The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-12 00:00:00

INDIA.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH postponed, until
Thursday, his question in reference to tho production of
a letter from the secret committee of •the Court of Di-
rectors of the East India Company to the Governor-
General of India, dated October, 1829, and giving
instructions as to .the line of operations. in any future
war with Ava.
THE MONEY. ORDER OFFICE.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE moved for a re-
turn of all the appointments of the presidents of
the money order offices in London, Dublin, and
Edinburgh, since the money order system be-
came officially connected with the Post-office, specify-
ing the appointments they had previously held in the
Postioffice, or in any other public department ; also,
two other returns in regard to the same depart-
ments. The noble earl took occasion to com-
plain of the appointment of Mr. Joseph Long to
the presidentship of the Dublin Money Order-office, that
gentleman, although previously unconnected with the
post-office, having been placed above other officers of
long service and experience, who, according to the ordi-
nary practice of the establishment, ought to have had a
preference. The noble earl also defended the course
which he had taken in appointing Mr. Frederick Hill, as
well as others to responsible and important offices.
The Earl of HARD WICKE stated that before making
the appointment referred to, he had made enquiry into
the condition of the money-order office, and there was
no precedent for selecting a clerk, or any one else con-
nected with the establishment.
Lord CANNING thought that there would be no
objection to produce the papers moved for. He was of
opinion, however, that it was prejudicial to appoint in
dividuals to reponsible positions who had little or no ac
quaintance with the routine. .
THE SIX-MILE-BRIDGE AFFRAY.

The Earl of CARDIGAN, in pursuance of notice,
rose to put a question to her Majesty's Government
with regard to the alleged prosecution of certain soldiers
for their conduct at Six-mile-bridge. The services re-
quired of the army were manifold, and extended over
the whole world ; most of those services were accom-
panied with danger ; and perhaps the least painful and
the least irksome were those of actual engagement in the
field, because they were then attended with glory.
There were other duties, not unattended with danger,
far more painful—for example, when the soldiers were
called upon to act against their own countrymen in
times of public disturbance. A duty which was peculiar
to the sister kingdom was that of attending voters at a
general election. In England, instead of being brought
to act, the soldiers, on the occasion of a general election
were sent to a distance from the place of polling; whereas
in Ireland the army was employed on all occasion in
supporting the authorities and preserving the public
peace. In his humble opinion that duty was one which
ought not to be required of the army ; at the same time
he was perfectly aware, from the disturbed state of the
sister country, it was difficult to say how a general elec.
tion could be got through without the assistance of the
military or of a force equally sufficient for the purpose.
But if they employed the troops in such a service, attended
with danger but with no credit or honour, and if in de-
fence of their lives they used their arms„ even at the
risk and with the necessary consequence of taking the
lives of others by whom they were attacked, he said the
Government was bound to support those troops, (Hear.)
Ho understood some soldiers belonging to an infantry
regiment were engaged in this kind of service at the last
general election in the county of Clare. The populace
were urged on by certain parties to the highest state of
rage and fury, and large bodies of men made a violent
attack on those soldiers. Their lives being exposed
to danger, they defended themselves, and fatal conse-

