The Sun.
London, England, 1838-03-19 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MARCH 19, 1838.

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SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

A writer in the Times of Saturday—whose phraseology, by
the way, savours strogly of the " hulks—declaims in the most
approved style of malignity of feeling" against the " arro-
gance, waste," and " iniquity" of the Earl of Durham's mis-
sion, and anticipates absolute ruin to the finances of this
empire from the expenditure which, he says, is likely to occur
from " a table of twenty-two covers," and " a Polish way of
living." Where this writer acquired his notions of Polish
hospitality we know not. The charge may be true, or it may
be false as the statement he makes that Lord Durham's salary
as Ambassador at St. Petersburg was 12,0001. per annum ;
but if it be correct, all that we can say is, that it is much to
he lamented that no Polish nobleman visited tali country in the
years 1830, 31, 32, or 33 ; the over-generous traveller might
then have taken a useful lesson in economy from a Minister
of that time, whose authority the writer of the article
in the Times will not question, we mean the Right
Hon. Sir James Robert George Graham, Bart., the present
ex-Member for Cumberland, then First Lord of the Admi-
ralty. His table of 000 covers was ever considered a model
of the strictest " equity" and economy—hateful to Ude, hut
precious to Hume—and unquestionably to whatever uses his
salary of 5,000/. per annum was applied, it was not to those of
either " Polish" or British hospitality. The writer of the
article on which we are commenting, asks, " What station has
been allotted to Lord Durham, beyond that of Governor-Ge-
neral of the Canadas?" The answer is to be found in the
Gazette, in which the Earl of Durham is appointed by her
Majesty Governor-General of all the North American pro-
vinces, including Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Ed-
ward's Island, Newfoundland, as well as Upper and Lower
Canada. The powers granted to his Lordship by her
Majesty's Commission, will necessarily be co-ordinate with
the extent and importance of this Vice-royalty. The
writer in the Times then goes on to contend, that
Sir J. Colborne is the proper person to be entrusted with
this mission, " the seeds" of which, he says, the General
" has sown"! ! We are not inclined to undervalue the judg-
ment with which that officer has directed the military opera-
tions in Canada, and suppressed this unfortunate revolt ; but
we do fearlessly assert that the objects contemplated in Lord
Durham's mission are of totally a different nature, and utterly
unconnected with the movements of two or three regiments,
or the application of military force. Lord Durham's duties
will be to prevent the necessity of having recourse to those
arms which the General so well knows how to wield
—to heal the wounds inflicted by the sharp edge of
those very arms—to bring together and reconcile con-
flicting factions—to provide for the protection of their
mutual interests—and to establish such a permanent
system of constitutional government as will satisfy
the just claims of all parties. In what have the
marches from Montreal to St. Charles and Grand Brule
laid the foundations of, or given a promise of such re-
sults? The supposition is too absurd, and the only conse-
quence of having put forward such an assertion, for the "ma-
lignant" object of calumniating Lord Durham, is, that it is
injurious to the Gallant Officer who is thus unfairly and un-
warrantably dragged into discussion. If the writer in the
Times wishes for information on the subject of special mis-
sions, and their expenses, we recommend him to apply to Lord
Stuart de Rothsay, whose experience on that point, in Lisbon
and Rio Janeiro, will be of invaluable assistance to him. Lords
Cowley and Strangford could also, we doubt not, supply use-
ful documents, and we marvel much that the Marquis of Chan-
dos, who has moved for the expeuses of Lord Gosford's mis-
sion, has omitted to include those of the noble Tories to whom
we have alluded. The contrast would be instructive and edi-
fying.-21forning Chronicle.:
We really cannot abstain from recurring to this ominous ar-
rangement between the Treasury and Lord Durham, whereby
the noble Lord, in what relates to the financial part of his mis-
sion to North America, has (through the malicious contri-
vance of one or more of his numerous enemies in the Cabinet,
no doubt) been placed in a most disagreeable position. His
Lordship goes out as Governor-General, Captain-General,
&c., &c., &c., of the Canadian Provinces—precisely the same
titles as those which have been (so very worthily) borne by
Lord Gosford. Like Lord Gosford also, the noble Lord
goes out to " inquire"—simply to inquire, nothing more.
