The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-03 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 3, 1854.

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ing the advice of those two Powers, to whom we
ought not to be attached, especially if we consider
that the nature of their constitution differs from
that of ours, which on the contrary, resembles that
of Russia and Austria." All this, coupled with
the alarming rumours put into circulation, and
the visible military preparations of Russia, created
some uneasiness in the British Cabinet ; but so
emphatic were the assurances of the Czar that
credit was given to his declarations, and Lord
Stratford de Redcliffe, who at this period re-
turned to his post with special instructions, was
charged only to mediate between the contending
Powers, and to dispose the Sultan to prudent re-
solutions. The object, in short, was simply to
satisfy what the British Government and it its
Ambassador admitted to be the reasonable re-
quirements of Russia, without offence to the
dignity of France. That there might be some
difficulty was foreseen ; but M. de Lavalette
had been recalled, the tone of the French Court
was exceedingly temperate, and it was hoped
all might be arranged. No idea was yet enter-
tained that Prince Menschikoff's requisitions
would include any such demand as the Porte
would be compelled to resist, and the Western
Powers support it in resisting. There was still no
European question. All the difference was between
the Greek and Latin Churches—between France
and Russia.

At the beginning of April Lord Stratford got
back to his post, and found the plot thickening.
It was not that the origitual dispute seemed to
preclude hopes of settlement, but that the " ulte-
rior" proposals of Prince Menschikoff were begin-
ning to be perceptible. Lord Stretford informs
ou.i Government that he found the Turkish Minis-
try in a combination of " alarm, seeking for ad-
vice, and reluctance to tell the whole case frankly;"
but it gradually appeared that the Prince had
made a demand for a secret treaty, which, over and
above the particular question of the Holy Places,
was to define certain general relations between
Russia and the Porte ; and that he had impera-
tively desired of the Turkish Ministers that none
of these proposals might be permitted to transpire,
Nevertheless, although Lord Stratford's sagacity
already discerned the probable result, and though
he suggested that, if the demands of the projected
treaty " should, on examination, be found to carry
with them that degree of influence over the Chris-
tian subjects of the Porte in favour of a foreign
Power which might eventually prove dangerous,
or seriously inconvenient, to the exercise of
the Sultan's legitimate authority ;" they might
be declined in favour of a less perilous arrange-
ment, he took up no position of antagonism against
Russia. The advice which, "at their repeated
solicitation," he gave the Turkish Ministers was,
to keep the question of the Holy Places separate
from the ulterior proposals, to avoid entering
upon the latter, till the former had been ad-
justed, and then to consider them on their proper
merits. He further " expressed his opinion that
it would not be reasonable or prudent for them
to disoblige the Emperor of Russia in matters
which might be conceded without "any serious
objection," and he offers these remarkable observa-
tions '•—" The personal character of the Emperor
Nicholas, his obligations in common with the other
great Powers of Christendom, and his frequent de-
clarations of respect for the independence of the
Turkish empire, exclude the suspicion of any at-
tempt to carry his point by mere arbitrary force.
He lies under the restraint of moral as well as poli-
tical considerations. He could not throw off the
mask, and compel the Porte to accept, on no dis-
tinct grounds of treaty, propositions materially
affecting the Sultan's relations with a large portion
of his subjects, and consequently, to a certain de-
gree, his position in the general scale of power,
without exposing himself to severe censure, and
risking interests of the most important character.
Were it, however, to turn out, contrary to all rea-
sonable calculation, that his ambassador was autho-
rised to proceed to extremities, the Porte would
still have the resource of reserving its compliance
until it had consulted with those of its allies who,
together with Russia, were parties to the treaty of
1841." This, therefore, was the state of things at
the commencement of April. Though Prince Men-
schikoff had alarmed the Porte by his demonstra-
tions, and though his views began to be apparent,
the British Ambassador was still incredulous as to
his actual purpose. Neither Lord Stratford, in-
deed, nor any of his colleagues, had been furnished
with instructions for the contingency actually im-
pending ; the general negotiation was still directed
to the original question of the Holy Places, and on
the 22d of April the British Ambassador was en-
abled to report this dispute as virtually adjusted—a
fact which Count Nesselrode himself, in a conver-
sation with our Minister at St. Petersburgh, pre-
sently acknowledged. Still there was, "in more
respects than one, a mystery hanging over the in-
tentions of Russia," and well there might be ; for
a few days afterwards, when the question of the
Holy Places had been conclusively settled, Prince
Menschikoff presented to the Turkish Government
that celebrated Note which created the subsequent
embroilments, and which may end in European
war. To the character and circumstances of this
transaction the reader shall be introduced to-mor-
row. In the meantime, as public curiosity will
naturally be directed not only to the history of the
negotiations but also to its more recent develop-
ments, we reprint in full some of the more remark-
able documents in its last phase :

