The Sun.
London, England, 1838-07-11 00:00:00

SPAIN.

In answer to a question from Lord LONDONDERRY,
Viscount MELBOURNE said no time would be lost in
laying before the House the papers relating to the Spanish
Legion.

IRISH POOR LAW.
Lord GLENGALL presented a petition from a place in
Westmeath, against the Irish Poor-law Bill.

Lord BROUGHAM enquired if there were any truth in the
sta'emcnt that the Russians had taken Teheran.
Lord MELBOURNE believed there was none, .but that
the report had originated from the taking of Herat.
CRUIZERS ON THE SPANISH COAST.
Lord BROUGHAM wished to call the attention of the
House to certain orders which were supposed to have been
issued by the Admiralty to certain cruisers on the coast of
Spain, to prevent the access of any Sardinian or Dutch ves-
sels, supposed to be carrying munitions of war. He
asked on a former occasion whether there was any
objection to the production of such instructions, and was
told to make a motion on the subject, and here he was
at the desire of her Majesty's Ministers to do so. He felt
anxious that steps should not have been taken which might
tend not only to tarnish the character of the country, but in-
volve it in a contest adverse to its best interests—which might
compromise England with foreign powers, and shake the
peace of Europe and of the whole world. If the first ques-
tion should be answered in the negative, " have any such in-
struction been issued," away would go one-third of his ques.
tion. If the second should be answered in the affirmative (the
the first having been answered in the affirmative,)—" Have
you made the regular notification of that to all neutral
'States?" if that (the second question) should be answered in
the affirmative, much of what he would say on the third
question was extinguished. But if both these questions were
answered in the wrong way, then his third question was, " Can
you produce to me the opinion of the adviser of the Crown in
such matters—the King's Advocate—that this conduct is not
a gross outrage and infraction of the established law of na-
tions ?" IF the third question were answered in the affirmative,
then he (Lord B.) was at issue with that high law authority,
and should be bound to confe,,a that the law of nations had
unde-gone a total change—there was a new code of na-
tional law established ; and that which was formerly a breach
of the law of nations, was now the law of nations.—(Hear.)
He was in their Lordships' hands, and was unwilling to trouble
them with a long speech, and would therefore wait to ace what
answer he got from her Majesty's Government.

Viscount-MELI3OURNE declined to give any answer to
the questions of the Noble and Learned Lord.
Lord BROUGHAM—When a person declines to answer
a question which was clear to the meanest capacity, there could
he no reason for such conduct but one, and that was that the
answer mu,t be wrong according to his interpretation of it. He
had, right then to assume that such instructions had been given;
that no warning 'lad been given to other powers, and that there
was no legal opinion to be produced for such a gross vio'at'on
of the law of nations. He was dso forced to take for granted
that we were at war, though it was not necessary that we
should be so, though we !,ide4 and assisted with one party.
But even though we wcrc belliger eras, still we had no power to
.top any one neutral power from trading, unless we had a com-
petent free, and used it so that no ship should any one
day bc safe in entering any port or landing on the coast.
Who ever heard of cne nation, tel.ause it happened to wish

