The Sun.
London, England, 1854-06-24 00:00:00

EXTRAORDINARY MECHANICAL MODELS.

MR. BECK, Dentist, begs to call attention to
his Anatomical Models for developing the structure of Arti-
ficial Teeth, (true to nature and in full action for mastication and
articulation), fixed from one tooth to a complete set, as exhibited at
the Paris Exposition.
Singe Tooth, 10s : Set, 101. and 201.
*.* 47, Great Russell-street, opposite the British museum, London.

CONTRACT FOR IRON N aLS, &c.
Department of the Stot ekeeper General of the Navy,
Somerset-place, •23d June, 1854.
11HE Commissioners for Executing the Office of
Lord High Admiral of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland, DO HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, that on TUESDAY,
the 18ta July next, at One o'clock, they will be ready to treat
with such Persons as may be willing to Contract tor twelve
months certain, and afterwards until the expiration of sic months'
warning, for supplying her Majesty's several Dockyards with
IRON NAILS, TACKS, TENTER HOOKS, RIVETS, and BRAD 4.
Patterns may be seen, and a schedule form of the tender and con-
ditions of the contract obtained, at the said office. No tender will be
received after one o'clock on the day of trvaty, nor will any be noticed
unless the party at,ends, or an agent for him duly authorised in writ-

ing.
Every tender must be addressed to the Secretary of the Admiralty,
and bear in the left-hand corner the words " Tender for Nails," and
must a so be delivered at Somerset-place, accompanivd by a letter
signed by two responsible per-ons, enraging to become bound, with
the person tendering, in the sum of 2,0001., fur the due performance
of the contract.

LAURENT'S CASINO, ARGYLE Rooms,
(Lessee, CHAS. C. LAURENT, 011SlOW-house, FUlll3.lll.road),
—The above Rooms --are now OPEN FOR THE SEASON.
ant will continue open every evening, with LAURENT'S
CELEBRATED BAND. Constantinople Quadrille, Sultan Polka,
Fair Star Waltz, and Overlani Mail Gatop, by D'Albert ; also, by H.
La•trent , the following Waltzes La belle Frangaise, Leonora, Villi-
kins and his Dinah, Admission, Is. Doors open at halt-past 8.
Dancing to commence at 9 o'clock, and ter.ainate at half-past 11.

ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION.
Under the Patronage of EIR.II. PRINCE ALBERT.

The Pub is is respectfully informed that this Establishment is now
placed UNDER E., TIRELY NEW AI A.N..GEMENT, and that
alterations and imorovem-nts are in progress In all its departments,
whitth it is hoped will render it even more worthy of the patronage
`of the public than it has hitherto been.
All c. mmunications in future should be addressed to J. H. Pepper,
Esq., the Resident Director.
All the LECTURES, OPTICAL and other EXHIBITIONS, are
continued as usual.
',pen daily from Eleven till Five, and every Evening except Satur-
day from Seven tid Ten.
Admn.sion, Is. ; Schools and Children under ten years of age,
Half-price.

ARE YOU GOING TO THE HIGHLANDS
THIS SEASON ?
If so, you must visit the TARTAN and TWEED WAREHOUSE,
12, High-street, Inverness, where you will find the splendid speci-
mens of Highland Manufacture which rained the Prize Medal in the
Great Exhibition in Issl, and the INDUS TRY and ?RODUC [IONS
of the HIGHLANDS of SCOTLAND, and CLt tTHING of every
kind for DEER•ST k LIVING, GROUSE-',HOOTING, and for Ladies
and Gentlemen TOUR [,TS' Wear, with an unrivalled selection of
Plaids, Shawls, and Ladies' Tartans, Tweed,, and Linsey Woolseys,
&c., &c. D. MACDOUGALL.
Inverness.

M'D. and all his Patterns may be seen at 19A, Golden-square,
London, from 2 to 6 o'clock, until Ist July.

