The Sun.
London, England, 1853-09-12 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1853.

Another of the mysterious despatches of the
ABERDEEN Cabinet in reference to the Turkish
difficulty has suddenly been published. Unac-
countably kept hitherto from the public gaze, it
has at length no less unaccountably made its
appearance. Everything, indeed, is of a piece in
these clumsy and bungling negotiations. Every-
thing in them is consonant with the confusion of
our hesitating and heterogeneous Government. It
is a melancholy spectacle enough we admit, from
first to last, this pusillanimous foreign policy
of the Coalition Administration. Neverthe-
less it is one which peculiarly demands the
scrutinising gaze of the community, and
one, moreover, the examination of which cannot
fail, we believe, to be eminently instructive. In-
structive as to the consequences certain to accrue
from the formation of a Ministry based upon no
definite principles whatever—rather, we should
say, a Ministry constructed upon an understand-
ing that every known political principle of any
importance should either be altogether abandoned,
or subordinated, at least, to the generally recog-
nised necessity of retaining, at all cost, the reins
of the Imperial Government. Formerly, under
the Whigs, we found only too much reason to
complain of the national interests being rendered
systematically subservient to the advancement of
the interests of a particular Family—reported,
among certain classes, to be invested with the
prerogative of hereditary administrators. The
multitude at length became so dissatisfied with
the nepotism encouraged among their rulers, that
they suddenly and most effectually broke up
the family compact. It was a rupture of domes-
tic felicity in high places quite as decisive,
though scarcely so picturesque, as that
Which destroyed, in the bosom of the OR-
lafa 118 home, in 1848, the Citizen King's
day-dre of personal aggrandisement. After
the downfall of the Whig., Cabinet, in 1852, it was
confidently
exrPateec,tecolbtalliintd we had, for the time
being at any
a good riddance of the
GREYS, and the ELLIOTTS
and the RUSSELLS, and
of the rest of the offspring
of that wonderful old
lady the ex-Premier's great
grandmother
it is true, have we been wholly •
have
eseapefrom the
appointed oin
these anticipations. We
domestic compact implied by the Guycl
_t InLiot" beT-
RUSSELL Administration. But --let it
forgotten, we have only escaped from one rare
to fall into the clutches of another ! ye,_anu3cit
that other—the Happy Family ! The Rappy
Family in which all the instincts implanted by
nature seem to have been almost miraculously set
at nought—the political Happy Family, in which
Conservatives and Liberals, Whigs and Tories,
Radicals and Retrograders, repose together in
comfortable tranquillity—having for a while at
least arranged amongst themselves to swallow
their mutual hatreds and forget their long-
cherished differences. The result of all which is
of course precisely what the dispassionate observer
from the first instant of the new compact antici-
pated. Unity of action has proved impracticable.
Consistency of purpose has been entirely out of
the question. We have had only change after
change both in our foreign and domestic policy—
hesitation upon hesitation " confusion worse
confounded." In almost every department of
Administration these unhappy consequences have
been repeatedly made apparent. In none
more flagrantly, however, than in the de-
partment presided over by the Foreign
Secretary. It is lamentable to reflect that it
should have been so precisely at the very juncture
when the arrogant and
AOCRAT ret deredambition of the
moretha -n
ever requisite on
of
g
our part the display
vigour, promptitude,Nevertheless
stick
con-
sistency, and determination.
unhappily, has actually been the result of the
Coalition--a circumstance not at all matter of
surprise when it is remembered that at the
same

Council there have been sitting during the past few
months two foreign Ministers so diametrically op-
posed to each other as the Earl of ABERDEEW and
Viscount PAL3fERSTON. Naturally, therefore, rather
we might say inevitably, the Foreign Office, during
all this critical period, has yielded, in regard to
the blundering inconsistency of the Cabinet, a se-
ries of disastrous illustrations.

