The Sun.
London, England, 1838-08-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE-PUBLIC JOU RNAL:.._;.

Our readers will find- eiSewhere .an ample report of two
of the greatest meetings ever held in this country since the
ignoble. an 1 tvrennical ereeeediors of Ca4tlfgeagla, and the
obstinate and. perverse r esistance of the To-ie, to the de-
clared wishes of the people to the obtainment of a popular
and satisfactory reform, summoned the honest blood of the
United Kingdom to the rescue from its intended thraldom
and degradation. Whether the length of the report re-
.fer el to is considered on the one hand—its ample and
tory character on the other, and also the brief space
-of tene in which a work of suet) itnincese labour was pes-
formed—we aro confident. that our readers will che
accord to us the simple prai•e of having most carefully
studied to earn their approba ien. The meeting was, in-
deed, a great and glorious meetine—great in the manifes-
tation by thousands who had joined in sentiment and
action, and glorious in the order which was una-
nimously maintained, and in the intellect which was
exhibited. -Where did ever such a body of men con-
gregate together—whatever the purpose might be—so
united in heart and in mind, and so little disposed,
however they might be prompted by malignant and disaf-
fected persons—among whom to lit tie of disturbance or
disorder occurred, as those who composed the meeting at
Birmingham ! No where ; but the meeting forms its own
best panegyric in this respect, and we turn, therefore, to
the more important topics which caused its assembling.
With the sentiments expressed at the meeting we cannot
wholly concur, though we cheerfully agree in bestowing
our meed of pr •ise upon the honesty of purpose which
characterised them. They are the emanations of noble
spirits smarting under poverty, and who, having been re-
peatedly deluded by false promises, are but little inclined
to give credit to any one for honest intentions, or patriotic
motives. They truly state that the land abounds with
milk and honey—that
" The land itself is goodly, the soil rich, and the tempera-
ture wholesome; it is abundantly furnished with the materials
of commerce and trade ; •it has numerous and convenient har-
bours ; in facility of internal communication it exceeds-all
others. Yet with all these elements of r:ational prosperity,
and with every disposition and capacity to take advantage of
them, we find ourselves overwhelmed with public and private
suffering."
But in endeavouring to trace these evils to their proper
sources, we are of opinion that they hare, in more than
one instance, greatly mistak n the c.a.tee for the effect. We
do not make this remark in condemeation of an Extension
of the Suffrage, and of Vote by Ballot, b,:ing the great auxi-
liaries of national happiness ; but in the meeting apparently
relying upon them as the specifics of national regeneration,
when, on the other hand, as every one ought to know,
these measures can be of no avail except in a well edu-
ceted and high'y intellectual country. Education is the
prime source of the strength, the independence, ire!
pi-
nes., of a eat:o ; and without its wide-spread diffusion, we
question greatly whether the ameliorative tne.sur.:s pra)ed
for by the meeting would tend to any great extent to remedy
the evils complained of. We fear, indeed, that eith the at
present limited state of the education of the generality of
the people in this country, the only results of the adoption
of Annual Parliaments awe UrnvCreal Suffrage would be a
partial ruin of the people, in falling a Prey to the ambitious
and interested views of persons who, like the Cobbetts, the
Hunts, and the Wakleys, and Whalleys of modern times,
have promised much, and done less in the way of good than
the veriest Tories that ever hoisted of their patriotism. But
of this more to-morrow.—Morning Adve,tiser.
Although the Prisons Bill was not sent to the House of
Lords until the pressure of bu.iaess towards the c'ose of
the Session might afford its more objectionable provisions
some chalice of escape, we are happy to see that the stanty
time allowed for deliberaiien hes oot prevented their Lord-
ships from subjecting it to that jealous and searching sent-
tiny which has led to its defeat. The endless jobs
to which it evidently gave encouragement in the way of
goad building. appear to us deserving of especial attention.
It: many smaller boroughs the gaol is looked up to as the
principal public edifice, which may be made both convenient
and ornamental to the town in divers respects, wholly un-
connected with its specific purpose. Offices for To,sn-
clerks, a spacious hall for public meetings, as well as a
market-place on the ground-floor, are not unfrequently
comprised under its roof ; so that, should a Borough
Council containing the leading dealers in poultry, fish..
mongery, or greengrocery happen to think, with their
legal functionary, that a new prison might be made ser-
viceable to all parties, they would have had nothing more
to do than present a memorial and plan to the'Home-
office, accomp mied by the fief of their Recorder, and this
Bid (provided they were oa the liberal side of politics)
would have gained them their paint presently. To facili-
tate this sort of
,jobbing the more effectually, Exchequer
loans were to be gni-rel, local taxes imposed, and gaol
rates mortgaged es a security for borrowed money ; in vir-
tue of which devices, our provineld aatornies, briele!ayer.,
plumbers, smiths, painters, plasterers, carpenters, lath-
splitters, ironmorvrs, slaters, and the market folks who
have an eye to the ground-fl nor, %acre provided with such
temptations to set about geol bulling as would probably
bare rereit red it one of the most common and profitable
recreafons in England. The check which this Nil
affected to provi:k against abuses in these matters, by
requiring the formal recommendation of the borough
Recorder, was fe •ble enough in all conscience. In nine
e aces out oF ten that learned functionary is appointed to
office on the nomination of the Council, and in general their
declared orenion of his conduct is the arlriter of his pro-
motion. Far are we from wishing to insinuate anything
to the di•:credit of the r spectable persons to whom such
situatiens are an eb:a•et ; on the contrary, in ordinary cir-
cutn-t inces we should say that the highly honourable
feeling, of their le oFes:ion would render any mean collu-
sions wholly nttlikely ; but after whit we have re-
cently seen in regard to the conduct of honour tide gentle-
men on Election Committees (Roxburgh and Hull to wit),
we thud the infirmities of human nature to he so incorri-
gible, that the most upright men in the a orld
are sometimes b strayed, in one way or an ether, into
very equivocal transactions. Certain it is, that Whig
Recor lers are nit angels of purity any more than
their better. To a ceit,in extent, tl.ey are depen-
dent on town-councillors, both for profession ml buiieess in
courts of law, an I also for a favourable lift when canvas-
sing. for plenum or a seet i t Paeliament. It appears to
us, the refor... that time s valm of gaol jobs which this Bill
was likely to engender, woell stand hut a poor chance of
being ihwarted by these I...arned per-oats ; and consequently
tie llome Seer. try's •varrant. grouses have been is•ued in
ino,t c uses as a rims tr of course. The c,ilence which this
measure presents of the Ministry's uneecom.tablts predilec-
tion for gaols, ia preference to Churebes, is too rem tr.;-
able to eseope no•ice. That moral influeeces, ratter
than le ntl des' pine, ought to be e inploved far as
possible for imtintainieg aed advancing the good ord, r of
soei,..ty, is a '.xi at which, in words at loast, is adnetted
even by the IVid4s. But in this re spelt th sir practiee,
usual, heli•-s their professions. In sp;te of the rapid in-
crease of ienorance arel crime in Scotland, they po&-
tively refuse to maitm..ain in that country a moral force com-
mensurate with the wants of Co., people. Yet they come
ferward with their Prison Bids in :ilatatlance. Christian
applatices shall b! withheld frown thrmse part; of the coun-
t.]: witch are 'nest in need of them, but gaols and wt tk-
le: es shall be multipli,cl ad li.sThon. Strange legi,ktion
timi, I. The fie that with all their affe: to tl. pulite- about
the liberty , tyl 11.:ppiectss of the subject, the innate disposi-
tion_ of the- Whig 4 ;sycophants end tyrants by turns) is
either-to lord it with a stringent coercive policy whereter
they can venture to do so, or else to sanction an unbridled
popu'ar license, as in Ireland, where they must slavishly
crouch to the paramount dictatorship of their patron.—
Times.

