The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-04 00:00:00

THE CITY ELECTION.

The following appeared in our Third Edition of yes-
orday

SPEECH OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL.

Lord J. RUSSELL rose and addressed the electors. He
said :—Gentlemen,—l have now to return to you my
most cordial thanks for the proof of your confidence
which you have just given me ; but before I speak to
you in the character which I have now again assumed,
of a Minister of the Crown, you must allow me to say a
few words in reference to my conduct as a member of
that body which was in opposition to the late Govern-
ment. I ask your attention on this subject because I
have, with others, been- accused of faction and combina-
tion, whereas I believe that there never was so forbear-
ing an Opposition in the history of this country. (Cheers.)
It appeared to me certainly, when I felt myself unable
to secure that amount of confidence from the House of
Commons which, in my opinion, was necessary to a due
administration of public affairs, that it was but right
that those who formed a very strong body in the House
of Commons—the body next in strength to those who car-
ried on the Ministry—should hold the reins of Government.
I thought that was advisable ; because during six years'
they had addressed to a great portion of the country—a '
great and respectable portion of the country—to all those
;who are engaged in agriculture—to all those who are en-
gaged in shipping—to all who are connected with our
colonial interest—language the most inflammatorY ; tell-
ing them that they had been injured ; telling them that
the measures of Parliament had done them wrong ; and
that, therefore, it was the duty of Parliament to redress
their wrongs, and place them again in the state of pros-
perity in which they had formerly 'been. I thought it
was right that those who had used those topics—that
those who had addressed those exhortations to the coun-
try--should have an opportunity of bringing to
the test those mighty promises. (Hear, and cheering.)
Now let me tell you that I believe there never was an in-
stance of men who had held out such hopes, or who had
at least shadowed forth great measures of redress, who
did not at once take one of two courses—who did not
either propose to the House of Commons the measures
which they thought were necessary for the welfare of
the country, or who did not advise the Crown to dissolve
that Parliament, and appeal to the people to return men
who should better represent their wishes and interests-
(Hear, hear.) The Administration of Lord Derby took
neither the one course nor the other. (A laugh.)
Declaring that the country was going to ruin—declaring
that the measures introduced by Sir Robert Peel—
the measures introduced by the Administration,
of which I had the honour of being the head,
were reducing men of industry daily to poverty,
and that Parliament could redress those evils, they
yet proposed to postpone for a period nearly of a
year the consideration of the measures which they would
lay before Parliament Now, I thought this conduct so
unusual—l may say so unconstitutional—(cheers)—that
I did net hesitate to state to my friends, whom I had
assembled in my own house, that I thought they ought
to bring Ministers to a declaration one way or the other
—either to propose their measures before the existing
Parliament, or at once to call another. (Hear.) We
'were generally agreed as to that course, but we were so
forbearing that when the Ministers of the Crown declared
that they wished to carry measures which they thought
might be carried with utility to the country, and which
were then before Parliament, and that they would
then meet the new Parliament before the close of the
autumn, we acquiesced in that course, unusual as it was,
and waited our time for the production of their mea-
sures. Now, observe that when Sir R. Peel took office
in 1834, he at once assembled Parliament together in
order to propose to it his measures ; that when Lord
Melbourne proposed his measures with regard to corn,
sugar, and timber, in 1841, and dissolved Parliament,
he at once called Parliament together to judge of those
measures ; but the late Ministry not doing that,
which I think was but due deference to the people of
this country, not considering that this great question
of free trade affecting the trade and commerce of the
country, should be decided at once, they waited
for a period of 10 months before they assem-
bled the new Parliament, and brought this
question before them. And now, I ask you,
.was not our course in submitting and acquiescing in that
delay, one of forbearance and not one of faction? (Hear.)
Then Parliament met, and we looked then anxiously, as
the country looked, for a plain declaration on this ques-
tion—were those who declared themselves to be Protec-
tionists, Protectionists still ? or, had they ma the
contrary seen the errors of their way, and were they
prepared to embrace the doctrine and practice of free
trade ? (Cheers.) They did neither the one nor the other.
The obscure paragraph in the Queen's Speech left us
totally in doubt as to what were their intentions and
*what were their doctrines, and they did not hesitate to say
that they were afraid of an amendment coming on one
side from the free traders, and one on the other side from
the protectionists, and that, therefore, both parties would be
contented, but we thought it was due to the country to en-
deavour to obtain a solution of that question, that that
question which had been under discussion for six years,
should at length be settled in plain and intelligible words.
Mr. Charles Villiers, whom I am happy now to say
holds office under the! Government—(cheers)— drew up
a resolution, which was a plain, manly, and explicit de-
claration on the subject. (Cheers.) I supported him in
