The Sun.
London, England, 1854-01-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 26, 1854.

REFORM MEETING AT MANCHESTER. remonstrance ;he did not want to prejudge them, and ,
though he was not in the habit of praising Ministers, he
On Tuesday evening a meeting of the leading Lib erals believed Lord Aberdeen and his colleagues had hitherto
of Lancashire, numbering in all about 250 gentle ,men, exerted themselves to the utmost to preserve the peace
took place at Manchester. There were on the pis mem of the world. He must say he was astonished at the
Mr. George Wilson (chairman), Mr. Cobden, M.P., position some portion of the Liberal press had taken on
Mr. Bright, M.P., Mr. Milner Gibson, M.P Mr. this subject. They had not hesitated to enter the palace
Cheetham, M.P., Mr. Kershaw, M.P., Mr. William of the Sovereign (here the whole meeting rose to their
r feet and cheered vehemently for several minutes), for the
Brown, M.P., Mr. Miall, M.P., Mr. James Heywood,
M.P., Mr. Barnes, M.P., Alderman Watkins, Mr. Purpose, not of defending the constitution, but of exciting
Alexander Henry, Mr. Mark Philips, Mr. L. Heyworth, the people to rush headlong into war. He turned with
pleasure to other topics, which were of great importance
M.P., Mr. William Rawson, Mr. Henry Ashworth,
to the people of this country. On the question of reform
Mr. Thomas Bazley, Alderman Barnes, Sir Elkanah
Armitage, &c. he was in favour of extending the borough franchise at
After speeches from the chairman and Mr. Milner least as Lord John Russell proposed in 1852. As to a
51. franchise with ratiag, which in Manchester would be
Gibson,
about a 71. franchise, the great advantage of such a
Mr. COBDEN spoke at great length, referring to
course would be to admit the intelligent and frugal por-
various topics. He said :—We must not take the fact
tion of the working classes to the suffrage, and thus give
of a few thousand men—and probably, after all, but a
them a platform where they would meet on terms of
few thousand lads and lasses—having gone wrong upon
equality with their employers, which was the best way
a question of political economy, as a proof that the
oil reconciling class differences between the two parties.
great mass of the community could not be trusted. If
He expressed himself against the plan which had been
that rule is to obtain, I am afraid our disfranchisement
proposed for representing minorities by having three
must be wide indeed. If all those who have not yet
members. He was satisfied that members worked better
mastered all the problems of political economy are not
for their constituents and for the community when all
to have votes, I am afraid we must begin by disfran-
the members for one place voted one way. He con-
chising Bucks and Dorsetshire. I was very much struck
the other day, whilst reading the life of Lord Jeffrey, eluded by stating that, though he might be called un-
with a letter which he wrote, dated August 24, 1810, at patriotic in the views he had expressed, yet he loved
a time when you here were suffering extreme distress, his country, and it was his fervent prayer that she might
ride secure in all the majesty of goodness and of great-
and when great disaffection and tumult were manifested
ness, unharmed by the insolence of faction, and unim-
by the labouring Population. Ile says, " Our present
I paired by the storms of time. (Cheers.)
radical evil is the excess of our productive power, the
want of demand for our manufactures and industry,
or, in other words, the excess of our population ; and
for this I am afraid there is no radical remedy but
starving out the surplus, horrible as it is." Now,
recollecting that this was his deliberate opinion, and
that it went to justify all the breaking of machinery,
and all the riots and tumults to put down the accuniu.•
lation of capital that was going on—remembering this,
should it not make us a little tolerant towards a body
of working men—limited in number and sadly neglected
in point of education, who have not arrived at all the
hidden and secret causes which decide the relative Cr.
rangements between capital and labour. (Cheers.)
Alluding to a pamphlet he published in 1835, Mr.
Cobden said—That pamphlet, from beginning to end,
expressed these views :—Don't go to war to maintain
the independence and integrity of America. America is
the only rival you have to fear in England. Barbarism
will not overturn civilisation in these days. With our
improvements in machinery and the discovery of gun-
powder, there will never be another irruption of the
Goths. My arguments went to show that Turkey was
a decaying country ; that, for 150 years before, all the
authorities that could be obtained pronounced it to be a
declining and decaying country. Well, that crisis of
the Eastern question blew over. There are now the
same instruments at work, and the same arguments

METROPOITAN COMMISSION OF SEWERS.

