the intentions of the Czar were with regard to Turkey,
and a system of secret negotiation and diplomacy between
the Ministers of this country and Russia had afterwards
taken place on the same subject. Again, this balance
of power received a severe shock on the partition of
Poland, with respect to which Mr. Burke left his *pi-
nion on record that if there had been an English states-
man of spirit, capacity, and courage to speak out the
sense of England, that horrible transaction would never
have been perpetrated by the Imperial conspirator. The
balance of power, then, when such a wicked crime was
permitted, was a dangerous argument to use. Let them
place this contest on the ground of self-interest—on the
ground intelligible to all, that the Emperor sought to
strike a blow at our interests—and then everybody would
recognise the wisdom of endeavouring to. check his d!)-
signs. Were hon. gentlemen wrong in objecting to this
bill, which, in its original form, was as mischievous as
any measure aver invented by a weak and incompetent
Ministry ? Why, it would have enabled the Government,
if they had thought fit to employ these mercenaries,. to
take the hon. gentleman who sat before him to prison.
How did a measure of that kind work in Italy ? When
he was at Naples he saw a body of 11,000 Swiss troops
at a review—an effective body of men collected from ano-
ther country, who cared nothing for the Neapolitan peo-
ple, but were hired to crush their liberties. It was by the
aid of these very persons that the Sovereign of Naples
twoaseoemnambiltedthtoosededgereaddsewahnidehtr
chequer had so justly portrayed in his able pamphl,
tahnitspCl trample
chei
which would be remembered after his budgets were subjects,for-
or of
the and
to Eets
s d.
gotten. (A laugh.) His Holiness the Pope, also made use
of S wiss troops to carry out his system. Massimo Azegho,
the elder, in his excellent works, admirably pointed out how
the employment of mercenary troops by any nation must
assuredly enervate and corrupt its own people, and sow
the seeds of anarchy and decay. So it ever bad been and
i
ever must be. But it was said, " What a silly thing t 17,
to object to foreign troops coming to this country !
Why, Onelow, the Speaker of the House about a century
ago—in Ifli6—on presenting the Money Bills to the
King, addressed his Majesty on a similar occasion to
the present, in these words :
" They bog leave most humbly to say, they hope the
sword you have so bravely drawn, and they so eflectually
supported, will be intrusted only in brave, capable, and
honest hands, that so the naval, the natural strength of
England, will make a figure, will do service, as much
greater as it is exalted higher than ever before. . • •
Though ever attached to your Majesty's persou, they can-
not forbear taking notice of some circumatances in the pre-

sent situation of affairs which nothing but the confidence j
in your justice, your love to the people devoted to you, I
could hinder from alarming their most serious apprehen-
sions. An army of foreign troops—a thing unprecedented,
unheard of, unknown—brought into England, causes but
alarm. They hope their fears may be removed as soon as
possible, and, in the meantime, that the sword of these
foreigners should not be intrusted a moment out of your
own hand to any other person whatsoever."
(Hear.) The Secretary of State for the War Department
said that the Queen might employ any troops she pleased
out cf the country ; but, as Parliament had to pay
such troops, Parliament practically was enabled to check
' such a proceeding. He was aware that if they could
show that there was an overpowering necessity for it, it
would net be necessary to adduce a precedent for a bill
of this kind ; but what were the three acts of Parlia-
ment which had been cited as justifying the present pro-
position? The act of 1794 was a remarkable example of
the jealous care with which their predecessors watched
over the liberties of the country while aiding the Crown
in its difficulties. The act of the 34th of George 111.,
chap. 42, sec. 43, was entitled, " An act to enable sub-
jects of France to enlist as soldiers in regiments to serve
on the continent of Europe and in certain other places,
and to enable his Majesty to grant commissions," &c. ;
and it recited that,
- -

