The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 18, 1854.

the Emperor of Russia upti frouti,lrs bordering' on
Turkey. On the 9th of February d. Rus,,ell wrote
to Sir 0. Sayiu•Jiir as follows ;

notice, not by vulgar rumour, but by their own agents,
they were' well acquainted with the state of things—they
were bound to have noticed them, and ought to have placed
themselves in a condition to meet any events that might.
occur. On that part of the subject he humbly conceived
he could condemn the Government out of its own mouth.
He now came to another point, the Vienna Note. (Hear.)
At the time the Government agreed to that note he had
saidthey had involved themselves in fresh difficultie,, and
with all humility he now submitted that every word lie
then raid had come true, and
_that it was only the cele-
brated despatch of Count 'IN esselrode, putting the Em-
peror's construction on that note, which saved this coun-
try from committing a most manifest and gross act of in-
justice. The noble lord at the head of the Foreign-office
said he had forgotten all about this note; he did not know
where it was signed—whether it was here or there. He
(;dr. Layard) was not at all surprised, after reading the
blue-book, and se...ing how all these notes were sent fly.eg
about, backwards and forwards, shuttlecock fashion, that
the noble lorfl would be rather forgetful of the real merits ,
of the question. But the point was this—was that note ,
communicated, or was it not communicated, to the Turkish
Minister before it was accepted by us, communicated to
and accepted by the Russian Government? He said at the
time, that the noble lord the member for the city of Lon-
don admitted in this house that the Russian Government
had accepted the note, and that he (the noble lord) had
every reason to hope that the whole question would be
settled. What, then, was the position of this country at
that time ? Why, that instead of having been the allies of
Turkey, we had put ourselves in the position of being the
allies of Russia. It had been accepted by one party,
and, having been offered by us, we were in a manner
bound that the other party should adopt it. And so we
should, had it not been for Lord Stratford de Redcliffe's
warning. We were on the very verge of it, and it was only
on the publication of Count Nesselrode'S circular that we
saw the very gross injustice we were about to commit.
On the 13th of August there was a despatch from Lord
Stratford de Redcliffe to the Earl of Clarendon, stating—
" Yesterday evening, between five and six o'clock, her
Majesty's steam-vessel Caradoc arrived here (Therapia)
with your lordship's despatches of the 2d inst. At an early
hour this morning I waited on Redschid Pasha, and com-
municated to him the substance of your lordship's instruc-
tions relative to the projet de note already received from
Vienna." Then they had a despatch from the Earl of Cla-
rendon to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, dated " Foreign-
office, September 10," in which he writes, " Redschid
Pasha appears to complain that the Porte was not con-
sulted ; and I have to observe that the course previously
pursued by the Porte, when a proposal for settlement was
submitted to it, appeared to render subsequent consultation
inexpedient, as leading only to farther loss of time." Here
it was admitted, both by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe and
by the Government themselves, that the Porte was not
consulted, and yet they had noble lords rising in another
place and saying the Porte was consulted—they had reason
to say it was. He (Mr. Layard) was persuaded they did
not know anythitig about it. He did think, in this matter
the Ministry were condemned out of their own months.
They made a great mistake, and they do not deny it. It
had been said that it might have been all very well to have
adopted an energetic course, but that we could not do so
because we c mkt not get France to co-operate with us. If
the house would bear with him for one moment he would
prove the contrary by quoting despatches. He would
prove by those despatches that every offer of active mea-
sures, from the very first junction of the fleets at the
Greek waters, to their ultimate entry jointly into the
Black Sea, came from France. Lord Cowley's despatch
of the 28th of January says plainly that they had received
the offer to join the French and sail into the Bay of
r Salamis ; and, again, on June the sth, in a despatch from
M. Dronyn de Lhuys to Count Walewski, he says :

bow, GoAcquaiut yoit that, in a deStratch dated Odessa,
..fau4try 24) Mr. tlciusul-General Yeames reports that °Alert,:
tave.reaeltedzSeixtstopol for the equipment of the fleet, do
that it may be ready for sea at a short notice."

This showed that her Majesty's Government had positive
information, not from hearsay report, that the Russian Go-
vernment were, in January, 185.3, making vast military and
naval preparations. Bnt I cannot help quoting from a
despatch addressed by the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) to
Colonel Rose, which completely put aside the supposition
that her Majesty's Government were not well aware of the
extent of the Russian preparation. In that letter I.,rd J.
Russell informed Colonel Rose that Prince Menschi koff
was about to proceed to Constantinople, and directed him
to hold language calculated to bring back the state of this
question to its position of February in the last year. The
noblerlord added,—"lt is said that the Emperor of Russia
will demand the dismissal of Fuad Effendi. On this q ues-
tion you will take no part, either one way or the oth ear."
The noble lord went on to say—" If the Russian trotops
should advance to the frontier you must give immediate
information to her Majesty's Government," But the noble
lord added, " I trust I need not suppose the case of their
advancing beyond the frontier to theattack of the capita 1
(Hear, hear.) But if they did, what was Colonel Rose, to
do ? "In such a case (continued Lord J. Russell) V is-
count Stratford de Redcliffe will be upon the spot furnish ed
with the requisite instructions." If, then, so early as
January in last -year, the Government had informa-
tion which led them to believe that the Russian troops
were approaching the Turkish frontier, they had reason to
believe that a very serious state of things had arisen.
When Prince Mensehikoff arrived at Constantinople, Pe-
lone! Rose 'eat word to the Government warning them. of
similar military preparations on the part of Turkey, :and
stating that the negotiations with Prince Mensehikoff Thad
assumed a phase which was far from satisfactory. Colonel
Rose added that he could not, indeed, understand Prince
Menschikoff's reply to his observations; that he asked I,he
Prinoe to state what he meant by so many warlike prepa-
rations, and that the Prince replied, "I cannot promise
you that we will disarm." He said the intentions of Rua sia
were pacific, but that they would not withdraw their
troops. But Count Nesselrode himself had distinctly iin-
formed her Majesty's Government, through Baron Bi
now, that Russia intended to back up any representati on
she might make at Constantinople by the presence of an
armed force. It is all very well to say that, notwithstai
id-
ing this language,Sir G. Seymour received pacific as; p-
rances not in accordance with these statements. I
should be willing to receive assurances from honouralnle
men, but in common life, if a man told you one this ig,
and was evidently doing another, it is your duty to I ise
your judgment as to the extent to which his ass:in-
arwas shall be received. (Cheers.) During that time w hat
protest was made on the part of her Majesty's Govetrn-
ment, while they were without any proof of the final int osn-
tions of the Emperor ? Why 'lid they not say, " We are
ready to believe your pacific assurances if you will w ith-
draw your troops ?" But not a word of this langu age
could he find. (Cheers.) There was ono little thing wl tich
he (Mr. Layard) regarded as of great importance. Lori iJ.
Russell had hinted to Colonel Bose that Prince Meuschi Ica!'
might possibly demand the dismissal of Fuad Effendi, the
Turkish Minister of Foreign affairs. The Prince refused
to have any communication with that Minister, wh( ► of
course immediately resigned. What did Prince Mens
koff say of the dismissal of Fuad Effendi ? In a letter Li aim
the Prince to Rifaat Pasha, dated April 19, he said :—•
" While desiring to overlook the past, and requiring as- re-
Paration merely the dismissal of a deceitful Minister and -the
public execution of solemn promises, the Emperor was com-
pelled to demand sure guarantees for the future."

But, in a memorandum delivered by Baron Brunow to
Lord Clarendon, dated May 26, it was stated—

" From the outset of Prince Meuschikofrs mission we felt
uneasiness as to its result; but we never doubted that, from
the moment when the Government of her Britannic Majesty
should share in our apprehensions, common interests,
and an equal desire to maintain the integrity and inde-
pendence of the Ottoman empire in their present con-
dition would unite the efforts of France and of England
for the attainment of the same object. It is in this con-
fidence, which has been so fully justified, that I drew
up, by the Emperor's orders, M. de la Cour's instructions,
and that in giving to him, under date of March 22, au-
thority to call the French fleet to the Dardanelles, I recom-
mended him, if so important a measure should appear to him
to be necessary, to come to an understanding with Lord
Stratford in order to combine as much as possible, the move-
ments of our naval forces with those of the English fleet. His
Imperial Majesty's ambassador, M. le Comte, is therefore
already provided with all the instructions which are requi-
site to enable him to take up an attitude absolutely similar
to that of her Britannic Majesty's ambassador, and Adm;:ral
La Susse wi:l receive at the same time as Admiral Dunols
orders to approach the Dardanelles and to anchor in the Bay
of Besica."

" Russia, never required, as has been falsely alleged, 1:le
dismissal of this Minister. . . . The resignation of Ft tad
Effandi was voluntary."

