The Sun.
London, England, 1838-09-28 00:00:00

SPORTIN

IGENCE.

TATTERSALL' S—YESTERD4 Y.
The expectation of some good racing at Heaton Park has
detained so many speculators in the north, that business at
Hyde Park-corner is altogether out of the question ; nor is it
probable that we shall have an opportunity of making any
quotations until after the ensuing meeting at Newmarket.

HEATON PARK MEETING.—WanIVEsn4r.
The Stanley Stakes of 10 sovs. each; three yrs old, 9st. 71b ; four
yrs, 10st. 51b; five yrs, lOst. 121 b ; six yrs and aged, list. '2lb.
A. F. 7 Subs.
Lord Stanley's b. f. Miss Bowe, 4 yrs
..Lord Wilton 1
Mr. Wood's h. f. by Humphrey Clinker, 3 yrs 2
Lord Eglinton's bl. h. The Black Diamond, 5 yrs .. .. 3
Mr. Worthington's b. c. Northendon, 3 yrs 4
Mr. Thomson's br. c. Stansty, 3 yrs
7 to 4 agst The Black Diamond, 7 to 2 agst Stansty, 7 to 2 agst
Miss Bowe, and sto I agst Mr. Wood's filly. Won by a length.
The Champagne Stakes of 50 sovs. each, h. ft., with 25 added by
the Town of Bolton, for two yrs old; colts, Bst. 61b ; and fillies,
Bst. 31b; the second to save his stake ; a winner once, 31b. extra ;
twice, 51b. extra. T. Y. C. 13 Subs.
Mr. Heseltine's b. f. Shadow, by The Saddler... ...... Heseltine 1
Lord Westminster's c. by The Saddler
Lord Eglinton's ch. c. zoroaster, by Priam
Colonel Anson's b. c. Nickleby, by Jerry
Betting-6 to 4 agst Shadow, sto 2 agst Nickleby, 3to 1 agst
Zoroaster, sto 1 agst Lord Westminster's colt. Won by a neck.
The Heaton Park Sweepstakes of 25 sovs., 15 ft., 5 only if de-
clared, &c., with 100 added by the Town of Manchester. Mile
and a half. 34 Subs., 21 of whom pay 5 sovs. each.
Lord Chesterfield's b. c. by Priam, out of Mayflower (h. b. ),
4 yrs, ist. 61b 1
Mr. Osbaldeston's b. f. Fairy Queen, 3 yrs, 6st. 41b.......
Mr. G. Cooke's ch. f. Rachael, 4 yrs, 7st. 31b...
Mr. Ogden's br. C. Harpurhey, 3 yrs, 6st. 131 b
Mr. Bell's ch. f. Golden Drop, 4 yrs, 7st. 31b
Mr. Ferguson's ch. c. Harkaway, 4 yrs, 9st. 21b
.. fell
Lord Miltown's ch. f. Cruiskeen, 4 yrs, 7st
Betting—Even on Harkaway, 5 to 1 agst the half-bred, 7 to 1
agst Rachael, 10 to 1 agst Fairy Queen, and 10 to 1 agst Harpur-
hey. Won easy by half a length.
The St. Leger Stakes of 25 sovs. each, 10 ft., with 100 added by
the Club; three yrs old colts, Est. 71b; and fillies, Est. 41b.; the
winner of the Manchester or Newton St. Leger, or Warwick
Guy Stakes, 31bs. extra ; the Liverpool Spring or July St. Leger,
or the York 30 sovs. Stakes or Produce Stakes, 51bs. extra; the
Doncaster St. Leger, 101bs. extra ; and the second horse 51bs.
extra. No horse to carry more than one extra weight. Maiden
horses allowed 41bs. Four to start, or the 100 sovs. will not be
given. St Leger Course. 13 Subs.
Lord Chesterfield's b. c. Don John
A Gold Cup, value 100 sovs., given by Mr. King, of the Basil
Inn, added to a Sweepstakes of 10 nova. each ; for three yrs old,
9st. 21b; four yrs, 10st. 71b ; five yrs. list; six yrs and aged,
I Ist. Mb. Mares and geldings allowed 31bs. The winner of a
Cup, Cup Stakes, or Queen's Plate, in 1838, to carry 3lbs ; of
two or moro, Sibs extra; the winner of the Cup at Doncaster,
101bs extra ; the winner of the St. Leger, 71bs ; and the second
horse, 3lbs. extra. No horse to carry more than one extra weight.
Malden horses allowed 71bs ; and horses not having won in 1838
allowed 51bs. ; but only one allowance. St. Leger Course. 8 Subs.
Lord Westminster's br. c. Cardinal Puff, 4 yrs walked over

ISLE OF WIGHT RACES.—TuEsair.
The Maiden Plate of 20/., for horses, &c., bred in the Isle of
Wight, which had never been winners (Matches and Handicaps
excepted). The winner of this not to carry extra weight in any
future race. Two mile heats. No groom or servant allowed to ride.
Mr. Buckell's hr. g. Hebe, 3 yrs, 7st
Mr. Baker na. ch. m. Forest Fly, aged, lOst
Mr. Tarrant's ch. m. Linnaletta, aged, lOst
Mr. Cole's br. g. Oyster Knife, aged, lOst dr
The Hunter's Cup, a Sweepstakes of 2 soya. each, with 20 added
from the Fund. Two mile heats. Gentlemen riders.
Mr. Hardley's b. g. Muley, 5 yrs, Hat. 71b
Mr. Jolliffe's c. m. Diana, aged, 12st
Mr. Mew's b. m. Amazon, aged, and Mr. Jolliffe's b. m Jenny
Jones, aged, were drawn. i very excellent race. The first heat
won by a neck.
Sweepstakes of 2 sovs. each, axd 15 sovs. added from the Fund,
free for all horses. Two mile heats. The winner to be sold for
301., if demanded in the usual way.
Mr. Vicat's Logic, 5 yrs, 9st., beat Mr. Bull's Castinet, Mr.
Monck's b. h. Oberon, Mr. Robinson's ch. g. Congress, Mr. Bar-
nett's hr. m. Miss Foster, Mr. Hearn's Golden Drop, and Mr.
Rendall's ch. m. Peeress. Winner claimed.