Beholding the miserable course pursued of late
by England between the rights of the SULTAN and
the lawless aggressions of the AUTOCRAT, we know
not which is the more long-suffering of the two—
the people or Lord PALMERSTON. The one has so
long, but as yet so vainly, expected the other as
the Coming Man to preside over the affairs of the
Imperial Government. The hopes of each must
surely have within them what is called the prin-
ciple of longevity—otherwise they would scarcely
by possibility have survived so many disappoint-
ments. How runs, indeed, upon this head, the
old Italian proverb ?

" Aspettare e non venire,
Stare in letto e non dormire,
Servire e non gradire
Son tre core, da far moiire."

Here, assuredly, one has been expected who has
not arrived—while there, on the other hand, one
has served who has not been advanced. It were
a circumstance to console the nation for many past
shortcomings on the part of her administrators, if
in this particular, however tardily, its hopes were
in truth to be realised. It might not, to
be sure, compensate for the evils accruing
from these disgraceful negotiations with the
Courts of St. Petersburg and Constantinople—
but at any rate it might prove successful in im-
parting to the British Government something like
an approximation to the merits of dignity and
consistency. We might then, at least, be spared
the misery of beholding the foreign policy of
England made ignominiously subservient to the
CZAR'S lawless pride and insatiable greed of do-
minion. We might then be relieved from the re-
gret of questioning important despatches like that
from the Earl of CLARENDON to Sir GEORGE SEY-
MOUR, dated as far back as the 16th of July,
creeping out inopportunely on the 11th of Sep-
tember. We might, in fine, have the satisfaction
of beholding the destinies of the British Empire
presided over by a resolute and patriotic, a vigo-
rous and magnanimous Administrator.

We recently asserted with respect to the con-
templated decimal coinage, that " the system
which retained both the penny and the pound
with the least possible alteration, would be the
most efficient in every respect." Now, by apply-
ing this test, we shall speedily find that the florin
of twelve to the pound sterling, that is to say, of
the value of is. Bd., is the only unit that com-
plies with this essential condition, and which
would save the community in general from a con-
siderable increase of taxation on postage and re-
ceipt stamps, and the working classes generally from
serious losses in theirdaily transactions. Under this
principle, the only change immediately necessary,
would be in the farthing, a matter of comparative in-
difference, as that " the smallest coin in the realm"

is but little circulated, and few, if any, sales are
effected in " terms of farthings." The calling in
of the trifling amount would lead to scarcely any
inconvenience, more especially if the more conve-
nient " cent," five of which would go to a penny,
were substituted in its place. No other change
would be immediately required, nor would there
be a loss on, or the necessity of, withdrawing any
other coin now in circulation. It is true that it
would be advisable to make some alterations, with

the view of ultimately placing the matter on the
best foundation, but they might be so gradual as

,o be almost imperceptible.

Thus, the penny under the proposed system
would be equal to five cents, and the half-penny
to 2L Both would therefore be retained as the
most convenient denominations that could he
adopted, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer
would not be afforded an excuse for adding
400,000/. to the public burdens under the head
of additional charges for postage, or a nearly equal
sum for increased receipt stamps under the
plausible pretext of " convenience." We have no
doubt that any individual, or body of individuals,
would find an increase of 20 per cent, to his or their
receipts exceedingly " convenient," but a similar
addition to the outlay would probably be regarded
in a very different point of view. The trouble of
fixing the compensation to the owners of tolls,
&c., fixed by Acts of Parliament, giving " small
increases to their charges for limited periods,
would thus be avoided. That increase could not
be less than 20 per cent., viz., from a penny to
five " mils," according to the recommendation of
the Committee—a change that might lead to
" mills" of a very different description between
the payers and collectors of turnpike and other
tolls. And much trouble and annoyance would be
occasioned by the attempt to ascertain the period
for which the five mils should be payable
before the reduction to four mils would
be proper. There would also be an enor-
mous amount of labour required to adjudicate
equitably between persons having life estates, or
other limited interests in such tolls, and the re-
mainder men and reversioners. It would, in
fact, cut out an enormous quantity of work for
the gentlemen of the long robe, and, as a natural
consequence, occasion a by no means inconsider-
able expenditure to the parties concerned in ob-
taining a settlement. Every case should, in fact,
be decided on its own merits, and according to the
several periods for which the tolls, &c., were to
be levied. But all this would be avoided by
making the florin of is. Bcl. the unit of the new
system. None would be thereby injured. The
relations between payers and receivers would re-
main unaltered.