REPRESENTATION of the CITY of LON-
DON.—The r.pre.entatives of the City are generally expected
to be acquainted with its condition and institutions, to be willing to
take a share n the ousiness of the Legislature, and anxious to ad-
vance the interests of the country and its colonies. But who have
long represented the city, country, and colonies in their business in-
to eats and resources ? E. MosEs and Soli 1 Who have studied
their commerce and have gratified the wishes of all classes?
Who are always returned by overwhelming majorities ? E. MOSES
and Soli. It is their only ambition to represent, in the most efficient
manner, the various stations in societr by the most suitable, artistic,
and seas sable attire. To do that with the greatest care, despatch, •
and economy, they have engaged in enterprises which have no pa-
rallel. The tape and the claims of .he world's constituency thy
fully understand, and no amoant of business wearies their energies,
or relaxes their activity. +Vhatever t rofeisions they make they are
ready on all i ecasions to fulfil. Their attire for the summer season
exhibits a very unusual degree of variety in materials, talent, design,
and superiority of workmanship ; and to order or ready made may
be obtained at their City or West-end establishments, at the most
economical prices.
Dress for juveniles and young gentlemen coming home for the holt-
days is best obtained at E. Mons and Sox's. It has the advantage
of being more fashionable, comfortable, elegant, and durable than any
offered elsewhere. Hosiery goods, the richest and most useful—Hats
and Caps, the newest styles and most comfortable wear—Boots and
Shoes, which cannot be equalled—may be procured at E. Moms and
Sox's, at considerably lower charges than are customarily made.
The largest wholesale Clothing. Shirt, and Boot and Shoe depart-
ment in the world is at the establishment of E. MosEs and SON.
C AUTION.—E. MOSES and SON regret having to guard the
pahl c against imposition, having learned that the untradesman-like
falseh od of " Being connected with their Establishment," or " It's
the same concern," has been resorted to in many instances, ami. for
obvious reasons, they beg to state that they have
No CONNEXION WITH ANT OTHER. HOUSE IN OR OUT OF LONDON,
except their own Establishments, as follows :
Lnndon City Establishment, 154, 155. 156, and 157, 3finories, 84,
85, and 86, Aldgate, opposite the Church, all communicating.
London West-end Branch, 506, 507, 508, New Oxford-street, 1,2,
and 3, Hart-street, all commuicating.
Bradford (Yorkshire) Branch, 19 and 20, Bridge-street.
Sheffield Branch, 35. Fargate.
Colonial Wholesale Branch, Melbourne, Australia.
Merchant Tailors Clothiers, Hatters, Hosiers, Furriers, Boot and
Shoe Makers, and General Outfitters for Ladies and Gentlemen.
IMPORTANT.—ShouId any article not give satisfaction, it will be
exchanged if desired, or, if preferred, the money will 'be returned
without hesitation. All goods are marked in plain figures, the lowest
price, from which no abatement can be made.
The Establishments are closed from sunset on Fridays to sunset
on Saturdays, when business is resumed till 12 o'clock.
A new Book, with illustrations, entitled" The Echo of Public Opi-
nion," containing lull lists of prices, our system of self-measure-
ment, &c., &c., may be had on application, or post-free.
Ica l'on parte Francais. Qui si parla Itallano.
Hier spricht man Deutsch. Aqua sa labia Espano