Lord Gosford is said to have received a salary? we cannot
answer for the fact, but presume that it will be cleared up
by the papers which Lord Chandos has moved for, whether
Lord Gosford as Commissioner, acting likewise as Governor-
General, did or did not receive a salary of some 10,0001. a-year
or so. It is our impression that he did receive such a salary
--what return he has made for it is another question.
But if he has been paid " his expenses"—in other words,
if he has first determined how much he would spend
of the public money without the slightest check on the
amount, and afterwards been allowed to draw on the Exche-
quer for that amount, whatever sum he might himself, of his
own will and pleasure, have raised it to, we shall only say,
that a more improvident, reckless, and wasteful method of re-
munerating public servants for their trouble it would be diffi-
cult to conceive. The privilege granted to an individual to
expend what he pleases, on the assurance that the amount
will be made good to him by the public, is one utterly un-
known to the constitution of these realms. The whole body
of Ministers, taken together, have their hands tied up by th©
House of Commons. All charges are estimated, all expenses
fixed, as against the Government collectively ; no such thing
there as uncontrolled and unlimited draughts upon the coun-
try. In this case, moreover, of Lord Durham, it ought to
be remembered that he is irresponsible, Under the bargain an-
nounced by Lord J. Russell to the House of Commons, it seems
that the Noble Earl may pitch his establishment and all his
incidental costs as high as Queen Victoria's Civil List, as
high as ever pompous and vain-glorious arrogance or
wayward caprice can soar. Now, we will venture to assert
that the most arbitrary and irresponsible Governments in Eu-
rope make no such indefinite inroads on the resources of their
subjects, and lay' in the path of individuals no such absurd
temptations to extravagance at other people's peril. It will
be said, that there is precedent for such a mode of reimburs-
ing the functionaries charged with " special missions"—no
doubt. What malpractice is there for which some pre-
cedent may not be pleaded? But the question is, whether the
results of such precedents ought to be considered by tho
people of England as encouragements to imitate them, or
as warnings to avoid them : much depends upon the man.
We recollect that towards the close of the French war
I Lord Aberdeen was sent on a special mission to Vienna, or
at least to the bead-quarters of the allied armies; but there
was no ostentation or profusion in the character of that
Noble Earl, and it was said at the time that his Lord-
ship's expenses, having been left to his own discretion,
fall short considerably of the income which would have
been assigned to him as Ambassador to the Austrian Court.
The Duke of Wellington was sent on a special mission to St.
Petersburgh, and his " expenses paid." On that occasion
also surprise was generally expressed that the Noble Duke
should have charged the country with so very moderate an
outlay. His greatness was intrinsic, not superficial ; nor did
the reception of the Duke of Wellington at any European
Court, or the sensation produced by him, or the success of any
mission wherewith he might be intrusted, depend, in his own
opinion or in that of others, on his dragging about with him a
caravan of between 70 or 80 consumers of the public money,
he himself all the while laying claim to admiration for his dis-
interested refusal of a salary! But Lord Durham was also,
if we don't mistake, sent on a special mission to St. Peters-
burgh before he was appointed resident Ambassador in Russia,
and the idea has just flashed across cur brain, that we should
much like to see placed in juxta-position the bill of expenses sent
in by such a man as the Duke of Wellington, and that which,
for a like special mission, such a man as the Earl of Durham
called upon the public treasury to defray. Little difficulty,
indeed, would attend the production of materials for a compa-
rison so interesting in itself, and so useful at the present mo-
ment. We repeat the expression, so " useful" now, because
one might calculate with sonic nearer approach to confidence
what amount of sacrifice the nation is about to make with a
view to obtain the benefit of Lord Durham's services as sham
dictator in North America, but real subaltern to Lord Glen-
elg, carrying into execution such plans and orders only as shall
have been approved and issued from the Colonial Office : one
might guess, we say, the amount of such ensuing sacrifice
more easily after having laid on the table of Lords or Com-
mons an accurate copy of the account sent in and settled out
of the Royal treasury for the former special mission of
Lord Durham. The nation ought not to go to work
blindfolded. If Lord Durham will not fix his price
before-hand, there are hundreds of other public men
ho will. Sure we are that Sir John Colborne is one of
them. Sure we are that he will perform whatever duties.