" Whereas, during the present war between Great
Britain and France, it may he expedient to raise regiments
to serve on the continent of Europe, or in the dominions
of his late Most Christian Majesty, and to enlist as soldiers
in such regiments such persons, who were subjects of his
late Most Christian Majesty, as shall be willing to enlist
themselves in his Majesty's service; and to enable a cer-
tain number of thorn to serve and receive pay as officers
in such regiments, and as engineers, under restrictions :
Be it enacted, that it shall be lawful for such persons,
who were subjects of his late Most Christian Majesty,
as shall be willing to serve his Majesty to enlist as soldiers
and to accept commissions from his Majesty (which com-
missions it shall be lawful for his Majesty to grant) to
serve as officers, or as engineers, in any part of the
continent of Europe, or in the islands of Guernsey, &e.,
or in any part of the dominions of his late Most Christian
Majesty. Provided, that no such officer or soldier shall be
enabled by this act to serve as an officer, or engineer, or
soldier in any place except on the continent of Europe, or
in any of the islands of Guernsey, &c., or in any part of
the dominions of his late Most Christian Majesty. Pro-
vided further, that, in case it shall be deemed necessary or
expedient to bring any such troops as aforesaid to any part
or place in Great Britain for the purpose of rendezvous, or
with a view to operations abroad, and it shall be deemed
necessary or expedient to land such troops in any part of
Great Britain for health or exercise, it shall be lawful so to
do. Provided that such troops so landed shall not be
marched into the country to any distance greater than five
miles from the seacoast. Provided also that notice of land-
ing such troops shall within 14 days of such landing be
given to both Houses of Parliament, if Parliament shall
then be assembled ; and, if not, within 14 days after the
then next meeting of Parliament. Provided also, that
there never shall be at any one time within this kingdom a
greater number of persons who shall have been enlisted
under the authority of this act than 5,000 men."
(Hear, hear.) The second act which had beeen referred
to as a precedent was the 44th of George 111., chap. 75,
which recited :
" Whereas it hath been deemed expedient by his Ma-
jesty, in order to provide in the speediest manner for the
better defence and greater security of the United Kingdom
in the present important juncture of affairs, to permit cer-
tain foreigners now in Great Britain to enlist as soldiers
into his Majesty's service, and, for the better disciplining
such soldiers, to form them into regiments, and to grant
commissions to certain foreign officers acquainted with their
manners and language ; and it was provided that there
should never be more than 10,000 men in the kingdom."
The remaining act was the 54th of George 111. ; and
he defied the Secretary at War to show that it autho-
rised the Government to bring into this country foreign
troops to be drilled and instructed, and kept here as
long as' the Government thought fit before being sent
abroad, and then to have their places supplied by others.
The act of 1813 gave no power whatever to drill these
troops in England. Well, all these references showed
that there was no precedent for this measure in the
past legislation of Parliament. Was there any sup-
port for it, then, in the principles of the constitution !
The profound, sagacious, and patriotic 'men who settled
the principles of the constitution always contended for
the great and fundamental maxim that the army should
consist of the same body as the people, that they might
have the same spirit as animated the people. Mr. Grey
and every eminent authority among the Whigs, when
the Whigs had a party, invariably taught—though the
Secretary at War might deride their teaching —that
when anything unprecedented was attempted, however
small, it must be watched and resisted at the outset,
lest it should be drawn into a precedent for innovations
of a larger and more dangerous character. But another
great English writer pointed out the true source of the
greatness of empires, and drew the following distinction
between mercenary forces and the true support of a
country—Lord Bacon : and he hoped there was a copy
of his writings in the War-office. (A laugh.) Lord
Bacon said—
" Therefore, let any Prince or State think soberly of his
forces, except his militia of natives be good and valiant
soldiers; and let Princes, on the other side, that have sub-
jects of martial disposition know their own strength, un-
less they be otherwise wanting to themselves. As for
mercenary forces (which is the help in this case), all exam-
ples show that, whatsoever Estate or Prince doth rest
upon them, he may spread his feathers for a time, but he
will mew them soon after."
(Hear, hear.) What was the lesson taught by the ex-
amples of the great States of old ? When Marius en-
listed the rabble and forgot the native militia of the peo-
ple, he destroyed his country's liberties, and laid the
foundation of military tyranny throughout the world.
Fie said, then, that such a measure as this was degrad-
ing to Mngle.rxcl and dostr uctiva of the political charac-
ter of those who propounded it. This was not the
case of Portugal fighting for Portugal- -of Spain
fighting for Spain—of the emigrant French fighting
for France—of the Swiss fighting for Switzerland ; but
it was the mendicant policy of a Minister who set out
for the continent to beg troops wherever they could be
found, and to pay them for cutting the throats of the
men who were to be opposed to them. (Hear, hear.)
When asked why he did not send out more troops to
the Orimea, the Secretary at War answered that they
must first get recruits, and next that they must drill
them, which required several months. But if the Go-
vernment knew that it would take all this time to train
these recruits, why did it come to the extraordinary
conclusion that war was to be declared with a great
military power like Russia before we were prepared to
meet it ! Let the house mark the dates. The Guards
were sent to Malta in February, and war was declared
—or at least meant to be declared—on the 26th of
March. Well, what course did common sense—not
to say statesmanship—then dicate ? They only sought
to amend the Militia Bill for Ireland on the 11th of
August. Why did they not embody the English mi-
litia before they declared war ? Why did they not do
what the Duke of Wellington and Lord Hardinge and
every man of common sense suggested ? Though they
passed a bill in August to raise 30,000 men in Ireland,
it was not until they had resolved to summon Parlia-
ment, that, in order that they might have some excuse
to offer, and that they might appear at last to be con-
scions of the situation of the country, the Privy Council
issued directions as to the quotas of
d(Hreeaadril)y obtained every vote
had readily
for from the House of
affected to overflow with compas-
sionTmheensetopbateriportoioviadnedd
haour gallant army in the Crimea
bociyfoilii
ne aemfConhor antnshdindefatigable m
countyams
and
df
fneele:nrvy:whohutoghse y Ireland.
of
e
--was it too much to ask what they had done with the
powers and resources so confidingly placed at their dis-
posal ? They had the power of raising 30,000 men in
Ireland. Now, be received a letter from Lord Ennis-
killen, the colonel of a militia regiment in Fermanagh,
which the Government had ordered to be raised, and
? Why, that
embody it, al-
thoughiw;
ehahtaddi dhoet
ehgveoe
rbc oayl
noe nt eo lrr
deo
cef
er
vhtaehdtr
three
ehe ge
ordern e s
taoy
months ago, indeed, to
enrol the men ; and that they would have been ready
knew they were not
m
long since if the order had been given to have them em-
bodied ; that the farmers would not employ men whe
were once enrolled,
likely to keep th . f
they be said No
pay, no militia ;" and i_ chose
The Go to embody the men
who offered themselves, and would put them in bar-
racks, there would be largementrn e numbers ready to fight for
ve because
In
feott they
it
might
their country. , however, had not
done this, and therefore the noble lord the member for
Tiverton got up and told them that this was a grave and
solemn question—one in which the feelings of hon. mem-
bers in that house were deeply interested, because many
of them had brethren in the Crimea fighting under great
difficulties in the noblest canes, and not for the Holy
Alliance or to establish despotism anywhere, but to esta-
blish somewhere the empire of reason over brute
o
force. What was the speech of that noble lord,
stripped of its janty manner, but an appeal to those
who had
for
adrelathtieviesr Crimea,sionffertihnegs,for
Gd's sake to pass
if they had any
f
this bill for their relief ? (Hear, hear.) And there
were those present who had relatives engaged in the war.
There was the hon. member for Donegal, who had one
brother who was shot down and another who was tor-
tured by wounds. There was the hon. member for
Monaghan, who had a relative who, by the good provi-
dence of God, escaped covered with wounds and with
honour. There was also the member for Antrim, who
bad a relative who was transfixed by a bayonet ; and
there were many others who had had loved relatives and
dear friends who had fallen victims in this war. The
noble lord says, " I do not know where we are to get
the men, but when we do find them we must bring them
whe-
ther the
understandings this d
uto England. But Ido not know how long it will re:
wnedller as
sta with
quire to drill and teach them before we send them to the
Crimea in order to relieve our friends and to put an end
to the mead which they wage with the elements as
their
o f human
thosem h
wenemies."ho
he
He
appealed
a s
o t
addressed
s was not a mockery 1 (Cheers.) The noble
lord denies this, but he (Mr. Whiteside) repeated the
argument, and addressed himself to those deeply con-
cerned. It was true that the troops had suffered, it was
true that they were starved, and, as Lord Raglan said,
" They were gathering stones to shelter themselves from
the weather. And what was the relief and assistance
to be sent to them ? What was the prompt and vigor-
ous measure that the present Administration proposed!
Why, a bill that was prospective and problematical, to
enable them to obtain men whence they did riot know.
Or what would be their condition—to drill them, and 12
months hence to send them to the Crimea—and to do
what 1 Why, to gather the bones of our countrymen,
onrwhose tombs directions should be given to inscribe—
"hese brave men perished from
tency, and indecision of an English Ministry." (Oppo-
sition cheers.) The bill was not a reality, and if there
was one thing more than another that Englishmen dis-
liked, it was to have a measure submitted to them that
was not the real thing to accomplish the end in view.
) It might be said that this was an easy mode
of answering the qeestiee, and was there nothing that
lie could suggest to remedy the evils he complained
of ? There was nothing effectual that he would not
give or vote to accomplish the end they had in view.