A special general court of the Metropolitan Commis-
sion of Sewers was held yesterday morning at the Spread
Eagle Hotel, High-street, Wandsworth, for the purpose
of hearing appeals and for transacting such other mat-
ters of urgency as might require immediate attention.
The commissioners present were Mr. Richard Jebh
(chairman), Mr. George Spencer Smith, and Mr. Thos.
Hawes.

used, and we are called upon again, just as we were in
1835, to maintain the independence and integrity of the
Turkish empire. But we are called upon to do more—
we are called upon to make war against Russia. These
are two distinct questions. Our hostility to Russia,
and a determination to keep Russia within her present
boundaries, is a distinct question ; and whether you
will maintain the Turks or Mahomedanism as a per--
manent rule in Europe. You might if you liked look
at the map and say, " There is Russia ; we will make
war against you if you remove those marks which
now form your boundary upon the map." You
might make that declaration, and I do not say it
is impossible you could accomplish your object ;
but you might go to war for it, and of this I am
certain that it would be more possible to do that
than by any process of war or diplomacy to main-
tain Turkey as a ruling power permanently in Europe.
Englishmen are nowhere more popular—nowhere do
they exercise a more social sway than they do in Russia.
You will find at St. Petersburgh 30 or 40 English houses,
great mercantile establishments, by far the most in-
fluential body of merchants to be found in any part of
Europe—for our merchants have been declining as a
body, in numbers as well as in wealth and influence, in all
parts except St. Petersburgh. But there is no hostility
in Russia towards Englishmen. They meet with no
such thing. There is an English club at St. Petersburgh,
founded on our principles, called the English club, and
conducted after the manner of your club in Mozeley-
street. Their horse-racing is an imitation of ours in
England. You can hardly go into a nobleman's family
in Russia., but you find the children given in charge to
English nurses, and I do not know a titter compliment
that can be paid to you as a, nation. Now I defy any.
body to bring forward a single fact to show that there
exists a national prejudice ea the part of Russia against
England. I might shock you if I were to add that there
is something in the social organisation of Russia that