When the Government had such proofs that the Rus*ci an
Government were not acting in a straightforward manrser,
why did they not ask for some proof of the pacific char so-
ter of their intentions? There was one very celebrat ed
despatch from Count Nesselrode to Baron Brunow, whi eh
was by order of Count Nesselrode, officially communicat ed
to her Majesty's Government. It was dated April 7, and
in it Count Nesselrode said :
" You will assure the Ministers of the Queen, in the im ,st
positive terms, that the intentions of the Emperor are sl
the same, and that all the idle rummu's to which the arrival
of Prince Menschikoff in the Ottoman capital has given rise -
the occupation of the principalities, territorial aggrandii 4e-
ment on our Asiatic fro' tier, the pretension to secure to of tr-
Salves the nomination of the Greek Patriarch of Coustan ti-
nople, hostile and threatening language held to the Porte 'by
our ambassador - are not only exaggerated, but even destitv tte
Jf any,sort of foundation."
(Hear.) And then Count Nesselrode said

That was the second, now for the third. On the 13th of
July Count Walewski informed Lord Clarendon that he
I had received instructions from his Majesty that in the
event of Russia not accepting the note or showing itself
well disposed, the fleets of France and England should,
without delay, enter the Dardanelles; and in September it
was again stated, on the part of the French Government,
that the impression was that we should no longer delay
entering the Dardanelles. On the 23d of September it
was stated that Count Walewski had informed our Go-
vernment that his Government, with reference to the
crisis which appeared to be imminent, thought it indis-
pensably necessary that both fleets should be ordered up
to Constantinople. On the 16th of December, Lord
Clarendon himself thought it time the English and
French fleets should enter the Black Sea, and swee•
the sea of all the Russians. Where, then, was the
excuse that we could do nothing in consequence of
the want of French co-operation ? (Hear.) It was per-
fectly astonishing, when they came to compare the date
and facts together, to find that every proposal from the be-
ginning, step by step, from the entrance of the French fleet
to Salamis to the entry of the combined fleets into the
Black Sea, had come from the French Government. With
regard to the conduct of the French ambassador at St.
Peteraburgh, he begged to bear his testimony to the ex-
tremely straightforward 'and honest character of all his
proceedings, and also to the straightforward conduct of the
French Government throughout all the transactions. Let
him also say, ou the part of the French Minister, that
never could an Emperor and his Minister have more cor-
dially acted together. They would find in Lord Cowley's
despatches that he carefully guarded himself. They fre-
quently saw in his despatches that he went to the Mini-
ster, and, having received such and such assurances, he
went to the Emperor, and received assurances exactly
similar. In fact, their views and sentiments appeared to
have been exactly in accordance. Every step was taken
that could be taken by Lord Cowley to ascertain that fact.
He (Mr. Layard) would also bear testimony to the extreme
ability shown by the French Minister in the State docu-
ment issued by him. But while he thus spoke of the
French Government, he was most glad to express his opinion
of another person engaged in these transactions, who, it '
seemed to him, had shown the most consummate ability—
he meant Lord Cowley. (Cheers.) If any man had come
out of an affair with credit to himself and honour to his
country, it was Lord Cowley. (Hear, hear.) His clear and
luminous despatches had told us from time to time exactly
what had come to pass, and no person could have managed
these intricate and diScult questions with more ability and
credit to himself. He was glad to bear this testimony,
because he could not forget that the appointment of Lord
Cowley was considered to have been made in a somewhat
irregular manner by the noble lord the member for the city
of London. Having thus disposed of this excuse about
the want of French co-operation, he came to another
point, and what he thought a very important one in this
painful discussion. He referred to it because it was one
which he did believe had thrown very considerable discre-
dit on the Government—he meant the unfortunate affair
at Sinope. He confessed it appeared to him that that mat-
ter demanded very considerable expleniations. (Hear,hear.)
They were told in a despatch by the noble lord the Secre-
tary of State for Foreign Affairs that, it was a war between
Russia and Turkey, but thatattack was an attack upon the
honour of England. The French Emperor had said the same
thing. He trusted the house would bear with him while
he looked at the dates, as they affected this melancholy
affmr. Lord Clarendon wrot.. to Lord Cowley on the 7th
of Oct. —the affair Sinope, it must be remembered, took
place on the 30th of Nov —in a despatch :
It, therefor:, appears advisable to her Majesty's Govern-
ment that general instructions should be given to the ambas-
sadors and admirals to employ the combined fleets in whet-
ever manner and at whatever place they may think neces,tcy
for defending the Turkish territory against unjust aggression.
If the Russian fleet was to come out of Sebastopol, the fleets
would, as a matter of course, pass through the Bosphorus."
Instructions were accordingly given to Lord Stratford de
Redcliffe on the Bth of Oct., and on that day in a •lespatch
from Lord Cowley to Lord Stratford de Radcliffe, they
found—

" The Emperor desires you, M. le Baron, to thank Lord
Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon very particularly in his nano Le,
for the salutary impulse which they have recently given to
the decisions of the British Cabinet. (Ironical cheers fr orn
the Opposition.) The former has on this occasion shown us
a uew proof of confidence, of which our august master• is
highly sensible." (A laugh.) Then came a kind word !M.
Lord Clarendon :—" The lattei with whom our relations has ve
hardly yet commenced, thus enters upon them under auspi,:•es
which justify us is hoping that they will be one of the mi:,st
satisfactory nature."

It appeared that the language of Lord John Russell bead
not been regarded with so much favour by the Emperor of
Russia. But at the cut of that despatch there was a veery
carious passage. That despatch was written in Frencih,
and it was usual for the convenience of members who (Rid
not understand the French language to make a translation
of these despatches. He was not altogether satisfied wi
the English version of that passage, and ho accordingly
turned to the French original. The house must (manse
him if he quoted this passage in French. (Hear.)
" Sous ce rapport Lord Aberdeen nous semble avoir r-
faitement compris le beau role, qu'avait h y jouer l'Anglie-
terre, et nous animons l'en fOliciter, persuadds d'advance Ile
l'impartialite mettra Is le remplir."
(A. laugh.) To his humble apprehension, the " beau rote"
that the noble lord at the head of the Government was
stated to have so perfectly understood was rather an ironit sal
expression. (Cheers.) Bnt, on referring to the Engli
translation, he found a rather more favourable and honor-
able interpretation of this passage. The translation ran
thus—" Lord Aberdeen appears to us to have fully undor-
stood the ' important part' which England had to play."
(A laugh.) After the important part which the noble eeirl
had played, it might be thought that Count Nesselrode was
justified in speaking of the beau role of England in these
transactions. His humble opinion was, that in an early
period of the dispute the preparations of the Turkish Go-
vernment were equal to those made by Russia. The Turks
were face to fat* with the Russians with an army of
30,000 men in the principalities, and if Omar Pacha had
been allowed to take the step which the Turkish Govern-
ment wished to take, he believed that he would have be-en
able to drive the Russians out of the principalities. He
might be told that Austria was not then with us ; but
Lord Westmoreland, in a despatch to Lord Clarendon, re-
ceived so far back as the 22d of June, said—
" Count Buol declared that he had spared no efforts in
his communications with the Cabinets of St. Petersburg to
induce them Co abandon the policy they appeared to have
adopted towards the Turkish Government ; he had not con-
cealed from them the unfavourable impression it had created
upon the sincerest friends of the Emperor, and he had still
hopes that these remonstr mces might produce their arced:.
In replying to these assurances, I communicated to Count
Buol the despatch from your lordship of the 7th instant, in
which I am instructed to express to him the satisfaction of
her Majesty's Government at his views of the Russian pro-
ceedings, and at the course the Austrian Government in-
tended to pursue as reported in my despatch of the 30th of
may ; and, with the view of bringing more explicitly before
him your lordship's sentiments, I read to him the last-men-
tioned despatch. Count Buol Wes much satisfied with your
lordship's expressions ; he desired me to state that he C-co-
sitlered himself as entirely united with your policy with re
spect to the Turkish empire ; he regards the maintenance of
its independence and integrity as of the most essential impor-
tance to the best interests of Austria, and he would employ-
every means in his power to elbeet that object. He repeated
his former declaration that lie would take no engagements
with Russia not to oppose her with arms, and he even added
that, should he be called upon to carry tent an armed inter-
vention on the frontiers, it would be in support of the autho-
rity and independence of the Sultan."

This was in June, and this statement of Count Bunt's,
which was quite in accordance with the true policy of tho
Austrian Government, did that statesman great credit.
(Hear.) Up to this moment nothing more had been ob-
tained from the Austrian Government than that they
would support the independence of the Sub an. Well, the
Russians crossed the Pruth. He remembered asking, and
almost apologising for so doing, whether any formal pro-
test had been made by her Majesty's Government against
this step. He fend no protest whatever in these blue-
books as having been addressed at the time by her Majesty's
Government to the Emperor of Russia against this step.
(Cheers from the Opposition.) It was true that there was
some talk on the part of Sir 0-. Seymour that this was a
very wrong proceeding and that it would not do, but there
was no formal protest that he could find. Now, if they
did not want to go to war, surely they might have said
that this act of crossing the Pruth was a direct violation
of treaty and international law. (Hear.) Sir G. Seymour,
indeed, on the 23d of September, wrote to Lord Clarenden
as follows
The chances of a favourable issue are further diminished
by the belief indulged (as I know upon certain grounds) by
the Rnesian Cabinet of its being impossible that the Turkish
armies should hold together until the spring."
On all hides the' Government received warnings.; from
Lard Stratford they received ,warnings innumerable
hear.) Count Nes4solrodee however, said of the.
• ulAish Government :
lieiCount Nesselrode) thought war in sucha case could
eueriuglYj'esuiltniertaken by the Government of a county pro-
in the cull? peaceable intentions, and so manifestly interested
tyatee,n pf pettee as England."
He wo
'tht not take up the time of the hen Se by reading
extracts from
. doubtless, thethe despatches of Lord Stratford ; they were
attention. of holleeh e thedespatees which had most attracted the
many warn,_ (hear, hear)—and they contained
(Resr.)
' .rgainet the evil effects of vacillatiane.
to Lord Clarendon
August 10, Lord Stratford, writing
ated
•
When at a ihter 8144
enter the
prinelpalitie;od the Russian troops were about to
creased earnestness te r; I implored your lordship with in-
all its magnitude a to:ltemplate the Bastiern question in
would sueccesively -
enlistnd
pursue a course of policy which
-
a triumphant issue."
e verflind of exertion in favour of
(wee.) The House mint, no doubt
exertions were wanting ou the e_ be satisfied that no
Comitantinople to open the eye ,-4,7 her
our ambassador at
e&!-Leiesty's Govern-
ment to the dangers that threatened. Turkish empire.
(Cheers.) Great attempts had heyeibt
lievoure th.aete everything
throughout these
negotiations to make the countr •
Why aid
de-
was going on in a peaceful manner.
word
did not
dared to be out to protect British propeety.n
the Government boldly tell Russia why they
propert
re really
in the Dardanelles ? They were not there to protect Bri-
tish property, for British interests and British
were as safe in Constantinople as in any part of Eagiani
(Cheers.) Lord Stratford did nit accept this explanation
without writing a despatch to Lord Clarendon, which
was almost of an ironical character. • In a despatch
from Lord Stratford de Redcliffe to the Earl of Claren-
don, dated the Gth of October, lie observed--" I am
deeply sensible of the interest so liberally displayed by
her Majesty's Government i i the pre,servation of British
lives and property at Consteritnople;" and he finished the
sentence by saying, "I express this sentiment, applying it
moreover to that part of those instructions which autho-
rises me to consider the preseuce of bar Majesty's squadron
hero, I thought proper to re.Aniee it, C. 3 intended to em-
brace the protection of the Sal ein else, in case of need."
(Rear'.) He thought' be had said enongit to show that after
these r
th •
repeated warnings received by her Majesty's Co-
.:y(7l=mA, and after . the positive facts brought to their

" Admiral Dundas ordered to inform. the Russian Admiral
commanding at Sebastopol that if the Russian fleet should
come out of that port for the purpose of landing any troops,
on any portion of the Turkish torritBry, or of committing any
act of overt hostility against the Porte, his orders are to pro-
tect the Sultan's dominions from Ata,Ai., and he will express
a hope that no measures will be resorted to by the Russian
Admiral that would endanger the peaceful relations between
Great Britain and Russia."