They had 11,000 or 12,000 constabulary in Ireland, the '
greater part of whom, from the altered condition of the
country, were engaged in fishing—they were trained
men, they were armed men, they were moral men, and
an honour to the country they served. (Hear, hear.)
If he were asked, eager as he was to secure the services
of these men at home, yet he would vote that the greater
part of the constabulary should be sent to Malta or
Gibraltar, which they could hold against the world. He
would consent that these mea, if the Government would
give them the pay to which they were entitled, should
quit the country and fight for the good cause. If asked,
he would vote that 30,000 of militia should be raised,
and he would tell the noble lord that the recruits were
more ready than the Ministers who were in want of them,
and, to give a single instance, the recruiting officer at
Belfast enlisted 200 men in one day. They could have
got the men and drilled them in time, but the Govern-
ment had not done their duty, and all they now did was
to present to Parliament this bill as a great and effectual
measure ; but they gave no information as to whether
they were to obtain men from Italy, Switzerland, Por-
tugal, or Spain. Had he not, then, a right to ask whe-
ther these were measures calculated to strike terror to
the Emperor of Russia—(hear, hear)—and to elevate
the spirits of the people of England ? In his opinion,
there could be no measure more calculated to depress the
spirit ef the people of England, or to elevate the hopes
of the despotic tyrant than the present, which would
convince him that, though we did not fail in heart and
courage, yet we did in men. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.)
He looked upon this as one ef the most impolitic and
• inexpedient measures ever submitted to Parliament.
I The best defence he had heard of it was in another house