WEDNESDAY.
The Ile of Wight
Mr. Jolliffe's ch. m. Diana,s aged, llst Cup.
1 1
Mr. Mew's b. m. Amazon, aged
2 2
Mr. Buekell's br. f. Hebe, 3
yrs, 7st. 101 b 3 3
The Ladies' Prize, with ten pounds added. Second horse a
handsome whip. Gentlemen riders.
Mr. Hardley's Muley, 5 yrs, 9st.
Mr. Bucke't's br. f. Hebe, 3 yrs, 7st.
Mr. Rendall's c. m. Peeress, aged, lOst.
The following were not placed :—Mr. Bull's c. g. Burgundy ;
Mr. Hearn's b. m. Golden Drop. Some doubts as to the winner.
A most excellent Hurdle Rae,' closed the sports this day.
Miss Jenny Jones was the favourite: indeed, none liked to enter
against ber, but Mr. George was pressed to enter his mare
against her. They took the first and second hurdles beautifully
together; at the third, Miss Jones was rather behind her op-
ponent, they kept company round the course; the fourth and
fifth hurdles were cleared in fine style, but Jenny had received
so much injury at the first, that she was obliged to be drawn,
though backed at 5 to 1 at the commencement.
Rather a novel circumstance happened during the Race for
the Hunters' Stakes ; Mr. Smith, one of the stewards, had
given his horse to a lad to hold, as the horses were starting;
they had got about 200 yards, when Mr. Smith's horse broke
from the lad, and followed them without a rider--kept the
course without cutting off either of the corners—passed both
the running horses, and actually came in first amid the shouts
of the hundreds assembled, who did not enjoy the sport more
than the " hanimal."

As a party of gentlemen were returning home on horseback,
in coming up the High-street, one of them, Mr. William
Drover, who was on Mr. Denison's celebrated trotting mare,
came in contact with a cart, the shaft of which entered the
Mare's chest, to the depth of 12 inches, the rider was thrown
to a great distance, and we are happy to say, escaped without
serious injury, but it was the death of the poor mare.

BEDFORD RACES.— H
./F,DIVESDIT.
Her Majesty's Plate of 100 guineas. Three miles.
Lord H. Seymour's br. h. Scroggins, 5 yrs, 9st. 91b...F. Buckle l
Mr. Coleman's b. h. Calmuck, 5 yrs, 9st. 91b
Mr. Bristow's br. h. Dr. Slop, 5 yrs, 9st. 91b
Mr. NVorrall's br. c. Dormouse, 3 yrs, 7st. 1 llb
A good race.
The Duke of Bedford's Purse of 501. for three yrs old. Two miles.
The winner to be sold for 2001., &c.

-- - ,
Mr. Stevens's gr. c. Gimcrack, Set. 71b W. Harvey 1
Mr. Adams's b. f. Anne, Bst. 41b
Captain W. Cheal's br. c. 0 dear what can the matter be,
Bst. 71b ............... 3
Mr. Coleman's b. f. Olive, by Young Emilius, fist. 41b ...
A fine race. Winner claimed.

The Two yrs old Stakes of 10 sovs. each, with 30 added by the
Ladies. Three quarters of a mile. The winner to be sold for
31)0 sovs.
Mr. Carter's Brabant, Bst. 71b ....................... F. Buckle 1
Lord Tavistock's Sister to Won eastello, by Defence, Bst. 41b 2
The Woburn Stakes of 10 sovs. each. Two mile heats. The
winner to be sold for 300/. 8 Subs.
_1b........................R. Sly 1 1
Mr. Bruce's Bodice, aged, 9st.
Mr. King's Ruby, 4 Yrs,
3 yrs, 6st. I Ilb ........................ 3 dr
Mr. Coleman's Olive,
Two well contested heats.
Bst. 21b

-oCaptainivH. enningsen's Spicey
niddleC;a half. The winner to be sold
d to a Sweepstakes of 5 sovs.
ES.— TUESDAY .
BillT
heM ea
each.
ohl
Town
naHt fori3trieisl,
altOstbc:ese
aoEaobvtf sos3s.u.totTrHa.sEoacr
mile
Rf
socil ae:
Rmiaant
for 1201.
Mr. Saddler's ch. f. by Reveller, 4 yrs, Bst. 101b...Mr. W.

Sadler ......
32
dr2
.m 1 11
:Pr
n. uSriTlyaeac?a:4nhbdaYe rraaisr;ialrßa"‘l a gt4f. heats,
ye3drl 5b,08..5. t.
b..
..t.3il b,
9.5.
.... .
;3. .1
b. ...
..
..
.....
4 dr
1 Ist 61b. (J. Roots), beating
ch.
Mr. Aplin's f.
Kirtlington Lass, 4 yrs, lOst. 121 b., and another.
Mr. Elliott's b. ni.
of 5 sovs. each, and 30 added, for horses that
The Bicester Stakes
1 ‘ll%
111.
rrr...
TheS a
Barker's
ly Stevens'si
n, 'os
pb .brbm. 1
Cup, 0 . 1r . c. , 4
yrs,
for 80 sovs. Subs.
to be sold
4yrs ,b g. Single Peeper, ...............Hardy 1 1
Mr. Robins s .
' b. c. Czar, 3 yrs .................. ...
have been regularly hunsted,&c. Heats, two miles, the winner
Mr. Goodlake s
2 3
started.
1 wo others
1 Coles's bl. f. Miss Finger, 7st. 71b.,
Match. Three mi e .---..
beat Mr. Aplin's b. f. Pu ,
ssy 6st.
each, and 20 added, •
twice round
A Handicap Stakes of 3 sovs.
for
and a distance, the winner to be sold 501., were wen by Mr.
Stevens', b. m. Talebearer, 4 yrs, lOst. 101 b. (Hardy), beating
Mr. Painter's Cricket Ball, 6 yrs, 9st. 71b. ; Mr. Aplin's O. Y. C.
Mr. Barker's b. m. Sacc,harina, aged (h. b.)
4 yrs, lOst. 71b., and three others.
A Cup, to be trotted for by Bicester Troop horses, thrice round,
was won by Mr. J. elements's bl. m. Q. 0., 6 yrs (T. Shaw),
beating Mr. J. Shepherd's ch. an. Jeminia, 6 yrs, and three others.
OSWESTRY RACES.—TUESDA r.
A Cup of 50 sovs. (in specie), the gift of Sir W. W. Wynne,
Bart., added to a Handicap Stakes of 15 sovs. each, 10 ft., and
5 only, if declared, &c. One mile and a half. 8 Subs., of
whom 5 declared.
Mr. T. Walters's br. h. King Cole, 5 yrs, 9st Marlow 1
Lord Stanley's ch. c. Ole Bull, 3 yrs, 7st. 81b
er.
The Shropshire Stakes of 20 sovs. each, h. ft., with 50 added by
the Innkeeper. The best of heats, from the winning chair. 10
MrS.uPiTillsipos'fswchho.
Mr. F. R. Price's ch. h. Ludford, 6 yrs, 6st. 71b
whom
11PlaayWid5-oosnf°llvi:o.anetacocanhn,:.4 yrs, ist. 81b...Clerke 1 I
Mr. Painter's b. h. Matadore 4 3
, 6 yrs, Bst. 51b
Sir T. Stanley's gr. f. Violet, 4 yrs, 7st. 71b
Two well contested heats.
The North Shropshire County Members' Stakes of 5 sovs. each,
h.ft.s, taannldey,ssOchad. added
jblc)gyßSayiri‘Ria.itHoni:l3,
yrs, 7st
and W. 0. Gore,
Esq. for horses of all aes. Mile and a half heats. 3 Subs.
Sir T.
Lund 1 1
Mr. Cookes's b. f. by Herbert Lacy, 3 yrs, 6st. I llb
Won easy.