THE PENINSULAR MAIL.—SOUTHAMPTON, Friday.•
The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steam-ship
Tagus, Captain John K. Joy, arrived this day at five
o'clock, and landed mails from the following places, in
charge of Lieut. Tickell, R.N., Admiralty agent. Tier
dates of sailing were—Gibraltar, June 14 ; Cadiz, June
15 ; Lisbon, June 19 ; Oporto, June 20 ; Vigo, June
20. The freight of the Tagus consists of 4 packages of
specie (in value 5551.), 98 boxes of eggs, 166 half-chests
of oranges, 270 boxes of potatoes, 20 boxes of onions,
and 11 packages of sundries. Ship observed on the
voy age ; June 19, passed off the Burlings the Brazilian
screw steamer Mege, bound to the southward. The
Egyptian Government steamer Tyarsand and the Ma-
hones and Frankfort left Gibraltar on the 13th for the
East, and the Calpe for the west. Her Majesty's steam
frigates Tribune and Harpy also left during the night
for the East. The screw steamer Danube arrived from
Trieste on the 13th ; also the Liverpool and Mediterra-
nean Steam Company's screw steamer Tiber arrived out
from Liverpool on the IBth. During the homeward
voyage of the Tagus the sum of 151. was collected on
board amongst the officers and pa ssengers towards the
relief of the unfortunate seamen who formerly belonged
to the ill-fated ship Europa.
THE LAW OF PARTNERSHIP.—The first report was
published yesterday, and is adverse to any removal of
the present restriction against the right of forming part-
nerships of limited liability. It is signed, however, by
only five of the eight members of whom the commission
was composed, the opinions of the remainder being given
in an appendix.
[ADVERTISEMENT.] Her Majesty's Royal Letters
Patent, for valuable and extraordinary improvements in
the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race-
course, Opera, and Perspective Glasses, to know the dis-
tances of objects viewed through them—of great impor-
tance to the army, navy, and others. Messrs. S. and B.
Solomons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly.
Observe—opposite the York Hotel.—These telescopes pos-
sess such extraordinary powers that some 3i inches, with
an extra eye-piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons,
Saturn's ring, and the double stars ; with the same tele-
scope can be seen a person's countenance three miles
and a half distant, and an object from 12 to 14 miles.
They are of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers
accordingly.— The Royal Exhibition, 1851.—Valuable,
newly-invented, very small, powerful waistcoat-pocket
glass the size of a walnut, by which a person can bo seen
and known I,i mile distant ; they answer every purpose
on the race-course, and at the opera-houses, country sce-
nery, and ships are clearly seer at 12 to 14 miles. They
are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to
sportsmen, gentlemen, gamekeepers, and tourists. Opera,
race-course, camp, and perspective glasses, with wonderful
power ; an object can be clearly seen from 10 to 12 miles
distant. Newly-invented Spectacles ; immediately they
are placed before extremely imperfect Vision, every
object becomes clear and distinct ; the most aged, de-
fective sight is brought to its youthful, natural, and ori-
ginal state. Deafness—New Discovery—The Organic Vi
brator, an extraordinary powerful, small, newly-invented
instrument, for Deafness, entirely different from all others,
~anything of the kind that has been, or pro-
-r can he, produced. Being of the same
tboabsulyrpaesys
colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it enables deaf
persons to hear distinctly at church and at public as-
semblies ; the unpleasant sensation of singing noises in the
ears is entirely removed ; and it affords all the assistance
that possibly could be desired. —39, Albemarle-street, Pic-
cadilly, Observe, opposite the York aQtel,

