The Sun.
London, England, 1854-03-24 00:00:00

♦UDITORS.

Henry Adron, Esq. I Ralph W. Bishop, Esq.
Charles M'Culloch, Esq. I Henry Burnett, Esq.
SOLICITOB.B.—Messrs. Atkins and Andrew.

SECRETAB.T.—David Alison, Esq.
Paddington Local Board, 24, Connaught-terrace, Edgware-read.
The Rev. James Shergold Boone, Jas Harrington Lowther, Esq.
Charles Pemberton, Esq.
Captain Creed. George Y. Robson, Esq.
Roger Gadsden, Esq. W. H. Trinder, Esq.

SECRETART.—CharIes lloghton, Esq.
The Policies of this Company being indisputable (in terms of the
Deed of Constitution duly registered) are TRANSFERABLE SE-
CURITIES, their validity not being dependent, as in the case of or-
dinary Policies, upon the import of past, and perhaps forgotten cir-
cuinatances, and office documents, Used as FAMILY PROVI-
SIONS, they relieve the assured from all doubt and anxiety as to
the future
This is a purely MUTUAL SOCIETY, the profits being divided
amongst the Assured themselves. The following shows the large
and steadily prozreasive business the Company is now doing, and
has done during the last five years.
Sums Assured. New Premiums.
1849 .. .. •. .. £108,647 •.•-.. £4,364
1850........ 110.215 .... •• .. 3,974
1851. ••• • .• 127.488 4,438
1852 115,195 ...... • • 4,296
1853........ 123,093 ........ 4,532
RAILWAY LIFE ASSURANCE, BY ONE PAYMENT.
This Company grants policies to Members of their own Company,
assuring against death by railways. on payment of only one sum of
four shillings per cent. Thus, a person aged 30, who has an ordinary
Assurance with the Company for 1001., for which he pays 21. 4s. 11d.
annually, may have a railway policy for 1,0001. for one single pay-
ment of 405., payable in the event of his death by railway accident,
and in addition to the lOW. secured by the ordinary policy.
SELF-PROTECTING LIFE ASSURANCE.
This Company have introduced a plan of assurance, whereby the
following important advantages are secured by one policy :
1. The payment of a principal sum to the assured himself at a
specified age•
payment of a principal sum in the event of death, when-
ever 32..
TAhneann uity to commence at that age.
that may happen.
4. The fem hillbeedniesficotnotfinaulledsu. ms paid, although the premiums should
at any
5. Belief from the payment of premiums after a specified age.
6. Small periodical payments, so as to suit the convenience of the
assured
The premiums are made payable quarterly, half-yearly, or yearly ;
but by an arrangement with an agent, acting for the Company, they
may be paid weekly or monthly.
All these advantages are obtained by one policy, and there is no
sacrifice of any sum that has been paid, in case the party should not
continue his payments.
As an example, a person aged 25, by paying 14s. quarterly, will
secure 591. to himself on his attaining 60 years of age, and an an-
nuity of 101. on reaching that age; and in the event of his death
at any time (however soon 'hat may happen after he has made
the first payment), the 501 will be paid to his retresentatives.
By doublying the premium the sum assured will ha 1001, and the
annuity 201. If in place of fixing upon the age of 60, he should pre-
fer the age of b 5, the premium for an assurance of SOL, and an
annuity of 101., would be 31. 16s. 9d. yearly. As an example of
the effect of discontinuing to
Pay premiums, suppose a person aged
25 to take a self-protecting policy for 1001., and an annuity of
201., payable on attaining 60, and to continue the payment o f
premiums only until he reaches 35
years of age, in such case the
policy will remain effectual to the extent of 271. 4s. 6d and an
annuity of Si. Bs. 10d.

ALEX. ROBERTSON, Manager.
Lund9l3, 72, Lombard-street.