well to one of two parties, and was at war with neither, issuing
an order to take all neutral vessels going to the assis-
tance of one of the belligerents ? Since time was
and since men talked of belligerent rights and belligerent
duties, or of the rights of neutrals, or the duties of neutrals—
since the law of nations was used among civilised men, such a
proceeding as this was without precedent.—( Hear.) This was
not a light matter. In this case there were na belligerents in
question.
[A Noble Lord here. whispered "perhaps the instructions
were confidential."l
Lord BROUGHAM—They ought to have been confiden-
tial—they ought never to have seen the light at all. But
a confidential order to a cruiser !_—not secret instructions—
but an order to do what?—to stop the ships of one nation or
another. Why, from the moment they were put in execution
they became matter of notoriety to the whole crew of the
vessel—(Cries of " Hear, hear")—and this led him to
remark that they ought to have been published to the
neutral powers—to Sardinia and Holland.—( Hear.) The
vessels of these countries were laden with stores—nobody
dreaming that it could possibly enter into any one's head to
issue such a wild order—(Laughter)—and when they arrived on
the Coast of Spain they were to be sent back—if they did
not consent thus to frustrate the whole intention of their
voyage, they were to be captured. He (Lord B.) was glad he
had come forward to arrest the progress of the Government in
this bad course, which was calculated to endanger the, peace of
Europe. And he should deeply lament if satisfactory an-
swersnotspeedily happen
withoutwe were
apprehensionsnot returned to
thatth eq
mischiefuestio questions begh
might
d put. He was
in consequence of this order—for who knew what alliances ex-
isted between powers more powerful than Sardinia, or even
Holland. Sardinia was a small power, but we had heard of de-
fensive alliances, and one was not improbable here. What
if it should turn out that Sardinia had put herself under the
protection of a powerful state? What it' Austria and Sar-
dinia had entered into any defensive alliance ? What if he
knew such to be the fact? There was a defensive alliance
which bound Austria to help Sardinia, and make com-
mon cause with Sardinia against any party with which
Sardinia should be involved in war. Did he then go too far in
saying this was a serious matter ?—( Hear.) It was possible that
this alliance might have taken place since the instructions, but
the date of the instructions would show that fact. Neither
Austria nor Sardinia would be in the slightest degree
to blame for having formed that defensive alliance, or for
eor en
outrage
materially
eirni a li lty..
fkreoempinang to•tifceonnacireoaleodne;,fborenaadnesefensi
self—it led to war, it began in the spirit of aggression, was
thev el
aatltlehrelevea sdai ffn
continued in aggression, and must accomplish its object by
aggression. .He conceived that he had a right, unless strong
reasons were shown to the contrary, to a production of these
instructions, and should, therefore, move that an humble ad.
dress be presented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty will be
pleased to cause to be laid before the House a copy of instructions
touching warnings to be given, or prohibitions to be issued,
against the entrance into Spanish ports by the vessels of Sar-
dinia, Holland, or other neutral nations, and of any warning
that may have been given to neutrals generally.—( Hear. )
Viscount MELBOURNE had declined to answer the
question of the Noble and Learned Lord, not from any in-
ability, nor from any unwillingness, but from his intention,
when the Noble and Learned Lord should make his motion,
to submit to the cousideration of the House whether there
were any grounds for the motion. He _knew that, of late
years, there had been a great facility afforded for the produc-
tion of papers, much to the inconvenience of the public offices
and greatly to the public expense; but he would submit that
these papers should not be laid on the table of the House sir._
less some good reasons could be urged fur their pro-
duction. He would beg the House to consider what
the ground and foundation was on which the motion of'
the Noble and Learned Lord rested. It rested solely
on an observation made by a Noble and Learneil
Lord opposite (Lyndhurst). In the course of a former des
bate the Noble and Learned Lord, in winding up his vev
eloquent speech, said, " if it be so, as public report stews,
public instructions have been addressed to our cruisers to stop
Sardinian vessels carrying warlike stores to Don Carlos; then
it is more (using to good fortune than otherwise that we are
not involved in hostilities which we should not fled it easy to
cope with." This remark of the Noble end Learned Lord
was founded on public report, and the motion of the Noble
and Learned Lord was founded on that remark of the Nob].
and Learned Lord ( Lyndhurst)—( Hear, bear)—and he would.
beg to atk was that a basis on which their Lordships would be
pleased to do that which must of necessity manifest a jealousy
of the Government to which the affairs of the country were
committed, and must necessarily be in a high degree impoliti,,
and inexpedient? He said that it was impolitic to mark 8.,),
distrust, or suspicion, or jealousy of the actual Governielent
which administered the affairs of the country. It was parti-
cularly impolitic to mark with any feeling of that deseziptiou
the administration of foreign affairs.—( Hear, hear„) They
might condemn the Government as they would—leL them re-