'lily be required of him with skill and energy, with spit it,
steadiness, and sagacity, no whit less eminent than any of
which Lord Durham has ever yet afforded proof. He knows
thoroughly the people, both French and English colonists,
which Lord Durham does not. He can administer the mili-
tary as well as civil resources of the Canadas, which Lord
Durham cannot yet have learned to do, save by inspiration.
lie wit finish the business confided to him at a third or a
fourth of the charge entailed upon the people of England by
Lord Durham. He is not called upon to be a despot or a
lawgiver ; nor, according to the Act of Parliament, can Lord
Durham. His Commission is not a humbug, as is unques-
tionably that of the Earl of Durham, whom, for his own con-
venience, but at our cost, Lord Melbourne promotes to an
ostentatious an 4 distant exile, barren of either profit, honour,
or security to Great Britain.— Tinics.

The Hon. Member for East Kent has obtained leave to bring
in a Bill for the suppression of trading occupations on the Lord's
D"Y,—or., to use the quaint words of his methodical preamble,
commonly called Sunday.' On the occasion of Mr.
Plumptre obtaining leave to bring in this Bill, Mr. Hall, the
Member for Maryfebone, gave notice " that if it extended to
interfere with the recreations and amusements of the people,
which in large towns particularly were so essential to the hap-
piness and health of the community, he should give the Bill
his most decided opposition." We perfectly concur with the
tenour of Mr. Hall's intimation, as also with the remarks of
Mr. Warburton, "that if they were to legislate on this subject
they ought to do so in an iympartial spirit. The rich could
go to the country on Sundays to see their friends with-
out hiring any convey ance, having their own carriages

to convey them. But if trading were altogether pre-
vented on the Sabbath, they would shut out from the
middling and poorer classes an opportunity of taking part
in those amusements which were absolutely necessary
to their health. The Bill of Sir A. Agnew was partial in its
nature and deserved to fail." Mr. P. Howard added, " that
he hoped that the Bill would be adapted to the present state
of society, and not attempt unnecessarily to interfere with the
liberty of the subject." If all trading were unconditionally
suppressed on the Sunday, it would, beyond a doubt, produce
that effect. The Bill of Mr. Plumptre will be, like all former
Bills upon the subject, an obnoxious and most impolitic
method of drawing a still stronger line of distinction between
the rich and the poor than at present exists. Can the Li.
censed victuallers, for instance, be debarred from supplying
the necessities of travellers, and contributing to the wants and
comforts of their poorer fellow-citizens on that day ? Such an
interference would be a great wrong to the general interests of
commerce, as well as a great privation to the industrious
classes. But it would not in the slightest degree affect the
rich, who have their strong ale in their cellars, and their luxuri-
was wines in their own bins. It may be gathered from the de-
signation of the Bill, that it will be the signal for a new crusade
against Sunday shaving and Sunday baking. The artisan must,
as a reward for his toils during six days, go unshaven on the
seventh, and eat his dinner cold to please the meddlesome
vagaries of pious nostrum-mongers and hypocritical pliants
for public support. The working man, who frequently does
not get his wages till the latest hour on Saturday night, must
really undergo the risk of starving on the Sunday, because the
butchers' shops, which have been hitherto in the habit of sup-
plying him on the Sunday morning previous to church hours,
will in future be closed against his hunger and his complaints.
If justice were impartially administered between the rich and
the poor, something might be said for the impartial spirit by
which a proceeding, equally impolitic and impracticable, may
have been imbued. But all the measures hitherto brought
forward on this subject have been actuated by a spirit of mean
servility to Mammon, and a contemptuous disregard for indus-
trious poverty. From their very nature it must be so. Gold
supplies an aegis, against which all their comfort-restricting
provisions are impotent—
Plate vice with gold,

And the strong lance of justice hurtles breaks ;

Ann it with rags, a pigmy's straw doth pierce it."