by one of the same character as those who speak one
way and vote another. The argument used was that
" it is true that a great mistake had been committed by
the Ministry, but are we to punish the country for these
mistakes ?" He had thought over this argument, and
submitted that it was not fair to use it in matters of im-
portance ; but with regard to mistakes as to lint, rags,
and matters of detail, there was no man of generous
feeling, in or out of the house, who would on these
grounds complain of the Secretary at War ; but when
men who were appointed to great offices—men who
aspired to be peculiarly the statesmen of the age—men
who gave directions as to the affairs of this country,
and who could influence empires and the destinies of na-
tions—when they made groat mistakes he asked the
house if they were competent for the offices they filled?
(Cheers.) If these mistakes only affected themselves
it would be of little importance, but where these mis-
takes were vital and fundamental, and calculated to
bring ruin on the country, then such a defence as the
one he had mentioned was most illogical, and the se-
verest condemnation of the Ministry. (Opposition
cheers.) They were about to support this bill, but
there were two powers that influeticed the Government
—the one a Parliamentary majority, and the other pub-
lic opinion. (Hear, hear.) To that public opinion, in
the shape of, not an ignorant and absurd people, but
of the great people of England, expressed after thought,
reflection, and consideration—to that opinion the Go-
vernment must bow, for by it alone the Ministry
existed and the Parliament stood. That opinion was
against the Government. (Opposition cheers.) That
opinion was against the bill by instinct—the instinct of
the English nation had guided them in this, for they
had not had time to consider its provisions. (Hear.)
Conscious of the character of the measure, the Govern-
ment had not allowed them to do so. By stealth it had
been introduced and hurried through the other house,
in which all the logic, eloquence, and reason was on
one side. (Hear, hear.) It was then introduced here,
and hon. gentlemen had voted in its favour, as was
their right. He would not presume to question that
right—he would not presume to question the sincerity
of those hon. gentlemen ; but many of them had, he
believed, voted reluctantly—(hear, hear)—and the Go-
vernment might thus carry the bill, but they could not
carry with them the convictions of the country. (Cheers.)
How could the Government then hope to carry on this
war, unless supported by the enthusiasm and the union
of an unconquerable people, and in what condition would
they stand without such support ? Never was there
a Ministry which had held office or made war
under such favourable circumstances. They had their
treasury filled with money, England prosperous, Scot-
land wealthy, and Ireland, what he believed it had
never before been for centuries, profoundly tranquil,
both Protestant and Catholic agreeing to unite in the
good cause against the common enemy. They had the
most favourable assurances from every part of their vast
empire. Yet, though aided by all this, and with all
these resources at their command, the best thing that the
united wisdom of a Coalition Cabinet could devise was
this bill, by means of which they were to go begging
throughout Europe—perhaps to the King of Bavaria—
for soldiers ; and the chief ground for this was alleged
to be the enthusiasm of Germany. (Opposition cheers.)
The Secretary at War had said that there were a great
many hungry people in Germany, and he (Mr. White-
side) believed it—(a laugh)—who wished to quit their
country, and these men would become so denationalised
that, having once enlisted them, this country would have
to keep them for all time. But that on which the Go-
vernment mestly relied was the enthusiastic spirit of
the German people, and on their heart and sympathy
being with this country. He liked sympathetic friends,
but he liked to see that sympatliyevinced, not by words,
but by actions. (Clbeers.) He liked to have such friends
ai our allies of France, because he understood that
alliance—it was an alliance of a courageous and chival-
rous people, given on disinterested principles, to enable
us to prosecute the war against a despotic tyrant. But
what was ho to understand by the sympathy of the Ger-
man people 1 He wondered that the right hon. gentleman
' could muster gravity sufficient to enable him to advance
such an argument. Ile (Mr. 'Whiteside) had read their
blue books and diplomatic despatches, but could not dis-
cover this enthusiasm on the part of Germany ; and how
could the petty States dare to show it, knowing that
Russia would crush them instantly, and most probably
hang those whom this !Government might send out to
them ? The right lion. gentleman subsequently spoke of
the confidence placed in the treaty with Austria, which
everybody understands, and had received with acla-
mation. Prussia, he stated, had ceased to be equivo-
cating, Bavaria was our confederate, and that all were
ready, for a consideration, to raise and aid us to fight
our common enemy. The people of this country would,
however, decide whether a more important measure than
the present had ever been submitted to a deliberative
assembly, and would regard it as such if it were possible
to raise men in the petty German States and to .find such
a man as Dugald Dalgetty to lead them. It had been
said, now that this measure was before Parliament, that
none but mistaken and wrong-headed men would write
against mercenaries. He had the honour of the ac-
quaintance of Sir W. Napier, and of many distinguished
officers in the Crimea—there could be no mistake about
them, and if civilians were incompetent to judge of these
matters they must go to military authorities. And he
would read to them what the historian of the Peninsular
war, a man of unexampled courage, Sir W. Napier, had
written on this subject :—" And shall," he wrote, " a
mere mercenary band, picked up for gold, without na-
tional feeling—poor miserable hirelings, selling their
limbs and lives, ay, their very souls for lucre—ready,
without a cause, to murder, to slay, or be slain, and, of
course, ready to change sides for higher pay if good oc-
casion offer—shall such varlets stand in line beside our
noble soldiers who fight shouting England ! England !'
and dying murmur, We have done our duty' ?"
(Cheers.) He (Mr. Whiteside) trusted that there was
as much of that patriotic feeling, self-reliance, and
courage left which had distinguished our forefathers as
would enable this country to avert that disgrace which,
according to the account of the distinguished soldier he
had mentioned, would tarnish the hitherto unsullied
arms of a free and courageous people, were they to em-
ploy mercenaries to aid theta in the present war. (The
hon. and learned gentleman resumed his seat amid loud
cheers.)