move it as scon as they were able; but in God's llama let them
discover no doubt, no suspicion with respect to its relations
with foreign countries. —( Hear, hear.) .T. do 'that would be
to weaken and enfeeble, not only the Adminiv,cration and the
whole Government of the country, but to weatien and enfeeble
the influence and power of the nation in Eueope. Now, sup-
pose that something of this kind had :eked place—suppose
that it had been successful—and suppose it bad been acquiesced
it—was it right to state to foreign poteera that it had been
called in question ? He would ask would it be prudent—would
it be wise—would it be just to the nation ? The Noble and
Learned Lord (Brougham) had gone with a great deal of
length into the law of nations affecting the question of blocle-
ade, and on this point he had stated principles which he ( Vi s_
count Melbourne) had no doubt were just. Whether, hcaw-
ever, they were applicable could not he decided, unless the
House should resolve to take under its own cognizance the:
which was supposed to have taken place. The motion: vies
entirely of a searching and experimental nature. It era first
to inquire whether any instruction existed, and then, 'if they
existed, to discover what they were. It did appear to ?aim that
no ground whatever had been made to induce their Lordships
to enter into that inquiry, or to agree to the preduct ion of the
papers. He did not say whether the facts assumed by the
Noble and Learned Lord were well founded or not, or whether
the principles he had stated applied to these facts; but as Ile
conceived that it would be highly imprudent to accede to the
motion, he should on that ground offer it his most strenuous
resistance.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM said that the Noble Earl at the head
of the Admiralty had said " That he confessed that if the
circumstances which were stated to have taken place, had taken place, he should have so instructed them " (the cruisers).
He should wish to go to the jury on that statement.—(Hear.)
Earl RIPON thought that the Quadruple Treaty was at
a wise measure ; but be would deny that the additional articles,.
signed a considerable time afterwards, were any necessary
part of that treaty. It was already a perfect instrument in it-
self, and he could not see why they were to risk a war with all
Europe to support the Government of Spain. If his Noble
Friend said that the public service would be injured by this
production of this document, he should not be d'isposed to
press for that which in their responsibility they were disinclined
to give; but he must say that not one word had 'been said in
the shape of a reason on that point. He certainly felt that
those instructions bad been [issued; and that they had never
been acted upon or enforced against any penver whatever.—
( Hear, hear.)
The Earl of MINTO said that he thought no reason bed 'been advanced for the production of these papers. The mo-
tion seemed to be nothing more nor less than a fishing mo-
tion—(Hear, hear)—first for the production of papers, and,
then to see what could be made out of them. Assuming it tat
be true that such instructions were issued, he believed it wes
the first time any demand had been made by Parliament for
contingent instructions—for a prospective arrangement made
by the Government to meet dangers which they might appre-
hend—the demand, too, being made at the time when this
dangers had passed off. The statement of the Noble mil
Learned Lord appeared to be nothing more nor less gifts as
complaint against the Quadruple Treaty, to which treaty the:
Noble and Learned Lord himself was a party, and a corn •
plaint that it had been too faithfully observed. Now..
the first article related to the introduction of warlike:
stores. From that it might very easily be inferred what the
pricipal object of the Spanish Government was. The words
in the treaty were—‘, His Majesty the King of the United
Kingdom of England and Ireland engages furnish hc.
(ba
by employing
intercepting rnp oa
nn)n ewra es ounupo
thelptd
Catholic Majesty with arms, stores, and such munitions of wee
as she may require, and to assist her Majes,ty, if neeesSat7,.
with a naval force." In
ncciniarartrlhgo charge
s coast?th a tTohfes obligationpNaoinbea n
Earl
habarwynl
aeEspfuoaagrer eltnayete
tdtooon
Don'd
tti
additional article : but the Noble and Learned Lord was se
party to it. He (the Earl of Minto) would ask bow they
could afford assistance if, seeing Spain invaded with artneell
ships, for that was the present hypothesis, coming with anew. and men to act in conjunction with Don Carlos, they wen
to turn their backs upon their allies in the hour of need, an
cd
at the time, too, when we were called upon to act up to the
obligations of the treaty ? He could not at all understa eat
how they could be released from these obligations. The treury
might be right or wrong ; but if there was one thing more
remarkable than another for which this country was (Estin --
guished, it was the fidelity—the more than fidelity--witla
which it observed the obligations of Treaties. The No'ole and.
Learned Lord dwelt upon the law of neutral powers e.nd-
blockade. He (the Earl of Minto) did not understand
that the Government was supposed to have issued any osdere
established a blockade. What he understood th he c !. waso
that there being a suspicion that Sardinia was about toarg make an
invasion of Spain, orders had been given to the cruisers on the
coast of Spain to take measures to prevent the invasion.
Lord BROUGHAM had never • dan • 'on
mentioned invasion.
He had merely said Sardinian
vessels with naval stores aria
arms.