Although no authentic information has yet been
received of the Emperor of Russia's answer to the
ultimatum of the Western Powers, and the intelli-
gence published by several journals on this point
has been in anticipation of the event, several cir-
cumstances of comparatively minor importance
mark the steady and gradual progress of events to
that catastrophe which the passions and the ob-
stinacy of a single man have unhappily rendered
inevitable. The announcement contained in this
Journal that the Governments of England and
France had resolved to summon Russia to pledge
herself in six days to evacuate the Principalities,
on pain of a declaration of war, appears to have
reached St. Petersburg before the courier who was
the bearer of that message ; for, although we did
not publish the fact until after his departure from
this country, the circumstance that he was di-
rected to go by way of Vienna, and was slightly
detained there, caused him to be longer on the
road than the ordinary course of the post. It is
said, and not without probability, that the Empe-
ror Nicholas exclaimed, an learning the nature of
the communication addressed to him, that he could
answer it in six minutes as well as in six days ;
but we shall not be surprised to find that he has
availed himself of every pretext to gain time, and
we have reason to believe that considerable impe-
diments were offered to retard the journey of the
British courier on his way from Vienna to St. Pe-
tersburgh. The interval has been used by Russia
to increase and improve her preparations for de-
fence in the Baltic provinces and in Finland, while
she has exerted all her diplomatic influence, not
without some appearance of success, in Berlin and
Vienna.

Meanwhile, however, the fleets have been
steadily approaching their destination. Sir Charles
Napier having first conveyed his powerful squad-
ron to Wingo Sound, favoured by a south-west
wind, which took the ships to the coast of Sweden
in little more than 48 hours, has now arrived at
Copenhagen, where he landed at once to pay his
respects to the King of Denmark. It is probable
that ere this the whole fleet has entered the Baltic,
by the Belt or by the Sound, and we have infor-
mation that four French ships of the line, including
the Austerlitz, a screw-steamer of 100 guns, are on
their way from Toulon and Brest to join Admiral
Napier's flag. In the Black Sea the Retribution
and the Caton have been despatched to reconnoitre
the mouths of the Danube, and it is said to re-
move, if necessary by force, the obstacles which
the Russians have raised at Sulina to prevent the
exit of merchant vessels from the river. It is
difficult to conceive a greater abuse of the rights of
war than this attempt on the part of Russia to
obstruct entirely, at its mouth, the navigation of
one of the greatest rivers in Europe, not by
blockade, but by endeavouring to imprison be-
tween the banks of the Danube such neutral ves-
sels as may chance to be there, Russia herself
having previously given an assurance that the
neutral trade would not be molested in such vessels
as had not touched at Turkish ports. We shall
be happy to learn that among the first operations
undertaken by the combined fleets are the measures
required to re-open the. Danube, for nothing more
thoroughly characterises the long-cherished and
selfish designs of Russia than the artifices and cal-
culated neglect by which she has sought to choke
up the mouths of that great stream.
The correspondence and diplomatic communica-
tions between the German Powers have gone on
with extreme activity for the last,few days, and
Colonel Manteuffel; a relation of the Prussian
Minister, has been passing to and fro at express
speed between Berlin and Vienna, and even Munich.
But all this activity on the part of the Prussian
agents is in support of a passive and motionless
policy—this affected energy is the apology for ex-
treme weakness of purpose—these efforts are in-
tended to account for the absence of real and
timely exertions. All that is required to complete
the absurdity of such a position is a solemn
league and covenant between the German Powers,
binding themselves to do nothing. The demand
by the Prussian Government of a loan of 5,000,0001.
for military purposes has been referred to a
committee of twenty-one members of the Lower
Chamber, of whom sixi or eight belong to
the Liberal party ; and it s expected that, if the
Government seeks to obtain a unanimous vote in
favour of the measure, it must be more explicit
than it has hitherto been. If this large sum of
money be placed at the disposal of the Minister of
War, with no stronger engagement than that it is
to be used against the enemies of Germany, what
security has the country that these resources, which
have been raised under a pretence of neutrality,
will not be employed. for purposes even more con-
trary to the true desires and interests of the nation?
This policy is a faithful repetition of the disastrous
and dishonest system which Prussia commenced by
the Treaty of Basle and ended on the plains of
Jena. For ten years she succeeded, it is true, in
preserving her neutraliry during a European con-
test, in which Austria twice braved all the hostility
of France, and England only desisted for one short
interval from the efforts of war. But in that
interval Prussia had successively betrayed each
of her allies, and allied herself to each of her
enemies. She tendered her congratulations to
Napoleon after the battle of Austerlitz, and she
availed herself of the favour of France to seize
Hanover, which then formed part of the dominions
of the King of England. These shortsighted and
treacherous actions- were expiated on the field of
Jena, and Prussia learned by the defeat of her
army and the annihilation of her power that a
State which has withdrawn itself from the common