resembles that of England more than any other country
in Europe, because Russia and England aro the only
two countries where you find, on the one hand, elevated
to an inaccessible altitude, the Demidoffs or Potemkins
in the one country, Sutherlands and Bedfords in the
other, and where you have about them as an agricultural
population a peasantry entirely divorced from the soil,
and between whom and the nobles there is an impassable
gulf over which they can never tread. Russia is
making an unjust aggression upon a neighbouring
state—(cheers)—and upon that question of the injus.
tice of the Government of Russia towards the Go-
vernment of Turkey there are no two opinions in this
country. If you ask me what my opinion of the con-
duct of the Russian Government or the Russian
Czar towards the government of Turkey is, I will say
that it is unjust, aggressive, unreasonable, and insolent.
But if you ask me to go further, and to transfer that ex-
pression of opinion upon the conduct of Russia into an
act by which I shall assume to myself the right and the
power to chastise Russia because she is unjust and inso-
lent to her next neighbour, then I say you have shifted
your ground completely, and must show me, first of all,
that I, as an Englishman, am invested with the power
and responsibility of acting as a policeman all over the
civilised world. But I say it is a question of interest.
You are afraid that if Russia comes to Turkey and gets
possession of Constantinople, she will become a great
maritime power, will absorb all the influence of the
Mediterranean, and' will become dangerous to England.
Very well. How will Russia, when she gets possession
of Constantinople, acquire all the power ? Constantino-
ple itself will not give this power, or what have the
Turks been doing for the last 400 years ? How is it that
that country has sunk to a state of miserable decrepitude,
not capable of protecting its own frontier, or even of de-
fending itself against its own satraps ? Why is it ? Why
if Russia is to gain this power and influence at Constan-
tinople, and become a great maritime power, it can only
be by encouraging commerce and increasing her wealth
through the means of manufactures and industry. Mer-
chant vessels will not sail ready rigged and manned
down the Wolga and Danube because Russia possesses
this territory. She must have a merchant navy like all
other nsions—Like the Venetians, the Americans, and
the Vrglish ; she dust have industlyand energy, and ac-
cumeate wealth through her commercial energy and the
skill and intelligence of her artizans ; and before she can
do this, she must cease to be a barbarous power. But
I defy her to increase her wealth or commerce from I
Constantinople, but through her commerce with you
more than with any other nation. How has America
become so great, but by sending so many ships to the
ports in this country ; and the same process must go on
with regard to Russia. When Russia shall have arrived
at that state of civilisation she will have given a bond of
peace that will not go forth to devastate the world, she
will have something at home that will give a hostage for
her conduct to the civilised world. A country cannot
become great, and rich, and powerful,
and remain still
a barbarous and dreaded nation. Lord Aberdeen knows
what those foolish people who shout for war at our pub-
lic meetings do not know. He knows all the dangers
and vicissitudes that spring out of war. He knows that
when a war is once begun, the beginning of strife is like
the letting out of water. He knows that scarcely in an
instance on record has the end of a war answered the
purpose of its beginning. It 'may appear to be some-
what of levity to use such a simile, but I compare it to
a person leading off in a ball ; he knows whose partner
he is when he begins, but does not know who will be
his partner at the end of the dance. Lord Aberdeen
knows that at the beginning of the great French war in
1793 we had every government in Europe with us, and
he knows that in ten years afterwards we had almost
every government in Europe against us. H knows that
the very subsidies we granted to our allies on the Con-
tinent were converted into ammunition and accoutre-
ments, and used in opposition to ourselves. Lord Aber-
deen knows that when war had existed for six or twelve
months, the silly people who now cry out for war will
be the first to turn about and denounce him for having
brought distress and suffering upon them. He knows
very well that if he accedes to their hostile shout and
enters into a war against Russia, that it ceases to be a
war between two semi-barbarians in an almost inacces-
umes European dimensions,
and insurrection, and pro•
,t part of Europe.
IQ speech much resembled
3 ..e also objected
the Eas He wished the
.emselves on the question to

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

BAIL COURT.-JAN. 25.
EX PARTE CALDWELL-HABEAS CORPUS.

Mr. Parry moved for a rule nisi for a habeas corpus to
bring up the body of the daughter, aged four years, •f
Joseph Caldwell, on whose behalf he applied. It ap-
peared from the affidavits that the child had been taken
from his custody by his wife and her mother. On the
20th June, 1852, he was residing with his wife and
child, and being about to leave home to attend a mar-
ket, he shook hands with his wife, who seemed to be on
friendly terms with him, but during his absence she left
the house, taking the child with her. This was the fifth
time she had left him since their marriage, in April,
1849, without any lawful excuse. He stated that he
did not know where she now lived, although he believed
that she was induced to remain away from him by im-
proper influence, and was cohabiting with some other
person to him unknown. His wife had taken from him
at different times money, amounting altogether to 2001.
He was anxious to have his child returned to him, as he
was afraid her prospects would be injured by her being
kept from him.
The learned judge granted a rule nisi.
EX PARTE CHARLES HARRISON IN RE THE INHABITANTS
OF TREVIN, WILTS.

case with a serious judgment, and he therefore pro-
nounced a judgment of 14 calendar months.

IN RE GEORGE LE CREU.

In this case Mr. Dowse opposed, and took an objec-
tion to the petition. The insolvent had an office in
Copthall-court, which he took as a stock and share
broker. He dated his letters from that place, but had
omitted it in his schedule. He had petitioned as a non-
trader, and should have petitioned as a trader owing
more than 3001.

The court ordered the petition to be dismissed.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.