he believed it had been held by the highest legal quencei to some of their assailants followed. Now,
au-
thorities that when troops under arms were attacked,
they had a right to employ those arms in their defence.
Such being the case, he was surprised to hear that not
only were the Crown lawyers in Ireland going to prosecute
these soldiers, but were about to be sent down specially
by the Government for the purpose. He would be glad
to know,. if the Crown lawyers were going to prosecute
these soldiers because they defended themselves against
an infuriated populace, whether the Government would
furnish money for the defence ? That would be a most
extraordinary anomaly, and was therefore not probable.
He had heard it said it was just as well the soldiers
should be prosecuted by the Crown lawyers, because they
would fare no worse; but he thought such a doctrine
would not be intelligible to the men in her Majesty's
service; they would only understand that they would be
prosecuted for doing a justifiable act when on duty, and
by the greatest talent which the Crown could command.
He therefore begged to ask whether it was the fact that
the soldiers at Six-mile-bridge were about to be prose-
cuted by the Crown lawyers by the authority of the
Government; and whether, if so, how were the expenses
of the defence to be defrayed ? He would take the
liberty of adding, that he was credibly informed it was
the intention of her Majesty's late Government to bring
actions against those priests who excited the populace on
the occasion, and he should like to know if her Majesty's
present Government intended to take the same course?
The Earl of ABERDEEN : Nothing can be more
natural than the interest which the noble earl feels in
the fate of those persons whose case he has brought be-
fore your lordships' attention. I am sure the house
must respond to those feelings ; and certainly no one can
be more sensible than I am of the great pains and for-
bearance displayed by her Majesty's troops when em-
ployed in the most irksome and most painful service they
have to perform, in assisting in the preservation of the
public peace. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, the noble
earl's inquiry is somewhat premature. Only this day I
yet beenthat decidedo n the
received intimation from the Lord-Lieutenant that the
matter is under the consideration of the Irish Govern-
ment,
n.
yaon! hloartdneohisptee pwsmwhatever havee
recollect
verdict of the coroner's inquest on the murdered men,
the learned gentleman who lately filled the office of
Attorney-General in Ireland brought the case be-
fore the Court of Queen's Bench in Dublin,
and endeavoured to procure a decision which should
quash the verdict of the coroner's jury. Alter
fully considering the matter, the Court came to a una-
nimous decision that there were no grounds for that pro-
ceeding. In doing so, I make no doubt they were per-
fectly right ; and I understand the Court expressed an
opinion that it could only set aside the verdict upon
s
some informality or technicality on the face of the pro-
ceedings. That not being the case, the verdict was
allowed to stand undisturbed. If the case were so clear
eginusita lnt. The present
Attorney-General may still do so, for lam not prepared He might thus
h
as the noble earl represents it, and I amwnhoyt ddiisdpnosoetdthtoe
doubt it, for from every account I have received of the
transaction, the manner in which he describes it is per-
fleeactrinyedcorgreenctt—lembaunt, ifthtleie
law
we
officerwhere o
under the late Go-
TearnvemsetonPpeendt
thee p
enter at
proceedings
dai
nngoell as
tpr
theo s
to say what course the Irish Government may determine
On taking. As to the prosecution having been underta-
ken by the law officers of the Crown, that is a matter of
course in Ireland ; but the Attorney-General may at any
stage of the proceedings, by interfering on behalf of the
Crown, stop the further progress of the trial. lam sure
I do not know whether it will be considered right to pro-
ceed at all, but if it should, and if the case should be sent
for trial, the grand jury may ignore the bill, ani if so,
that would be an additional reason for the Attorney-
General exercising his power to stop further proceedings.
I am really unable to give any answer to the noble earl
as to the course intended to be pursued by the Irish Go-
vernment, because it is only to-day, as I have said, that
I heard from my noble friend at the head of the Irish
Government that the matter is still under consideration,
and that no decision has been come to on the subject.
The Earl of HARDWICKE—I am sure the noble
earl used a word which he did not intend when he spoke
of the people that were shot as being." murdered men."
Tho Earl of ABERDEEN—Oh ! I only meant they
were killed. (Laughter.)
Tho Earl of DERBY—I presume the noble earl in-
tends the same answer to apply to the other question
which was put to him by my noble friend with regard to
the prosecution of the priests, who certainly, according
to the published accounts, appear to have taken an ac-
tive part in the riot.
The Earl of ABERDEEN—The noble earl has anti-
cipated the answer I was about to give. The question
is also under the same consideration as the other.
THE LORD-LIEUTENANCY.
The Earl of CARDIGAN—I beg to give notice that
on Monday next I shall take the liberty of asking a
question of her Majesty's Government with regard to a
subject which was introduced by a noble lord_l hardly
know how to describe him—l suppose I must call him
the leader of the Government in the other house-
Lord COLCHESTER—The Foreign .Secretary.
Lord CARDIGAN—Oh, dm ho Ohl hold that