It is impossible to define beforehand, with any
degree of accuracy, the objects of the war. The
chief desire of the Allies is to secure the peace of
Europe against all future attempts at aggrandise-
ment on the part of Russia. The process of
encroachment on the territory of Turkey has been
going on for more than a century ; and the steps
by which it has been conducted are marked by
the various treaties and conventions which have,
from time to time, been imposed on the weaker
Poiver. It follows that one condition of a durable
peace must be the revision, if not the abolition,
of all the engagements which the Porte has
been compelled to contract with the Court of
St. Petersburg. The Western Powers would,
for the sake of peace, have induced their ally to
assent to the restoration of the status quo ante ;
but the failure of all negotiation leaves them fully
at liberty to resolve on the establishment of a
safer and more equitable system. Among other
necessary changes, the oppressive Protectorate over
Wallachia, Moldavia, and Servia, must be alto-
gether abolished. In the celebrated conversations
at St. Petersburg, the Emperor described those
Principalities as having already become dependen-
cies of Russia ; yet this supremacy was obtained
under colour of conventions by which, while the
Sultan retained the titular sovereignty of the Da-
nubian provinces, both Governments bound them-
selves to abstain rom interference with the inter-
nal administration. By the separate act annexed
to the Treaty of Adrianople, the local authorities
were permitted to institute a quarantine along the
left bank of the river. This stipulation was carried
into effect by the establishment of Russian police-
stations on the entire frontier ; and all intercourse,
either with Turkey or with foreign countries, was
systematically discouraged, while the development
of the national commerce was impeded by every
possible obstacle. Whatever arrangement may
hereafter be adopted with respect to the provinces
in question, it would be highly inexpedient to
renew treaties which have given rise to
abuses so grievous. The claims of Russia to
interfere in the affairs of Wallachia and Mol-
davia were originally founded on provisions very
similar in character to those which were contained
in the Menschikoff demands, and slightly modified
in the Vienna Note ; and as the war has arisen
from attempts to extend a local and qualified Pro-
tectorate to the whole Ottoman Empire, it will
evidently be prudent to abolish it with respect to
the territories in which it has hitherto been
established.

The designs of Russia have, however, been for-
warded by other means, no less insiduous and dan-
gerous than her attempts at meddling in the in-
ternal affairs of Turkey. It was considered by the
Czar quite as advantageous to urge friendship
and protection upon the Porte as to interfere
between the Sovereign and the subject. The
Christians of the Ottoman Empire have been
greatly in error if they have supposed that any re-
pugnance existed at St. Petersburg to the closest
alliance with the Sultan. In 1833, the cele-
brated Treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi bound the Em-
peror, at all times, and in whatever cause, to
place his whole forces at the service of the Porte ;
and the Turkish Government, in return, only con-
tracted the obligation to close the Dardanelles,
under all circumstances, to foreign ships of war.
In other words, the Sultan was induced to re-
nounce his claim to the support of Europe, and
especially of the Western Powers, and bound him-
self, on all occasions, to adopt the quarrels of his
overbearing ally. It was in the hope of isolating
Turkey by a separate arrangement of the same
kind, that the original Menschikoff convention was
drawn up ; and, on the condition of treating with
Russia alone, the Porte might have obtained terms
ostensibly more favourable than those which were
afterwards offered through the Conference of
Vienna. In 1853, as in 1833, the Emperor was
willing to reward so great and dangerous a conces-
sion by offering to employ all the forces at his dis-
posal in maintaining the Ottoman power.
It is impossible to judge whether compliance
with this proposal would have purchased a respite
from aggression. The Emperor Nicholas was as-
suring the English Minister at St. Petersburg that
Turkey was on the verge of dissolution, about
the same time that his Envoy was urging on the
acceptance of the Porte a guarantee against all do-
mestic or external attacks. Had that guarantee
been accepted, it is not improbable that the seizure
of Constantinople would eventually have taken
place, under the pretext of occupation by an
auxiliary force. The jealousy of Europe might
have been less dangerously excited by the cora=
mencement of the new Byzantine Empire under
colour of the Sultan's authority, than by avowed
projects of spoliation and conquest. Once estab-
lished on the shores of the Bosphorus, the Russian
armies would have had comparatively little
maintainingdiffi-
culty their position ; and the
Palacelm-
would have engrossed
pcuelrtiyalimn
ayorofthe
all the powers of Government before openly de-
claring that the dynasty of Othman had ceased to
reign. It is as a precaution against similar dangers
hereafter that the Porte has been required to
abstain from negotiating a separate peace with the
enemy.
No mere promises, whether contained in a treaty
or e
woatlh
oe otherwise,
Russian can
give any security against a re-
plots for the subversion of the
n
Ottoman empire. The intrigues which have never
been interrupted, except by periodical declarations
of war, will certainly be renewed on the restora-
tion of peace, unless material impediments are in-
terposed by the Great Powers. The statement in
the Moniteur, which appeared in our second edi-
tion yesterday, only confirms a suspicion which
had already been confidently entertained. The
rejection, by the English Government, of the Em-
peror's iniquitous proposals was it seems imme-
diately followed by efforts to effect the same object
by the aid of France ; and the " word of a gentle-
man" was almost simultaneously pledged, in Lon-
don, in Paris, and in Constantinople, to three
incompatible courses of action. It is highly pro-
bable that a further confidential statement
was, at the same time, made at Vienna.
The acquiescence of Prussia was taken for
granted, not, as it appears, without suffi-
cient reason. Whenever peace is restored, it will
be desirable, should it he found practicable, to
put an end to a kind of diplomatic activity which
has proved utterly inconsistent with the tranquil-
lity of Europe.
It may be thought premature, before the coin-
mencenient of hostilities, to discuss the conditions
, on which they may, at some indefinite period, be
discontinued ; but, in this instance, the terms of