WALSALL RACE S.—WEDNESDA .
Sweepstakes of 10 sous. each, with 20 added, for horses not tho-
rough-bred. Heats, twice round, from the distance chair.
3 Subscribers.
Captain Lamb's Jack, 6 yrs, l l st. Ilb W. Sanders 1 1
Mr. Stevenson's ch. b. True Blue, aged, list. 31b... 2 2
Mr. Ongley's Donnington, aged, Ilst. 31b
The Barr Beacon Stakes A good race.
(Handicap) of 20 ss. each, nd 3
added, from the distance
chair, twice roun d.ov l 8 Subs., a 11 of
whom pay 5 sevs. each.
Mr. Fowler's b. m. Mersey, 5 yrs, 7st Dodgson 1
Mr. James na. b. f. by Cadland, 4 yrs, 6st. 61b
Mr. H. Marshall na. b. f. by Robin Hood, 4 yrs, 7st
The following also started, but were not placed:—Mr. Critch-
ley's b. c. His Grace, 4 yrs, 6st. ; .and Mr. E. Peel's gr. c. Saul,
3 yrs, 7st. Won cleverly.
The Members' Plate of 501. Heats, twice round.
Mr. Wascoe's br. h. Swainby, 5 yrs, 9st. lib ...Livcsey 3 1 1
2
Lord Warwick's b. c. by Brutandorf, 3 yrs, 7st 1
Captain Lamb's b. h. Gardham, by Falcon, Bst. 21b 23 dr
dr
Mr. Critchley's b. C. His Grace, 4 yrs Bst. 71b 4 dis
Won cleverly.

DR. BOWRING'S VISIT TO

BLACKBURN.