Mr. Scotland moved for a rule for a mandamus, com-
manding the surveyors of Trevin to pay to Charles
Harrison the costs of a proceeding instituted to compel
the inhabitants of Trevin to repair a highway. It was
admitted that 721. Bs. was due to him, and an order had
been made for its payment ; but the answer was that
there were no funds. He applied under the 95th section
of the sth and 6th Wm. IV. c. 50, which provided that
the surveyors should pay costs of this description out of
a rate to be levied in pursuance of that act.
Rule nisi granted.

COURT OF COMMON PLEAS.
ALLSOP V. BRITTAIN.-INTERPLEADEE ISSUE.

This was an interpleader issue, directed to try whether
certain property seized by the sheriff on an execution
against James Johnson belonged to the plaintiff. The
property was seized at a coffee house in Blackfriars-
road. At the trial before Mr. Justice Talfourd, at the
last sittings for Middlesex, the jury found for the plain-
tiff as to all that part of the furniture which she pos-
sessed when she left Chelsea, and for the defendant as
to the rest. Upon this finding, his lordship gave the
defendant leave to move to enter the verdict for himself.

MANSION-HOUSE.-- William Crake, a man about
50 years of age, was brought before the Lord Mayor, by
Brett, a detective officer, upon a charge of obtaining by
false pretences various small sums of money from his
employer, Mr. J. Walker, corrugated iron manufacturer,
Arthur-street West.

Mr. R. Stapp stated that he was clerk to the prose-
cutor, who was at present completing a contract at
Gravesend, and that the prisoner was there employed as
superintendent of the works, one of his duties being to
pay the workmen their wages. On the 6th instant, the
witness, having received from the prisoner a written
statement of wages which he alleged to be due to the
workmen, on the following day he sent by a clerk, named
Leary, 20/., for the purpose of paying them.
Mr. W. Leary, clerk to the prosecutor, proved that
he received 201. from the last witness, which he handed
over to the prisoner at Gravesend, in accordance with
the written statement forwarded by him to the rosecutor.
W. Hotchkiss, foreman of the prosecutor's works at
Gravesend, stated that his wages for the week ending
the 7th instant amounted to 335., and that the prisoner
had only paid him 255.
In answer to a question by the Lord Mayor, the pro-
secutor stated that if the prisoner was remanded for a
few days he had no doubt that he should have fresh
cases of fraud to bring against him.

The Lord Mayor said he should remand the prisoner
till Monday, but would accept bail for his appearance,
himself in 1001., and two sureties of 50/. each, with
twenty-four hours' notice.
Richard Nash, head cellarman to Mr. Garrett, wine
merchant, Old Jewry, was placed at the bar on a charge
of stealing two bottles of pale brandy belonging to his
master.

It appeared from the evidence of Webb and Bassett,
two detective officers, that as they were walking in
King William-street last night they noticed that the
prisoner's pockets were very bulky. After following
him a short distance, they asked him what he had in
them, when he replied nothing. He, however, soon
afterwards admitted that he had stolen two bottles of
brandy, and begged to be allowed to go.
The property was identified by one of Mr. Garrett's
clerks.
The Lord Mayor sentenced the prisoner two months'
imprisonment with hard labour.

Mr. Parry now moved pursuant to this leave, and
submitted that the plaintiff had not made out her case
that all the property was her's, and therefore the de-
fendant was entitled to the verdict. At all events, it
was contended that there must be a new trial, for the
finding of the jury furnished the court with no means
of saying for what amount a verdict for the plaintiff
should be entered, for they could not know the value of
the furniture possessed by the plaintiff at Chelsea.
The court granted a rule nisi for a new trial.