At that time it was the intention of the Turkish authori-
ties to send a largs fleet into the Blajck Sea, but, unfortu-
nately, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe dissuaded them from
doing so. In a despatch to the Earl of Clarendon, dated
Nov. 5, 1853, from Therapia, lie said--
" I have succeeded in dissuading thc Porto from sending a
detachment of line of battle ships and sailing frigates into the
Black Sea at this moment, and also ill obtaining the trans-
mission of orders to Omer Pasha to postpone any attempt
which lie may have in contemplation to pass the Danube at
the head of his army ; and to Selina. Pasha, on the Asiatic
frontier, to keep as much as possible on the-defensive for the
present. But I cannot answer for the strict execution of
these repressive instructions; and I am not without appre-
hension that such interference with the plans of the com-
manders-in-chief may embarrass their proceedings, and give
au unfair advantage to their opponents. It is impossible not
to view with regret and anxiety this prolonged state of vacil-
lation between peace and war. (Blear, hear.) However
well meant our efforts may be, it is Impossible not to deny
the embarrassment which they occaision to the Porto under
its present circumstances; and it is therefore to be hoped
that some manifestations of reluctan co at the Porte to con-
tinue in a state of such dangerous inotecisiou may be viewed
with friendly indulgence."
Lord Stratford do Redcliffe, like au. honourable man, did
what be was commanded to do, and obeyed his instruc-
tions to prevent the Porto from sending out a fleet which
might have presented the affair at Si nope, but he set out
by renouncing the responsibility of may such act, and
warned the Government it might lead to some dreadful
acts. After that there was, on Dec. 12, a despatch from
Lord Cowley to Lord Clarendon. in w hich he said :
" Both the Emperor and his Minister arc of opinion that
the instructions sent to the ambassadors and admirals would
have justified them in giving material support to the Turkish
squadron, bad any French or English vessels been near enough
to do so."

Lord Stmtford do Rodeline wrote to :Uord Clarendon, under
date Dec. 4, 1853:

" Two frigates, under Ottoman co'iours, one of them be-
longing to the Turkish Navigation Company, have been cap-
tured by the Russians."

They would see, by referring to the despatches, that infor-
mation of the Russian fleet being• in the Black Sea was
communicateii on the 29. l of Novem bor, again on the 25th,
and a third time on the 28th ; consoouently there was full
time to have sent out the fleets and prevented the catas-
trophe. As far back as October the. admirals were placed
in a position to have gone out and defended the Turkish

" Rumours of Russian ships of the lino being at sea have
occasionally pre vailt: d for some time. Uncertainty of in,
I.'llllla-11°n, a wish to avoid as long as possible the chances of
. to a decision ae, to sending
collision, the arrival of a new French ambassador, and the
state of the weather, were natural eamses of demur in cnniong
t at'thli4 time of the' year."
It
fsoeremranettnto, the squJAlronluto the Black. Sea
ITiTe7terleyapeateheonlit'imn
Asy to AV
esrt_fut ssteazuer for
" Our first thought Was to sfmcj out a sufficient foree to

Sinope with the view of delivering the town and port from
whaLwerportion of the Russian squadron might have re-
mained thcre after the action."

Now they came to an extremely important sentence :---
`0 The extreme probability that such a measure would have
led to war with Russia, a result which her Majesty's Go-
vernment are anxious, if possible, to avoid, inclined us to
take the preliminary step which I have stated above."

He asked what ii.7,e were our instructions to defend at all
cost the Turks, if her Majesty's Government had inteseled
to preserve them, they would not have allowed their fleet to
be destroyed. What on earth was there to have prevented
our sending out instructions to Admiral Dundas which
would have completely averted the catastrophe ? The Earl
of Clarendon wrote to Lord Cowley on the 6th of October
that a strict inquiry should be instituted into the affair at
Sinope, but had he written in time to Lord Cowley that
catastrophe might have been averted. He (lid say the
house and the country ought to have some explanation
from her Majesty's Government. The Russians were at
war, and we knew it—they (lid not tell us they were at
peace, but, in truth, that they were engaged in hostilities
with Turkey. They had a right to take advantage of every
occurrence that might inflict a blow on their enemies. He
could not justify, for one moment, that most barbarous
affair, which Lord Stratford had told them was disgraced
with the most dreadful cruelty ; and he (Mr. Layard) would
mention an anecdote which showed the extreme blood-
thirstiness of the Russians in that transaction :—After they
bad sunk these miserable ships and were going away they
espied a few miserable wretches clinging to some spars and
endeavouring to save their lives, when they manned boats,
went to them, and took them off the wrecks ; after which
they conveyed them to an island near and deliberately shot
them, loading their guns with small shot for that purpose.
What a contrast did that afford to the noble conduct of the
Turkish commander—(cheers)--who when he saw no chance
but death or dishonour, gave leave to those who wished to
leave the vessel, and be himself went to the powder maga-
zine and blew himself up, in order that the vessel might
not fall into the hands of the enemy ! Talk about this 1
being a war against Christians! It was not hard to say
who behaved most like infidels. (Cheers.) He had now
gone through the principal points of the question, and he
believed the house would agree with him that he hadi made
out a case. The Government had themselves admitted
that every step they took was a mistake, and that the
greatest of all was their suffering the affair at Sinop. to
take place. Having thus passed in review the conduct of
the Government, he now wished to obtain information of a
most important nature. What are they going to do?
(Hear, hear.) They were told that they were not at peace,
and not at war, but in a neutral state. The noble earl at
the head of the Government had told them this state of
things was by no means novel, and that it existed at the
time of the destruction of the Turkish fleet at Navarino.
That was a most extraordinary expression. Ask any man
in his senses, if Turkey had been a stronger power, would
she have accepted that insult - -the destruction of her fleet,
without declaring war? Were not the great powers, then,
united against her to commit a most unwarrantable act ;
and therefore she dared not do so? (Hear, hear.) It had
been said, at all events we were not the party who ought
to declare war, and much had been said of the desire
of her Majesty's Government to preserve peace. In that
desire he most heartily concurred, if they could obtain a
peace honourable to England and consistent with her dig-
nity. But what were the terms on which it could be ob-
tained? That was the point. (Hear, hear.) What were
the terms which were proposed ? Wi, that there should
be a simultaneous withdrawal of the Russian troops from
the principalities and the fleets from the Black Sea, and
that Russia and the Porte should treat alone. But that
involved the very principle for which they had been fight-
ing all along. This country, by the entrance of the fleet
into the Black Sea, was not in the same position es Rus-
sia, as the Emperor insisted on, because they well knew
the claim of Russia to negotiate alone with Turkey origi-
nated in the relations between Turkey and Russia, and the
house must be aware that Russia had contended from the
earliest period that she had a right to interfere in the
affairs of Turkey, and that no European nation had that
right but her. Having referred to despatches on this point
he continued—No doubt Russia would have given the
Porte better terms if she had consented to treat alone, and
long ago the question would have been settled. She would
willingly have received a plenipotentiary at Bucharest.
Probably they might have taken a long time to arrange
the terms, but there was no doubt they would have been
most disadvantageous to Turkey, and if we had resisted
them, we should have been forced into that very war which
we are now described as shuffling out of. It was desirable,
it was said, to obtain the status quo ante bellum, but the
terms on which this status quo ante helium could be ob-
tained would have been very disadvantageous to England,
and lie hoped that after all the sacrifices we had made, all
the blood that had been shed, all the inconvenience which
we had suffered, and all the inhumanity caused by the
Russian aggression, her Majesty's Government would not
permit her to negotiate with Turkey alone (Cheers.) The
i treaties of the status quo ante bellum have given rise to the
present state of affairs. Count Nesselrode had stated that
they were the bases on which Russia's demands were
founded, and placed what construction on them he liked.
Was this country going to give Russia the power of placing
on these treaties what construction it liked ? What was
this status quo ante bellum ? It gave to Russia the power
of interference in the Danubian principalities—the power
of excluding all but Russian vessels from the Black Sea—
making it a mare clausum—the cutting off of Circassia in
a most unjustifiable manner, and the monopoly of the
Danube. (Hear, hear.) Now that he was on this question
1 he could not help reminding the house that he called the
attention of the noble lord the member of the city to this
last year ; he then, as an humble member of that house,
asked the noble lord whether the information was correct,
as to Russia's having impeded the navigation of the Dan-
ube. He (Mr. Layard) did not ask this from any desire of
signalising himself, but because he knew it to be part of
a great system, and would prove that Russia had a great
plan in view. The noble lord replied, that it was very
true that the navigation had been impeded ' • there had
been an overflowing of the waters, but that Russia had
nothing at all to do with it. An hon. member on the
other side of the house, not satisfied with this answer,
afterwards put-the question to the noble lord the member
for Tiverton—(cheers)—who, in a few sentences, ins mas-
terly manner, gave them the history of the whole transsc
'-
tion stated that they were remonstrating with Rusdia,
and that Turkey endeavoured to keep open the mouths of
the Danube, and that Russia was doing, in fact, what the
noble lord the member for the city denied. He thought
that when questions were put by hon. members-- of course
if they were idle questions they justly received idle an-
swers—but if the questions had something in them, he
considered the best course was to give a straightforward
answer to straightforward question. (Cheers.) If her Ma-
jesty's Government assented to the status quo ante bellum,
all would be placed in a worse position than ever. The
demands of Russia ever went on increasing, and, because
this last was worse than all others, and had arrived at
such a pitch of badness that it was thought Russia could
not go further, her Majesty's Government seemed in-
clined to accept it. This should not be done, after
all the blood that had been shed, after all the sacrifices that
had been made, lest they brought that blood on their own
heads and made all these sacrifices prove idle. If they en-
gaged in the war, they were bound to carry it to a suc-
cessful issue, and have from it some tangible results.
(Hear.) These could not be effected or a favourable state
of affairs brought about until Russia was no longerallowed
to interfere with the internal adminstration of Turkey.
Until the Danubian principalities, Servia, Wallachia, and
Moldavia were released from Russian , interference ; until
the Danube was thrown open to European commerce ;
until Circassia had also been thrown open, and until the
Caucasus, that high road to India, was cut off—for, as long
as Russia possessed this high road into Persia, Asia Minor,
and the centre of Asia, the Indian dominions of England
were at her mercy, as she could bring her influence to bear
on the population of India, and prevent this country from
ever holding it otherwise than by military tenure—until
the Black Sea was no longer a mare clausum, and until
Russia was compelled to give up its pretensions to the right
of interfering with the Christian subjects of the Sultan--to
nothing short of this could England submit or assent to
without disgrace. He had been told that it vas impossible
that the Mussulman shoal i rule over a Christian popula-
tion. If by this were meant that a smaller race, differing
from a larger race, should not be allowed to rule over it,
what then became of the dominionof this country overlt.dia!
The argument applied equally to both cases. If he were to
,
' understand by this argument that the Mussulman was
placed beyond the pale of law, and that they could do
what they liked with him because he was not worthy of
being considered a human being, what became of the de-
clamations of a noble lord, who had often advocated
the cause of the Burmese and others, speaking against
putting them to death, if this argument held good ? As a '
. small work that he (Mr. Layard) had published bad been
cited in favour of this argument, as to the Turks-being un-
worthy to govern; he might, by way of explanation, men-
tion that the massacre alluded to in that work was not
committed by the Turks, but by rebellious tribes. The
Turks had often engaged in wars at great cost, to enforce
the rights of the Christians. The Albanian war was un-
dertaken in defence of the Christiana, and in Bosnia Omer
Pasha, the present commander-in-chief, carried on a war
to a successful issue i I order to compel the Mussalman to
admit the Christians to those rights that had been accorded
to his subjects by the Sultan. No doubt, acts of aggression
had been committed by the Turks ; he himself had been
witness to some, and no one was more anxious or would
do more than he to prevent their occurrence. Yet, when-
ever such acts were brought under the notice of the Sultan
or his Ministers, immediate redress was afforded, and no
i one who had been in communication with the Sultan or
1 his Ministry could doubt his humane or enlightened cha-
racter or his desire to place all his subjects on the same
footing. (Cheers.) What enormous improvements had
taken place in Turkey within the last 15 years? The house
would remember the flaming description that the noble lord
the member for Tiverton had given of this. Great had
been the improvement when they considered that the Turk-
ish Government had to deal with people of different races,
differing also in religion and language. Talk of Russia ?
It had been ever since the time of Peter the Great effecting
these improvements. Turkey had done more in 15 years
than Russia had in 150 years, notwithstanding that it had
had better material, a people with no great difference of
religion, and an emperor who was regarded as a god upon
earth. With regard to the trade of this country with Tur-
key, he begged to call the attention of the house to the
almost incredible increase that had taken place. He could
not compare it to any other nation. It had increased from
a most insignificant amount to nearly 3,000,0001. He was
told that part of this was derived from Asia ; but what
was this owing to but to the liberal tariffs of the Turkish
Government and the encouragement given by it? And
if the Sultan was supported it would be found that
the commerce would continue to increase in a similar
ratio to what it had done of late years. With respect to
the religious arguments that were advanced, Lord &rat-
; ford de Redcliffe had stated that one of the objects of
Prince Menschikoffs mission was to prevent the spread of
Protestantism in Turkey. He was glad that his noble
I riend had confirmed what he (Mr. Layard) had stated last
year—that one of the great causes of the mission was to
cheek the progress of religious opinions; be did not mean
Protestantism only, but also Catholicism. They were told
that they ought to put the Greeks in their place. If they
, were to do this, they must carry out the same principle
with regard to other sects. It was not that he approved of
their religion that he spoke thus, but because he stood
there as the advocate of truth, and he thought when that
was at stake they ought not to be influenced by a man's
religious belief, be ho Mahomedan or of any other religious
denomination. Others argued that it was a gloat pity that
this country had interfered at all, and said it was against
the law of nature that a despotic power could exist, it must
fall to pieces of its own accord. If this were admitted,
where were they to stop ? Was Russia to be allowed to go
on until it had taken the whole world ? If he could have
lived at so remote A period, and been asked the question
with reference to the Vandals and Gotha, he would have
answered they could not bring their barbarous system into
Europe ; but they overran it, and deluged it with blood.
He dlid not mean whplly to apply this argument to Russia,
but they.must remember the evils that it might bring upon i
Europe, and the blood that it might cause to flow. He
would take for example the occupation of Wallachia and I
Moldavia, apcl2esk whether it would not have beep better ,
for the inhabitants of those provinces had they never been 1 .