The Earl of MINTO said that his statement was that_ if
he had seen any other power about to invade the dominions of
Spain, that in such a ease he should not have hesitated to
issue instructions for the execution of the Quadruple Treaty_
It was said that this construction of the Act was likely to era •
danger us with foreign States. The Noble add Learned Lore.
said, " What if Austria should come to the assistance of Sar •
dinia 2" Now, if there were any treaty which could justi'r
Austria in such a proceeding it went against th) N,ble au( A
Learned Lord's motion, for the treaty under which we acte
was much more obligatory than any general tr,m/y. (lied r.
hear.) It had been his (the Earl of Matto's) system 10 nu,ke
a little political distinction in the selection of otfi;..rs for h'4l
and important communds. If it were necessary he wont(
merely mention the names of a few with. whom he CO:TeS•
ponded with as much security as if they h t t balont,red to ht,
own party—Sir R. Stopford, Admiral R tss, S r G
Colburn, Sir P. Halket. and L ,rd John fit . (Il titr, hJar.)
Lord BROUGHAM hat hid n) corn -n t lea ion with any
naval officer. His Noble L iced ( Lard Lynd-
hurst) had mentioned a num) t:t him, bat it tv is oF a pf 3 so-3.
who had never belon,Tni to the s a serv.ce.

The Earl of MINTO had not charged the Noble and
Learned Lord with being any party to this communication, but
Le only thought that he was inclined to vindicate it.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—My Lords, the motion
Originates in a statement, in the first instance, made by my
Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst), and next in a
statement made by the Noble Lord opposite, the First Lord
of the Admiralty, who has repcatrd his statement this even-
)ng, and who says that he shauld not consider himself jus-
tified if he had not issued the instructions, in case it bad

teen found that any Foreign Power was about to send
Erma to Spain. The Noble Lord endeavoured to justify
'his under a particular art' cle of the treaty. The Noble
Viscount says that the House ought not to agree to the
/notion, on account of the inconvenience which it might occa-
sion to the executive Government. My Lords, lam not at
all disposed to do anything. to give inconvenience to the Go-
vernvnent, but are we to be drawn into a war upon the word_
ing of a treaty, as if we were obliged to give the aid of a na-
val force as under a treaty offensive and defensive ? I do
no not think that this is the meaning of the Article. The
object of the treaty was never to involve this country in a war,
"in a defensive alliance. It was never so stated in Parlia-
ment, and it has never been so stated unless by the Noble
Lord this evening. My Lords, I think we ought to have some
further information, as moved for by the Noble and Learned
Lord. But as to the blockade, it is out of the question, for
there is no war.
The Earl of C RNAR VON did not think that Sardinia
ought to be sacrificed for the service of such an ungrateful
Party as that in Spain, which the present Government was
disposed to uphold, and on which this country could not place
the slightest rel;ance.
The Marquis of LANS D OWN E said that the instruction
now called for was notoriously a private instruction, as it was
°"ly intended to be produced if a certain controversy arose,
and therefore every man who had held confidential situations
In the country must feel that the secresy of diplomatic instruc-
tions was necessary to the safety and tranquillity of the em-
pire, If it was the wish of the House to call for this instruc-
tion, he washed his hands of the precedent as to future conse-
quences.