(Front the Daily Hews.)
Mr Layard, last night, having intimated that be will
on Thursday next move a resolution to the effect that the
language recently held by Lord Aberdeen in the House
of Lords is of a nature to disturb the public mind on the
subject of the war, and lessen the prospect of an hcinour-
able and durable peace, the noble President of the Coun-
cil rose—in the same hot haste, in which Sidney Smith
was wont sneeringly to allege that he would take com-
mand of the Channel fleet,—to declare that precedence
would be given on Thursday to the motion. A feature
in Lord John Russell's character is the chivalrous
promptitude with which he on all occasions rises in sup-
port of a colleague who may be attacked. There are
men who can be leagued in office with others for a life-
time, and yet in the event of any attack being made upon
them, pause to calculate how their own position is likely
to be thereby affected ere they hasten to the rescue ; if
indeed they do not, as Rochefoucauld has it, betray
something like pleasure at the mishaps of their "best
friends." There is no such temporising in Lord John's
disposition ; a colleague in a scrape is sure of assistance
from him. Even the excessive indulgence of such a dis-
position is a fault that leans to the side of virtue ; and
yet, regard being had to its consequences, it may be
occasionally a grave fault in a statesman notwithstand-
ing. The peremptory haste with which Lord John last
night rushed forward to lift the gauntlet thrown down
by Mr. Layard is calculated to excite uneasy misgivings.
It is to be hoped that between this and Thursday cool
reflection will have enabled Lord John to recollect that
in his position other duties devolve upon him than to
champion a l'outrct2lee any blundering or offending
colleague. Lord John is at thiq moment the chief
member of the Ministry to whon4 the anti-Russian
party look with confidence : it is his presence in the
Cabinet that supports the hopes of true Englishmen
when depressed by the anile twaddle of the Premier.
It is a duty Lord John owes to the Government of
which he is a member, to his country, and to the great
cause in support of which the country is now putting
forth its military strength, to beware of doing anything
that can compromise his character in this respect. Let
him on Thursday, if he likes, make out as good a case
for the Cabinet as he can ; but let him beware of com-
mitting himself to all the follies of his chief.
The language indulged in by Lord Aberdeen, in the
debate on Lord Lyndhurst's motion, admits of no ex-
cuse. It was a laboured eulogium pronounced upon a
lawless despot with whom the country is now at war,
by the Minister to whom the conduct of that war has
been entrusted—it was a vindication of the shuffling
policy of which Austria is more than suspected —the
policy of affecting to join. in the pursuit of the Czar in
order to gain an opportunity of retarding his pursuers
and favouring his escape. If Lord Aberdeen really en-
tertains the opinion of the Emperor of Russia, and of
that monarch's conduct in the Turco-Russian difficulties,
which his lordship expressed in the debate on Lord
Lyndhurst's motion, it is disgraceful in him to occupy
the high post lie now holds. If Lord Aberdeen really
holds these opinions, he ought to be opposed to the war
in which we are engaged ; and, being so opposed, he
ought to have resigned as soon as the Cabinet resolved
to wage war. If Lord Aberdeen really approves of the
hollow and equivocating policy by which Austria seeks
to assist the Czar to escape scatheless from the scrape
into which he has run himself, the presumption is that
he will exert all his official power and influence to pro-
mote that policy—that, in other words, he will try to
thwart the national resolve which has decreed that the
Czar shall be so effectually punished as to secure Europe
from a repitition of his offence. If Lord Aberdeen's words
are anything more than empty wind he is on the very verge
of existence, directing a war of which he disapproves, for
the merely selfi,h purpose of retaining his grasp of power
—and he is as false to his country as to his own consci-
ence, inasmuch as he is watching for an opportunity to
befriend the Czar in violation of the trust repose(' in him
by the country. On the assumption that Lord Aberdeen
sincerely and earnestly meant what his words imply, he
is all that has been here said of him ; on the assumption
that lie did not mean what his words imply, the man who
could expose himself by meaningless and discreditable
talk, in Parliament, when a weighty and animatine-
question was under discussion, must have reached the
period of life at which it is dangerous to entrust men
with the management of business. At a perilous crisis
like the present, it is not to be tolerated that the reins
of government should be left in the hands of one who is
either a traitor or a dotard.

A rather curious scene was witnessed in the House of
Lords last night, which it is not easy to dissociate from
Mr. Layard's notice of motion. At a time when some
other business, or no business, was on hand— when cer-
tainly none of the noble lords present were speaking of
Russia and matters therewith connected—possibly none
of them thinking of such matters, Lord Aberdeen sud-
denly rose—visibly in a state of anxious excitement—and
gave notice that on Monday next he would move for the
production of the despatch formerly addressed by him to
the Russian Government on the subject of the treaty
of Adrianople. As this incident occurred but a short
time after Mr. Layard had given notice of his
Thursday's motion, in the House of Commons—and
as the care taken by Ministers, in either House of Par-
liament, to have early intelligence of anything said
or done in the other that affects them personally is
well known—this intimation on the part of Lord
Aberdeen looks very like a preparation to make an
anticipatory defence before his accuser can be heard.
Such precipitancy looks marvellously like a conscience
ill at ease, or at the least like a consciousness of a totter-
ing tenure of office. What on earth has this antiquated
despatch to do with the question of Lord Aberdeen's
present sayings and doings in relation to the present
war ? Granted that Lord Aberdeen felt and judged the
conduct of Russia in the treaty of Adrianople like a
gentleman and statesman—can that be any extenuation
of his imbecile folly in extenuating its rapacity and
falsehood of the last two years- of his special pleading
to allow it to escape with as light a penalty as possible ?
To every charge of vacillation, insincerity, or incapacity
in his conduct as Premier in relation to the present
war, Lord Aberdeen has never had more than one
answer : ,"At the time of the treaty of Adrianople I
wrote a despatch so anti-Russian that it would make
your hair stand on end could you but read it." This is
the same plea that one sometime hears advanced for
the mitigation of the punishment of a convict—that
though the delinquent has certainly been proved guilty
of a heinous offence, yet he was virtuous (or appeared
to be so) many years ago. The plea: is uniformly
scouted in the case of the convict. Will it avail the
Premier ?