born than to have endured what they have suffered from
the Russians during the last few months ? He thought
this argument as to their not interfering, most dangerous,
and one to which if there were no limit put, would lead
to incalculable evil. Before concluding, he felt bound to
allude to a delicate subject ; they were going to engage in a
great contest, and there ought to be no concealment. They
were warned to avoid this by the remembrance of the
ill success th-d attended one period of the Peninsular war,
and the struggles that took place between Wellington and
others. He alluded to a subject that had cussed him
lately to put a question with reference to it to the noble
lord the member for the city. He saw by the blue-books
that a disagreement had unfortunately taken place be-
tween the admiral commanding the English fleet and the
English ambassador. He did not say this in any invidious
spirit, for he perceived that the same stare of things ex-
ited between the French admiral and ambassador. He
thought. however, that this country had a right to ask
that these disagreements should not occur again, and that
the instructions sent to those in the di rlomatic or naval
services of the country should be distinct. He perfectly
agreed with the noble lord when he stated that their duties
ought not to clash, and that the admiral had certain duties
to perform of which he might be deemed the best judge as
to how he could fulfil them. But, as he hail heard from
private letters, and from persons of all parties, that these
dissensions had got—he must use the word—to a most
scandalous extent, he thought, in justice to this country
and the cause in which they were embarked, steps ought
to be taken to prevent the occurrence and existence of such
dissensions. (Hear, hear.) He apologised to the house
for the great length at which he had addressed them, and
thanked them for the attention with which they had lis-
tened to him. He hopes► that some member - f her Ma-
jesty's Government would now rise and remove all further
doubts. He believed that the country was prepared to
support them, (Cheers.) He believed that there was but
one ft eling among all classes, arising—not as his hon. friend
the member for Manchester had Paid, from an innate
bellicose spirit, but from higher feelings—that they were
engaged in a struggle for the maintenance of liberal prin-
ciples, in which the material interests of this country were
concerned as well as those of the world at large. (Cheers.)
It was this spirit that had animated those men who had
lately marched to the place of embarkation, followed
by a crowd that greeted them with unprecedented en-
thusiasm. The men felt they were marching to the per-
formance of a great act of duty, and the crowd cheered
them on, thus expressing their approval of their conduct
and the policy pursued by the Government. He was
willing, to forget past events if the Government would,
without vacillation, embark in a policy worthy of their
country. If they would do this, he would give them his
most cordial support. (Cheers.)