NEW MEMBER.
Lord EBRINGTON here appeared at the bar, and
having advanced to the table, took the oaths and his
seat for the borough of Marylebone.
Mr. S. HERBERT then resumed the debate, and
said the hon. gentleman who last addressed the house,
had grossly perverted his arguments for the purposes of
debate. That hon. gentleman had said he had
listened to a debate in the other house on
this bill, in which logic, reason, and eloquence
were all on one side. He (Mr:Sidney Herbert)
considered the speech of the hon. gentleman was an apt
illustration that logic and reason may be often divorced
from acknowledged eloquence. (Hear, hear.) The
hon. gentleman would not believe in the enthusiasm of
Germany ; but the Governments of those small German
States, of which the hon. gentleman spoke contemp-
tuously, had recorded their opinions that the objects for
which the Western Powers were now fighting were just
and honourable. (Hear.) When the hon. gentleman
said he wished to see our German friends prove their
friendship by acts, not words, he (Mr. S. Herbert) re-
plied, this bill would give them the opportunity of
proving their friendship by acts. (Hear.) The
member for Staffordshire asked last night why
should we not get a Canadian or a Colonial legion ? He
(Mr. S. Herbert) said, "by all means ;" let them try
and do so, but it was the duty of a Government carry-
ing on a great war to neglect no measures for enabling
them to do so. (Hear.) It was not very encouraging
to Ministers who were bringing forward measures with
hunesty of purpose to be subjected to such unfair treat-
ment. (Hear.) •He did not blame hon. gentlemen op-
posite for expressing their opinions freely against
this bill ; but he did complain of the habitual misrepre-
sentation to which the measures of Government were
subjected. (Hear.) The hon. member said Government
must bow to public opinion. He (Mr. S. Herbert) knew
they must ; and he did not hesitate to submit to the
public opinion of this country on this bill, and he believed
when they saw the result of this bill they would ap-
prove of it. (Hear.)
Mr. NAPIER deprecated the charge of misrepresen-
tation made against the hon. and learned
were
e ceui
ngsgrte,
re
tndot
ohsatuepel
rsenyorci
dwiakri
iaeaoa,bnnesft
(Mr. Whiteside) to whose speech he had listened with
pleasure and pride. He (Mr. Napier) said this bill was an
pnwowife
were
obligedcairodiousreolsfsctmhi
could
tbeheuyti
this
letter
suggesto ate actuatedrtoni
reo and
ri
thn
otdiwasirreifn
et. repugnant to the feelings of the peo-
bm:h
rglhinNo
hoeoeaanpmrrpcso the
ernrta,ahlTgrewi
motives"
nseocewt
r;riSeaev
be,
n
bighnr
yad\
tvtol ithriht te,gar,
e
ing the German Legion, he said it was " well com-
posed," and was, indeed, a " national force, with high
moral motives," Well, if that were so, why not at once
declare it 7 (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman said
the Government were not neglecting any means for car-
rying on the war with vigour—that, in fact, this was a
more supplement to their other exertions. But what
the people of England and of Ireland said was, that, they
had not
and that when they had exhausted every other means
yet, enlisted the whole of their militia force ;
at their command, then would be the time to go to
Germany and other places for aux:dim-des. To do other-
wise was degrading to the county la, dettuctive of