c( ~uoiai

.

And so the " Western Powers" waver. Prussia
hedges and Austria boggles. We do not know
where to have them. They presume, forsooth, to
hold off—they " really do not know, I'm sure."
They would make themselves of importance by
emulating the ruse of those wiseacres who hide
their stupidity by the assumption of profound
dubiety. With them, even while " the front of
battle lours," it is an exercise in the rule—" Thinks
I to myself thinks I."
How now, ye curs, that like not peace nor war ?
The one affrights ye—the other makes ye proud.
He that should find ye foxes finds ye geese
Where lions, hares. I e are no surer, no,
Than live coals on the ice, or hailstones in the sun !
Do these great pipe-clay and blacking-brush Powers
really think that England and France are to be
played with by such poor, miserable devils as they
are ? Can it be possible they expect that we will
suffer them to become political Vicars of Bray,
and that we will consent to be fobbed off with the
scruples of their ragged conscience, so that they
-may turn against us should it suit their conve-
nience, and should an opportunity of striking
in be afforded by the state of the manceu-
vres of the armies on the Danube ? The King
of Prussia has long been known as the " muff"
of monarchs—the great Royal humbug of Eu-
rope, the trifle, the syllabub, the froth of poli-
tics, that always seems to be plain, palpable, tan-
gible, until you grasp it, when, presto, it is
nothing—" a king of shreds and patches !" It con-
cerns us all to be informed how these fellows are
now to be dealt with. Let us know at once what
we are about. " Under which king, Bezonian ?
Speak ! or die !" A neuter in the thick of a Euro-
pean war is as odious to both parties as a herma-
phrodite to both sexes. We can't have bomb-
shells and powder tumbrils lying about in the
blaze of battle, and marked " private—to be left
till called for." Are they to be thrown among
the enemy, or intended to explode among our-
selves—yea or nay ? We don't believe in neutrali-
ties. In politics the safe rule is—" He that is not
for us is against us." Let us tie up our points as
we go along. Downrightly we don't want their
help ; we care not a rush for their hostility ; what
we care about is, that we should not be btrayed
at the critical moment of the struggle by the open-
ing of a masked battery upon us, which we had
reckoned upon as friendly or as spiked. It has,
from the first, been, with all who have gravely
probed the question to the bottom, a very nice
point to determine whether we are not more em-
barrassed by the help than by the hostility of Aus-
tria and Prussia. The struggle between the prin-
,::iples of constitutional and absolute Governments
must be fought out at some not distant date in
_Europe. It is but as yesterday that the Austrian
rand Prussian people rose upon their tyrants, drove
them from their palaces and thrones, declared free con-
stitutions and representative Governments, beat the
Royal troops, and were only suppressed in the end by
the cheat of broken promises and the force of Russian
bayonets. That is an event aboutfive years old. The
German jails are even now crammed with its vic-
tims. The drumhead executions even now fertilise
the plains of the country with the blood of its
patriots. Here, and in Turkey, and America, are
tens of thousands of the men who fled from the
field, when " all was lost, save honour." Nicholas,
the unprincipled revolutionist and anarchist, even
now threatens to let loose Poland and Hungary,
Servia, Croatia, and Bosnia on the neutrals, as he
stirs up the Greeks against the Porte. Say Austria
and Prussia were to join us openly and cordially, it
is clear that we cannot play off Poland on Russia,
seeing our then allies have so large a portion of
Itbe former country as their share of the plunder ;
land it is equally evident that we must discourage
Hungary and Italy in their attempts to throw off
the yoke. Russia quashed, and Turkey saved,
what nearer are we to permanent order and tran-
quillity ? Poland will still hanker for her own.
I Hungary will turn to Russia for help, in despair
of ours. Italy will, like her Etna and Vesuvius,