,

Sir J. GRAHAM.—I rise to answer the call of the hon.
member ; but, before I address myself to the topics of his
able speech, I think it my duty to answer those observations
that he made jusebefore he sat down. I, on the part of
her Majesty's Government, am not disposed to throw my-
self or my colleagues on the forbearance and indulgence of
the house. I appeal to its wisdom and its justice; and if
we, on our part, are prepared to perform our duty, I hope
the House of Commons will not fail to perform its duty.
If we have forfeited the confidence of the House, that has
not been attempted to be shown on the question of going
into committee or by any sidelong indication ; but issue
has been fairly joined on a great crisis in public affairs by
which we shall ascertain whether we possess that confi-
dence that will enable us to carry on the affairs of the coun-
try satisfactorily. I beg leave to state that lam extremely
glad that, before we proceed to vote the estimates, 1 am
not now called upon, as in an early part of the evening, to
discuss as to whether or no assistant-surgeons ought to
mess in the wardrooms. lam not called upon to discuss
as to whether ruin or whisky is the more healthful spirit
er the most palatable to the men employed on board her
Majesty's ships. It is not a question of this kind, but one
to which attention has been drawn in a very able speech
on a great crisis in public affairs, and on which questions
have been raised as to the conduct of Government as to
what has taken place, what their intentions, and what their
policy. (Hear.) I must say that I consider the tone of the
hon. gentleman's speech enthusiastic. He said repeatedly
that he had made oat his case—(hear) —and went on to say
that, if the Government had adopted a more straightfor-
ward policy, it would not now be in the position it is. (Hear.)
He talked of excuses he thought we should use. lam not
Prepared to offer such excuses, nor am I prepared to admit
that our vacillation, as he terms it, has placed this country,
in a position of danger or risk. I say that the Govern-
ment has done its utmost to perform a solemn duty- to
to
preserve peace, if they possibly could attain that great ob-
ject consistently with the maintenance of the honour of
this country. Up to the present time they have succeeded
in preserving 1 eace, and have maintained it with honour
to this country. Now, sir, the hon. gentleman has alluded
to the state of affairs in the early part of last year, and
has referred particularly to a despatch written by the noble
lord the member for the City. I wish to call the attention
of the house to the policy pursued by the British Govern-
ment at that time. The dispute at Constantinople turned
on a question arising between Russia and France in respect
of privileges claimed by both. It did not appear that it
was incumbent on Great Britain to take an active part in
this dispute; but my noble friend wrote a despatch which
I think worthy the attention of the house. I will not
trouble the house with quoting the words ; but my noble
friend, in writing, said that it was a grievous sight to see
two Christian Powers on the verge of being involved in
war, and raising a dispute on the sacred spot where peace
and goodwill to man had been declared in so solemn a
manner. It was clearly not the policy of England to have
interfered at this time ; but it is very remarkable that, by
the influence of the British ambassador, Turkey was per-
suaded to make arrangements which were satisfactory both
to France and Russia with referrence to the matter in dis-
pute. It was the influence of England that determined
this controversy. After this matter was adjusted, but be-
fore Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had arrived, a message
was sent by Russia to Turkey so menacing that it caused
Colonel Rose to entertain very serious apprehension with
reference to the intentions of Russia. Colonel Rose
accordingly sent to Admiral Dundas, then command-
ing at Malta, summoning him to hasten to the Darda-
nelles. It is alleged that then there was some hesi-
tation on the part of England in coming to the rescue
of Turkey. How does the matter stand ? Admiral
Dundas, exercising, as I think, a very sound discretion,
did not at once obey the summons of the British envoy
at Constantinople. And did Turkey suffer any in-
convenience, or was it subjected to any danger by
this hesitation on the part of the British admiral ?
So far from it that, within a very short period afterwards,
Colonel Rose himself, who had summoned Admiritl Dan-
das to the Dardanelles, expressed his satisfaction that that
admiral had not obeyed the summons ; and Lord Strat-
ford, on his arrival at Constantinople, received an assur-
ance from the Turkish Government that, so far from re-
gretting the delay of the British fleet on that occasion, the
absence of that fleet had been conducive to the advantage
of the Turkish State. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman
proceeded to observe that too much reliance had been
placed on Russian assurances, and in terms, I think, of
censure, he seemed to imply that the head of the Govern-
ment was more particularly responsible for this misplaced
confidence. Now, I assure the house that there is not one
of the colleagues of my noble friend, Lord Aberdeen, who
is not prepared fully to share all the responsibility of the
course taken. It would be most unjust to my noble
friend if I hesitated to say that. (Hear, hear.) It is
true that confidence is not of rapid growth ; but, at the
same time, dark malignant suspicions do not rapidly take
root in a generous heart ; and it cannot be forgotten that
for a long series of years Russia has been the ally—the
faithful ally—of this country; that she has shared in our
dangers and participated in our councils, and on many
great occasions has taken part in the struggles and vic-
tories which have been conducive both to the honour of
England and to the security of the peace of England.
Hear, hear.) Therefore it is not unnatural that, while we
received assurances from Russia of pacific intentions, and
of the absence of any desire on her part to invade the in-
dependence and integrity or Turkey, we were willing to
place confidence in those assurances. But how stand the
facts with respect to dates? Prince Menschikoff left Con-
stantinople after having assumeds tone and made demands
there which were utterly inconsistent with the indepen-
dence of the Turkish Government. From that mo-
ment the suspicions, and more than suspicions, of the
British Government were roused, and, if you look to
the dates, von will find that the English fleet was ordered
to Bosika Bay on the 31st of May, while the prin-
cipalities were not entered by Russia until the 7th of
July. Were we, then, always lagging behind events
?
for such is the nature of the accusation preferred by the
hon. gentleman. When was the fleet ordered to Constan-
tinople ? On the 23d of September, and the Porte did not
declare war until the 26th of September. The order from
this country for the fleet to proceed to Constantinople was
actually given in London before the Porte bad declared
war. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman has dwelt on certain
expressions in the despatch which contained the order for
the entry of the fleet into the Dardanelles. Now, the hon.
gentleman is perfectly well aware that, under tke obliga-
tions of the treaty of 1811, it was not open to the British
and French fleets to pass the Dardanelles until the Porte
was actually at war ; but, feeling the urgency of the case,
and believing that the presence of the British fleet was ne-
cessary at that time for the protection of Constantinople,
an order was given that, if the Turkish authorities were
willing to admit the combined fleets, the responsibility of
requiring the British fleet to enter the Dardanelles should
be undertaken by the British Ambassador. (Hear, hear )
Now, let me refer to the order for the ships to enter the
Black Sea. The hon. gentleman has dwelt on the disas-
trous affair at Sinopo, and he thinks it might have been
avoided if the combined fleets had entered the Black Sea
at an earlier period. He also said that every step in ad-
vance was always taken at the instance of France, and
that this country never moved actually and decisively on
her own account. How stands the fact ? The order
from Lord Stratford to Admiral Dundee to enter the
Black Sea was given, if I mistake not, on the 11th of
November. Most unfortunately, at that period M. de la
Cour, the French ambassador at Constantinople, who
concurred in the order, was about to leave that city. Some
hesitation then arose—a perfectly justifiable hesitation—on
the part of the French admiral, on account of the change
of diplomatic authority. He demurred to obey the
order of the French ambassador, and declined to go into
the Black Sea at that time. General Baraguay d'Hil-
Hers succeeded to M. de la Cour, and, on his ani-
val, communications took place between him and the
French admiral ; but the French admiral, not then
on account of the change of authority, but on other
grounds purely naval, refused to enter the Black Sea,
though Admiral Dundas was perfectly willing at that
time to obey the order of the English ambassador. The
hon. gentleman says that the whole disaster at Sinope is
to be ascribed to the want of energy on the part of the
naval powers. How stands the fact, and who is to blame
in that case ? The authority of Lord Stratford will pro-
bably be held conclusive on the point. Lord Stratford,
writing from Constantinople on the 17th of December,
1853, says—
• - -

, ..
" I cannot, indeed, conceal from myself that the late de-
struction of so many Turkish vessels at Sinopo would pro-
bably never have occurred if the ships of England and France
had been sent thither at an earlier period."

(Hear, hear.) But what is Lord Stratford's next observa-
tion ? That noble earl proceeds thus :
" Not that I would throw the blame of this Sinopo disaster
anywhere but on the Porte and its officers. They alone, or
their professional counsellors, were cognisant of the miserable
state of the land defences of Sinope. They alone are answer-
able for the obvious imprudence of leaving so long in helpless
danger a squadron exposed to attacks from hostile ships of far
superior force. But, referring to the simple fact, irrespective
of its causes, I am naturally anxious that the loss of the ex-
ample should not be added to that of the ships."
Now it is quite clear that Lord Stratford, himself the
highest authority on this point, says distinctly that the
disaster at Siuope is to be ascribed to the imprudence of
the Turkish authorits, who disobeyed and neglected the
warning given them, to the effect that the continuance of
their squadron at Sinope could not fail to be attended with

..... .~i;._. ...~

L.