" No. 344.
"THE EARL OF CLARENDON TO LORD COWLEY.
" Foreign-office, Dec. 24, 1853.
" My Lord,—Count Walewski has communicated to
me the important despatch of M. Drouyn de Lhuys
which forms the subject of your Lordship's despatch of
the 16th inst.
"That despatch has received the attentive considera-
tion of her Majesty's Government, whose views, as it
must be superfluous for me to inform your Excellency, are
in entire accordance with those of the French Govern-
ment upon the unjustifiable course that Russia has
throughout pursued on the Eastern question, and the
absolute necessity of preventing the recurrence of a disas-
ter such as that which has lately taken place at Sinope.
" That necessity is, in fact, so evident that her Ma-
jesty's Government did not doubt that the combined
fleets had at once been sent into the Blaok Sea, and, as
your Excellency has already been made aware by my
despatch of the 17th instant to Viscount Stratford de
Redcliffe, her Majesty's Government did not consider
that any fresh instructions were called for on the occa-
sion, because, special instructions having already been
given to protect the territory of the Sultan from attack,
they must be faithfully and effectually carried out.
" Despatches have since been received from Lord
Stratford de Redcliffe, by which it appears that on the
4th the fleets were about to be sent into the Black Sea,
either to clear Sinope of the Russians or to protect the
coast of Turkey generally, and that the Russian Admiral
at Sebastopol was to be apprised of the service on which
they would be employed ; and, thereupon, I have con-
veyed to his Excellency the approval of her Majesty's
Government,
"In my despatch to Lord Stratford of the 20th of
December, I have also stated that it was only by obtain-
ing a complete command of the Black Seathat the policy
of the English and French Governments could be effec-
tually carried out, and the recurrence of disasters such
as that at Sinope could be prevented.
" These instructions are in accordance with the in-
structions that Count Walewski told me would be ad-
dressed to the French Ambassador at Constantinople ;
but the French Government now prepose to us in addi-
tion that the Ottoman flag, as well as the Ottoman terri-
tory, should be protected by the combined fleets, and
that all Russian vessels, other than merchantmen, met
in the Black Sea, should be required to return to Sebas-
topol.
'Her Majesty's Government having clearly an-
nounced that the recurrence of a disaster such as that
at Sinope must be prevented, and that the command of
the Black Sea must be secured, would have been content
to leave the manner of executing those instructions to
the discretion of the Admirals, but they attach so much
importance not alone to the united action of the two
Governments, but to the instructions addressed to their
respective agents being precisely the same, that they
are prepared to adopt the specific mode of action now
proposed by the Government of the Emperor.
" Instructions to that effect will accordingly be ad-
dressed to Lord Stratford.
"Even if the Governments of England and France
were not in honour bound to protect the Sultan, they
could not, in the interest of humanity, tolerate that such
scenes of horrible carnage as that of which Sinope has
been the theatre, should be renewed, and for both these
objects they must exercise complete command in the
Black Sea ; but they will at the same time render a
signal service to the Porte ; and her Majesty's Govern-
ment consider it indispensable that no naval operation
should be undertaken by the Turkish fleet without the
previous knowledge and sanction of the British and
French Admirals, who cannot be made responsible for
operations of which they may be kept in ignorance, or
of which they may disapprove. Nor can her Majesty's
Government think it just, so long as England and
France are not actually at war with Russia, that the
combined fleets should aid and protect the Turkish
forces in acts of aggression upon the Russian territory,
while the Russian fleet is prevented from repelling such
attacks, or conveying the means necessary for the de-
fence of that territory.
" Her Majesty's Government have not hesitated to
adopt the course which the honour and dignity of this
country prescribe, but at the same time they do not dis-
guise from themselves that it may at no distant period
involve England and France in war with Russia, and