But this is only a single department of the question. There
arc more general interests complicated with this question than
shallow fanaticism permits itself to perceive. Are the great
fisheries to suffer deterioration ? Are seamen arriving from
foreign parts to be refused shelter and refreshment? Is the
augmenting traffic on rail-roads in live and dead stock in agri-
cultural and commercial produce to be suspended ? But let
us return to a narrower view of the matter. Will the advo-
cates of these restrictions, while preventing the poor from en-
joying the healthy recreation of travel, prevent the rich from
filling with their glittering equipages the Hyde-park Corso,
on the same day? Will they shut up the shops of the pastry_
cooks and fishmongers, which minister to the luxurious indul-
gences of the rich on that day—as well as the bakers and
hairdressers, which minister to the necessities of the poor ?
Will they suppress the Sunday dinners, the card par-
ties, and musical soirees ? 'Will they close the West_
end gambling-houses, where the rattle of the dice-box is
heard on Sundays from " morn till dewy eve ?"—Sunday, say
the ascetics, is and ought to be a day of rest. It is so by the
Judaical dispensation ; and if we are to be abide by that, and
not by the Christian, which superseded it, let the fat coach-
men and sleek footmen of the Aristocracy be released from all
manner of work on that day. Let the scullions and the
grooms rest. Let the hall porter sleep in peace, and let the
army of cooks, male and female, be relieved from the broiling
purgatory of their Sunday toils to stimulate the jaded appe-
tite of the lordly gastronome. " Fair play is a jewel." Let
there be at least impartial justice between the rich and the
poor—between rank and industry. The ascetic party are
fond of quoting Scripture in support of their purposes. There
ar' two texts which are well worthy of their re-perusal :
" Woe to them who have two weights in their bag, a large
and a small ! One for the rich, and the other for the poor"—
" Woe to them who use the false balance of deceit ! It is an
abomination unto the Lord."—Morning Advertiser.
Another of those savage encounters, yclept prize fights—.
which we had hoped, for the credit of our age and country,
were at an end—has taken place, and ended in the immediate
death of one, and in the probable death of the other of the
combatants. One of these unhappy beings, thus suddenly
hurried into eternity to gratify the fiendish avarice of wretches
called " the fancy," was, we believe, tried at Winchester a
few years back for murder under similar circumstances, and
had the good fortune to escape with a punishment less than
what is frequently inflicted for a trifling petty larceny. So
little effect has warning upon the actors in this heartless,
brutal pursuit. This disgraceful murderous scene is stated to
have taken place on a common on the borders of Hertford and
Cambridgeshires—counties where one would be led to suppose
there were no Magistrates, were not that impossible. But as
there are such persons, the public have a right to ask what
they were about to suffer such a scene as this to occur within
either of their jurisdictions? The public have a right, too,
to ask what has been since done to bring the instigators and
abettors of this brutal outrage to justice? Indeed, so scan-
dalous is it in all respects, that the authorities of the Hom e-
Office will not have done their duty if they do not employ all
the power vested in them to vindicate the laws and character
of the country from a tacit submission to such a reproach as
an affair like this is calculated to bring upon them.—Morning
Herald.

A SPECIMEN OF PRIVATE BILL LEGISLATION.—The "most
extraordinary" Bill that Mr. Poulett Thomson " ever saw,"
became an Act of Parliament during the last session,
without in the slightest degree attracting the attention of Mr.