very unfortunate results. The hon.gentleman, referrng to
a topic much dwelt on elsewhere—viz., the Vienna Note,
ascribed great blame to the Government for the readiness
with which that note was adopted by the British
Cabinet. Now, let it be observed that that note was not
the suggestion of the British Government, but the sug-
gestion of the French Government. It was readily taken
in consideration by the Conference at Vienna, and, after
some alterations sire !eetecl by the British Government,
finally adopted. It is said that this course was taken with-
out any reference to Constantinople, and I will explain
why that was so. The dates are before us. On the :'th of
July it was known that the Turkish Government, acting
by the advice of Lord Stratford, had consented to a form
of note framed partly of a portion of the note of Prince
Mense7likoff, which had been as a whole reje. tea, and partly
from the answer given to it by the Turkish Minister, and
these two notes, so combined, had been adopted by the
Turkish Governmeet as entirely satisfactory to them, and
containing all they desired. Now, if the note so com-
pounded were compared with the Vieuirs Note, as sag
geeted by France and adopted by England and the other
Powers, it would re-piire a very nice observation indeed to
discern any substantial difference between the two propo-
sitions. We /lid not therefore adopt the Vienna Note
before we knew that the Turkish Government were pre-
pared in substance to adopt a note, almost, as we thought,
identical. But the moment certain expressions in that
note, which might be of an ambiguous character. had as-
sumed the interpretation Count Nesselrode placed on them,
the English Government at once said they could not for
another moment allow them to remain, that it would be
unworthy of this country, since Russia had put that inter-
pretation on the expressions, to press that note either in
form or substance on the Turkish Government. They ac-
cordingly repudiated it absolutely, and acted at once on the
conviction that the intentions of the Russian Government
were hostile to the independence of Turkey, and that, un-
der the pretext of seeking the headship of a large portion
of co-religionists, Russia really sought a civil protecto-
rate inconsistent with the independence of Turkey.
(Cheers.) What was the consequence ? The order of the
Bth of October was issued, which placed the fleet abso-
lutely at the disposal of Lord Stratford, to defend the
territory of Turkey, and, if necessary, the fleet was em-
powered to papa through the Bosphorus into the Black Sea,
for the purpose of protecting the Turkish territory against
Russian aggression. (Hear.) The affair of Sinope fol-
lowed. What, then, was the course taken by the British
Government on the 24th of December? They sent an
order to Lord Stratford, extending the protection from the
territory to the flag of Turkey. They gave a further order
—namely, that no Russian ship of war should henceforth
be allowed to navigate the Black Sea ; that any such ship
found navigating the Black Sea should be desired to re-
turn to Sebastopol, and if that desire were not complied
with, then that force should be used. The disaster of
Sinope happened, I think, on the 30th of November. The
account was received in England on the 17th of Decem-
ber, and the order for the fleet to enter the Black Sea for
the protection of the Turkish flag and territory was issued
on the 24th of December. (Hear, hear.) [Here Mr. Lay-
ard made some inquiry about the dates.] It was on the
Bth of October that the previous order was issued to Lord
Stratford to employ the fleet, but that was confined to the
protection of the Turkish territory. However, after the
receipt in London of Count Nesselrode's interpretation of
the Vienna Note, when the mask was thrown off, and
there was no longer any doubt of the real intention of the
Russian Government to establish a civil protectorate over
the subjects cf the Sultan—immediately on that interpre-
tation being received in England, the delusion—if it can
be called delusion—arising from false assurances, ceased,
and a peremptory order was issued for the protection of
the Turkish territory against Russian aggression ; and
after the affair of Sinope the order was carried one step
further, and instructions were given that no Russian ships
of war should any longer he permitted to navigate the
Black Sea. (Hear, hear.) The honourable gentlemen
asks us what has been the result of all these transactions ?
I tell him, in the first place, that we have avoided war up
to the last moment—(cheers)—and, in the next place,
that there has been established a cordial union with
France. (Renewed cheers.) Here I cannot neglect the
opportunity of bearing testimony to the perfect good
faith of the French Government, and more especi-
ally of the Emperor at the head of it, throughout
the whole of these arduous transactions and complicated
negotiations. (Cheers.) I hold it to ho only discharg-
ing a debt of justice to express this opinion, and to state
that we have not the slightest grounds of complaint in any
particular against France. (Cheers.) We have teen ce-
mented the union between France and England. Have we
done nothing more ? We have also succeeded in conibin
ing Austria and Prussia with us in many most important
transactions. (Hear, hear.) There has been some doubt
thrown on what Wai the exact meaning of the Vienna
Note. This is immediately connected with another sub-
ject on which the hon. gentleman touched; and the ques-
tion arises, what is the true interpretations of the old
treaties? What were the engagements of Turkey under
the treaty of Kaivareji? Turkey, in rejecting the Vienna
Note, put her construction on those engagements, and
Russia, by Count Nesselrode's comments on that note, in-
timated her interpretation of them in an opposite sense—
an interpretation clearly inconsistent with the rights, in-
dependence, and integrity of Turkey. Well, then, is it no
advantage that there should have been the concurrence, of
Prussia and Austria in addition to that of France and
of England in placing that interpretation on the obi trea-
ties which Turkey put on them, and in absolutely repu-
diating the Russian interpretation ? (Cheers.) That we
have ,uceeeded in doing while maintaining peace. Nay
more, we have in the conference in Vienna obtained the
consent of Austria and Prussia to the declaration that the
terms offered by Turkey are reasonable terms, and that
those terms ought to be accepte.l by Russia. (Hear hear.)
Still further, we have the concurrent declaration of the
Four Powers that the counter-project of Russia rejecting
them is inadmissible. (Hear, hear.) Thus we have in-
sulated Russia, and she now stands alone. That which
was at the beginning of the year 1853 a quarrel between
Russia and Turkey has now assumed the aspect of Russia
contending against Europe united—(hear, hear)—and
I must again repeat that to obtain this result with
war not yet declared appears to me to be, I will not
say a diplomatic triumph, but a great advantage. (Laughter.)
Such may not be the opinion of hon. gentlemen opposite ;
but let me entreat therla not to deal with this question as
an ordinary matter before going into Committee of Supply.
(Hear, hear.) Let them raise the question, if that be their
opinion, that the negotiations have been misconducted,
and that the honour of this country has been sacrificed.
This is a question which, I repeat, ought not to be trifled
with—and if we are not fit to conduct this affair further,
then let that be distinctly declared, and let not the matter
any longer be left in the hands of an Executive unfit to
manage it. (Hear, hear.) Well, now let me proceed, and
state further what we have done. I say we are ready for
war—we are prepared for war. France, too, is prepared
for war. Russia has not yet crossed the Danube ; and not
a Russian ship of war can navigate the Black Sea, which
Russia has hitherto treated as a mare clausum. (Hear,
hear.) France and England are determined that the prin-
cipalities shall be evacuated. (Cheers.) Austria and
Prussia have stated that they agree in opinion that the
independence of Turkey must be maintained, and that the
occupation of the principalities by Russia is inadmissible.
Therefore that which was before a mere Turkish quarrel is
now a European one, and the settlement, like the quarrel,
must be European. (Hear, hear.) Let me now ask, what
will you - the House of Commons.—do ?We are prepared,
if you support us, to do our duty. (Hear, hear.) We are
ready to go into Committee of Supply, and to ask you to
place great means in our power. We ask you to add
1.0,000 men to the navy estimates, and 10,000 men to the
army estimates. We ask you to make great sacrifices on
the part of the people, and to add to the expenditure an
amount of nearly 2,000,0001. Is it, then, on an occasion
of this kind that you should pother over blue-books, and
minutely criticise complicated negotiations, with the risk
of sowing the seeds of disunion ? (Hear, hear.) Ido
not believe that the House of Commons will take that
course. If you have ground of complaint, put us
on our trial. Let the matter be discussed fully, and
have it decided whether we have done wrong; and,
if we have done wrong, say so. If we have been
right, encourage us by your approbation—the highest
approbation a Government can receive, and consti-
tuting, in a great emergency, the etrongest encouragement
to us to make exertions. (Cheers.) But let the machinery
of the Government move on ; for you cannot arrest it at
the present time without public danger; and, if you wish
this committee of Supply not to be opened without the
opinion of the house being pronounced on the policy of the
course pursued by the Government, not a moment's time
ought to be lost in arriving at that result. (Hear.) The
hon. gentleman says he has made out his case. That case
was a case of accusation ; and it was miserable after that
that the only issue should be whether or not the Speaker
should leave the chair. (Hear.) Surely, it would be more
for the honour of the house and the safety of the State if
the issue were taken in some more substantive and direct
mode. These papers have now been some time in the hands
of members, and a great discussion, with respect to them
has taken place in the other House of Parliament, and yet
no direct motion on the subject has been made. (Hear.) I
thought we should probably have beard of some notice of
a direct motion from that quarter of the house where the
opinion strongly prevails that the negotiations have been
mismanaged; but, at last, all that takes place is a miser-
able discussion on the question whether the Speaker shall
leave the chair; so that, in point of fact, no opinion of the
house can be pronounced on the subject discussed, and the
country, consequently, can have no opportunity of know-
ing whether, in the opinion of its representatives, a great
mistake had been made by the Government. (Hear.) I
must say that, as after all this discussion no clear or sub-
stantial decision can be come to on such a motion as that
the Speaker leave the chair, I am almost ashamed to have
trespassed on the time of the house so long. (Cheers )
Lord JOCELYN said, he felt that, in following the right
hon. baronet, he might be considered somewhat presump-
tuous in doing battle with so able and so ingenious an an-
tagonist, but he must say he had known occasions on which
the weapon of the right hon. gentleman had been keener
than it had been to-night, and when he might well have '
shrunk from encountering him on the field. He (Lord
Jocelyn), for one, thought that the hon. member for Ayles-
bury was perfectly justified in the course he had taken. He
thought it was due to the dignity of the house that, when
her Majesty's Government laid papers upon the table as
reasons for calling for increased estimates from the people,
that house should discuss their policy. and that the repre-
sentatives of the people should have an opportunity of
pointing out where they thought errors had been commit-
ted. He considered, indeed, that such a course was only
just to the Government itself. He wished to take that
opportunity of stating his dissent from opinions that had
been expressed by friends of his in that house and in ano-
ther place as to the course that this country ought to have
pursued in the present instance. He also wished to ex-
press his dissent from opinions that had been expressed
upon platforms by an hon. gentleman, a member of the
peace party—sentiments in hich he thought the people of
this country did not coincide, but sentiments which, in
his opinion, even if the people did coincide in them, would
tend to tarnish and dim the honour of the country. He
owned it was with some astonishment that he had read the
sentiments expressed by the hon. member for the West
Riding to the people of Manchester. He thought that hon.
gentleman had not read rightly the chapter of English
history, or he would have found how the liberties of this
country were achieved and maintained. He (Lord Jocelyn)
would give way to no man in the horror he entertained of
war. He had had some opportunity in early life of seeing
the evil consequences of war upon a peaceful and indus-
trious population ; but he thought there was something
worse than war, and that was to see a people labouring
under oppression, to allow ambition to have its will, and
to permit the weak to be crushed by the strong. It has i
been said by the noble lord at the head of the Government,
with great amiability, that all war was sinful. He (Lord
Jocelyn) must deny that war was sinful when it was just
(heir)—and he considered that no war was more just
than one in which people were engaged in fighting fer
their own' liberties, and in which strong and powerful
States were found taking the part of the weak and the de-
fenceless. (II er.) He thought the title-page of the blue
book was rather calculated to draw the public attention