they consider it equally for the honour and dignity of
the two Powers not to allow the peace of Europe to be
dependent upon that national spirit in Turkey, which,
however admirable in itself, and however useful against
the aggressor, is now evidently beyond the control of
the Turkish Government. Her Majesty's Government
would therefore propose to the Government of the Em-
peror that, in making known to the Porte the course
which the two Governments are about to pursue, the
English and French Ambassadors should at the same
time be instructed to demand, in the event of the answer
to the proposal recently sent from Vienna having been
unsatisfactory, that the terms on which a treaty of peace
between Russia and Turkey shall be negotiated may be
left to the decision of England and France, on the dis-
tinct understanding that nothing shall be proposed on
her part to which she has already officially objected.
" I communicated this proposal on the 22d to Count
Walewski, who engaged to refer it to his Government,
and his Excellency has this day informed me that it has
been entirely approved of by M. Drouyn de Lhuys.—
I am, &c.,

" No. 345.

" CLARENDON."

"Tat EARL OF CLARENDON TO SIR G. H. SEYMOITR.

" Foreign-office, Dec. 27, 1853.

"Sir,—Authentic information, dated the 9th inst.,
from Constantinople, has reached her Majesty's Govern-
ment, that on the 30th ult. a Turkish squadron at anchor
in the harbour of Sinope was completely destroyed by
an overwhelming Russian force ; that 4,000 Turks
perished ; and that the survivors, not exceeding in num-
ber more than 400, who have been brought away by
English and French vessels, were all more or less
wounded.

"The feelings of horror which this dreadful carnage
could not fail to create have been general throughout
all ranks and classes of her Majesty's subjects in this
country.
" The circumstances which have attended this disas-
trous affair are of the greatest importance, and with
respect to them it is necessary that there should be no
misunderstanding between her Majesty's Government
and the Cabinet of St.• Petersburgh.
"The object with which the combined fleets were sent
to Constantinople was not to attack Russia, but to
defend Turkey ; and the English and French Ambassa-
dors and Admirals were informed that the fleets were
not to assume an aggressive position, but that they were
to protect the Turkish territory from attack.
" On the 27th of October you informed Count Nessel-
rode of the nature of those instructions, and the service
upon which her Majesty's fleet would be employed ; and
her Majesty's Government hoped that that communica-
tion, made in no unfriendly spirit to Russia, would have
sufficed to prevent an attack upon a Turkish harbour
which is Turkish territory.
"Had the Turkish squadron been about to make a descent
upon Secoum-Kalil, as is stated in a despatch from Prince
Menschikoff to Prince Gortschakoff, which there is every
reason to consider authentic ; if it had been fallen in
with and destroyed by the Russian fleet off the Russian
coasts in Asia, her Majesty's Government, however much
they might have lamented such a diastrous loss of life,
would ha ve regarded it as an ordinary though unfortu-
nate casualty of war. But the Sultan's squadron was
destroyed while at anchor in a Turkish harbour, and
where, consequently, the English and French fleets, if
they had been present, would have protected it, and
would have repelled the attack.
" The Russian Admiral, however, must have acted
upon the orders of his Government, which Government
was well aware of the instructions which were to guide
the British and French Admirals ; and her Majesty's
Government are compelled therefore to consider that it
was not the Turkish squadron alone that was deliber-
ately attacked in the harbour of Sinope.
" The events of the last six months, and the proceed-
ings of the English and French Governments, afford
abundant proof of their desire to maintain friendly re-
lations with Russia, and to effect an honourable settle-
ment of the difference between that Power and the
Porte ; but the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh has greatly
erred if it has mistaken forbearance for indifference, or
has calculated upon any want of firmness in carrying
out a policy which those Governments have adopted
with a due regard to their own and to European in-
terests.

" Her Majesty's Government have not abandoned
the hope that peace may be reestablished, for they are
unwilling to believe that any insurmountable obstacle
can exist to carrying out the declared objects of Russia
in a manner compatible with the dignity and the
independence of the Porte ; and it would, therefore, have
been a matter of sincere satisfaction to her Majesty's
Government that the combined fleets should have re-
mained at anchor in the Bosphorus while negotiations
were pending. But this has been rendered impossible
by the attack on the Turkish squadron at Sinope. The
intentions of the English and French Governments,
which were long since announced to the Porte, must be
firmly and faithfully executed. For this purpose,
although with no hostile design against Russia, it is
essential that the combined fleets should have the com-
mand of the Black Sea ; and the necessary instructions
have accordingly been addressed to the Ambassadors
and Admirals of England and France.
" In making known to Count Nesselrode that such
instructions have been sent, you will govern yourself by
the language of this despatch, and you will inform his
Excellency that, in order to prevent the recurrence of
disasters such as that at Sinope, the combined fleets will
require, and, if necessary, compel, Russian ships-of-war
to return to Sebastopol, or the nearest port ; and it is
considered that the Turkish fleet should undertake no
aggressive operations by sea so long as matters remain
in their present state.