The Earl of ABERDEEN did not see either the Noble
Viscount or the Noble Marquis opposite had justified the course
that the Government had pursued. If they were to be strict
in the execution of treaties, it was necessary to know what
those treaties were; and be admitted with the Noble Vis-
count that there was no country in the world more ready to
fulfil the stipulations of treaties. Now, as to the order in
question, the Noble Viscount said that it was merely to turn
aside with civility the Sardinian vessel from her course. But
would a Sardinian officer submit to such dictation? The cha-
racter of the Sardinian people showed that they would not,
and WI inevitable war must be the consequence. The King
of the French took a different view of the Quadruple Treaty
.which the Government of this country did. He did not deny
that this Government was right in recognising the Queen of
Spain, but why might not other powers take adifferent view ?
The Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had ad-
mitted in another place that other powers had a right to re-
cognise Don Carlos and to assist him. The King of the
French was much too honest to give such a latitude of inters
pretation to the treaty as the Noble Lords opposite, who de-
clared that the treaty was one offensive with the Queen of
Spain against all the world. It appeared to him, therefore,
the treaty should not be interpreted as the Noble Lord had
.stated, and he thought the Government were bound to give
the information called for in order that the House might see
the real situation in which the country was placed.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said that the Noble
Eael opposite had no one but himself to blame for this dis-
cussism and the consequence that might follow.
The Duke of WELLINGTON, in explanation, said that
the Nob'.. Lords opposite had said that this was an affair of
treaty. It' 'o, they were hound to show that it was such.
The Earl orMINT° said a fey words in explanation,
Viscount Mi:LBOURNE did not then fe .1 himself called
upon to enter into the question of whether the instructions
were within the treaty or without the treaty—neither would
he apply himself to the general question of the effects of that
treaty ; for, as he said in the beginning, it would be improper
to enter into such discussion without full information on the
subject. In the meantime he entirely agreed with the Noble
Duke as to the purp art of the treaty—that the naval force to
be furnished by England was only a matter of contingency, to
be supplied if necessary, and for the attainment of a specific
ftlejeet.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was nut a treaty offensive
tod defensive that bound us to go to war with whoever went
to 'ear with the Queen of Spain. —( Hear.) He still held
that the production of the instructions would be most incon-
venies-t to the public service—that it would:encourage those
most disposed to disturb the welfare of the country and em-
barrass her Majesty's councils, and on the other hand would
be likely to embarrrss those who wished them well and were
most inclined to meet their views and co-operate in their po-
liev. For these reasons he must resist the motion.
Lord BROUGHAM replied, and expressed his astonish-
ment ht the extraordinary exhibition which the First Lord of the
.Admiralty had made in his endeavour to defend himself. It
‘s easy to see their object. They cnly wanted to stop him
(L ,rd Brougham). However, he wss rejoiced to sea th:t they
aet eiteepted the plank which the Noble Lord had held out to
them to escape upon, and had no doubt that with such aid they
Would enjoy a safe deliverance.—(A laugh.)
The „vhilte of WELLINGTON said—My Lords, I wish
to say a
ofetv words before you go to a vote on this Bill.
The Noble Lord's motion was founded on the question of
the existence of a blockade. He bas argued the question
most ably.
Lord BR 0 UGH A M begged to explain. There was no
blockade, but if ehere had it would not have been legal—it
would have been ilk•gal—but there was no blockade.
The Duke of WE.I,LINGTON said—My Lords, I knew
vety well that there was no blockade ; and, as I said before,
the NoVe Viscount could not argue the question on the pre-
sumption of a blockade. I know that there was no blockade
under the treaty.—( Ilear.) Afterwards the Noble Lord came
forwerel, and stated that the instructions were] founded on the
treaty, and that lie should call for papers to prove the facts.
If I uns'erstood the Noble Viscount right, he said that he did
not concu.- in the motion, and that he concurred with me that
the country eves not called on to issue any such instruceions as
bad been issstsd by her Majesty's Government. At the same
time the Nob:e Viscount declared that it would be very incon-
venient to prou'ucs3 such instructions, and submit them to the
public eye. NI), Lords, I know nothing of these instructions
but what I have beard in debate; but it appears that they
have never been .actnd upon, and I think they never will.—
( Hear-) Therefore, my Lords, I will not call for them, as I
feel myself that thei,• production would be inconvenient, and
detrimental to the public service.—( Hear, hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM had a presentiment that the Noble
Duke would be in this ease, as he had been over and over
again, the saviour of her Majesty's Ministers..—( A laugh.) He
felt confident that he would come and save them in their ex-
/remity.—( Laughter. )
The Earl of MANSFIELD felt that the motion was im-
poratively called for. and should vote accordingly.
Lord ELLENBOROUGH felt it necessary that the House
shosald call for the papers that the country might see its real
Position, and what were its obligations under the interpreta-
slots svhich Ministers had given to the treaty.
The.' Earl of HARE WOOD, after hearing all that had
been spoken on the subject, would vote for the production of
the paper I.—( Hear, hear.)
The Ho use divided, and there appeared—
Fo r the motion
Against it
The motion, therefore, did not pass.
On our return we found the House occupied with the Bill on
CHARITABLE BEQUESTS,
And:Lord PORTM AN stating that, in the peculiar position
in which he stood arith respect to this Bill, the question must
either be postponed or proceeded with now, in which he would
be entirely guided by the direction of their Lordships. The
Noble and Learned lsord ( Lord Brougham) was doing as
great wrong to the little charities of the 'country as he could
13,1 'he course he was taking. He had brought in a Bill in
cember last, which was printed, but the Noble Lord,
the .ugh he had the proof in his possession ever since• had never
lai d it before their Lordships. It was not right to treat
the it Lordships in this manner, or to lock up the charities of
the . land in such a way. If the Noble Lord did not like
to proceed he should allow somebody else to do what was
tessary. Here was a mass of small charities who could not
get any individual to administer them in the present state of
the law.
fiord BROUGHAM had no jealousy of the Noble Lord.
On the contrary, be was quite delighted at finding the Noble
IC in:erfere with him. But he only doubted of the Noble
fact, po..ver tointerfere wisely, discreCtly, and judiciously. In
f:jinue did not at all consider that the Noble Lord was inter
uhatgvv rightly, or helping the measure forward in any wise
(Lord Lt.; The Noble Lord had taken a portion of his
eo the ougharn's) Bill ; and lie ( Lord Brougham) objected
gre,„duat,%asure of the Noble Lord for that reason. On the
Visoest gr,,tu,i.t would risk the passing of a better measure he
s (1405c1 d'rham) should feel inclined to oppose it. It was
fad before 11Zugh,-rn's) intention to proceed with the Bill he
parr ;tally tc` prell'use. but he did not think that it was right
Lt the Bill of the
e'
upon such a thin.. as Charitable Trusts.
ab mid reserve tc, Lord were persisted in that night, he
of .erwerds self the right to oppose it in every stage
The LORD s
tble Lord vritirdra;',Ch:LLOß should propose that the
Spa 3sing it this sessioe, ''s measure, as there was no chance of
After a few words i,
-icklow, and fiord°Lord Ellenborough, the Earl of
Lord PORT/JAN re 4 "au'.
the measure was either to i"nds., His object in bringing forward
to ;ire up his Bill, and let ()thee the Noble and Learned Lord
e
;to go on with it himself. ~,rs bring it forward in his stead,
stot, wised the latter, he (n,,,,1 tho Noble and Learned Lord
aN, and acceee to the suggestiutman) would abandon his
L.
sr4
BR°
uG
II A m
woull
h;anzeoutbf the Noble and Learned
Lore , the Woolsack
Pen glad that some com-
Poten.s Los,
'son took up the Bill
did not believe the
Noblr torsi to be in that condition, she
his in ;seism,
.so abandon the Charity _snrygardedws not
go
on
,:iti:liEtducation Bill wand,
mstthis session.
if it j'erp 70;:q,'le, lie would
L. and pOR Iv; AN, wider these circa
liras • -hi, `.icon ant: oro"eed no further witabnces• would with-
to es,tit' NT bl and Learned Lord an ~,,p 'eo e it for a fortnight,
oPportunity of ful-
l' ,e Bill waetreene,iinelvsvithdraWn.
L 11-(1 WHARNCLivF [', withdrew his
We believe), and did not
(a
s. section- ttin Church Canada,
Is • notice of motion
SY ; day for its renewal.
'I he Bills on 'rte table were 'anced a stage, and the House
t tijoi trued at a Quarter to Te,i o'clock.