On Thursday last Dr. Bowring arrived in Blackburn.
,On the following morning a deputation from the Liberal
Operative Association waited upon the Hon. Gentleman, and
presented him with a complimentary address, in which, after
expressing their gratification at seeing him again among them,
they requested him to attend a meeting of the society in the
evening, at the Music-hall.
Accordingly, at the time appointed, the people assembled
in that spacious building. On Dr. Bowring entering the
room, he was greeted in the most enthusiastic manner.
Mr. G. DRWIIURST having been called to the chair, opened
the business of the meeting at some length.
Dr. BOWRING then stepped upon the platform, and was re-
ceived with loud and reiterated plaudits. Silence being re-
stored he said—Need I assure you, my friends, that after a
separation of fouryears I come among you with unchanged affec-
tion and unchanged principles; and that it is a delight to me to
see and know that you are still willing to listen to the voice of
an old friend, talking to you the language you have been ac-
customed so often to hear from his lips ? It is not exactly correct
what your worthy Chairman has said, that I come again among
you an unchanged man, for years bring with them weariness
and sometimes dejection ; and I assure you that my first feel-
ing, in returning to this place (towards which I feel so warm
an attachment, for the many kind welcomes which I can never,
never forget), was that I was older and less capable of exer-
tion than when I first had the happiness of knowing you. But
I felt this still more when I was told that the flame of Reform
and of Freedom was burningless brightly now than when I first
came among you, that the people and the friends of the people
have betaken themselves to slumber, and that the cause of free-
dom is in a state of almost hopeless lethargy.—(No, no.)
Arc there not still a few lovers of Reform among you who are
determined that the people's cause shall not suffer, and that if
the Reform Bill has not accomplished the end for which it was
intended, that end shall yet be accomplished ?—(Cheers. )
But, Gentlemen, if we talk thus of our disappointments and
discouragements, it shall only be with the view of encouraging
one another; and if our enemies taunt us with boasts of antici-
pated triumph, we have only to tell them that we have a greater
triumph in store, that we have the people around us and be-
hind us, and that a brave and determined people never
were vanquished.—(Cheers.) It is very true that the people
of this country have shown a deplorable indifference, and that
that indifference has produced its effects upon the Parliament
and the Government. But that indifference, I think, will not
last much longer. The waves, indeed, are already in motion,
and sure lam that they will roll towards Toryism only to
overwhelm it. Though the people may now be apathetic, and
Toryism apparently on the ascendant, yet I am convinced that
ere long the masses will rise, as the lion rises after its slumber,
refreshed and strengthened; and that Toryism, now so proud
and vaunting, will be shaken off as the dew-drops from the
lion's mane.—( Cheers. ) A movement, Gentlemen, has
commenced amongst the labouring classes, and I find in
many places considerable anxiety in the minds of the
friends of Reform lest that movement be misdirected.
I, however, as one of those who know the people, am
willing to trust the people.—(Cheers.) I believe they will
not be led astray from their true interests and their old
friends, but will direct their energies to the removal of those
abuses which oppress and grind them to the earth.—( Cheers.)
My friend, Mr. Dewharst, has alluded to the monstrous
and almost inconceivable injustice that has been done to
the industrious population of this country by the abomi-
nable Corn-laws.—( Cheers.) It is a question upon which
perhaps, I may be entitled to speak, for though not the repre-
sentative of any portion of the electors of Great Britain, it
has been my privilege to represent the Government of this
great country in remote and interesting lands. And what do
I find ? Throughout the world a desire to receive the articles
you manufacture in exchange for the produce of the soil.—
( Hear.) But what do I find at home? A law which says,
" The industrious people of England shall not export their
goods." They don't, however, call it a " law to prevent ex-
portation," but they call it a " law to protect the farmer."
The proper title is " A law to make the people pay dear for
their bread.—( Cheers.) It says, " You shall labour in vain,
and the world, which is willing to receive your manufactures,
shall not receive them." This monstrous oppression, Gentle-
men, be it not forgotten, which hangs as an intolerable load upon
the shoulders of the honest people of England, is the result
of Tory misrule.---( Hear, hear.) 'there are certain men in
the world who fancy that the people have forgotten what the
reign of Toryism was. They vainly imagine that you
have such short memories as not to remember that
Toryism oppressed you with a frightful national debt—
took out of your pockets or,e hundred millions ster-
ling to pay for an accursed war, instigated for the sole pur-
pose of preventing other nations from becoming free.—
( Cheers.) And after taking a hundred millions to prevent
America and other nations from governing themselves, they
say that because this has been taken, we must pay five hun-
dred millions more in the shape of an abominable Corn-law.—
(Cheers.) Yes • because we are taxed far beyond any other
nation in the world, they insist that we shall pay more for our
food I While at Manchester, I heard this system of robbery
compared to a fat old gentleman going down Cornhill. . Per..
ceiving that he could hardly move along, a pickpocket seized
his hat, and ran away with it. The old gentleman made an
effort to follow him, crying " Stop thief, stop thief 1" When
almost out of breath, another of the same fraternity accosted
him—" Ah, Sir, can't you get on—are you quite out of
breath ?" " Yes," rejoined the exhausted gentleman ; " a
villain h:s stolen my hat, and I cannot pursue him."
" Just right," said the fellow ; " then here goes your
wig I"—(Laughter.) This is precisely the case of those
who say, that because the people pay heavy taxes en
account of the debt incurred by the war, they shall also
pay an enormous price for their bread !—(Cheers.) Such
reasoning as this never vvas and never can be successfully urged.
You manufacture goods which you want to sell to procure
food for your children, and I trust that all the sophistry in the
world will be insuffic ent to divert:your attention from the crying
evil of the Corn-laws. I assure you that when I urge the
people to press this subject on the attention of the Legislature,
I do not wish to see them indifferent or inactive in regard to
other great, important, organic, democratic changes. I care
not what fortress of the citadel of abuse is attacked. I care not
where the breach is made, if the people can but enter in. All
I desire is that the attack should be made at the point where
the enemy is weakest, and where the people can bring to
bear their utmost strength. Survey, then, the enemy's posi-
tion, and I am persuaded you must come to the conclusion that
the weakest part of the garrison is the Corn laws.—(Cheers. )
You know, Gentlemen, in what way I have lately been occu-
pied. It has been in an endeavour to ascertain what
can be done to extend our commercial relations with
distant nations. A few years ago the price of corn was
very low in every country except England—where the land-
lords take special care it shall never be cheap—whilst in
many parts the: people were half naked, and their corn rot-
ting on the ground. Then, as now, the people of other
nations were willing and anxious to send their corn in ex-
change for our goods ; but our Corn-law masters said—
" What care wo whether the people of other countries are
clothed or not ?" The propel' answer to this was, " Well, but
if you don't care about the clothing of the people of other
countties, you must remember that unless we send them our
goodsthe people here must starve." But what care they whe-
ther the people starve or not ? What they Want is rent, and
in that shape you pay thirty per cent. to the landlord more
than he ought to receive._-( Cheers.) Why are other
countries more prosperous than this? Why are the people of
other lands, who are less intelligent, less industrious, less
moral, less religious, in a better situation than the people
of England ? Why is it that in other countries the labour-
ing man can save a little, after supporting his wife and
family, to purchase the house in which he lives, a plot of
land to cultivate as a garden, in which his children may run
about gathering fruit and flowers, and in a hich he may sit
in peace " under his own vine and fig-tree?" It is be-
cause the labourer is properly remunerated. And why is
that not the case here ? Because you have to compete with
foreign nations, who have no Corn-laws, and whose food,
therefore, can be purchased at a cheap rate. You are, in fact,
running a race with foreign nations with fetters on your legs.
..._(Cheers.) But, Gentlemen, this is not the only evil ten-
dency of the Corn-laws. A few years ago no manufactories
existed in foreign countries; but now they are growing up on
every side.—( Hear.) Then they were content to cultivate
their fields, and to receive our manufactured goods. But
a great change has taken place. They are now manufac-
turing for themselves, and the rate of labour being low, in
consequence of the cheapness of provisions, they are enabled
to compete successfully against us in their own markets.
Don't you think that this is an alarming circumstance?
Don't you think it is high time to look out for a remedy?
And what is that remedy? Unquestionably a repeal of the
Corn-laws.—( Cheers.) At present you pay more by 30 or
40 per cent. than you would do were this abomination re-
moved; and to this extent it is a profligate robbery upon the
industrious people of England.—( Cheers.) But, Gentlemen,
how are you to get rid of this grievance? There is a
maxim which contains a great deal of wisdom, and which, I
hope, will never be misinterpreted, that these who lend their
ear to the suggestions of the incendiary have put themselves in
a situation to be visited by the law. The people should re-
member that they have always been the sufferers by such men.
I deprecate beyond all things the exercise of violence. I
would never consent that the people should take what is called
the law into their own hands. There is a means of success
far more efficacious than this—agitation.—(Cheers.) A well-
directed system of agitation never yet failed. It is infinitely
more influential than the sword or the bayonet. The power'
of public opinion, on a subject which the people understand,
can never be long resisted.—(Checrs.) I need not say that
in my opinion the question, now in course of agitation by the
people contain the true principles of Government. It is
downright absurdity to say that we accepted the Reform Bill
as a " final measure." The people took it, as I think they
ought to take any measure of Reform, as an experiment. If
the power granted be not sufficient—and that it is not who
can doubt ?—to remove abuses, to give the people cheap
food, to secure to them the result of their honest labour, to
'ensure them cheap laws, cheap knowledge, and cheap govern-
ment, I for one will demand on their behalf some further or-
ganic changes. These arc the ends of all good government,
and with anything short of them the people ought not to be
contented.—( Cheers.) I have heard some men say, "We
will either have all that we want or nothing : we must have
twelve millions of voters." Now, my system is to get what I
can. Do you think I should be right in refusing six millions of
voters if I could not get twelve ? Don't you think that if we had
six we should have a better chance of getting twelve than we do
at present ? If we take possession of an enemy's country
we cannot accomplish it all at once; we must first take one
province and then another until the whole is secured. I
will not, however, quarrel with a man because he may say,
" I do not approve of your Universal Suffrage, but I am will-
ing to reduce the franchise to 51. ' Such a man lam willing