GUILDHALL.—Wm. Saunders Couch, a buyer in
the employ of Messrs. Waterlow, of London-wall, was
brought up charged with the following robbery.
Mr. Sidney Hedley Waterlow said the prisoner was
in his and his brother's employ, and it was a part of his
duty to check the petty cash and certify the correctness
of the entries therein, but in other respects he acted
generally as their buyer. In consequence of certain
entries in the petty cash that we could not understand
we discovered that the prisoner had been abstracting
money from the till and falsifying the entries in the
petty cash, and on being accused of it he admitted his
guilt.
Mr. Alfred James Waterlow produced the petty cash
book, and referred to an entry dated "Oct. 13th, 1853
—freight paid per Marlborough, 4/. 3s. 6d.," to which
was attached the prisoner's initials certifying the accu-
racy of the item. No such payment had been paid by
the prisoner or any one else on the prosecutors' account.
There was another item, " Nov. Bth. Freight paid per
Duck, 3/. 155., W. S. C." which payment was made by
the prisoner for goods obtained of Messrs. Mordan and
Co., of the City-road, in the prosecutors' names and
shipped on his own account without their knowledge.
Ho ordered them to be sent to the London Docks, and
put his own name and mark upon them at the time of
shipping them. The prosecutors had since paid Messrs.
Mordan and Company for those goods. Witness
asked prisoner to explain the items he had alluded
to, but he only said, "he could not do it for it was
very wrong, and the devil had tempted him to take
the money." Witness could not tell the extent of the
robbery, because the prisoner had a general authority
to buy on their account to the amount of from 1,500/.
to 2,0001. per month, and they had always paid every-
thing to his signature.
Alderman Finnis said it was very important to the
public as well as the prosecutors, that the case should
be fully investigated, as the prisoner's depredations had
been carried on in such a peculiar manner, and might
extend to a much larger amount than the prosecutors
appeared to expect.
Mr. Waterlow said he asked the prisoner if, on re
ceiving the remittance from abroad for the goods shipped
on his own account, he intended to have handed it over
to them, and his reply was that he did not.
Mr. Sidney H. Waterlow said he hoped the alder-
man would not allow the officers to search the prisoner's
apartments as his wife was on the eve of her confine-
ment,
unnecessarily,re
aract yrndoftihr
Finnicwereorg tt e.o bay.
ine
udtuhnsnde sohttheebsrhee
prosecutorsvl de ntohte
hadbr
ee
wawas harassedevinced
any
d
much kind consideration for the prisoner, but they must
not allow their sympathy to interfere with the duty
they owed to society, and whatever search might be
deemed requisite by the officers, the prosecutors might
rely upon its being conducted with all the delicacy due
to the situation of the unfortuuate wife of the prisoner.
The prisoner was then remanded.

BO W-STREET.—Michael Orragon, driver of the
Westminster omnibus 7,014, and Joseph Waddell,
driver of the Royal Blue No. 6,973 were summoned
before Mr. Henry for furious driving.
The charge was preferred by the Rev. Mr. Randolph,
of Coulsden Rectory, Surrey, who stated that he was
the only inside passenger of the first defendant's omni-
bus on Saturday afternoon last, when, on reaching the
Strand, he drove on his horses at such a furious pace as
to excite considerable apprehension in his mind of some
dangerous result. He soon perceived that the secosd
defendant was endeavouring to pass Orragon, and both
were proceeding at the rate of about twelve miles an
hour. Not liking to remain in the omnibus under the
circumstances, witness desired the conductor to put
him out, and the vehicle was stopped in a few seconds
for that purpose. At the same moment witness ob-
served that the other defendant's omnibus was brought
to a stand also, and from the number of persons who
assembled near it, witness had reason to believe that
some accident had occurred.
The defendants were represented by Mr. Wontner,
but Orragon admitted that Waddell was attempting to
pass him, although both disputed the pace.
Mr. Henry, after thanking the rev, complainant for
the trouble which he had taken in the matter on public
grounds, fined the defendants respectively 30s. and 405.,
and costs.

SOUTH WARK.— /ohm, Finigin was oharged with
cruelly beating Ellen Finigin, his wife.
The complainant, a middle-aged female, whose features
were scarcely discernible from the lacerated and swollen
state of her face, said that she had been married to the
prisoner about four years, and had two children by
him. They resided in Chapel-court, High-street, South-
wark, and until within these last twelve months they
lived very comfortable. On the previous day he went
out to work, and between 12 and 1 that morning he re-
turned home drunk, and immediately commenced
abusing her. She, however, took no notice of him, but
placed before him his supper, and sat down. He then
abused her again, and struck her a violent blow across
the face with the back of his hand, which caused blood
to flow. She then attempted to make her escape by the
door, but he jumped up and locked it. He then knocked
her down, and kicked her over the head and body until
she became insensible. Had not some of the lodgers
called the police she believed he would have murdered
her. _ _