( From the Morning Herald of yesterday.)
Let us earnestly hop e that the speech delivered by
Lord Aberdeen in the House of Lords on Monday night
will not escape the attention of any person who is anxi-
ous for the honour of England. It will be remembered
that the speech upon which we comment Is the speech
of the Premier—of the man supposed peculiarly to
possess the confidence of the Crown—of the man whose
advice is supposed to come to the Crown with most
authority and weight ; who has, of all her Ministers,
the readiest access to the Sovereign, and who is the
general medium of communication between the Cabinet
and the Queen. Every man who will read the speech,
and who understands what the interests of England
now demand, will be satisfied that those interests are
not safe while the speaker of this speech retains the po-
.

sition which he now fills.
We ask the attention of every Englishman to this
subject. It is not one of politics or of party. It is one
coming direct to that which is dear to us all—the honour
and the character of our country. On Monday night
the venerable fiord Lyndhurst called the attention of
the peers of England to the present dangerous position
of the Russian question. In doing so he pointed out,
with a force and power marvellous in any man—in a
man of his years miraculous—the aggressive policy which
had marked the Russian dynasty for a century at least.
For doing this he was rebuked by the Premier—if it be
right to apply the term rebuke to the silly impertinence
with which, by Lord Aberdeen, this great man was as-
sailed. He was charged by the Queen's first Minister
with pronouncing a philippic against Russia. It was
actually true, that in the British House of Peers a
nobleman, of mature age and sane mind, did make it a
charge, a matter of accusation, against Lord Lyndhurst,
that he had delivered a " philippic against Russia."
Lord Aberdeen, however, assigned a reason for this
singular accusation. The philippic, said this choice de-
fender of the national honour, was out of place, because
we are at war with Russia ! One would have thought
that this was just the reason why it was an act of pa-
triotis,m and loyalty in Lord Lyndhurst to employ his
great powers in proving that his own Sovereign was in
the right, and his Sovereign's enemy in the wrong—that
this was just the reason why he did good service in ex-
citing the spirit of the country to vigorous and deter-
mined resistance to Russia. But Lord Aberdeen thinks
and says that it is improper, after we are at war, to
stimulate the people of this country against Russia. We
must quote the very words of Lord Aberdeen to verify
a statement that is almost incredible. Thus did the
Premier of England comment upon one of the most
powerful arguments ever addressed to any assembly to
establish that the war in which we are engaged is just
and necessary. These are the words of the First Mi-
nister of the Crown :
" I think that the speech of my noble and learned friend
would have been somewhat more appropriate three months
ago than it is at the present moment. At that time it
might, perhaps, have been necessary to have stimulated
the antagonism and the martial feelings of the people of
this country against a power with which we were not yet
at war. But having become engaged in a war with Russia,
I think it was not requisite to indulge in that eloquent
and protracted philippic which he addressed to the house
in detailing the policy of the Russian Government for
many years past. My noble and learned friend reminds
me on this occasion of an occurrence which took place some
25 years ago. I had the pleasure of making him known to
the French ambassador of that day—a man of lively ima-
gination and much wit—and that personage afterwards
said to me, in reference to my noble and learned friend,
who had then occupied the woolsack, Chancellor, do you
call him ? surely he must be a colonel of dragoons !' (Hear,
and laughter.) Now, I think that the speech of my noble
and learned friend was calculated to recall that military
ardour which he was thus formerly supposed to have pos-
sessed. But most happy am Ito see that he still retains
, his vigour and his rental energy (renewed cries of ' bar,