, A ccounts from an parts of the ccuntry speak of the
Yhtlit crop as prodigiously improved within the ►alt fortnight; indeed,
erywhere coming into ear most propitiously.

1 PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS,
ASSURANCE COMPANIES,&c. &c. &c.

LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 10.
Number Dividend Price
of per ' CANALS; per
Shares. Annum. raid. Shlre
1.7C6 7 pet cent. Ashton and Oldham....Average 971.18.. sh. 135
1,0e2 41. Ashby.de-le.Zouch Average 11:: :.sh. 65
1,260 Basingstoke lOO/.01. 5
1,005 51. Brecknock and A bergavenny 150 e. sr.. :le
8.000 1-16 sh. 9/ 6s. Birminghant, i.l6th slielfQ ... --W. 81,711. 2'23
1 490 Ditto and Liverpool Junct...lo?l. 811. IoiYpd 241
600 N. Bridgewater and Taunton —.lOOl. sh. all pd 64
400 4/ Cheliner and Black water . 1110/. sh. 102
500 491. C ,ventry VAl.sh. 745
4.545 Croydon
:/„Ig3ol 4.", 0.,. Dudley .... 10111. sh. €3
&JO 14,. Derby 100/. sh. 133
20,000 4 per cent. iJanune and 51Ayne 411.135. 4d .pd 33%
3,5751 V. Ellesmere and Chester Average 1331. sh. 77
231 46/. Erewash 1001.1 n. 700
1297 281. Forth And Clyde Average 4001.165. ch. 5110
11,,000 121. Grand Junctiar, ll4l/. sh. 205
2 941 1/,9
, G d Union
ran
...1001.sh 25