to the old quarrel, and not to the actual question at issue. altogether reputliated that proposition. __
(Hear, bear.)
' The question before them was a question of the interne- Now, did Ministers know what Austria would do? (Hear.)
tional police of the civilised world ; and here he would bear.) They were told, indeed, that Austria and Prussia
ask hon. members of the Peace Society what would would be neutral ; but even so, that was all Plat was to
be the result if their views were carried to an ex- be expected. He was prepared to assort the conviction
treme ? He considered that the consequence must be, that Austria and Prussia would have gone, at least,
that the advance of civilisation would be stopped, and quite as far with us as they would now had we in the out-
that the world would return to that period of barbarism , set exhibited the energy that should have been mani-
when might am.' strength were the only law. Time first fested ; so that, in this respect, we had gained nothing
quarrel between Russia and Turkey was, is his opinion one whatever by delay. On the other hand, but for that most
which might have been settled by negotiat:on and arbitra- deplorable delay on our part, certain it was that at this
tion, but the question now before them wes one in which moment the Turkish flotilla, so cruelly destroyed at Sinope,
the liberties of Europe were involved. From the moment would have been safe and entire in some Turkish port, for,
that the Emperor of Russia crossed the Pruth—from the unquestionably, had the English and French fleets pro-
moment that Prince Menschikoff made those insolent de- ceeded in good time into the Black Sea, not a single Rus-
manila upon the Porte, which, if complied with, would have ei in ship would have quitted Sebastopol. (Hear.) He
rendered the Sultan of Turkey little better than a puppet came now to the more serio es question— still, a question
in the hands of Russia—from the monaent.that the Emperor not answered by the right hen gentleman—what were we
of Russia demanded a protectorate over 10.000.000 of the suing to do, and what were our troops and navy to effect ?
subjects of the Porte—the question ihic law one in which Was it propo ed merely to re-establish treaties, which had
it was the duty of the western po e ers to in, erfere, and one become mere waste peter, or were we going to put a check
in which England and France were vitally interested. and a limit to the munition and aggression of Russia? If
(near, hear.) It had been argued in another place that this the former was the intention of Ministers, they might rely
was a question of no impertence whatever to England. He uoon it that the people of England would not go with
.denied that that was the fact. He saw that it had been them ; but, if the latter, then the people of England would
stated by the hon member for the West Riding, out of go with them heart and soul. 'Hear.) When such was
doors, that it mattered little whether the flag of Russia the question on which so much depended, the hon. gentle-
waved supreme in the City of Constantinople or not. That man was fully entitled to require a full and distinct an-
hon. gentleman stated that this was a question of comrner- swer. (Hear.) The representatives of the people were
vial jealousy - -that we were afraid of Russia obtaining ad- called upon to vote many thousand additional forces, naval
vantages equal to those possessed by England, and that and military, and to grant an additional sum of 2,000,0001.
this was the real ground of our in telt ference. He (Lord The representatives of the peopleiwere not only entitled,
Jocelyn) could only gay, when he looked back to the past but absolutely bound, to know what specific purpose these
history of Russia, that he regarded this as a question in increased armaments and these increased grants were des-
which the liberties of Europe were concerned. He found tined to fulfil. (Hear.) The Government would have the
that either by fraud, by violence, or by treaties, Russia full support of the house in all measures for the mainten-
hid, in the course of the last half-century, absorbed a tract ance of the na'ional honour, but, at the same time, they
lof to ritory and a population equal to one-third of her do- must expect that they would'be closely watched, and that
mini, as in Europe. He found that in the ccurse of that their ections would be continuously canvassed, and none
time she had absorbed Poland, Bessarabia, Mingrelia, the the less strictly, they might be assured, on account of the
Crimea, and Georgia. He found that wherever her con- policy they had hitherto pursu d in this matter. The
quests had extended the energies and activity of the peo- cause in which we were now embarked was a just and.
pie had been diminished, and that she hail carried with righteous cause, and, reverently confiding that the Provi-
her those despotic principles of government upon which donee which watched over the fate of armies would protect
her own government was based Wherever her armies had us in this righteous quarrel, he would say, in the language
gone she had crushed every aspiration of liberty, and, of our old chivalry—" May God defend the right." (Hear.)
although it might he said that the institutions which she Lord D. STUART had never come down to the house
found in Poland and elsewhere could not be deemed of a with a more earnest desire than on this occasion to give
popular character, yet they were the germs which might his support to the Government, because he felt that we
have grown into popular institutions, for they were simi- were at a juncture when the safety and happiness of wide-
lar to those which were planted in our own country in spread nations might depend on the course that should be
feudal times, and which bad since produced that glorious pursued by our Government ; and that it was of the ut-
tree under which they now lived in liberty and tranquil- most importance that the Government, in the course it
lity. If he looked to the commercial policy of Russia, he seemed inclined to pursue, should receive the unanimous
found that she had established a restrictive code—a system and unhesitating support of the house and the country at
of high tariffs ; and, when he looked at the vast artery large. (Hear, hear.) His feeling on the subject had been
which nature had provided as au outlet for the confirmed and augmented by the speech of the noble speech
P of the fertile plains of her southern pro- of the house in introducing the Reform Bill—s, speech
vinces, he found that every difficulty had been thrown in which showed that, while his noble friend, predisposed, on
the way of its navigation. If he looked to the influence the one hand, to remedy and remove, so far as he could,
exercised by Russia over neighbouring countries, he found internal abuses, was prepared not •to falter in resisting
that it was most baneful. e.;ven at the present time Aue- manfully our foreign enemies. He was satisfied that the
tria did not assume that decided attitude which she ought Government, acting upon these principles, would meet
to take, but, although the power in Europe most interested with the heart-and-soul aid of the people. (Hear, hear.)
in preventing the advance of Russia, she was still vacil- Having, however, expressed this feeling and this convio-
lating. Well, he turned to that country which he was told tion, he could not refrain from declariag, as a represents-
was possessed by an effete and failing race—he meant Tur- rive of the people, that he had never been more surprised,
key. He found that in that country public opinion was ee would say sh eked, than at the language which had
gradually—he would not say rapidly—gaining ground. Hr been used by the right hon. gentleman, a Minister of the
found that, in that country, since the establishment of Crown, on this occasion of proposing the navy estimates.
tanzimats, popular institutions were gradually rising ; and Hear, hear.) He had always thought that, if there was
that in her commercial policy she reciprocated our own, en occasion on which the representatives of the people
seeing and recognising the advantages of free trade. He were especially called upon to seek explanations-and infer-
' was told that hr people were an effete and failing race. rnation from the Government, it was when they were called
but he found the same spirit and energy which beat in the upon by that Government to vote away the people's money.
bosoms of the Osmanli 400 years ago, when they came (Hear. hear.) He was sure that his noble friend, the great
twice to the gates of Vienna, manifested at the present authority in that house upon all constitutional . questions,
day, on the banks of the Danube, by the troops under would confirm this proposition—(hear, hear).;--and he
Omer Pasha. (Hear, hear.) He would now proceed to felt equally satisfied that the proposition would be sane-
' ' consider the course of policy pursued by her Majesty's timed, on this particular occasion more emphatically,
Government; an I, while he entirely agreed with the right by another noble friend, also on the Treasury bench, who
hon. gentleman that it would be for the advantage of the had laid it down as a clear principle that the members of
world that this'questien should have been solved pacifically, that house were not only entitled, but bound to insist
ho quarrelled with the Government, not for their desire to upon that full information from Government which
obtain that pacific solution, but because the course they would enable them thoroughly to comprehend all our
had adopted had, as he believed, prevented a pacific solu- foreign affairs. (Hear, hear.) Yet the First Lord of
tion from being attained. He found no distinct or direct the Admiralty, because an hon. gentleman had ventured,
policy on the part of her Majesty's Government indicated in very moderate terms, to ask for reasonable information,
in the blue-I.ooks which had been printed. There was only and to criticise, to a certain extent, the policy of Govern-
one distinct line of action apparent, and that was a wish, merit, had treated the hon. gentleman's questions and his
at .11 hazards and at all risks, to conciliate the Emperor of .)bservations with contempt, as alike unworthy of the oc-
Russia. (Hear, hear.) He found, in the whole course of casion and undeserving of answer. Now, it appeared to
conduct of the Government, vacillation, want of energy, him (Lord D. Stuart) that his hon. friend had quite done
and feebleness of action, where there ought to bay, his duty in putting these questions, and that the house
been vigour, firmness, and determine, ion. He found would not be doing its duty if it did not obtain full infor-
that, while her Majesty's Government were, through their sation on all points connected with this most important
ambassador at St. Petersburg, expressing; their reliance question. (Hear.) It was in the highest degree ineum-
-1 and confidence in the Emperor of Russia, and receiving; bent upon the representatives of the people to know upon
coraphnentary messages in return, they were being out- what the people's money was to be expended, and whether
I witted at Constantinople, and, as the hon. member for '.his enormous increase of their burdens was to be really
Aylesbury had shown, they were being outwitted while in applied to some specific and adequate purpose. (Hear.)
i the possession of facts which showed that they were so out lie trusted that some other member of the Cabinet would
witted. (Hear, hear.) It appeared from the bluebook supply the information which the right hon. gentleman
that her Majesty's Government were informed in the month tiad chosen to refuse. With regard to the past policy of
of April, by their own consuls in the South of Russia, that the Government on this question—its over-condescension
Russia wee arming. The British Consul at Sebastopol to the Russian Autocat—its hesitation and vacillation,
stated that orders had been received to prepare a squadror omposed—to adopt an expression from his noble friend—
'i to effect a landing upon the Turkish coast; that intima of one-part cowardice and three-p srts discretion, it had
tion was reiterated by Colonel Rose, and it was confirme. teen described by the right hon. gentleman as due to
by Sir G. Seymour on the 19th of April. Sir G. Seymour, Russia in the character 'of our old and faithful ally."
in alluding to a conversation he had with Count Nessel- Admitting that Russia had been an old ally, it was not to
rode, said— ne admitted that she had been, by any means a faithful
" With respect to the armaments, the subject was one upon illy; and it was not to be endured, in any case, that she
which it was manifest that the chancellor was unwilling to bt was to treat this great country and our allies with the
questioned, and that, as I really believe, because he was uu- greatest conceivable arrogance and injustice. (Hear.) It
able to return a satisfactory answer. was not the fact that Russia had been "our faithful ally."
"
Het Majesty's Government knew, therefore, in the month She had been utterly, grossly faithless to her alliance with
us, and to our treaties with her, over and over &Ohl, and
violation of his assertions to the contrary. What, then,
of April that the Emperor of Russia was arming, in direct
on: the most signal occasion—in the case of Poland, she
had violated her alliance, she had violated her treaties,
was the course which they ought to have pursued at that
time ? They knew that they had a fulcrum by which the she had violated the sacred oath taken by her Em-
Emperor of Russia might be moved, but they lost the mo-
peror before God and the Holy Trinity. In the
ment when they might have successfully used that power. case of Adrianople, her violation of alliance and of
Sir G. Seymour, writing treaties had been equally flagrant—equally shameless ;
to Lord Clarendon on the 7th of
April, said— in the case of Cracow her violation of treaties had been