We pass by, as utterly unworthy of notice, the stupid
attempt at wit which found its ponderous ebullition in
the repetition of a joke of some man of wit, with whom
Lord Aberdeen gravely assures us he was once ac-
quainted. Upon such a point Lord Aberdeen is at last
safe from a retort ; no one ever will mistake his lordship
for a colonel of dragoons, or for any other character that
requires either courage or manhood.
But let us seriously ask, is this state of things to con-
tinue ? Here we have the Prime Minister asserting, in
the House of Peers, that a philippic against Russia is a
grave offence ; that to excite the military ardour of the
people is indecorous and improper. Is it not a waste of
words to ask whether such a man is fit to preside over
our councils when we are engaged in a war in which it
may be—nay, in which it is—necessary to mite all the
military ardour of the nation in defence of its liberties
and rights ?
This is the speech of a friend of Russia. The words
involve an accusation of little less than treason. But
who, but a friend of Russia, would now complain of
attacks upon the policy of that power ? Who, but a
traitor to England, deprecate and sneer at arguments
which establish that the cause of resistance to Russia is
the cause of human freedom ?
The sneer was as absurd as it was impertinent. Lord
Lyndhurst was deprecating the attempt to patch up a
peace with Russia without exacting securities for the
future. To this, the object of his speech, every one of
his arguments were directly relevant. He showed .the
necessity of such securities by exposing the constant and
invariable policy of Russia to be one aiming at the sub-
jugation of continental Europe.
Now, we cannot help thinking that it is just because
it did demonstrate this, that Lord Aberdeen denounced
the speech of Lord Lyndhurst as inopportune. We are
quite suie that Lord Aberdeen not only contemplates,
but is pledged, to a peace which will not exact from
Russia securities for the future. Let any man, if he
can, assign any other reason for the condemnation of
the speech of Lord Lyndhurst—a speech of which the
only fault could be that it conclusively established their
necessity.

But upon this subject we are not left to conjecture.
Lord Aberdeen distinctly told the British House of Lords
that he did not believe the success of the enterprise of
Nicholas would endanger the security of Europe. Again
we must quote his words. After stating the usual cant
about the "integrity and independence of the Porte,"
he proceeded to observe that Ministers would endeavour
to obtain "so far as reasonable (!) what is called (! !)
the security of Europe." But here are his words :
" All I can say is this, that at all times we shall direct our
efforts to the obtaining of the great objects which we have
in view—the security, the integrity, and the independence
of the Porte, and, as far as is reasonable what is called
the security of Europe, which, however, I cannot say I
feel is very much endangered by the chance of the success
of Russian aggression. Let me remind my noble and
learned friend, that even by that disastrous treaty of Ad-
rianople, to which he has referred—a treaty signed when
the Russian troops were within 50 miles of Constantinople
me remind him that even by that treaty, most one-
rous and most disastrous as I admit it to have been, Russia
made no fresh acquisition of Turkish territory. (Marks of
dissent.) I know that Russia acquired two or three small
posts in Asia by the treaty, but she did not gain one inch
of territory in Europe. ( ' The Danube,' from a noble
lord.) There is the case of the Danube, no doubt. I have
already said in this house that I believe nobody has de-
scribed the treaty of Adrianople as more disastrous than I
have done myself. But I say, that considering the position
of the Russian army, almost at the gates of Constantinople,
that was a treaty which certainly did not show any great
desire for territorial aobgrand.' gement. And what has hap-
pened since? That treaty was signed 25 years ago; and
since that time has Russia acquired a single inch of
Turkish territory ?—has Russia been engaged in any hos-
tilities at all with Turkey ? None in the world. The
only interference Russia had with Turkey was to save the
existence of the Turkish empire, by sending 4 Russian
army to CJnstautinople to protect it against the Egyptian
invasion. That is all that has happened since the treaty of
Adrianople. Now, give me leave to say that the treaty of
Adrianople was signed 25 years ago, and no war, no aggres-
sion, has taken place • but, on the other hand, signal
has been rendereiLby Russia to Turkey. I think that
if we can secure the same result for 25 years to come we
shall not do amiss, and that, I believe, is the object
which we ought to have in view."
We have quoted this passage at length. It gives the
people of England fair notice of the treason that exists
in the very bosom of the Cabinet.
The Prime Minister has explicitly declared that he
does not believe the attempt of Russia upon Turkey to
involve the security of Europe.
That he does not believe in the necessity of exacting
conditions of peace which will give us any guarantee for
the future.