to receive as a friend of the people. Whenever our Tory
enemies show weakness, attack them in the quarter where they
are most vulnerable. I don't care where the attack is made.
I want to see where we can have the greatest quantity of
troops and the most efficient leaders, and, when the dis-
covery is made, to attack the foe with all the force and skill
we can coritinand.—(Cheers.) ,But I anticipate, Gentlemen,
that the time is not distant when we shail have less difficulties
to contend with. If lam not mistaken, society will ere long
be divided into two classes only—one for, the other against
the people ; and that minor differences will disappear.—
( Cheers.) I cannot doubt upon which side my friends in
Blackburn will be found. I believe that before the expiration
of two or three years the Ministry will be purged of some of
its impurities, and that the Government will be carried
on amidst the hurras of the people, because I am sure
the people will always be indulgent, not severe towards a
e Ministrynea l
welfare.—(Hear,
foarle._
abozz,eawr,ith honesty and zeal, to promote the
gbear.) They will be willing to
take into account the difficulties and prejudices at Court—
the influence of the Bishops—and the tremendous power of
the House of Lords and others of the aristocracy, which throw
almost overwhelming difficulties in the path of Reform.—
( Hear, hear.) A few years ago the people of France had
the power in their own hands of securing a good and popular
form of government, but they soon lost the "pearl of great
price." When, however, the people of this country obtain a
privilege, they do not so readily lose sight of it. If you ob-
tain anything good you will preserve it. What you have ob-
tained of value from your fathers you will hand down to your
children, because when you are oppressed you have a spirit to
resent the oppression—you don't like the pinching of the des-
potic shoe ; and I trust that by and bye you will shake offevery
vestige of tyranny. My friend, the Chairman, has referred to
my recent engagement in the service of the Government.
Often, I assure you, did I turn an anxious eye to watch what
you were doing when I was wandering far away in those coun-
tries of which you read so much in your Bibles, which are still
what they were in the time of the patriarchs ; where you may
drink at the same well where Jacob drank; where you may
still find the spot where Abraham wandered with his flocks
and herds ; where you may see the bricks without straw which
the children of Israel made ; and where you may wander
through the temples in which Moses and the Patriarchs walked.
At one period this land was a wooded desert, peopled by
savages, without clothing, without comfort, and without shel-
ter. Their abodes were the caves of the rocks—their com-
panions the beasts of the field. At a more remote period,
Egypt became a land of glory, of science, and of knowledge,
giving laws to Greece and Rome, scarcely yet born, and
spreading its civilisation through the world. And now
again, Gentlemen, what changes have come on ! You, the
descendants of those savages—you, whose habitations cover
the ground which was then a waste—you are now send-
ing garments to the descendants of those Egyptians, who
arc thus indebted to you for the clothing which they
wear. But, Gentlemen, what does Egypt produce ? It pro-
duces grain, as in the days of the Patriarchs. You know who
it was that went to Egypt for grain for Jacob and his children.
There were no Corn-laws then, but now they will neither let
Jacob nor you hare it. The Corn-laws say you shall starve
rather than receive it from the granary. What do the Egyp-
tians say ? In Syria, and in all parts of southern Europe the
remark is, " Take the produce of our soil and give us your
manufactures in return." But what do the landlords say ?
" They shan't have them, and you shan't have their corn. Let
them manufacture for themselves, and let us supply you with
corn." I return to this again, Gentlemen, because it is incon-
ceivable how long this oppression has been borne with. You
have been paying ten or fifteen millions, which have been torn
from the sweat of your brow, and which, had you been allowed
to save it, would have enabled you to retreat in comfort in your
old age, when you are no longer able to labour for yourselves.
It is astonishing how long the English have tolerated it. Doyou
intend to tolerate it much longer ?—(No.) Then petition
tell your Members what your wishes are. The people of Scot-
land are up—the people of England are rising—and do you
believe that when the people say that the grievance must be
redressed, it can continue? Do you believe that when the
people know the cause they will suffer themselves to be kept
at the starvation point, and in a condition from which they
cannot rise while the curse remains ? I dwell upon this topic,
Gentlemen, because itis prominent in my mind ; for, having
seen the effects of the Corn-laws upon your condition, and
having traced them also in foreign lands, where I have seen
whole districts where the corn would hardly pay the price of
the sickle that gathered it, in consequence of the want of a
market, I feel constrained to oppose the monstrous injustice.
(Cheers.) As to the farmers, I don't believe it would injure
them in the least. At present every penny that can be got
from the land goes into the pockets of the landlords, so enor-
mously high are the rents, so that were the Corn-
laws removed, a diminished rent-roll must be the conse-
quence. But, say the aristocracy, we must not be dependent
upon foreign countries for our supply. What I are we not de-
pendent upon foreign countries for our cotton, wine, tea,
coffee, wood, and a thousand other articles, yet who feels any
dread that we shall ever be deprived of them ? Away with
such sophistry ! Abolish the Corn-laws, and you make friends
with the whole world. —(Cheers.) The effect of their removal
would be to raise wages in other countries, and thus you would
be enabled to start fair in the race of competition. What I
cannot tolerate is that you should pay 70s. instead of 30s. per
quarter for your corn. Justice must be dotie. I would do no in-
justice to the landlord. He appeals to the vs-L.' in which he is
taxed as a justification of the Corn-1 Avis. There can be no
greater fallacy than this. In France the landlordspay one-half
of the taxes, and in no country in the world do the landlords
pay so liqlo in the shape of taxes as in England. How do
they get forty millions of revenue ? The most of it unjustly
falls upon the poor, not upon the rich.—( Cheers.) Gentle-
men, I have been talking too long, but when I come here I
feel myself at home.-2( Cheers.) I know it was not the
fault of the people of this borough that caused me to be dis-
associated from it, and again I thank them for the kindness
they have so often shown tne. I
assure them that their inte-
rests and prosperity are dear to me, and that I feel anxious at
all times to convince them how strong are the bonds which
bind me to them and to our common country.
Three cheers were then given for Dr. Bowring, and after a
vote of thanks to the Chairman, the meeting separated.
A banquet having been hastily got up in the course of the
day in honour of the Doctor, nearly 200 of his admirers as-
sembled in the large room at the Golden Lion Inn, Church-
street, after the above meeting, James Pilkington, Esq., in
the Chair.

THE COLOssEUM.—Under the management of
Messrs. Sloman and Goodman, this establishment is growing
into theatrical importance. What is technically termed a
good working company is engaged, and their attraction,
aided by Mr. Leman Rede, Mr. and Mrs. Manders, and Mr.
Salter. The Rakes's Progress has been played there since
Monday to crowded houses, the chief novelty in the cast
being the re-assumption of the heroine by Mrs. Manders
(who was originally in the piece). The drama has been rap-
turously received, and a good ballet winds up the evening's
entertainment very agreeably.
The adjourned inquest touching the death of an
illegitimate child, the dead body of which had been carried
about by the mother for several hours, was resumed yesterday,
but no material evidence beyond that which has already ap-
peared was adduced, and the post mortem examination of the
body having shown that the child had not come to its death by
violence, the Jury returned a verdict accordingly. The
Coroner, at the request of the Jury, severely reprimanded the
parents, observing, that though there was not sufficient evi-
dence to send them to the Criminal Court, yet their conduct
had rendered them liable to much suspicion.
An adjourned inquest was held last night at the
London Hospital on the body of a woman named Jones, aged
42, the wife of a mechanic. The husband of deceased, who
had been accused by common rumour of having thrown his
wife down stairs, deposed that she used to get drunk and fall
about the streets, so that on more than a hundred occasions
she had been carried home by the police. On Monday fort-
night, while intoxicated, the deceased fell down stairs, but he
did not hear her complain of apy particular injuries she had
received on that occasion. She subsequently complained of
paralysis, and he assisted her to the hospital, where she died
in a day or two afterwards. The husband added that the re-
port of his having thrown the deceased down stairs had been
circulated by her sister, who lived at the west end of the
town, with the view of injuring him. A pupil of the hospital
deposed that the deceased died from the effects of paralysis
and internal chronic disease, which were the result of ex-
cessive drinking, and the jury returned a verdict of" Natural
Death."