" I am, &c.,
" CLARENDON."

" No. 370.

" LORD STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE TO THE EARL OF
CLARENDON.
(Received January 4, 1854.)
" Constantinople, Dec. 17, 1853.
"My Lord,—l received yesterday from Lord West-
morland, in pursuance of your lordship's instructions, a
collective note addressed to the Porte by the represen-
tatives of the Four Powers at Vienna, acting together
in the authorised capacity of a resuscitated conference.
" The sealed letter directed to Redschid Pasha, and
containinc, the note in question, reached me at the same
time with .a
request that I would personally present it
to his Highness. accompanied by my colleagues the
French Ambassador, the Internuncio, and the Prussian

Envoy.
" This note, suggesting the expediency of an early pa-
cification, and inviting the Porte to state the terms on
which it is disposed to negotiate with Russia, would, I
conceive, be of questionable advantage under other cir-
cumstances; but I do not hesitate to express my clear
conviction that it could not be delivered to the Porte at
this juncture without unsettling our prospects of peace,
and rendering the acceptance of the projet received on
the 15th by Redschid Pasha from me and my colleagues
still more precarious and difficult than it is even now.
Such is also the opinion of my colleagues. The terms
of the note are, doubtless, most considerate and flatter-
ing to the Turkish Government, but they afford, at the
same time, to much encouragement to the pretensions of
the war party, that the communication of them could
hardly fail to strengthen that interest, aad to render a
successful negotiation more remote. At all events, by
reserving its delivery, we retain in our hands an occasion
for reopening the question of negotiation in the case of
our pending proposal being declined. Such is, there-
fore, the course which I have determined to pursue, and
I trust that it will meet with your lordship's approval.
—I have, &c.,
"STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE."

(No. 411.)
"SIR G. H. SEYMOITR TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON.
(Received January 20.)
" St. Petersburg, Jan. 11, 1854.
"Yesterday, at an early hour, Count de Reizet, the
First Secretary of the French Legation, reached St.
Petersburgh with the instructions for General Castel- I
bajac, which we have been anxiously expecting for the
last six days.
" M. de Reizet had been detained on the road by the
heavy snows which have fallen lately in Belgium and
Germany.
"In the course of the same morning I called upon
General Castelbajac, who was good enough to show me
the two despatches which he has received, together
with a copy of the instructions sent to Admiral
Hamelin.
" With regard to the instruction sent to General Cas-
telbajac, I need only say that it is the exact counterpart
of that addressed to me by your lordship in your despatch
of December 27. The one might have been substituted
for the other. The only differences which I could
observe are, that the French Minister is desired to con-
cert with his English colleage before communicating to
Count Nesselrode the substance of the instructions sent to
the allied fleets at Constantinople ; that he is empowered
either to read the despatch to his Excellency, or to state
to him its substance ; and that no expression is to be
found in the French despatch like that with which your
lordship's despatch concludes It is considered that
the Turkish fleet should undertake no aggressive opera-
tions by sea, so long as matters remain in their present

state.' -
"As your lordship does not authorise me to read your
despatch to tne Chancellor, General Castelbajac has de-
termined not to communicate his instruction to his Ex-
cellency, but merely to give its substance, and that this
may be done faithfully we made notes of the points upon
which particular stress is to be laid.
"Before separating, General Castelbajac and myself
agreed that we should, without loss of time, write seve-
rally to Count Nesselrode to say that, having a commu-
nication to make to him, we beg to be informed on what
day, and at what hour, it will suit his convenience to
receive us.
"This I did as soon as I returned home."

LETTER TO BE ADDRESSED BY THE BRITISH AND
FRENCH ADMIRALS TO THE RUSSIAN ADMIRAL AT
SEBASTOPOL. _ _

___
(Translation.)
"The squadron under my orders being on the point
of appearing in the Black Sea, in concert with that of
France, and the object of this movement being the pro-