It is a fact:that we can se ircely credit, brcause the thing
seems too tn,nsttotts for belief, that Government has really
an intention of putting to death upon the sciffold a boy of
14 years of ege ! too in Christian England—in the
nineteenth ceniury—and in the reign of Queen Victoria!
Can we forget that the first. a liress of our maiden monarch
to her assembled Parliament derived its chief interest and
lus:re from the heart-touching sentiments of mercy with
which that act of sovereignty was graced ? Is the strangu-
lation of a boy of 14 on the scaffold a proof of our advanced
civilization at the present day ? Or is it a spectacle only
worthy of a land from which the night of barbarism has not
yet passed...away ? If we thought that the people were of the
same mind as the Government on this subject we should
consillerth it notions of criminal justice ro he mare in ae-
ca;-,lince wbh the savage usages of the African Cost
than the institutions which a Christian community the
foremost of the European nations—ought to be expected
to possess and admire. And scarcely would African jus-
tice demand such a human A'uman sacrifice as this! earyeotau7gaerre,
.
that the execution of a bay of fourteen, or even
is not without precedent. But barbarism male many pre-
ce,.deols-'wtich civilization should denounce end avoid. God
has rriven reason an I understandirg to man that he may
know how to choose between gaml and evil ; but in holy
few boys of the tender age of the lad Kirby ::re reason and
understanding, developed, except in a very imperfect de-
gree ? A boy of that ege displaying great depravit
tei
yi-,(thought
truly an object of pity, ought not to go unP
to drag him to a scaffold—to. place him in the buhands
of the executioner— to cut him off from toe
lind of tie lining, is calculated to excite more
sympathy for the otrender than reverence for the
Whatt:ver advantage her Majesty's Ministers may ex-
pect society to derive from so inhuman and revolting a
sp..ctaelf, we are sure the Engli-h people will regard it
with feeings of loathing and horror. The petitions which
hay • heel% forwarded o behalf of the clemency of the
Crown from various places abundantly prove that. Are
tboic petititions, which express the sense of the country,
to be disregarded ? What benefit can Follow from examples
of this nature, against which the voice of public opinion