THE MONMOUTHSHIRE BOROUGHS. Mr.
Whately, the revising barrister, has been on his circuit in
these boroughs, and it is roost gratifying to find that the Tories
seem at length determined to profit by the severe lesson they
were taught at the last election. Not a single objection was
made by them at Monmouth ; and it is a perfectly well under-
stood fact that they have permittcd some of their best votes to
lapse by neglecting to pay the rates. In truth the signal
overthrow they received from Mr. Blewitt has induced the
resolution to no more contest the boroughs with him. He
came into the field at the last election three weeks after his
opponent Mr. Bailey, the present member for Sudbury, and
although Sir Benjamin Hall only triumphed on a former occa-
sion in Monmouth by a majority of four, Mr. Blewitt was
returned by a majority of fifty-four, so great was the influence
of his character over the constituency of the united boroughs.
Mr. Blewitt is the representative of one of the oldest families
in the county, and is a gentleman of independent fortune, an
influential banker, and possessed of considerable talent and
energy. His votes during the late session prove him to bltea
sound Reformer; and, indeed, against such a man it Is quite
clear no Tory candidate will have the slightest chance of

success. _
FALMOUTH, SEPT. 24.—This morning
d his
on
Highness Prince George of Cambridge 1)
the Braganza, Peninsular steamer. Lienatii
Alil
and suite. Leod, for
Gi-
braltar, eiboar
cal Royald
braltar, accompanied by Colonel Cornw
Royal Highness arrived on Saturdayoi
1 night
Captain Plumridge,
ht in his private car-
riage, and yesterday was wa;teac_lso
by
Mr. W. Rogers, the
superintendent of the packets. also I
was attended to the public
banker, by whom the
of the gentry of the neigh-
bourhood, Royal Highness attended
rooms,
o&d
,c .
a,
nads
eCv Church. This morning the Astrea's
Divine service in
attendancethe
at the wharf adjoining Pearce's Royal
barge was in I'lumridge did the honours of taking off
Hotel when Captain .
the Prince the steamer ;his equipage was likewise em-
barked.tne to -
There was no Royal salute fired on the occasion.
iisßoyal Highness expressed himself gratified with the great
attention paid him during his short stay.
AQUA VIT/E.—The name very absurdly given to
alcohol, when used as an intoxicating beverage. It has been
the aqua mortis to myriads of the human race; and will, pro-
bably, ere long destroy all the native tribes of North America
and Australia,— Ure's Dictionary of the Arts.
iwnetiLeas beyPsirnoigmn

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The Downing-street newspapers dwell with exultation
upon the belief we expressed on Wednesday last, that there
appears no prospect of an immediate change of Ministry.
They seem to catch at an independent opinion volunteered
by the Times upon a subject so vital to all selfish parti-
zans, as an authority better worthy of confidence than any
to which they themselves have access, and ingraft upon our
declaration a swaggering taunt to the Conservatives about
the probability of their long exclusion from office. We
judged, and still judge, from the data before our eyes.
Had there been an exchange of character between the

Melbourne Cabinet and that body of gentlemen who sur-
round the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel, and

from amongst whom the members of their Government
would, of course, be f)rmetl—had the Whigs proved them-
selves to be honest men, and the Conservatives mere ped-

lars and traffickers for place—we might have framed a
different calculation of the political chances. The Whigs
as houcA men must have resigned, after the proved im-
possibility of carrying that measure which Lord Melbourne
solemnly pledged himself " to carry or resign." The Whigs as
honest men could not have been parties to a Tithe Bill strippcd
of the appropriation clause, after Lord Meibourne scornfully
announcing to the House of Lords that he and his col-
leagues sloA upon the appropriation principle; they stood
upon that to which they were pledged, and if not sustained
by Parliament in that principle, they were ready to retire
froai 0i1:cc..." Well, they have not been supported in their
principle ; and why have they not resigned? Because
they are greedy, forsworn, and dishonoured men, without
one spark of public principle, or feeling for aught but pelf
and place. Lord John Russell in 1835 declared, that "as

between Sir Robert Peel's Government and the app!-eplia.

tien principle, it was better that the principle shouldsuc-
cecd and the Government fall." But it seems that Lord
John Russell apples no parity of sentiment or reasoning
to the case of that Adnlinistratscn of which he is himself a
Member : there his Lordship deems it considerably more
_ _ _