Poulett Thomson ; whose especial duty, as President of the
Board of Trade, it was to have stopped it at the very threshold
of the House of Commons. The measure alluded to was the
Fishguard Harbour Bill; the intent of which was thus de-
scribed by the aforesaid President of the Board of Trade,
when moving the second reading of a Bill to alter and amend
it—" There was a clause in it which defined the limits of the
harbour; and its extent was declared to be between certain
points of the coast of Wales, and between certain points also of
the coast of the county of Wexford, on the opposite side of the
Channel. The Bill, besides, contained two schedules, one of
which declared tolls to be payable on all vessels which should
conic within the limits of the harbour, at the rate of 3d. per
ton for all foreign vessels, 2d. per ton for all English vessels,
and Id. per ton for all Welsh vessels ; so that, in fact, every
vessel which passed through the Channel for that would be
sufficient to bring it within the limits of the harbour—would
become chargeaQe with this toll. He was besides informed
that all goods landed on the coast of Wexford were liable to a
toll of the same description, which was levied for the purposes
of the harbour." For allowing this preposterous Bill to pass,
Mr. Thomson said, " he took no blame to the Government;
for the Government had no opportuniy of entering specially
into the merits of the provisions of all Private Bills." As to
" opportunity," the Government has plenty of it. Every
Bill is printed, and may be examined ; but it is not expected
that the Board of Trade should undertake the examination of
Turnpike Bills, or others not connected with the Department
of Trade. The Board ought, however, to " enter specially
into the merits" of measures whose titles gives warning of in-
terference with the shipping and commercial interests of the
country. The promoters of the Fishguard Harbour Bill did
not attempt to smuggle it through Parliament—" Copies had
been forwarded respectively to the Admiralty, to the Custom-
house, to the Trinity-house, and to other bodies; and sonic
amendments had been made by the Admiralty, as well
as by this House. At the same time, however, he must
point out that the Admiralty would only look at the Bill
in reference to matters connected with navigation, while the
Trinity-house would not interfere which did not affect their
own peculiar jurisdiction. No copy of the Bill was sent to
the Department over which he had the honour to preside, nor
were any means adopted to call his attention to the matter."
This cautious abstinence of the Admiralty and the Trinity-
house brethren from touching what concerned them not, as
they choose to pretend, reminds one of the butlers and abi-
gaits in a great house, who, for their lives, would not do a
bit of the cook's or footman's work, because it is not " their
place." The Admiralty only look at the Bill "in reference
to matters connected with the navigation,"—the connexion
between a tax on shipping and the interests of " navigation"
not being sufficiently close to induce them to bestow particular
attention on the toll-imposing clauses of the Bill. Mr. Poulett
Thomson was not told to examine the measure ; so he did
not trouble himself about it. But he was mistaken in as-
serting that no copies of the Bill were sent to his depart-
ment. Sir James Graham stated, without contradic-
tion, that "copies of the Bill were sent to the Board of Trade ;
and there was even now one of those copies in the House,
marked with notes made in the office of that department." This
seems to dispose of Mr. Poulett Thomson's excuse that no
means were taken to call his attention to the matter. These
circumstances give additional weight to the old complaints of
the carelessness with whieh the Legislature and the Execu-
tive perform their respective duties. The second reading of
the measure to alter, which in this case is to repeal, the Fish-
guard Harbour Bill, was carried by a majority of 181 to 20.
No indemnification is offered to the parties who, on the faith
of a law passed only last Session, have expended large sums
of money on the harbour. It has been usually supposed, that
though inefficient as a debater, and a recreant from his prin-
ciples, Mr. Poulett Thomson was a diligent man of business
in the Board of Trade : but this affair raises a suspicion of
his efficiency there also, and provokes the question, how so
idle as well as unimportant a person conies to have a seat in
the Cabinet. —Spectator.

LORI) MELBOURNE AND MS RADICAL .SUPPORT.—In a
speech on the reduction of the Yeomanry, Lord Winchilsea
having expressed his anxiety " To know whether there was
to be any further reduction, and whether this was to be only
part of reduction which was to end only in the total dismissal
of the corps to propitiate the Radical party, which had long
been opposed to this force, in return for the satpport which
that party had given to the Noble Viscount," Lord Melbourne,
in his reply, observed " The Noble Earl had said that this
was a boon to the Radicals for their support of her Majesty's
Government : if so, it was a boon without any consideration
—a boon most wantonly given, because her Majesty's Govern-