Mr. Combe—has your husband ever beat you before ?
Complainant—Oh yes, sir, frequently ; but I did not
like to complain, as I thought he would alter.
Defendant—f am a paste-board maker, and hard work
it is. I worked late last night, and when I returned
home and had my supper she commenced abusing me,
saying that I kept company with prostitutes, and had
been to the theatre with one. That so exasperated me
that I hardly know what I did.
Complainant denied abusing or exasperating her hus-
band. On Monday she dressed herself to go to the
theatre with him, when he suddenly changed his mind
and refused to take her, stating that she was not fine
enough for him, and there were other women better
looking. She merely told him she did not want to quarrel,
when he knocked her down and beat her in that cruel
manner. She could not get away from him, as he locked
the door. Her face was scratched, both eyes blackened,
and her thighs and body were covered with bruises.
The prisoner, who began to fear the result of his
cowardly violence towards his unoffending wife, here
said that he was quite willing to allow her a separate
maintenance if the charge was withdrawn.
Mr. Combo --What, after you have nearly murdered
her ? No, you must suffer six months' hard labour in
the House of Correction before you can talk of that.
Prisoner—l hope you will not send me there, your
worship. What will become of my children ?
Mr. Combo—You are a worthless cowardly fellow,
and I sentence you to six months hard labour. Your
wife and children will be taken care of.

THE REPRESENTATION OF CHATHAM.—The Liberal
portion of the electors of Chatham have invited Admiral
Sir James Stirling, the newly-appointed commander-in-
chief on the India and China station, to a public dinner,
which is to take place to-morrow evening. Sir James
contested unsuccessfully the borough at the last election,
and was to have been again brought forward in the event
of Captain Vernon being found not to be duly returned.
Mr. Romaine is now named as the Liberal candidate

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UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE AND THE
BALLOT IN GENE VA.-LETTER 11.

(Front the Norfolk News.)
SlR,—Permit me to resume, in this communication,
the topic to which my last letter referred. I endea-
voured, in that letter, to give your readers some idea of
a Genevese election by universal suffrage and by ballot;
and to show that democratic institutions work, in seve-