expedient that, the principle should fall and the Government
continue. The pledge given in the face of Parliament by
the Melbourne Ministers during the Spring of 1835 was
not in the nature of a private bargain with Mr. Daniel
O'Connell alone, from the obligation of which they might
be absolVed at the pleasure of that self-seeking personage.
It was the promulgation to the empire at Lrge of a broad
principle oC State policy, for the wise and jest (as they re-
presented the matter) Govet nment of Ireland to all future
time. It was a proposal to the whole body of Irish Papists
of how much they (the Ministers) undertook to perform
towards the downfall of the Protestant Church in Ireland,
and the setting up of Popery on its ruins. Hare the Irish
Papers ever released the Ms :bourne Ministers from that
fatal bond, criminal in its execution, we are all aware, but
not the less disgraceful in its forfeiture from ignominous
motires ? Assuredly they have net. Priests end laymen
reprobate alike the mercenary alacrity with which Mr.
Daniel O'Connell encouraged the Ministers to sponge out
the appropriation clause from their debt to the " people of
Ireland." Priests and laymen are loud and unanimous in their
abuse of the Melbourne Cabinet for truckling to the Church,
and violating their solemn compact with the Papists. The
people of England, on the other hand, have nothing to
complain of beyond the spectacle of their indignant country
ruled by a set of adventurers so degraded. The people of
England rejoice over the surrender of the appropriation
clause—a clause which first, perhaps, opened their eyes to
the calamitous results of a league with Irish Popery. But
the moral sense of the British nation—the spirit of man-
hood, honour, and good faith which guides it—has not been
on that account a whit the less shocked at the fast-and-
loose play of these licentious and profligate gomeiters, at
the wickedness of their designs, and the meat.ness of their
practices. When, therefore, we threw out an opinion that
such men as the Melbourne Ministry would still keep pos-
session of office, our prognostic was governed, and pre-
cisely measured, by our knowledge that political baseness
like theirs was insensible to all humiliation. When the feel-
ing ofself-respect is gene, the man has dung off his first
essential attribute. He is no longer to be wrought upon by
treatment which would wring other men wi:h agony, or
rouse them to fury. Our judgment, therefore, of what was
and is likely to
was formed, we repeat
quo7id any change of Ministry,
repeat once more, upon the certainty,
founded on manifold experience, that no moral considera-
tion whatsoe;;er, cf shame or glory, of r;glit or wrong,
would induce those Ministers, the fags and slaves of a dis-
reputable master, to make or receive any overtures towards
such a consummation. There is likewise another element
of prophecy within us. The Conservatives, as well as the
, lug- Radicals now in office, must be parties to any change.
Our trust in them is not less perfect than our knowledge
of and contempt for the Ministers. If the Ministers have
proved themselves to be men who will at any time, for the
sake of office, betray the principles by professing which
they managed to usurp it, Sir Robert Peel and the Con-
servatives
have impressed upon their countrymen—upon
friends and enemies—an equally strong conviction that they
at least are too generous and upright to make stalking-
horses of their own solemn engagements, or to hesitate one
moment about the sacrifice of place, unless by the retention
of it they would be fully enabled to carry out their own
declared views of sound constitutional policy, and
to save the empire from the infliction of measures hostile
to the interests of all good government, but most so to the
welfare of the British Monarchy, as transmitted to them
by their fathers. A single vote of the House, of Commons
upon a detached measure of finance filled the noble mind
of the Duke of Wellington with disdain for a position
wherein he must have been responsible for proceedings of
which he disapproved. Sr) Robert Peel's respect for the
rights of the Church, and conviction of the blessings of
which our religious ee ablishment had for ages been pro-
ductive, was stronger than his love of that official power
which a single act of treachery to the Church would have
permitted him still to exercise. Without an hour's hesita-
tion, therefore, that upright Statesman resigned : on the
contrary, t'.e Whig passion for office has been stronger than
their hatred of the Church ; so the Whigs stand fast by
their places. When Sir Robert Peel shall have been fully
satisfi 1, that by acceding to office, and by the com-
position of Parliament, be will be thoroughly enabled
to govern England as in his conscience he believes that
England ought, for the sake of her people and of their
posterity, to be governed, then, and not before, will
he listen to any propositions made to Lim, come
whence they may, for superseding their present in-
capable and discreditable Ministers. The appetite for
office, abstracted from a reliance on his ability thereby to
save and serve the country, will not prevail upon Sir
Robert Peel. It was not the love of office which swayed
him in November, 1834. It was a deep feeling of duty
towards his Sovereign, who, the Right Hon. Baronet was
aware, had taken an imprudent step, and the abruptness of
the occasion, which left him or the Duke of Wellington no
alternative—it was that which overpowered the repugnance
of Sir Robert Peel, and forced him to accept a post
wherein he might do much indeed for his own character,
and for the diffusion of right principles throughout society,
but little in the shape of those immediate benefits, of which
the instrument must always be an effective majority in the
House of Commons. Meanwhile, the Papists throughout
Ireland are working vigorously for the cause of English
Conservatism. O'Connell is another, and no insignificant
factor, for Sir Robert Peel. The Ultra-Radicals here are
hourly filling the ranks cf the constitutional army. The
place-holding Whigs, as a distinct and Lep:irate faction, are
annihilated. The whole works for good, but there must be
no precipitancy on the part of honest men.—Times.
The half million of souls assembled on Kersal-moor,
near Manchester, will by degrees dwindle down to the
proper number. The Manchester Guardian of Tuesday
last admits "that the attendance very considerably exceeded
our expectations, and showed that the diligent canvassing
and placarding by which the affair was preceded hid pro-
duced considerable effect upon the curiosity, if not on the
political feelings, of the surrounding population, and a meet-
ing was collected which, we believe, has not been exceeded
in magnitude by any political assemblage held in this
neighbourhood since the memorable meeting on the 16th of
August, 1819." But the Guardian tells us, at the same
time, that so far from the numbers approaching to the
magnificent estimate of Mr. Feargus O'Connor, who says
there were eighty acres of full-grown men, women, and
children, which, at five to the square yard, would make
the very wondrous number of 1,936,000, the persons ac-
tually present et any one time did not exceed 30,000.
"In order," says the Guardian, "to form a meahrately
correct cpinion as to the number of persons present at a
meeting like that on Monday, it is necessary to look at
the ground either before or after the proceedings ; because a
piece of land,
when ien covered by a dense crowd of people, al-
ways looks much more extensive than it really is; and when
we saw the meeting on Monday we supposed it to cover
much more ground than we fAounnvdr,
eorn,ona
wsubbosesqauwenantdinmspixeecd-
lion, to have been the se
' it was , and who
with the assemblage,
who
ground, noticed how
will findplaced that the place
will now go and view the
occupied by that dense
portion of tl;e meeting which stood
near the hustings may be readily distinguished by the way
in which the grass has been trcddthetaitd
iotia
ins ;
vaernyd littlell ft at
very likely to his astonishment,
all, more than forty yards span.. He will also find that
the line of flags and banners
(whiolo
vasa
notg more than
side of the solid part of the meetingwas )
lon way
seventy-five yard,' from the front of the hustiig,.s
f the Taking
data, we are quite satisfied that if the who— itrshotsens
present at one o'clock (when they were the most numerous)
had stood as close as those who were immediately in front of
the hustings, they would certainly not have filled a space of
eighty yards square ; and we do not believe that there were.
at any one time so many as 30,000 persons present on the
ground.
NVe understand that Colonel Wcmyss, who was on
the moor with several other military officer 3 and who took grrat
pains to form a correct judgment of the numbers present, esti-
mated them at 30,000, which we believe to be rather over than
under the truth, but which all reasonable men will greatly pre-

_~

fer to the calculations of Mr. reargus O'Connor, or the-mow
moderate guesses of those who make the numbers only some
One, two, or three hundred thousands."
An assemblage of 30,000 is no doubt a very large one ;
but there is a difference between 30,000 and half a million
or even 300,000.—Morning Chronicle.
There is nothing would tend more to promote the suc-
cess of the mighty efforts which the people are now making
for the recovery of their rights, and a fair representation in
the Legislature, than the preparation of practical plans
by which the object sought after might be carried into
effect. Measures proposed in vague and general terms
never excite the same attention as those which are presented
in form ready for immediate application. We would,
therefore, strongly recommend those taking the lead in the
present manifestations, and especially the delegates ap-
pointed to meet in London, to direct their attention to
the preparation of measures which might at once be pre-
sented -for Legislative sanction, rather than indulge in de-
clamation, which, however serviceable in arousing popular
enthusiasm, is otherwise ue_lors to Ilracticel ri2sults.
Mr. Grote has already accomplished this service for
one of the measures now claimed by the people, and by
the preparation of the ballot-box effectually silenced
the objections of those v-ho affected to believe that no
means could be devised whereby perfect secresy could be
secured and fraudulent voting at the same time pre-
vented. Some practical plan ought next to be prepared
for the Extension of the Suffrage. To claim Universal
Suffrage, without being prepared to sho..v how it may be,
carried into effect, imlicates vagueness of purpose, and
makes the people appear as if they were not in earnest in
their demands. Universal Suffrage, though indisputably
recognised by the British Constitution, appears to us a
most just but impracticable theory. A limit must some-
where be fixed, or we should have in every constituency
such fraudulent intrusions on the legitimate franchise as
were practised at Preston under the potwalloping" sys-
tem. This is the only claim in the Charter which appears
visionary. As to the duration of Parliament, with House-
hold Suffrage, protected by the B clot, it would be a matter
of corni-arative indifference whether fixed at one or three
years. The payment of Members of Parliament we con-
sider to be a just and salutary practice, but with the great
essentials—Household Suffrage and the Ballot—it would
signify little whether or r.ot Members received a salary.
It. is strange that Mr. O'Connell objects to the pay-
ment of Members, though we have always considered
that it v-as on this piincip!e—of the labourer being
worthy of his hire—that Le eentioued to receive the an-
nual offering of the Irish p7ople. Being, however, op-
posed to tile payment of Members for their legislative
labours, we are at a loss to conceive the grounds on which
he claims exemption in his own case. He also charges the
Reformers of England with being vague in their purposes,
though, with the exception of Universal Suffrage, in which
be coincides, and Anon J Parliaments, to which we believe
the great body of Reformers attach little importance, there
is no subject proposed in -the " People's Charter" which
has not long engaged the best efforts of all genuine Re-
formers. Who will dare to assert that the Ballot is a
visionary proposition? or the payment of Members vi-
sionary ? Universtl Suffrage Mr. O'Connell advocates—
therefore, his elurge cannot apply to it ; and even as to
Annual Parliaments, we see nothing so visionary as Mr.
O'Connell's own proposition of taking fifty Members from
England and adding them to the representation of Ireland.
It is true, the people want efficient leaders. The time is
one which requires greater talent than that necessary for
the mere manufacture of a speech to direct the popular
movement. But notwithstanding this, having so much ex-
perience of the duplicity and desertion of leaders, of which
we might adduce innumerable instances, we prefer seeing
the people rely on their own good sense and exertions, ra-
ther than blindly follow the dictation of any individual,
however exalted his talents, or enthusiastic his zeal in the
cause of popular freedom.—Morning Advertiser.
King Dan would scent to have summoned his Ministers
from Downing-street to Dublin. The Marquis of Lans-
downe is there. Sprince Rice is there. The Lord Lieu-
tenant is there, of ceu,se ; and, finally, Lord John Russell
his insinuated himself into the interesting group, Is Dan
angry ? What can he want with so many of his vassals at
one time ? The Queen is favoured with ti,e company of
only two of her Ministers at Windsor ; and it would seem
to be doubtful whether these two, together with their
Royal Mistress, may net be speedily summoned to Dublin,
in order to grace the perfect development of some of Da-
niel's schemes. The Pilot—which is the Agitator's own
paper--alludes, in mysterious style, to the possibility cf
such an event :
" What if our little Queen were to take it into her head to
have a peep at us here, and, liking us, as no doubt she will
when she does come, call her faithful Commons' of that part
of the United Kingdom ' called Ireland' together in some of
the large and convenient rooms of Dublin Castle, and there
propound of her own free will and accord wise and wholesome
laws for the government and improvement of this unhappy
country? What a simple and a short cut this would be to con-
fer justice on Ireland 1"