that vote, but those with whom I am now acting and who
are accused of indecent combination, and of being for-
ward in faction, objected—not that the words were un-
true—not that these words were not applicable to the
,question—but they said they were words which might
hurt the feelings of those opposed to them, and they
'would not agree to that resolution. Why, that showed
that those gentlemen were willing to give every
chance and possibility to the Ministers to adopt
free trade in earnest, and to give good mea-
sures to the country. Well, we were defeated—
fortunately defeated—on that question. I say fortu-
nately, because it gave an opportunity to the Ministers
to propose those great measures—to show this wonder-
ful medicine which was to cure everything—to propose
this plan which was to satisfy every one and displease
nobody—(laughter)—and it came forth, but a plan so
little answering to that description cannot well be con-
ceived ; because, while the satisfaction was very small—
while the farmers, for whose benefit the great part of it
was intended, expressed a very doubtful and grumbling
sort of assent—(laughter)—the householders of the
great towns, who were intended to be sacri-
ficed—(laughter)— expressed their displeasure in no
unequivocal, no ambiguous terms. (Hear.) But, gen-
tlemen, what was the origin of this budget, and what
were its defects ? In the first place, the Ministers had
formerly said that they were the friends of protection ;
and when they found this did not meet with the assent
of the country, they wished to give it up. In the next
place, they were to take away all the local burdens
which pressed unfairly on the agricultural interest.
That was found not to be successful, and that was
given up ; but there was a third scheme, which,
after those two schemes had been abandoned, was
still paxserved in, and that was called the " revision of
taxation." Now, gentlemen, I declared here on these
hustings, when I last addressed you at the election,
that I should be prepared to vote for such a diminution
of burdens, and such a revision of taxation as should be
fair and equal to all classes in the country ; but it was
obvious that the proposal lately made was not fair and
equal to all classes in the country. It was obvious
that it was intended, although unsuccessful in that
intention, to please and satisfy one class at the expense of •
ether classes. (Cheers.) I believe, likewise, that it was
most unwise, in the view of all statesmen, to attempt?
measure of that kind, which sacrificed so large a revenue,
easily gathered, and easily collected, and which did not
create any amount of discontent, in order to put on new
taxes, which could not but be felt grievous and burden-
some. It is our misfortune, gentlemen, to have to pay
a large amount of taxes, which are the consequence of
wars carried on by our forefathers. If we had merely
to pay what we now pay for the military and civil
government of the country, one-fourth, or perhaps
evenei
one-fifth, of our present taxes would suffice ; but
we have incurred debts owing to those wars,
and those debts must be religiously and faithfully
paid. (Hear, and cheers.) But when that is the
case nothing, can be more unwise than to give up taxes
to which the country has been
regula-
tions of which are made easy by experience and accustomed, the
consi-
deration, in order to resort to
others which must
obviously create dissatisfaction.
reasons, therefore, this budget was (Hear.) For these
a most unwise mea-
sure. (Cheers.) It was a measure
the :ate Ministers to propose, because necessary for
they had been exciting discontent
on the subject of
lle
for six years
agricnlai ral grievances. They had given uci,:t.ro of their
not well
to the
measures they had hinted at, and they
that
give up, the third without exposing themselves
aectration of being imposters during the whole
tieße. They, therefore, were obliged to bring forward
measure, and in that necessity they brougdt forwa7dine
measure which was perhaps necessary to them, and per: a
haps justifiable to them, bait which for the country,i
am sure, would be most disastrous. I therefore op-
p I that measure in its first shape. I opposed the houie
°set
tax, for I believed there was no necessity for it ; and
althougli their house tax was of no great amount, and
thotash the house tax, if generally extended, may be a
go .-,d neg sure of finance, I did not think there was any
neees pity 'for doubling. it, or of interfering with it in any
w
nv at the present time. Iv ell, gentlemen, othersobjected likewise, and because other different parties in
the House of Commons objected at the same time, and
concurred in the saine vote, we are accused by the late
kind' to the
Prime Minister of factious combination. Why, gentle-
men, how in all the objections of a similar 2
Ineasure, could they have done otherwise than concur
Let me ask
you to allow me to put an illustration of the
teries of " Hear hear.") If an omnibus with
twelve pagaen 001no* down Ludgate-hill
at inside is a.
furio
11R all ptr,
Ness pace, breaking into' shop windows and
• ba. Why, eve
man
con r who are going y
man going ~,:=l.----every man going east, and everyy
the eoaehrna.n get stopping the omnibus and telling
Row surprised all t from the box. (Laughter.)
their head, wouldb:l P„assengers, with a policeman at
is a factious "nbli t." coachman said,
vome are going one Nv:l2.l°'‘,l-- (loud bine for the purpose of) thouah
"Why this
laughter
preventn-talue another, you all com-
bus into the she s "
however, was the Charge against It"1?"1'n? driving
my
think you will see we need omni-
not,es, laughter.) Such,
::,,,,Z,,a4aorge which I.
,etuscerned at.
13:113kt must now come to more
necessary that those WZ1181),'3,, because
that: V*, having produced, as I mast ‘'netirr,d.
laatiirarlt should produce, the resignatrj it aeans
see " the

f+»,l

rik