ral respects at least, more smoothly here than our sys-
tem of restricted and open voting works in England. I
think this point is fully established. And if such be
the fact—if it be indeed true that universal suffrage and
vote by ballot tend more than any other electoral ma-
chinery to give a true, a deliberate, an uncorrupt, and a
patriotic expression of public opinion, whether tried on
a small scale at Geneva, or on a gigantic scale in Ame-
rica, it cannot be unimportant or uninteresting for Eng-
lishmen, now engaged in plans of reform, to consider
well this fact, and the evidence by which it is supported.
But it will be said again and again—ls it safe to make
every man a voter? Will you trust the fortunes of the
State to the idle, the ignorant, and the criminal part of
the population? The answer is obvious. Universal
suffrage, though it emancipates the dregs of the
population, and thus does much to better both
their moral and material condition, does not give
them, while they remain dregs„ any atom of
political power. On the contrary, it deprives them of
their only force, the force of discontent, by removing
every inequality, and thus removing every real cause of
complaint ; while it drowns the voice of the dangerous
part of the people in that of the majority. If, indeed,
the majority be dangerous, the democratic system will
not prevent ruin. But neither will any other system :
least of all the despotic, which leads inevitably to revo-
lution, and thus to the most destructive :form of demo-
cracy. Every representative system supposes what is
borne out by every page of history, that public opinion
is the best and safest basis of government ; and the only
question that remains is, whether the voice of the majo-
rity is the true expression of public opinion. I think
that all the evidence is in favour of this conclusion.
Universal suffrage and the ballot-box have always given
utterance to the predominant opinion of the place where,
and of the time when, they were employed, not to the
ignorance of this, or the prejudice of that section of the
community. And by predominant opinion, I mean not
the opinion of mere numbers, but the opinion of what-
ever is strongest in the country—of wealth, of intelli-
gence, of enterprise, of public spirit, of all that goes to
make a nation powerful, prosperous, and respected.
Public opinion, indeed, is not always in the right, but it
is more likely to be so than the private notions of an
aristocracy, or of an autocrat. It is for practical pur-
poses the best opinion, and universal suffrage by secret
voting is the best way by which this opinion can be dis-
covered and declared.
Such is the conclusion which I think would he de-
duced by every impartial observer of the working of
complete representation in Geneva. And there are
some reasons why the example of this Canton may be
especially worthy of note. When the advantages of the
American electoral system are quoted, the answer is
always ready :—Oh ! America is a very large country, a
very new country, a country without an Established
Church, and without an aristocracy. Now, Geneva is
the very opposite of all this. It is a very small country
--it is an old country, quite as old as England, it has an
aristocracy and an Established Church. It c?tnnot,
indeed, be compared with England in many particulars ;
and no doubt ingenious objectors will be found to urge
that, though universal suffrage and the ballot may be
safe for a very big nation like America, and for a very
diminutive nation like Geneva, they may be quite unfit
for a moderate sized nation like that of Great Britain
and Ireland. I shall content myself with the observa-
tion that what has been found to suit the largest and
the least commonwealth, is not very likely to be unsuit-
able to a commonwealth just half way between the two,
and then proceed to establish the case, so far relates to
the miniature republic wherein it has been of late my
lot to dwell.
I have spoken of the election ; of an election without
noise—without drunkenness—without any notorious
bribery or intimidation ;—of an election which has satis-
fied not only the Ultra-democrats, but the Conservatives
also :—of an election which, beyond all doubt, is the
national voice :—of an election in which the victors con-
quered, and the beaten yielded with dignity :—of an
election, in short, such as an election should be, and as
different as possible from what it too often is in Eng-
land. It only remains for me to show that the new in-
stitutions work well, not merely in electoral crises, but
in the every-day affairs of the State. A glance at the
general appearance of Geneva will suffice for this pur-
pose.
Look first at the rural districts. When the traveller,
after a weary journey in a French diligence, through a
comparatively uninteresting country, at last reaches the
top of the Jura, and, suddenly, turning a corner, sees at
a glance the whole of the Canton at his feet, he beholds,
indeed, what no forms of Government can give or take
away. The blue lake, and the everlasting mountains
which are round about it, would make the situation of
Geneva a paradise—though Geneva had never been,
though man had never tradden this happy valley. But,
besides the indescribable beauty of a landscape, almost
unparalleled on earth for loviiness and grandeur, there
are features which impart a human interest to the scene.
The whole region is a garden. The road is everywhere
embowered with trees which stand in the hedgerows of
fields, rich by nature, more rich by cultivation. But
what is this, half-mansion, half-cottage, which stands by
the road side, covered with clustering rose bushes, and
peeping through the shrubs of a well-ordered pleasure
ground, where apple-trees and acacias, cabbages, and
choice flowers, a charming medley of use and ornament,
strive together for the mastery ? Is it a philosopher's