vehetneetly, and irviignantlideclares? We should
have supposed- that there could not be, possibly, any inten-
tion at the Home Office of carrying then extreme sentence
of the law into effect in this case, if a Lincoln paper
did not positively state that, notwithstanding the
resp:te for a week, the execs' hon was expected
to take piece on Friday next, and that a London
hangman had actually arrived in Lincoln to remove all
uht upon the subject. We do not argue this case with
any reference to the possible innocence of the boy of the
heinous crime of which he stands convicted. We are
aware he is stated to have made a confession. How that
really is we know not. But we will take.it for granted
that his guilt is not shadowed by a particle of doubt.
Viewing the case in this light, we do not hesitate to say
that, clear as the evidence of his crime may be, and heinous
as that crime is, the judicial destruction of the life of this
mere boy upon ihe scaffold will, to the minds of all enlight-
ened people, reflect upon England, in the nineteenth cen-
tury,. the reproach of national barbarity ; for though the
nation it sentiment repudiates it, the country must bear the
stigma which the act of Government inflicts, if, indeed, the
Government are resolved to shed the blood of the juvenile
convict.--Morning Herald.
If the Irish branch of the Established Church be not
speedily overthrown—if the brute force of the papist natives
be not speedily arrayed, as in 1641 and in 1798, not only
against the Church by law established, but against the ex-
isting distribution of the soil of the country among, Protes-
tant Proprietors, originating in Sassenagh confiscations, and
maintained by Sassenagh laws and Sassenagh swords—it must
he acknowledged, that the fault will not be attributable
either to our " Liberal" Ministers or to their organs in the
public Press. Had that gallant and respectable personage
Lord Howick, the official pander to the incendiary who
denounced his father and his father's friends as " brutal,
base, and lioody," been employed and paid to hold for th
encouragement to the Papist enemies of the Chum':-. of
England in Ireland, be could hardly have discharged his
duties, his anti-English duties, bet ter than by his
late speeches in his place in Parliament. His omi-
nous anticipations of the wholesale spoliation and
utter downfall of the Establishment in Ireland sounded
much more like the expression of a timid and somewhat
shamefaced Lope, then like that of genuine apprehension or
indignant loathing. In case of such a catastrophe, that re-
spectable functionary and his colleagues have, assuredly,
earned a title to the especial benevolence and patronage of
the new Papist dynasty in Ireland, to whose triumphant ac-
cession they will have so materially contributed. Lord
Howick, however, Lord John Russell, and the rest of the
pro-Papist Ministers, have not yet ventured, in their own
persons, openly to preach the practice of rebellion, though
their principles and their measures have a direct tendency
to foster the worst prejudices and the worst passions of
those bolder spirts,s, lei await but the signal to hoist the
green banner of rebellion and massacre ; and to shout out,
the words of that obscene and libellous versifier whom
Whigs delighted to honour, and whom Whig Papists have
made a point of pensioning :
" But onward! the green banner rearing
Go. flesh every sword to the hilt ;
On our side is virtue and Erin—
On theirs is the Saxon and guilt."
In the lines we have quoted may been seen the expres-
sion of that sentiment which pervades and animates the
great mass of those whose stipendiary agent Mr. O'Con-
nell is, and who, for his dear sake, are the favoured clients
of his and her Majesty's Ministers. The Morning Organ of
, those desperate and degraded men, in the discharge of a daily
duty, wnich ought to be very profitable, for it is in any man
not a Milesian Papist both digraceful and disgusting, thus
delicately and dexterously insinuates the sacred duty of
resistance to the laws of the land :
" All religious changes originate with a few, and the bulk
of a nation generally remain long attached to the doctrines
and practices to which they have been accustomed. In Eng-
' land the superior energy of the Protestant minority ultimately
prevailed over the Catholic majority, and the establishment
of Protestantism, whatever it originally was, has now the jus-
tification of general consent. If Protestantism bad been
equally fortunate in Ireland the Catholics might have found
a ground for submitting to it not insulting to them as free citi-
zens But from a variety of causes Protestantism has proved
an utter failure in Irel and, and no sane man can entertain a
hope that it will prove more fortunate hereafter than in times
past. The pride of the Catholic majority will always, there-
, fore. lead them to remain impatient under the yo/.e of
a Protestant minority. That they will be content
with less than religious equality no man can believe
who does not entertain the opinion that they are deficient in
true spirit and bravery. It must, therefore, be with the Irish
Cathotcs merely a question of prudence and opportunity when
they shall attempt to shake eff a yoke wlich they would be less
than men could they bear with patience. The way to inter-
pret what an Irishman's feelings on this subject must be is for
an Englishman to suppose one-tenth of the people of England