The threepenny piece would then be equal to
fifteen cents, the fourpenny to twenty cents, the
sixpence to thirty, and the shilling to sixty cents.
The half-crown would be a florin and a half, the
crown three, the half sovereign six, and the sove-
reign twelve florins. Even the present florin, the
" one-tenth of a pound," might for a time be re-
tained, as it would be equal to one florin twenty
cents of the new denomination. Every one of
these could be expressed in the decimal notation.
For instance, we should find the following equi-
valents :

One penny •5
Three pence •l5
Four pence
Sixpence
One Shilling *6o
Florin (of two shillings) 1.20
Half-crown
Crown 3. 0
Half-sovereign 6. 0
Sovereign l2. 0

From this it is manifest that the decimal form of
accounts might forthwith be introduced into every
counting-house, and when, after a brief interval,
the new coinage best suited to the new system
were issued from the Mint, and the old gradually
withdrawn, the amelioriation would be completed
and rendered as nearly perfect as possible, and
with the
minimum of inconvenience to the com-
munity during the state of transition. The new
'wage recinisite would in copper only be of cents,
as the pence and half-pence would of course be
retained, and in
Silver of florins, half-florins and
quarter-florins, e
ogfo
five
10d., and sd. _
tiqui▪
vld there alent respectively to is. Bd.,
' s
by degrees Piece
and
sutebnstifituotrined for
s h
,
would be worth 8R Al:e
lmight be introduced
which
thech
, and
florin piece would easily 16s. Bd. The ten-
bel pound, nor would there be any
cal-
culating the terms of exchange difficulty in
would be exactly equal to singe' ten_asfl five pounds
Under such circumstances, then,n pieces.
that the balance of advantages is submit
in favour of the florin of ls. Bd., greatly
unit of the new decimal system, and that it is thethe
only way in which the change could be effected
without serious injury to the less wealthy classes—_
those who earn their daily bread by their daily
labour—and some loss to every receiver of money
to the value of 405., and every letter-writer or
toll-payer in the community. The pound will, of
course, be eventually got rid of, but we confess
that we can bear that loss with great patience.
We cannot see the use of retaining a denomination
unknown in any other country, albeit it may be
" associated with all our ideas of money value, and
that it is the basis on which our exchange trausao4

tions with the whole world rest." It surely is to get
rid of those " ideas," and to alter that "basis,"
that the change is required ; and when we are
about to make it, why should we not endeavour to
obtain that which would occasion the least inconve-
nience during the state of transition, and afford
the greatest prospect of eventual advantage to the
community when► the change was fully carried out
and brought into practical operation ?

OFFICIAL APPOINTMENTS.—Mr. R. B. D. Morier is
appointed an unpaid attache to her Majesty's mission
at Vienna, in the room of Lord Boyle, who has re-
signed. Mr. Edward Joseph Darley is appointed a
member of the Legislative Council of Ceylon.
ADDRESS TO LORD J. RUSSELL.—The Town Council
of Greenock have agreed, on the suggestion of the pro-
vost, to take advantage of Lord John Russell's being in
the neighbourhood to present him with an address for
his eminent public service.

. .
THE CHAIRMANSHIP OF THE NORTH-WESTERN.
The Bucks Advertiser says :—" The Marquis of Chandos
has been chosen to this responsible post, and will begin
his official duties to-day (Monday.) The marquis is
young, but of great business habits. The railway com-
pany could not have chosen a more efficient party, and
every one who is at all acquainted with the marquis will
rejoice that he now occupies a position which he will be
able to manage with honour and integrity.

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER l2, 1858.

DONCASTER RACES.