hermitage ? Is it a lover's Elysium ? Is it a refined
citizen's retreat ? Is it the realization of a poet's dream ?
It can hardly be any of these, for lo ! here is another
and another. The whole country is thickly studded
with them. There are the farmers' houses, standing but
a few hundred yards apart from each other. This fact
alone is conclusive in favour of the prosperity, moral and
material, of the district ; for it is a rule without exception
that the land_ is a good land where the soil is moderately
subdivided, and where there is a numerous and wealthy
middle class of proprietors. In such a land, though of
course, some poor will even here be always found, no
artificial, no excessive, no irremediable poverty will exist.
Where there are many substantial yeomen there will al-
ways be employmentfor the laborer ; and where the able-
bodied labourer is sure of employment, the casual pau-
perism, resulting from sickness or old age, finds an ade-
quate resource in the benevolence of the neighbourhood.
Such seems to be the case in the rural district of Geneva.
The population is healthy and happy-looking. No
wretchedness, no beggars, no union-houses are to be
seen. Moreover, the neatness of the buildings, the
goodness of the roads, the decent attire of all classes,
and the decorated air of the whole scene are unmis-
takeable indications of something better than merely a
sufficiency of food, drink, and clothing. It is impossi-
ble to walk ten yards in the Canton without feeling a
persuasion, which subsequent investigation will abun-
dantly confirm, that the people are educated and intelli-
gent in no common degree.
The town is worthy to be the metropolis of such a
district, in all respects but one. It has every merit but
that of beauty. Perhaps no city, except Naples and
Constantinople, enjoys a finer site ; but, certainly, no
city has turned a good position to such poor account.
Those, however, who deem the interests of humanity
more valuable than scenic effect, will pardon Geneva
her narrow streets, her mean public buildings, and even
the perverted ingenuity by which her architects have
contrived to exclude almost all view of the lake. "Hand-
some is that handsome does," as we say in England, and
certainly the good doings of Geneva abundantly ex-
cuse her want of good looks. Work ! work ! every-
where. The town seems the very temple of industry.
Masons, carpenters, and painters by hundreds, and all
busy : new mansions, new hotels, new quays, new
churches, new hospitals, new roads, in short, a new
town outside the old one : within the usual allowance of
shop-keeping in general, and more than the usual allow-
ance of Watchmaking in particular. Horology is the
staple of Geneva, and this branch of trade has never been
in so prosperous a state. The manufacturers, I under-
stand, cannot execute all the orders they receive. As
might be expected, therefore, the town wears a cheerful
appearance. One singularity, occasioned by the abun-
dance of employment and good wages, of Geneva is, an
extraordinary proportion of young people, drawn thither
from all the surrounding country. All, however, whe-
ther young or old, seem to be usefully end happily em-
ployed ; all look as though they were able to earn a fair
day's wages for a fair day's work. There is no misery,
no mendicancy. And, best of all, there is, on every
hand, evidence of an educated, a moral, an intelligent,
and an independent population. There is obviously con-
fidence, for capital abounds and trade flourishes : and
confidence supposes order, and order in a democracy
supposes, at least, good sense, good teaching, and good
habits, as well as good victuals and good clothes.
Such is the external aspect of Geneva, town and
country. But it may be said, all this is rose-coloured ;
are therelno darker shades to the picture? I answer,
none for which democracy is answerable. It is quite
true that all is not gold that glitters even at Geneva.
The Genevese, though inhabiting a paradise, are not
angels. They are mere men, and where man is there
are also sin, sorrow, and deformity. I have already
mentioned the prevalence of party spirit and religious
rivalry ; and, no doubt, other defects will appear on a
close inspection. But these are common to the human
race, and ought not to rob the little Republic of her
claim to be considered one of the happiest spots upon
the earth. I was, at first, indeed, a little mystified on
hearing one or two of the Conservative citizens croak
about the fortunes of the state ; but I was re-assured
when I recollected that croaking is one of the privileges
of freedom. Does not Jonathan tell us that his Con-
federation is on the very eve of disruption ? and has
not England been ruined three times over within our
own days ? The truth is, that a free man considers
himself free to grumble ; and Geneva would not have
risen to all the advantages of her high position if she
were not to indulge, now and then, in imaginary com-
plaints and fears.
It can be hardly necessary to say that I do not attri-
bute all the moral and commercial prosperity of Geneva
to universa, euffrage and vote by ballot. It is enough
for my purpose that the welfare of the people is com-
patible with, is promoted by, a complete system of repre-
sentation. That this is the case is proved by the single
fact, that, since the revolution, the Canton has advanced
considerably both in agriculture and commerce, while it
certainly has not declined in any of those more impor-
tent particulars on which its ancient reputation was
founded. If democracy, therefore, has not done all, it
has done something for Geneva. It has, at least, made 1
all the citizens equal before the law, and that is much.— '
I am, Sir, one who was lately, and who hopes 'again
soon to be,
A NORWICH-MAN AT GENEVA,
Milan, 2d January, Mc .

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