Catholics, and the religion of that tenth established by means
of the bayonets of Irish Catholics. We tell the Catholics ut
Ireland that we are their masters—that we have the bayonets;
▪ they submit, c f course, because they cannot help themselves;
but an obe.lience which is disgraceful to those who yield it is
not a fou' dation on which the edifice of civil polity can be
securely revel. And it therefore, that Lord Brougham,
in common with so many other state salt n, conceive, the
Chuich of Ireland mu:;t fall ere long."
The language of this paregrepli, which is neither better
nor worse than very many others that might be selected
from the columns of the Morning Chronicle, would be
stifficieetly startling in any journal not profe.,sedly Ja-
cobin. But in a paper enjoying Or enduring the re-
putation of being semi-official, such sentiments are
doubly alarming. As the opinions of an individual,
they are unimportant : as doctrines sanctioned by the
Ministers of a Monarch essentially anti-Papist--the
very tenure of whose crown depends upon the main-
teeance of the Protestant religion in Ireland as well as
in England—they are matter not only of alarm but of
indignation. The most irr tab e, turbulent, pugnacious,
and disaffected people in Europe—a people in whom
hatrel of the religion and the laws of England is the
most uni v. rsal and most active principle—era here
distinctly told, and told too esi by one having autho-
rity, that " they would be less than men could they bear
with patience the yoke" impesed upon them by the Consti-
tution of the country it, which they are bore. They are
to!ti that their oleelierice is disgraceful to themselves, mei
are thus taught—not by a scheinieg priest or hireling pa-
tliet--not by a native Milesiau or a hi other Papist, but by
one wearing the n:a-k of an L'rglisnman and a Protestant
I,
r and clad in the quad-official garb of authority, th it rebel-
lion is net only pardnnable but meritorious—is at once a
duty anal a grace. Such is the language adtlrescel to poor
igneraet impassioned Pat, the most. bigoted, excitable,
and when excited the most sanguinary and remorse-
' less of God's creatures, by the Morning Journal of our
▪ Whig-Papist Ministry. Such doctrines are seldom
• spouted witl.out a motive, and a strong one. We can
hardly suppose that the Ch: oniac has been in-
' ytrueted to ai.p'y the match which is intended to set fire to
1 all the infl.,inaiable materials of the Irish character, and
cause an eruption of that tremendous volcano, to the exist-
' once anti internal workings of which taro arch-incendiaryoil
▪ himself bore eH m
itnets in the House of Comoas. Nor is it,
easy to believe that our Ministeri.a and pro-Papist Con
teniporary would have hazarded language se closely approx..
itnatiug to treasonable without orders, or at least without
permission. Be it as it may, 'tis.ae edifying though a me-
' luiele4 sign of the times—and o:.e which the Protestants
of England will net be likely to overlook—to find a
Ministerial Journal publishing an Edition of " Tree-
s:n Male E.:sy" for the use of the Ir:sh Papists.
It is, inch ed, the curious infacity cf Ministi rs—
that which aggravates their infamy, without d•rni-
I nishing their guilt—that they, like the demon .sl,,ves of
wizards in the olden time, are compelled to be the servile
agents or one whom they despise as an inferior, while they
obey Lim as a taskmaster. The aristocratic Whigs despite
the plebeian O'Connell as sincerely as Mephistopliles des-
pised Faust ; but, like lite worry fiend, they work out the
mast, r's will, theuel, the cod be tears anti blood, and guilt
and rds,ry—one hates them not the less for this, but one
despises them more. The double degradation of their of-
ficial position is well illustrated in the following passage,
which we have borrowed from the current number of that
clever and useful publication, the 41Iontbly Law Magazine:
The Ministers of her Majesty occupy a frost strange po-
sition at the present moment; one,indeed, not unlike that to
which they have suffered our ancient ally, the Turk, to be re-
duced. He has on one side the Emperor of Russia for an ally,
and on the other the Pacha of Egypt for a vassal; and both
flout him with the harshness of a taskmaster that loves his em-
. pleyment. His antitypes in Downing-street have Mr. O'Con-
neli fur an
_ally in the House of C,,minoti.i, and the Earl of
Durham fora subordinate in Canada; and, sooth to say, from
each do they receive that species of behaviour that Shak-
speare would term ' vice-royalty over them.' Mr. O'Con-
nell distributes Baronetcies and Peerages at his pleasure,
though with the nominal concurrence of the Ministry ; the
Earl of Durham appoints Councillors and Commissioners
at his will also, but in the very teeth of Lord Mel-
bourne's d: s :Li-probation. Mr. O'Connell has advanced
the Earl of Mulgrave to the Marquisate of Nurmanhy ; and the
Earl of Durham has nominatsd Mr. Turton—the Mr. Turton
ndt
at(
n: office
er sn it, Canada. In the mean time, however, poor Sir
Jahn Hoouse, that most amiable and sweet-tempered of
mireandi pour
without
r Mr . Sp
their
Rice,
Peerages that mostfo r timei
presentenio us o
,f
; andand
ssoira E.
some more expectant Barons with ricketty seats;
Bulwee almost alone of the Ministerial adherents,
i
s to recei,
e the reward of his fidelity and—we had elmost
said.-:his services."