the spirit of the people, androf thatimoral elevation and
strength of sentiment which, after all, were the great re-
source, the chief defence of nations. (Cheers.) In op-
posing it, then, he was simply discharging his duty as
a member of the legislature ; Sor he could not imagine
that the Parliament of England had been called toge-
ther merely to enregister the edicts of Ministers. (Hear,
hear.) And he hoped that every species of resistance
would be offered to the measure: (Oh, ob, and cheers.)
With regard to public opinion in Germany, he chal-
lenged the right hou. gentleman to make trial of that
opinion-; and if, during the short recess about to ensue,
the people of England applied their minds to the con-
sideration of the probable operation and effect of the
bill, and did not, throughout the kingdom, wherever
honesty of purpose, true patriotism, sincere regard for
England, and a deep-felt sympathy for her stability and
permanence among the nations of the world were to be
found—unite in its condemnation, he would never again
ask permission to address that house whilst be had the
honour of occupying a seat within its walls. (Cheers.)
Mr. COBDEN said though he believed the historian
would have to record the expedition to the Crimea as
the rashest ever undertaken by this country—and that
was saying a great deal—still as we had sent an army of
30,000 men from home we were bound to support that
army. (Hear.) But he believed the army would not re-
gard it as a compliment that we wanted to send out to
their assistance, not their own countrymen, but mer-
cenary Germans. The newspapers were careful to tell
us that the enthusiasm for the war 'throughout the
country was universal ; but the fact was proved to be
otherwise by the large deficiency still existing in the
number of men voted by Parliament. (Hear, hear.)
The Secretary at War spoke of intercepting German
emigrants passing through this country for the
United States ; but this appeared to be a
most puerile argument, for it was notorious that the
vast majority of those German emigrants were men ad-
vanced in life, with their wives and families, and fre-
quently taking out with them their own clergyman and
their own doctor ; and were those the men likely to go
out to Sebastopol ? , (Hear, hear.) There was no
country in the world, except the United States, in which
it would be so difficultlto establish a footing as in
Russia. He had said at a public meeting in 1849, that
if Russia were to attack England or the United States,
or any other large maritime power, she would be crum-
pled up in her own dreary dominions ; and had that
not occurred i (Hear, hear.) Had not the navy of
Russia been., rendered perfectly useless by the navies
of England and France ; but to attack Russia on land
required something more than we ever yet dreamed of.
He should not now enter further into the general ques-
tion of the war ; but on the bringing np of the report he
should take leave to offer some general remarks on the
prospects of the war, and more particularly with regard
to the proposals which the noble lord stated on the pre-
ceding night had been made, at Vienna, by the Emperor
of Russia. He should do so because he thought the
house, called together as it had been, should not separate
without, if possible, eliciting the opinions of the Govern-
ment, and, at all events, of expressing their own opi-
nions, otherwise the house would, in his mind, be in dan-
ger of losing its character for independence as the great
council of the nation. And if other hon. members re-
ceived the same communications from the camp as he
(Mr. C.) did, he thought that a greater act of kindness
could not be done to the army than to procure a discus-
sion. At all events, and under any circumstances, the
army would have the satisfaction of knowing that the
representatives of the English people did not meet and
separate without their attention having been occupied
with the state of unparalleled misery which that army
was now enduring in the, Crimea. (Hear, hear.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said whenever the hon. member
brought forward that question the Government would
be prepared to discuss it with him. In the meantime
he was astonished that the hon. member and several
other hon. meriibers should make such a misrepresen-
tation as that the only assistance Government proposed
to send out to the army in the Crimea was a foreign
legion, whereas it was well known that in the last
three months they had sent out 11,500 men.
(Hear, hear.) He regretted that every attempt
had been made to degrade the character of men
who might with every sense of honour be prepared
to enlist in our service. (Hear, hear.) He would not
enter more fully into the question now, but would only
repeat what he said last night, that this bill was only
the first of a series of measures which the Government
intended to bring in for the prosecution of the war ;
and he was sure that when the people of England
became aware of the true scope of those measures
they would perceive how much they had been misled by
the speeches of hon. members who opposed this bill.
(Hear, hear.)
Lord C. HAMILTON complained that the Govern-
ment bad called hon. members at this unusual season
of the year from all parts of the united empire to deli-
berate on measures affecting the war, and when they
had assembled to find such a measure as this bill
proposed to them to enlist the services' of a foreign
legion. (Hear, hear.) He would place no reliance
on the enthusiasm of Germany in this cause, of which the
Secretary at War spoke so confidently ; and be believed
the public opinion and enthusiasm of this country had
not yet been fairly tested.
Mr. DANBY SEYMOUR said he should not be doing
his duty tf, by his vote, he prevented the sending of a