°'The three points which appear to me to be established by so glaring that her Majesty had been advised by
her Ministers to denounce it in the speech
_ from the throne,-
the paper of which I have offered your lordship a summary,
are—first, the satisfaction felt by the Emperor at the proof of in the case of Hungary her conduct had been marked with
confidence in his word manifested by her Majesty's Govern-
a perfidy scarcely less monstrous. Faithlessness, in a word
ment—this is expressed in plain words ; second, which is
had been the characteristic of this "faithful ally," yet the
plainly to be seen, the apprehensions entertained by the Rus- Government of this country had persisted in receiving assurances of the Autocrat and his Ministers with 'ng
most the
the
sian Cabinet of an alliance, having for its object a joint action , .
upon the affairs of Turkey between England and France; and credulous confidingness —with the same confidingners, as
third, the almost equally evident desire of proving that such the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs himself expressed
an alliance must, from the opposing interests of the two par-
it, that he should have received the assurances of an Eng-
, ties, exist more in appearance than in reality." fish gentleman, whereas all the antecedents of the present
ruler should have warned the noble lord from an such
Now, with this intimation in their hands, that what credulity. Had the Emperor's former conduct beeny such
the Emperor of Russia most dreaded was a cordial all' to give him a right to their confidence ? In the admiration
ance between France and England, what was the course which had so often been expressed of that potentate, he,
pursued by her Majesty's Government ? Fortunately this for one, had never joined. He had always thought that
matter was made clear, for by an order of the French Go- the Government of Russia, and the Prince at the top of it,
vernment the despatches of M. Drouyn de L'Huys to the ought never to have been
trusted. The whole conduct of
French ambassador at Constantinople had been published Russia, for centuries past, had been marked by treachery,
in the Moniteur. [The noble lord here read an extract and pervaded by the most inordinate and unscrupulous
from the instructions addressed by M. Dronyn de L'H nys ,on ambition—(hear) ; and with regard to the Prince now on
the 22d of March,to M. de la Cour, the French ambassador the throne, if his conduct was examined, both as regarded
at Constantinople, with respect to the circumstances under his own subjects and the Poles and other nations, it would
which the French squadron was to enter the Dardanelles.] be found that he was not worthy of crest, because he had
How did her Majesty's Government proceed at that time ? never been stopped either by the faith of treaties or any
They had information that a cordial union between Eng- other obligation when his interest required that they
land and France was what was most dreaded by Russia. should be disregarded. (Hear.) He thought he had now
Shortly after the communication he had just read was a right to remind the house of what he had said on former
written, Prince Menachikoff opened his demands, and int- occasions, and to ask whether the estimate he then formed
mediately upon that circumstance coming to the knowledge of the pretences of the Russian Government, had not been
of l'4. de la Cour, he summoned the French squadron, proved to be accurate. Her Majesty's Government, it ap.
which appeared in the Bay of Salamis. Similar informa- peered, believed in the assurances of the Russian Govern-
tion had been received by Colonel Rose, wine applied to ment, notwithstanding the information of a contrary cha.
Admiral Dendas for the English fleet, but the admiral re- rector afforded them by their own agents, and,
amon
fused to comply with the request, and her Majesty's Go- others, by Lord Stratford, who told them on one occasiong vernment approved his conduct. But .vhat did the British that Russia spoke peace, but that her acts were the acts of
Government do besides? They intimated to Russia that war. (Hear.) No doubt they were desirous to maintain
they, having prevented their own fleet from coming up to peace, and the object was a laudable one. He would yield
the Dardanelles, as Colonel Rose had requested, had dis- to no man as a defender of peace, and he would honour
approved of the acts of the French Government, and they the Government for any course of concha they might
thereby proved to the Russian Government that that cur- pursue calculated to preserve peace, so long as it _was
dial alliance did not exist which was so much dreaded by consistent with the honour and interests of the country
1 the Emperor of Russia. If, then, her Majesty's Govern- but he firmly believed that the course adopted by the Go.
ment, having that opportunity in their own hands of prow- vernment during its quarrel with Russia had not been
ing that a cordial alliance with France existed, showed the such as to secure peace—(hear, hear)—but, on the contrary,
Russian Government that such a cordial alliance did not that it was the best that could have been devised to bring
exist, was he wrong in saying that they lost the best oppor- about a war—(hear, hear)—and now were they not on the
tunity of preserving peace ? (Hear, hear.) He now Caine brink of a war, after having already been exposed to many
to the question of what the British Government ought to of the evils of war by their peace policy ? (Hear, hear.)
have done. He thought it would have been a course Had not large sums been spent? Had not commerce been
worthy of British statesmen, if when the Russian forces interrupted ? Could they calculate the amount of loss ex-
had crossed the Pruth, and when the Porte was released perienced in the different countries of the world by the
from the treaty of 1841, the French and English fleets, interruption to trade created by the uneasiness and uncer-
i acting in combination, had entered the :Dardanelles, tainty that had prevailed ? Could they tell how many
taken possession of the shores of the Black Sea, lives bail been sacrificed, how many torrents of blood had
and declared that they would destroy the first Russian been shed, during this interval of negotiations for peace?
ship that appeared out of the harbour of Sebastopol In (Hear, hear.) Were they not chargeable with all this loss that position they might have dictated those terms to and all this blood that had been cruelly shed ? (Hear
Russia which they could not obtain in any other manner. hear.) If it was true, as was the gen ral opinion through-
Now, what were the views of thy French Government out Europe, that a bolder policy would have prevented
upon this question, and how would they have acted ? He that had mourn I during the last year, surely our Go all
vern-
found those views expressed by M. Drouyn de Lhuys in a 'flout had much to answer for, as it must be he'd respo
despatch of the 31st of May to Count Waiewski in fan- sible for all the disasters that occurred, (H .
eair Is- a;
guage worthy of the gallantry of the French nation. M.
The whole question lay in a nutshell.
Drouyn de Lhuys said--
Russia were not for the am The denaiideas ear.)
of a , but for
" Monsieur le Comte, as I have already several times men- that which must have infusedputatio poisonn into thelimb whole sys-
tioned, there is by the side of diplomatic negotiations another tern, and Turkey could not possibly submit to them.
action to exercise, and it is the attitude assumed by the Cabi- Russia then committed the unwarrantable act of taking
net of St. Petersburg itself which has shown the necessity of possession of Trakisit territories. Now, the right course
it. When we knew that the army cantoned in the south of ' for the allies of Turkey to have taken, whenever they.as
Russia was on a war footing, that it was provisioned as on certained this to be the intention of Russia, was to have
the eve of a campaign—wen the fleet at Sebastopol was informed her at once, and plainly, that such an act would ready to weigh anchor—when considerable purchases of be treated as an act of war. (Hear, hear.) The general
wood were made for throwing bridges over the Pruth and th© opinion of those with whom he had an opportunity of oon-
Danube—if all this did not indicate that hostilities were de- I versing on the continent was that, if the attempt of Russia
dared, it at least showed that they were approaching, and I had been met in that way, it would have been nipped in
that their commencement only depended on a word. Who ' the bud. (Hear.) 13ut, more than that, it was the gene-
could guarantee us that, under the influence of a first move- I ral opinion that if England had not been governed by a
ment, that word would not be pronounced at St. Petersburg, ' Minister who,right or wrong, was supposed to have a strong
and that, if it had been, that Constantinople would beiprotected 1 leaning to Russia, and who, by former acts, was under-
from a coup de main ? It was a danger of this kind that we stood to show a great desire to comply with any of the de-
feared, and as, if it were to he realized; the game would be , mends of that country—it was the general opinion that if,
lost at the outset, prudence imposed on us the duty of doing instead of such a Minister, we had had one of a firmer
everything to Prevent it. In pose could such a measure of character, not only would the Pruth never have been
foresight more resemble a provocation than did the armaments crossed, but that the demands of Russia would never have
of Russia herself? Why should not France and England, for been expressed. Wherever he (Lord D. Stuart) had gone
the object of maintaining the treaty of 1841, have the right he had heard but one opinion on the subject, and that
one
of doing that which one of the Powers which signed that con- opinion had been pronouncedinasinoteha natmdee—scriPpattrutio7:,
vention was doing with such very different designs? Such ston. "If you had had
a Minister
are the considerations which determined us to send our fleet i was the almost universal expression of every statesman
to Salamis, and which we now recommend to draw closer to and politician that could be talked with on the continent,
the Dardanelles, not to take the initiative in an aggression, " nothing would have happened." The Braperor of Ens-
not to encourage Turkey to refuse, every arrangement, but to sia had long fixed his. eye on Turkey. It had been the
secure her against an immediate danger, and to reserve in traditional policy of Russia ever since the time of Peter
case of need to diplomacy the resources which it would no the Great to get possession of Turkey ; and no doubt she
longer have if it had to struggle against faits accomplis." thought the time was come when this country was ruled
These were the views of the French Government, and could by a statesman that she expected would be her friend, and
it be said that the whole action of the French and English when she did not expect that the cordial union would subtrist
Governments had been similar wheu they thus found what bTehtewyehen.dEsitilr.slcaneoeftdlteah,n.isdinFreramncoevwinhigcfhromhaltiphale, we now saw.
were the opinions of the French Government ? This de-
-1 country a statesman who had alofyrtehyes
spatch, he thought, clearly showed that action must have foreignbeenan affta obstacleat
been repressed wholly by the English Administration.
of noticeaffahi , so long as that minister was at the head of
They were told last year, when it was asked, " Why did
affairsEurope,yet
passwereoften
of Europe
was no longer in that position, they
made a cams bell'? (Hear, hear) Then they had heard
fßouutndnotwhe,mwshlievne
.1
been the brink of a war, of which no one
Ministers argue in another plat e " Oh, but Turkey was
unprepared, and Russia might have marched upon Cons could calculate the consequences. This country was
First of all, we to act for the defence of Turkey.
atantinople." What was the fact as to the Russian armor?
.? bound in every Way
that, by
were bound in honour, because, if there
Why, thr.t there were in May last only 40,000 cocen
were no treaty
be deniedaty engagements to that effect, it could net
trated together, and that 20,000 only passed the. Pruth,b.eh
When it was recollected that in 1828 Marshal Die its
offlc a speeches from the throne and by
crossed the Danube with 60,000 Russian troops, of whom • 1 assurances given in many ways for a great many
only 15,000 reached Adrianople, by the aid, at that time years, Turkey had been led to expect our assistance,
practicable, of the Russian fleet, which 15,000 troops, on and to rely on our aid whenever she should be
their arrival, were utterly inefficient from exhaustion, engaged her in a just quarrel. (Hear, hear, hear.) There
Majesty's Governnien
t need not ha ve bee nso extremely afraid I were persons who thought we should not inter-
ofl the Russian troops, who, though powerfu in defence, fen; inthis quarrel at all, but in that opinion he
were notoriously weak for external action. (Hear, bear.) coal(' not participate. Turkey had unquestionably justice
On the other hand, the Turkish army, which Ministers on her side. Russia could not point to any specific griev-
spoke of as wholly unprepared, were, as recalled to defend ance of which she had to complain against Turkey, but put
the passes of the Balkan, perfectly piepered, under Omer 1 firth generally a claim to the control of a portion of the
Pasha, to preclude the possibility of the Russian army subjects of the Porte, and• in attempting to enforoe this
forcing those passes. The right hon. gentleman quid that claim she was committing the grossest atrocities in the pre-
the delays of her Majesty's Government had effected the , viuce of whickshe had taken possession. It was unneces-
alliance of all' Europe against Russia. He (Lord Jocelyn) - sary to show how much it was for the intermits' of this