Merl, who retain office as agents of Lord Durham and
Mr. O'Connell, and have placed themselves in the predica-
ment thus described, must he in lm,e with infamy.—Morn-
ing Post.

POST OFFICE REFORNI.—From—
to the undermentioned towns, thepostages are" regulated" as follows :
t ;to West Auckland, 12 miles, ;to Dar-
lington, %70 d.
Bishop Auckland, 15 miles, 7d. ; to Appleby,
25 miles, 6)).
liuri'am
16, miles, 5d'23 miles,

THE SUN, LON'DON, TUESDAY, AUGUST 7, :1838.

Hon. Gentleman was admissible into the Bill, nor consistent
with its principle, the object of which was to suppress
pluralities.
Dr. LUSHINGTON was also of opinion, that the Clause
could not be well introduced into the Bill. There were no
less than three instances-of peNonsholdir.g the office of Bishop
who bad been incapacitated from the performance of thelr
duties by bAily and mental infirmities, in whose cases the
question had been raised as to whether others could be ap-
pointed in their places, and to this hour it remaLied doubtful
whether the thing could be legally done. This, however, was
not the occasion for discussing the question ; but he admitted
the prop,sition was well worthy of the serious consideration of
the Noble Lord at the head of the Home Department. The
amendment was then withdrawn.

On the amended clause 6 being proposed.
Mr. HAWES hoped the Noble Lord (Russell) would not
object to the original clause being restored. He did not sec
how that clause could be objected to, or why, in the insuffi-
ciency of spiritual instruction, the parishioners should not be
permitted, on raising a competent stipend by subscription, to
have an additional curate of their choice, subject to the ap-
probation of the incumbent. The clause, as it originally stood,
had met the general approbation of that House.
Lord J. RUSSELL admitted that the clause had met
with general assent in that House, but in another place it had
been objected that the proposition was calculated to excite the
jealousy of the incumbent. It was a natural jealousy, and he
would not agree to the re-introduction of the clause.
After a few words from Mr. Estcourt, Mr. Aglionby, and
Mr. Freshfield,
Mr. HAWES expressed his determination to urge his
amendment.

The House then divided when there appeared—
Aes
Noes 2O
Majority against Mr. Hawes's amendment —26
The other elaui,es were then agree(l to.
DUCHY OF CORNWALL POSSESSIONS BILL.