single,man to the Crimea ; for he considered that our
army was in a critical situation, mainly owing to the in-
efficiency of the Government. (Hear, hear.) He, in
common with most other members, was opposed to this
bill. (Hear, hear.) While we were besieging, or rather
not besieging, Sebastopol, what were the 54 ships of war
doing ? Not employed in cannonading the batteries of
Sebastopol, but idling about Balaklava. (Hear, hear.)
The ports of the Black Sea—Taganrog for instance—
were furnishing Russia with all the elements of war.
And further, he was informed that the Greeks were
monopolising the Russian trade, to the prejudice of
British merchants, who put faith in the faithless
' declaration of Government that a blockade would be
established in the Black sea. (Hear, hear.) The hon.
gentleman then went at length into the means of
Russia, and contended that her resources were failing.
It had been said by a great French writer that
a great war was a war of budgets—a war to see who
could hold out the longest, and the best way to cripple
Russia was to destroy her commerce. The house, per-
haps, was not aware that all the munitions of war—
the powder, the cannon balls—all' came down the Don
and the Volga to the sea of Azoff, and were conveyed
by land to Sebastopol. The Russians had fortified the
place for embarking their stores, and this, place was not
more than 25 Miles from Eupatoria one of the finest
ports in the Black Sea. What would have been easier
than for a portion of our magnificent fleet to have an-
chored at Theodosia, and from that' place cut off the
supplies Russia received from her fortified fort? When
the question of the war again occupied the attention of
the house he should have a few words to address to it on
the resources of Russia.
Mr.IPHILLIPS, like the hon. member who spoke last,
bad supported the second reading of this bill, but unlike
him, he voted for it according to his opinion of its merits,
and ii the belief that it was an expedient measure.
Mr. ALCOCK believed that the standard had not been
sufficiently reduced, nor was the bounty large enough, and
for that reason he should oppose the house going into
committee. Our object then ought to be to obtain sol-
diers who would sympathise with ns, and he, therefore,
advocated an application to the independent people of
the Caucasus, from whom we might not only expect an
addition of 40,000 or 50,000 men, but we should have
their sympathy, and all the advantages of moral joined
to physical force. There was one banner under which
that nation would fight, and fight willingly—it was the
banner of that nation which was at war with Russia.
Admiral WALCOTT could not forbear expressing how
much he deplored the introduction of this measure, be-
cause experience told him what a state the country must
be in when they are compelled to resort to foreign mer-
cenaries. (Hear.) It was no momentary embarrass-
ment which ought to betray the house into an enactment
so dangerous us to familiarise the country with 60 disas-
trous an example. We were not fighting, as in the last
war, against combined forces. We were fighting with
noble allies, whose glory was our glory, while our
triumphs -were their triumphs. They were possessed-
of almost inexhaustible resources, and they had shown
only
,within the last few days how ready they ware,
to contribute support, by embarking a large contin-
gent for the seat of war. It was a dangerous expedient!;
it was a fatal policy ; it was a blot en the British name
and a reproach to the disposition of Englishmen to
allow foreigners to serve their native land; and, far alma*
all, it was a humiliating confession of internal weak-
ness to which he would never lend his voice. (Cheers.)
Let the Government take the true course - give promo-
tions, give rewards, give pensions, give a fair bounty,
and give it with ungrudging hand. (Hear, hear.)
They would not then want reinforcements from abroad.
Let them look to the sick and wounded, provide for the
widow and the orphan, and support the families at home,
and then the army would, in numbers, be an army of
which the country might well be proud. The army in
the field now was not to be surpassed in bravery ; they
knew they were trusted, and they would not endanger
the glory of England. (Hear, hear.) There was one
point which had not been referred to in the course of
the discussion, and it was one of a character so honour-
able to the nation that he was glad to mention it. It
was the entire abstinence, by every soldier, whether pri-
vate or officer, in letters to this country, f an assump-
tion of glory to themselves for the skill, courage, and
fortitude displayed, one and all referring it to the Al-
mighty God above them. When such men failed, let
the Government resort to mercenaries ff they would.
Until then, let them trust to the sinews, the nerve, and
the courage of Englishmen, -being well assured that
in trusting to mercenaries they would embarrass the
army, dishearten the troops, and rob them of their vie
tories and hard-earned glory. (Cheers.)
Mr. SCOTT said, that having been unable to catch
the Speaker's eye, he should take another opportunity
of enforcing his views.
Mr. CONOLLY opposed the bill, and was addressing
the house when the Speaker said the time had arrived
when the debate must be adjourned.
The debate was then adjourned till tomorrow.
THE,MISSING ARCTIC EXPEDITION.
Mr. NAPIER then moved for copies of all de-
spatches from the commanding officers of the various
ships employed in the Arctic Seas in the search for Sir
John Franklin ; and of the reports of Dr. Rae in respect
to the relics of the missing expedition ; and, of any
orders that may have'been given, with the view of ob-
taining further intelligence of the fate of that expedi-
tion.