That he does not believe that "we will do amiss"—
these are the very words—if we end this war by a
treaty like that of Adrianople, which Russia dictated
at the gates of Constantinople.
On the contrary, he has explicitly said that this is
"the object we all should have in view.
These statements have been authoritatively made by
the Prime Minister, in his place in the House of Peers.
We ask of Lord John Russell, does he assent to them
as a declaration of Ministerial policy? We ask, are
these his conditions of " a just, a solid, and an honour-
able peace?" We ask of Lord Palmerston, does be
believe that the aggressions of Russia threaten no danger
to the security of Europe ? We ask of both these
statesmen, can they with honour serve under Lord
Aberdeen, and abhor, as in their hearts and souls they
do, the language in which he, as Prime Minister, has
announced the policy of Government.
We ask a greater question of the people of these
countries---How long will they endure the utterer of
these traitorous sentiments 'at the head of the councils
of the Queen ?
The speech of Lord Aberdeen has not the merit of
originality ; it is a paraphrase, and a clumsy one, of
one of the dispatches of Count Nesselrode, in which the
Russian statesman attempts to prove the very point
which Lord Aberdeen labours to establish—that Russia

has no designs upon Turkey inconsistent with " what
is called the security of Europe." He uses in that dis-
patch exactly the same arguments which on Monday
night were addressed by Lord Aberdeen to the House of
Lords. Had Count Nesselrode been a peer of Great
Britain, he would have made exactly the speech which,
in his absence, was pronounced for him by his friend and
ally, Lord Aberdeen.

( From the Daily News of yesterday.)
Lord Dudley Stuart asks for copies of the Serbian
protest against the occupation of the Serbian territory
by Austrian troops, and of the Austro-Prussian conven-
tion, with its additional article. The request is most
opportune. In good time is the attention of the House
of Commons called to the fact that there are nationali-
ties as well as governments on the continent of Europe ;
and to no hands could the task of thus directing. its
attention be more appropriately confided than to him
who has so long, so disinterestedly, and so consistently,
been the advocate and champion of the down trodden
nationalities of Europe. The independent nationality
of the Ottoman Empire has been endangered by
Muscovite aggression, and the combined might
of France and England has been put forth, though rather
tardily, to prevent Turkey being added to the list of ex-
tinguished nations—to Poland, Hungary, and Italy ; but
,ittle will have been gained for humanity if all the exer-
tions of the Western Powers in the Black Sea and the
Baltic are to have no more worthy result than the occu-
pation of the Danubian Provinces by Austria instead of
Russia. It may be said that Austria will be a more
humane foreign administrator than Russia— though this
is a point on which those who have studied the vice-
regal or proconsular history of Austria, from the,days of
Gesler to those of Radetzki, may be allowed to remain
sceptical—but that is not the question. It is, whether
the sovereign and subjects in each independent state
shall be left to adjust their own relations free from foreign
interference, or whether sonic foreign despot shall be
allowed to obtrude his unwi,hed-for services as third's-
man between them and domineer over both 1 This is
what the Emperor of Russia claimed to do when he
assorted a right to act as arbiter and umpire in all dis-
cussions which might arise between the Sultan and his
subjects of the Greek Church. This monstrous claim
has been indignantly repudiated by France and Eng-
land ; but where will be the gain if Austria is allowed to
occupy the Principalities out of which Russia is driven
—if Russia is prevented from assailing the nationality of
Turkey by storm or the sap, merely to leave Austria free
scope to perform the feat ? The sovereignty of the Sul-
tan over his Danubian provinces may be weakened or
destroyed by one or other of two agencies ; it may be
overthrown by popular discontent from within ; or it
may be overthrown by foreign machinations from with-
out. In the former case no foreigners can have any
right to interfere ; sovereign and subject make up
the complex idea of a state, and this internal structure
of a state is the affair exclusively of the parties who rear
it. If the Sultan is anxious to perpetuate his power in
the valley of the Danube, and can do so by his own in-
ternal resources, no foreign state or government has a
right to prevent him. On the other hand, if the popu-
lations of the valley of the Danube are tired of the
mastery of the Sultan, and upset his throne by their
own efforts, that too is their affair, with which no fo-
reigners have any title to intermeddle. But when a
neighbour Sovereign seeks, by superior force, to intrude
himself between the Sultan and his subjects in the val-
ley of the Danube --be that sovereign of the House of
Romanoff or Hapsburg, it matters not—it is the right
and the duty of the other states or nations of Europe
to prevent him ;--for what is the fate of Turkey one
day may be their own the next.
The speech delivered in the House of Peers by the
Earl of Aberdeen, apropos of Lord Lyndhurst's motion,
proves that the duty of asserting the cause of nationali-
ties against governments cannot at this moment be too
earnestly or too unremittingly exercised. It is clear
from that speech that at the head of the Cabinet we have
a disciple of Metternich, the most unscrupulous cham-
pion of the cause of governments against nationalities.
Forty-two years, with all their varied and stirring inci-
dents, have passed over Lord Aberdeen and left him
exactly as they found him. He is a venerable political
fossil imbedded in the slimy deposits of 1812, alien alike
in form and substance to the politics of the present
day. In 1312 the Emperor of Russia and Metter-
Mch (for the Austrian monarchs have been mere pup.

