The Sun.
London, England, 1854-01-26 00:00:00

1N 'll+

THE EASTERN QUESTION.

(From the Times.)
Whatever answer may be returned by England and
France to the last communication of the Russian Go•
vernment, it is satisfactory to know that the language
of the Cabinets of London and Paris will be identically
the same. There is, in fact, no distinction to be drawn
between the position of the two countries. We have
sent our fleets together to follow and defend a certain
line of policy in the Black Sea. The intimation con-
veyed to the Russian Government of this our joint in-
tention was announced to the Ministers of the Emperor
in the same form and at the same time. The singular
and evasive reply which Russia appears to have given
to that intimation has also been communicated in the
same terms in London and in Paris, and in the same
terms the two Governments will, no doubt, agree to
avow and uphold the resolution they have taken.
This agreement forms an essential part of the sys-
item to which we are on both sides anxious to ad-
here, and although the result may be that some
slight delay will occur before Baron Brunow's
curiosity can be satisfied, yet, in taking this im-
portant step, it is desirable that the joint action of the
two Cabinets should be strictly preserved. The Russian
Government has asked for a further explanation of the
intentions with which our fleets have entered the Black
Sea. The Emperor of Russia appears even to have gone
so far as to admit their undoubted right to be there in a
position of. armed neutrality. But the future conduct
of the Russian Envoys will be regulated by the answer
given to this demand. We cannot anticipate the terms
of that answer, but, as to its spirit, there can, we' ap-
prehend, be no doubt on the mind of any man who has
watched the steady progress of events. England and
France have nothing to explain, for there is nothing
clandestine or obscure in the act now under considera-
tion. They have, on the contrary, everything to avow,
and, the more precise and public their avowal can be
made, the better will it serve the cause they have adopted.
The instructions given to the Admirals and executed by
the fleets at this very time are the answer of the allied
Governments. It would be disingenuous and unworthy
of two great nations to pretend that their fleets have
entered the Black Sea for purposes compatible with
strict neutrality, or even to impose a naval armistice on
the belligerents by restrictions equally affecting both
sides alike. The fleets have entered the Euxine because
the maritime Powers had long since promised to the
Porte their moral and material assistance in case of
necessity. The disaster of Sinope proved that without
that support even the coasts of Asia Minor were inse-
cure, and no reinforcements could be sent by sea to the
Turkish forces in Armenia. We therefore interfere to
protect these coasts, and to convoy the necessary rein-
forcements ; and, although no positive attack is contem-
plated at this time on the territories of the Russian Em-
pire, the admirals are empowered and directed to prevent
the maritime communications of the Russian arsenals.
Such is the avowed policy of the British and French Go-
vernments, and in that policy they will persevere, with-
out unnecessary violence or provocation, but also with.
out hesitation or weakness. Nothing is secret, nothing
is new, in the facts we are describing, and the expres-
sions we are using. They were perfectly well known to
the Emperor Nicholas and the Russian Cabinet before
the doubts which Baron Brunow has been instructed to
express could have occurred to any one. No conceal-
ment has been practised, no evasion resorted to ; in
three successive forms—from London, from Paris, and
from Sebastopol—the Emperor received the notice. If,
after this, he chooses to affect ignorance of our object,
such simplicity can be no more than a feint. We are
therefore led more strongly to the conclusion that his
only object has been to gain a little more time, or else
to give to the rupture which he has provoked a turn ap-
parently less unfavourable to the character of the ori-
ginal assailant.
We learn at the same time from our correspondent
at Berlin that another step of considerable interest has
been taken by the Emperor Nicholas. When the
last advices left St. Petersburg it was just ascertained
that Count Orloff had been commanded to proceed
to Vienna on a special mission, and that this Envoy
would be empowered to state on what terms the
Russian Government would be prepared to enter
into negotiations for peace. This move is evidently
intended to anticipate the effect of the ultimatum ad-
dressed to the Emperor by the Four Powers, and to
shift once more the basis of the negotiation—perhaps,
also, to endeavour to shake, as far as possible, the union
which has happily thus far prevailed between the Four
Powers. Count Orloff is a nobleman of the highest rank
in the Russian empire, enjoying the unbounded confi-
dence of the Emperor, and powerful enough to withstand
that sovereign even in his moments of excitement. It is
believed by those who are most conversant with the in-
ternal springs and agencies of the Russian Court, that,
upon tho whole, Count Orloff's influence throughout
these transactions has been moderate and pacific, and
that, in conjunction with Count Nesselrode, he has dis-
suaded the Emperor from adopting the more violent
courses which have been urged from other quarters.
The choice of such an Envoy Extraordinary to Vienna
at this time is a circumstance of considerable interest,
and it might be regarded as evincing less indisposition
on the part of Russia to treat than was attributed to her
a short time ago. But this mission is a continuation of
the evasive policy of which Baron Brunow's last com-
munication gave the first sign. The time is past, how-
ever, when such expedients as these can be practised
with success or tolerated with impunity. If the Empe-
ror of Russia is disposed to treat for peace, the prelimi-
naries accepted by Turkey and recommended by the Four
Powers are before him. It is in his power by a word to
stop the effusion of blood, and to remove the impending
evils of war; but if while he rejects these proposals he
endeavours to amuse us or to divide us by other diplo-
matic artifices, he is only attempting to make us the dupes
and victims of a palpabletrick. Another negotiation, ano-
ther reference to Constantinople, to be followed in all
probability by no result, would waste six weeks more of
the year, and the month of March would see the Rus-
sian Generals on the Danube at the head of overwhelm-
ing armies, ready to laugh at the credulity of the
Western Powers. Peace is offered to the Emperor of
Russia on fair and honourable terms ; let him accept
them if he desires peace. If not, the evils of a prolonged
state of suspense, during which Russia is accumulating
all her forces for the struggle, are more to be deprecated
than the evils of war. The purpose of Russia in endea-
vouring to gain a few weeks more time is obvious, but it
is our interest and our duty to oppose a more frank and
vigorous policy to her schemes, and no doubt the an-
swer of the Allied Powers to Baron Brunow and M. de
Kisseleff will be sufficiently firm and precise to put an
end to all uncertainty on our relative positions.

LONDOIN.T, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 26, 1854.