Sir J. GRAHAM said be had no objection to grant-
ing this return, .hut he begged to be understood
that be could be no party to another arctic expedition.
NEW WRIT FOR NORWICH.
A new writ waB ordered to ho i,sued for Norwich in
the room of S. M. Peto, Esq., who, since his election,
had accepted the office of steward of her Majesty's
manor of Northcote.
The house they udjouruod.

COUY

7TS.

EDINBURGH MEAL MARICESTDEC. 19.

There were in the market to-day, 16 sacks oatmeal, each
weighing 2801bs imperial, which sold thus :-16 at 21.
0 at AL Os Od, and 0 at 0/. Os.

EDINBURGH HAY AND STRAW MARKET—
DEC. 19.
There was a large supply of straw of all descriptions in
the market. The prices to-day were as follow :
Oat straw, from 6s 6d to 9s Od per kemple of 16 stone
tron ; wheat do., 5s 6d to 7s 6d ; barley do., 5s Od to 6s Od.
Hay from 10d to 12d ; new ditto, Od to Od per stone.

DALKEITH MEAL
Oatmeal, per sack of 2801bs

imperial
Barleymeal, per ditto
Peasemeal, per ditto
Flour, per ditto
Pot-barley, per ditto

EARKET-DEO. 18.

First. I Second. Third.
42s Oe. , 41s Od Ms 01
28s Od —s Od We 6d
—s Oct s Od —a Od
—s Od —s Od —a Od
33s Od s Od —s ed.

DUBLIN, DEC. 19.

The supply to our corn market to-day was small, anti
every description of grain met a brisk demand at higher
rates. Wheat must be quoted ls, barley 6d to ls, and oats:
3d to 6il dearer than on Friday. Indian corn and foreign.
wheats are also held for an advance ; for the latter 2s mono
has been obtained.
White wheat, 41s 6d to 4411; Od. ; red ditto, 38s to 42. 6.1
barley, 16s 6:1 to 21s Od ; oats, 15s Od to 16s 9d ; rapeseed,
27s Od to 28s 6d per brl ; oatmeal, 16s Od to 17s Od ; bakers"
flour, 23s Od to 27s Od per cw t ; luaian corn, 40s Od to 4Ts Qd
per 4801bs.

COAL MARKET.—Dsc. 20.
Prices of Coal per ton at the close of the market.
Wallsend, &e.
s. d.
El. .1.
Buddle W. Hartley l7 61Riddell l3 3
Chilton Hartley l6 o,Eden Main 20 0
ilasiing's Hartley l7 &Hatton. 2l 6
Howard's West Hartley IFramwellgate 19 9
Netherton 18 Oillagwell 22 0
Long-ridge's Wst Hartley 18 0 South Hetton 21 3
Ravcnsworth Hartley _lB 0 Pensher . l9 6
Tan6eld Moor l7 3'llussell'e Raton 21 4
Tanfield Moor Butes • l7 3 Stewat 'es 2l 6
Walker Primrose .........16 6 Whitwell 18 6
Wylam 19 C' Hartlepool 2l 0
Heugh Hall . 20 0
Wallsend, &c. South Renee . ~ 20 0
Acorn Close l9 6 Tees
Bell and Brown 18 0 Whitworth
(losforth lB 6 Cowpen .> lB 0
Eiedley ...18 6 Derwentwater Hart•ley. 18 0
Northumberland, lB 4 ,