1.5t10 Grand Surrey lool.st =lO
. .
120,000/. 41. percent. Ditto (optional) Loan. 1031. 70
3 '496 Grand Western
600 13/.123. gel. Ggamorgatishire, Average cost 1721. Ins. 41. 230
749 lOs. Grantham 150/. sh. 202
6,236 2/. Os. Huddersfield Average 571. 61. 6d. sh. 37
100 Kensington 100 sh. all pd. 10
2--• I‘.l 11. ss. Kennet : nil Avon, Average 391. 18s. 10d. sh. 25
2,6973 24!. Leeds and Liverpool lOW. sh. 6101
5151 13/. Leicester l4O/ sh. '220
1,897 6,. Os. Leicester air 4 Nortitampuni...Aver 2'3/. los. 95
2.400 101. Monmouthshire 100/ sh 200
150 10/. Melton Mowbray 100/ .h. 200
500 254 Itlersey and Irwell lOOl sh. 565
MOO 11. 10s. Macclesfield 100/ gh. all 'xi. 52
247 17/. Neath I 00/.sh. 325
2,400 51. Peak Forest A vch.ge about 7SI. sh. 04
1,418 12s. Regent's (or London) Aver. 331. I es. 8,1..1,. In
5,669 61. per cent. .'.octutale Average 9,-;/. sh. 11
500 8/. Shropshire 115/ sh. US
ROO 9/. 10s. Somerset Coal 150/.911. 1513
3,600/. 43 percent Ditto lock Fund Stock 131. 10s. sh. ill
700 401. Stallbrd and Worcester 1401. sh. 710
500 91. Shrewsbury 125/. sh. :80
300 9/. Stourbridge
3.617 21. Os. Stratford-on- A v• 4 i ...Average 7W. Os. tod. sh. 40
533 15/. Swansea 100/. sh. 250
3 762 11. 15s. Severn and Wye and Rajiv:ay ...Av 351. sh. 35
2,6003 in. rig/. 10s. Trent and Mcrsey, 3 share 1001. sh. 580
t 3.149 Thames ...Ili Nledway... Aver, 191.54. Ed. sh. 2
1,001,100311.34h.i , 11;1.„, Warwick aid Birmingham WO/. sh• 281
1150 15, Warwick and Napton lOOl. sh. 200
6,000 4/.lls. W.Jrcesl ,t and Birmingham...Av.7B/.8•. sh. 791
'5,000 255. Wilts an) 'forks .. Average 67/. 10a. Bcl. sh. 23
800 31. Vi, yrley and Essington 1251. sh 75
136 ...... Wisbeach -105/. sh. 4a
90.; 1,. West awl At un llO/. sh. 223
DOCKS.
trwi2th il 3p. e Commercial 'oo/. oh. 56
41k5,6671/. 6 per ct. East India Stock 114
3,2A3101/. 555. p.ct. London Stock 63-3
Ditto isonds lOl
1,380,0001. W. p. ct. West India Stock 1083
9,..!:.`011 21. 19s. Bristol
66,3•2.4/. 5!. par cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts ll3
1,352,752 5 per cent. St. Katharine Stock 103
500,000 43 per oent. Ditto Bonds lO2
21,..000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds It:r 10 years lOO3
4500 • •••• Deptford Piet '2Ol. sb. 201. pd 11
BRIDGES.

1,600 Vs. Ilammersm,ti 5O/. sh. 9.2.1
7,31 Southwark, Old Av. 631. 2s. Sd. sh. 2
1,700 11. 15s. Ditto, New, of 7; per cent. 5O/. sh. )4
5,000 .... ..... Waterloo .. . lOO/ sh. 3
5,000 ISs. &I. Ditto, 0141 Annuities of 91. CO/. pd 19
5,000 16s. 41. Ditto, New Ditto of 71 401. pd 17i
60,000/. 51. per cent. Vitro lionua ll9
5,948 17s Vauxhall
.._ - A v N'age 701. 10,. 3d. ,h. 2.2