rumble in continual threatenings of a submerging
lava. An entire unsettlement of Europe will be
sure to follow the withdrawal of Russia from effi-
cient sympathising with continental absolutism.
We had better settle the whole affair now, once
and for ever, by telling Austria and Prussia,
with all the explicitness which is natural to
the genius of the national character, that, if
they do not at once declare war against
Russia, we will declare war against them.
France alone could abolish them like smoke.
She has done it before, with far inferior resources
to those she at present possesses. Let the truth
be spoken. She did it even when we were on the
other side. She challenged all Europe—she over-
ran all continental Europe in spite of the united
armies of its crowned heads, subsidised by English
money, and backed by British bayonets. We are
only surprised that so great a people should grudge
us Trafalgar and Waterloo. Now we stand shoulder
to shoulder. The Cuirassiers and the Life Guards
—the Rifle Brigade and the Chasseurs de Vin-
cennes—have closed their ranks aide by side, not
face to face—who shall dare to stop their way, or
to challenge their onward march ? We repeat it.
Austria and Prussia are our Old Man of the Sea—
they burden rather than help and guide us. We
would rather have their room than their company.
We far prefer their hostility to their neutrality.
Their alliance gives us help we can do without, and
rather binds us to save them from their own people
—their antagonism leaves us free to liberate their
oppressed subjects, to make Hungary a republic,
to raise Poland into the position of a great king-
dom, a permanent bulwark against Russian ag-
gression, and to strike the fetters from the spirit
and from the limbs of Italy. Is it so certain that
this war will arrest the social progress of Russia ?
There is some soul of good in things evil. The
year 1815 found every State in Europe, par-
ticularly France and England—the two princi-
pal belligerents—richer, freer, more civilised,
based in foundations of more solid pro-
sperity than in the year 1783. Is the patriotism
of the Russians so very Czar-ward, and so blindly
rampant, as that her nobles and her serfs, her mer-
chants, and her tradesmen, will as freely waste
their blood and treasure at the will of a crazy bully,
to uphold a war of aggression upon a peaceable and
inoffensive neighbour, as they did to repel the un-
provoked invasion of Napoleon I. ? Our quarrel
is not with the Russian people. We may becomet
their liberators from a yoke that is intolerable—and
a Government whose rule is a dirty deception and
a paltry lie. We may raise them--open their eyes
—set them free—and convert the Muscovite from
the pest into the blessing of Europe. What reli-
ance can their Autocrat place upon his troops ?
Wby, even Circassia laughs at him and them. He
has been on the Danube for six months, like a
tinker hammering on a brass pan. What has he
done there ? Turkey alone has baffied—has beaten
him. As yet Omer Pacha watches him. What
will he do when the bayonets of the French con-
tingent glance in the Danube sun ? No. We
have, perhaps, been but too tolerant already of
protocols and negotiations ; let us tell Austria and
Prussia frankly, but flatly, like gentlemen, but also
like men of business, that to hesitate is to be lost,
and that we shall take either silence or neutrality
as a declaration of war. We dread them now.
They will be the marplot6 of the play if we will let

What was the matter with Mr. Gladstone on
Tuesday evening ? Usually a studiously courteous
debater, and, his friends assume, standing far
above Mr. Disraeli as a financier, he yet was un-
able to listen to a speech, not consisting of invec-
tive, but of plain facts and arguments, without
continually breaking in upon the speaker with un-
mannerly interruptions. The Times tries to apolo-
gise for the misbehaviour by averring that " the
one thing in which Mr. Disraeli has never failed
is the art and mystery of tormenting and annoying
his opponents." It adds "We doubt if any one has
carried the art of making himself unpleasant to
the same perfection as Mr. Disraeli."