pets in the hands of the latter) were: by the instinct
of self-preservation, driven to fight the battle of national
independence in Europe against the first Napoleon. But
no sooner was Napoleon overthrown—less by their hos-
tile efforts than by the defection of the European peoples
—than the Emperor of Russia and Metternich changed
sides, and became the most inveterate enemies of inde-
pendent nationality in. Europe. Metternich and two
successive Russian Emperors have devoted all their
energies to the crushing of "nationality" in Europe.
No means of accomplishing their object have been
too base for them to grasp at. The deliberate and pal-
pable lies by which Nicholas has within these few months
shocked the moral sense of Europe, are not grosser than
those to which Metternich had recourse in 1822 to black en
the characters of the • constitutionalists of Germany.
Since 1815 the Russian Emperors and Metternich have
been the relentless foes and persecutors of those inde-
pendent nationalities of which, for a few short months—
in the period of their adversity—they affected to be the
champions. Yet Lord Aberdeen—not c intented with
his previous puling eulogiums of the Czar—took upon
him, in the debate raised by Lord Lyndhurst, to main-
tain that the professions of Austria are worthy of credit
and reliance, because they are inspired by Metternich !
—by Metternich, whose whole career has proved him
destitute of the sagacity which taught Talleyrand that
diplomatic falsehoods injured only those who uttered
them—by Metternich who has sowed lies broadcast
round him during his whole career. Since Lord Aber-
deen has shown himself so besotted as still to pin his
faith to Metternich, it becomes more and more incum-
bent upon Englishmen to be ever wakeful to avert the
danger of England being entangled in the trammels of
some insidious treaty, and led cs,ptive to fight for govern-
ments against nationalities. When Ministers proclaim,
with unction and emphasis, that the task at present on
hand is simply to repel the aggressions of Russia and
secure the independence of the Ottoman State, they pro-
claim a part of the truth. The re-adjustment of the
political balance between nationalities and governments
in Europe is not yet on the tapir, and it is not therefore
for practical statesmen—for men in office—to deal with
it. But no man of average common sense can fail to see
that this wider question is about to emerge out of the
special controversy between Russia and Turkey, Turn
where we will we see new indications rising up. The eager-
ness of Austria to purchase, by feigned compliance, the
sanction of France and England to the permanent extinc-
tion of Italian and Hungarian nationality; the ominous con-
vulsive movements in fettered body of Poland ; nay,
the puny attempts of the little kinglets of Germany to
assert their Lilliputian dignities against the offensively
coarse dictatorial language of Austria and Prussia—all
point to what is coming. It is not for the Governments
of France and England to act or speak prematurely.
Time will mature events better than Cabinets can ; but
it is for the publics of France, and England, and of all
Europe, to fix their thoughts on the great events that
are impending, in order that when the time comes, they
may be able-to acquit themselves like men ; and it is for
the journalist, untrammelled by the responsibilities of
office or the formalities of etiquette, to act up to his
high vocation by inviting his fellow-citizens to such pre-
paratory studies.