" The mere imagining of the thing fills us with inex-
pressible delight. It is an excellent idea, and we will cling
to it. And after all, what is there to prevent this desirable
thing taking place? It would be an absolute relief to the
British Parliament to get rid of the multitude of vexatious
questions propounded in St. Stephen's Chapel. And to the
Irish people it would be a boon of such a nature, that we have
no doubt the country would leap into prosperity by two short
years of its working. It would remove the necessity of a re-
peal of the Legislative Union, up-in which the hearts of the
Irish people are now set, and the demand for which nothing
can satisfy but an equivalent such as we glance at. We are
sure her Majesty would find a three or four months' residence
amongst us in summer or autumn a delightful thing. The
people from their hearts' offering would build her a magnifi-
cent palace ' in less than no time :' and then for the balls, and
the races, and routs, and the masquerades, and the regattas,
and the balloons—Dublin would be Dublin again 1"
The promised palace might, beyond doubt, be easily
provided, by the simple process of plundering the Esta-
blished Church to the necessary extent I. And the " short-
est cut," as we imagine, to the " justice" desired by the
Pilot, would consist in the recognition by the Queen of the
Romish faith as the best fitted for Ireland. The extinc-
tion of the Protestant population would, no doubt, in like
manner, soon afterwards " relieve the British Parliament"
from some of the cares which now exist in connection with
the affairs of the emerald isle I.—Morning Herald.

The recent and the approaching manifestations, as they
are called, in favour of Universal Suffrage and other con-
stitutional charges, of which the obvious intention is, and
the certain effect would be, to convert the Goverament of
Great Britain into an unmitigated democracy, would be
subjects only for contempt and derision if we were at
liberty to regard them merely as isolated and unconnected
displays, the accidental ebullitions of local irritation and
discontent, or the ostentatious parade which district dema-
gogues have always delighted, according to the instinct of
the whole demagogue tribe, to make of the numbers of
their infatuated dupes. These democratic exhibitions have
been unattended by even the ordinary displays of popular
talent ; they have not in any instance been graced by the
presence of men who can be supposed to represeut the opi-
nions or feelings of any portion of the possessors of
property in this country ; and with the single exception of
the Manchester meeting, they have not presented
any very formidable array of numbers. Why i 3 it,
then, that many well-informed and reflecting persons
regard these new Reform meetings as symptoms of
danger, and look forward with anxiety and appre-
hension to the consequences which they seem to portend ?
When the true sources of this alarm are considered, it
will not appear so chimerical or absurd as persons who
look merely to the external aspect and separate proceed.;
ings of the popular assemblages recently held, might be
disposed to think it. The circumstances which distinguish
the present from any former popular movement within our
recollection are the uniformity of impulse and apparent
unanimity of will by which the assembled masses are actu-
ated in parts of the country remote from, and having no
special connection with, each other. On this occasion the
multitudes seem to have been better drilled for the exercise
they arc to go through than we have been accustomed to
see them. The regulations of the service in which they
are engaged
vierea good
are
eec one,adhered to with a steadiness which, if the
cause
would be worthy of all praise. They
listen to the demagogues who are appointed to address
them with exemplary attention applaud inthe right
places like so many professional claqueurs, refrain from all
insttebrreumpteiost practisednofth menseriesepredeteramtiennerpderatn feasts in of motions b
ionnszn from
strictly
any disturbance to the rota of toasts. Whence this change?
It is believed to be the result of a
secret organization
n moreagenizaon
amon„,
the working classes of our fellow-countrymen,
exten-
sive and more perfect than has ever existed until now.
There cannot be a stronger proof of the existence or the
force of the organisation for Republican
purposes
'
p s am
on lower orders of the people than their
steady resistanceaong
to the lure which every Ministerial organ has industriously
held out to the working classes, with a view to change the
object of their agitation, and to substitute
the demand of
a repeal of the Corn-law, for what they have been taught
to denominate " the People's Charter." That an artifice
so shallow as this should not
:Itav ehad
beenmuch success can
to
excite no surprise.
But it m gat '
hive
detach some portion, at least, of some oneassemblyexpectefm
the general object, and thus to occasion a kind of diversion,
however however momentary or insignificant. There has not, how-
ever, been anything of this kind. The trick of the Whig,
and political economists, favourable as circumstances
i-
pened accidentally to be to its success, has wholly
and
miserably failed. The concerted watchword of the con-
federated masses has alone been beard, the trusted advo-
altcs of the " People's Charter," the orators of Universal
Suffrage, the Greys, and Russells, and Broueams, and
Melbournes of the new Reform have been all in all. This
confederacy of Radical Associations and Trades' Unions,