These phrases " tormenting," " annoying," and
" making himself unpleasant," are only devices for
concealing the undoubted fact that Mr. Disraeli
has a power of inflicting punishment on those who
go astray second to none in our day—perhaps
second to none in any day. That it is very " un-
pleasant" to lie under the cat-o'-nine tails for half-
an-hour at a time we can easily believe. We never
heard of any criminal, whether school-boy, deserter,
or orchard-pilferer, who could regard the execu-
tioner of the law's behests as any other than a most
disagreeable sort of person. All impartial bystan-
ders, however, when they hear a Gladstone, or a
Gladstone-journal, maunder about Mr. Disraeli s
" making himself very unpleasant," will merely
reply " Of course you thought so, we could expect
nothing else ; no one ever liked a flogging."
We repeat, that the greater part of Mr. Disraeli's
speech of Tuesday evening was made up of a reca-
pitulation of facts ; and that Mr. Gladstone could
not sit patiently to hear it only showed that the
facts of the case-'were entirely against him. In
truth, no more Complete case of financial blundering
ever was made out. The funds continuously falling;
the bullion in the Bank diminishing week by week;
the Bank raising the rate of interest; a clear
prospect of a bad harvest ; and too much proba-
bility of a tremendous war ; such were the circum-
stances in which, about a twelvemonth. since, Mr.
Gladstone actually made the attempt to reduce the
interest on a portion of the national debt The
attempt naturally failed, and has cost, the nation a
considerable sum of money. For thiS lar. Glad-
stone may be excused. Other Finance IVtinisters
have erred, and have committed faults. But while
it is not to be wished that the fault should be
visited with severe punishment, it is part of Vie
proper duty of " her Majesty's oppositio'n" to point
out errors of this kind when they are made. Such
was the function discharged, under Lord 'Liver-
pool's Government, by the Tiernies,
,andspreeveys,
and Broughams of that day. And this'inuction is
an important one. Were it neglected, tlkOtt•arers
of the back Ministerial benches would InAst uPon
the infallibility of their loaders ; and would expect
the nation to receive with thankfulness whatever
measures, bad or good, they might vouchsafe to
give it.
But, besides vowing that Mr. Disraeli " makes
himself confoundedly unpleasant," the Mirlieterial-
ists have another fault to find with he
disapproves of Mr. Gladstone's financial di •
Yerf uens
of the year 1853, ,why
di .3 not he propi9se a, vote
of want of confidence," 't' e should
like to sec and
hear the grimaces and f4b,
'et 441. gs that would {9l-
- low the proposal pf 4ucli a vote at thO pre*erit xtio-
ment. " What, want to turn out the G°veraMent
just at the moment 'when the ;war is comment .4»
Such a thought would be deScribed, and not
justly described, IT
043 in si little short (-1
g Arepon
against the State" ,
ueldso
These critics do not mean to say that :Mr.-ilDis-
raeli ought to propose a vote of want of confichuioe.
Not one of them will dare to aver that therhave
any thought of the kind. Their reasoning is rather
this—" Since Mr. Disraeli does not mean to pro-
posea vote
„of want of confidence, he ought to hold
his tongue.
.I;ei r,s
We shall take the 11) erty utterly to deny this
assumption. We do not think that it would be a
graceful or a proper thing to try to throw out the
Government at this momentous crisis. We hold
that the Opposition adopt an honourable and pa-
triotic line of conduct in avoiding all contest for
place or power so long as the present critical circum-
stances of the country continue. But is this line
of conduct to be carried so far as to secure a perfect
immunity to Ministers, let them perpetrate what-
ever folly or impropriety the please Surely not.
The line must be drawn just where Mr. Disraeli
draws it. If Ministers do wrong they must abide
the just censure which their errors merit. The
mouths of'independent members of Parliament are
not to be closed merely because the country is go_
ing to war. But while speeches may be made and
criticisms indulged in, let no party struggle for
office take place until the present state of things
has passed away. We cannot quit this subject of
the contests of the rival Finance Ministors without
protesting, in the name of the whole free press of
London, against the disgusting servility displayed
by the principal Ministerial journal. To be pro.
perly understood, we must give at full length
the
rnrct 2 A`iaoll Vl9vb

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