Upon the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX-
EQUE R. this Bill was postponed till next session in con-
sequ:•nce of the late period of the session at which it was in-
troduced.

DUCHY OF CORNWALL (TIN DUTIES) BILL.
Upon the Order for the second reading of this Bill having
been read,
Mr. AGLIONBY objected to the second reading when the
session of Parliament had so far advanced towards its termina-
tion. It was utterly impossible that the necessary and due at-
tention would be devoted to the Bill if it were sent through the
House with such rapidity. Members had not even been fur-
nished with 'the Bill as yet, and notwithstanding they were
called upon t• agree to its second reading. The Government
had teen too precipitate. No loss than sixty-five Bills had
been brought in since the Ist of July, and the greater portion
of them had been introduced by members of the Government.
It was scarcely fair towards the important interests that would
13:-. affected by this Bill to press it without further and more
mature deliberation. He felt convinced that the Bill ought in
justice to bo postponed, as well as the Duchy of Cornwall Pos-
sessions Bill.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
nothing could be more inconvenient than the courge suggested
by the Hon. Member. It would not be inconvenient to the
Government, for they would not be affected by it, hut the inte-
rests concerned would be most materially injured by any de-
lay, The Bill had not emanated from the Government; it had
been introduced at the request of the tin-plate workers on the
one hand, and the tin mining interests in Cornwall on the
other ; and he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would ask,
could anj thing be more injurious to those concerned than the
delay which would necessarily arise from the postponement of
the second reading, leaving all those concerned in a state of
ignorance as to the course which Parliament intended to pur-
sue. Being confident that the passing of the Bill would tend
to confer advantage upon those concerned, he hoped the
House would consent, without further delay, to its second
reading.
After a few words from Mr. AGLIONBY and Mr.
THORNELY,
Tha Bill was read a second time.

The Order of the Day for the House going into a Com.
mittee of Ways and Means was discharged.
HACKNEY CARRIAGES (METROPOLIS) BILL.
Sir M. WOOD moved that the Lords' amendments on the
Hackney Carriages (Metropolis) Bill be agreed to.
Mr. HAWES opposed the motion.
Several alterations were made in the amendments, and the-
Bill was ordered to be returned to the Lords.
SPIRIT LICENSES (IRELAND).

Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL moved that the House resolve
itself into Committee on the Spirit Licenses (Ireland) Bill.
Mr. SHAW opposed the motion, on the grounds that the
permission to grocers to sell spirits was the cause of much
immorality in Ireland. The grocers had had two years' notice
to sell off their stock, and they could not, therefore, fairly com-
plain. Under these circumstances, he should move, as an
amendment, that the Bill be committed that day three months.
Mr. O'CONNELL supported the original motion. It
would be doing a great injustice to a large class of industrious
persons to defeat the Bill before the House.
Mr. LUCAS opposed it. He was of opinion that the prac-
tice of selling spirits in grocers' shops was productive of
great immorality and debauchery in Ireland.
. Sir W. SOMERVIL LE thought that as the Bill only
went to give the grocers another year to dispose of their stock,
it would be better that it should be permittzd to pass.
After a few words from Mr. M. J. O'Connell, Captain
Jones, Mr. Ellis, Mr. Pryme, Mr. Estcourt, and Mr. Wyse,
the House divided.
For the original motion.
Against it

35
25
-10

Aljority
The House then went into Committee
Ti e Bill went through Committee

and the clauses were

agret d to without amendo:out.
RYAN'S PATENT PROCESS.

Sir R. PRICE called the attention of the House to the
C rcumstance of the use of Kyan's patent process in the Dutch
n,:vy with a view to its adoption in the naval yards of this
country, and to move for returns. Ile knew that experiments
had been tried by Mr. Kyan, at the desire of the Admiralty,
and he would be happy to hear from the Hon. Secretary what
the results lthd b-en.
Mr. BROTHERTON stated that the Dutch now pre-
served their ships at one-eighteenth of the cost incurred in the
British ravy.
Mr. C. WOOD said that Mr. Kyan had, in the year 1835,
been emplot ed in making some experiments, at the instance of
the Admiralty, in preserving ship-timbers. However, all that
he felt himself justified in stating was, that nothing had turned
up in the course of the experiments wLieh could lead them to a
conclusion oc,e way or the,other.—( Laughter )
Mr. O'CONNELL said that one ftct was indisputable—
the Dutch, the people who depended, most of all others, on
their navy, had fairly tric.dtheplart,_and had fully ackpted it.