The Sun.
London, England, 1853-09-23 00:00:00

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Fmk
Porte' and followed by the signat,tt:re-of thEinnal-
tered Vienna Note, would now bOtiequieeced in by
the Court of St. Petersburg. LOoking at the-tone 1.1
of the two dispatches from Count Nesselrode to M.- ;4
de Meyendorff, on which we commuted yesterday; .;
it is hardly credible that Russia Would be satisfied.'
with a settlement of the question which would ex?: '-
plicitly negative all her disputed demands. The
Vienna Note, authoritatively interpreted by Eu-
rope in the sense of the Sultan's modifications,
would, in fact, cease to be the Note which the Czar

has consented to accept.
It is with deep regret that we perceive, in the
closing sentence of the despatch referred to, the
confirmation of the intelligence which reached us
two days ago, respecting the cessation of that con-
cord which has thus far prevailed in the counsels of
the Four Powers. From the statement that "no
other collective step will be taken," we fear we
must infer that Austria can no longer be counted
upon as a member of the great European combisa-
nation for the maintenance of the balance of power
in the East. Were the evidence of altered counsels
on the part of the Cabinet of Vienna less strong
than it must, we fear, be regarded, the fact would
not be readily credited by any one who takes for
granted that the conduct of States is governed in
the main by considerations of national interest. So
vitally important to Austria is the stability of the
balance of European power, that a course of action
on her part calculated to jeopardise it would form
a signal exception to the cautious wisdom which
has usually characterised her policy. The interest
of the other Powers in the inviolability of Turkey
is not to be compared to hers. England and
France may descry an indefinite danger to them-
selves in a change of sovereignty which, by trans-
ferring Constantinople to the Czar, would render
his empire impregnable to their most effectual
means of assault. But Austria, in such an event,
would see both banks of the river on which half
her commerce depends handed over from a weak
and manageable, to a powerful and exclusive
Government. The very pretext which Russian
ambition has now employed against the Porte
is available at any moment against herself. A
religious right is, of necessity, universal ; and
should the Emperors enthroned at St. Petersburg
once establish their Protectorate over the
Greek Church in Turkey, it would be imme-
diately extended in men's opinion, and sooner
or later in fact, to the same communion. in Austria.
That a neighbour of the Czar, who is his inferior
in strength, should, in any case, acquiesce in the
aggression on a State whose liability to outrage
arises simply from its weakness and from its con-
tiguity to the Russian frontier, strange enough
to be well-nigh incredible ; but that the only
Power in Europe, beside Russia and Turkey,
which counts Greek Christians among its subjects,
should be the first to countenance the propositions
of Prince Menschikoff, would argue a suicidal for-
getfulness of its most urgent interests.
It evinces great superficiality to argue that the
secession of Austria from the counsels of the allies
is explained by the reluctance to augment, in any
manner, the chances of a war. She has, indeed,
in the condition of portions of her own do-
minions, obvious reasons for deprecating a con-
flict of arms ; but, whatever be the probabili-
ties of such a contingency, they are increased, and
not diminished, by any breach in the unanimity of
the Western States. So long as the Conference
continued its debates with unquestioned unanimity
the disturbance of the general peace was improba-
ble, for the simple reason that, however great might
be her insolence, Russia was not likely to provoke
the hostility of coalesced Europe. But the neutrality
or connivance of Austria may seriously influence
the temper of Russian policy ; and, whatever be
the weight of authority which the allies of Turkey
may lose by her secession, room will be afforded,
in a precisely equivalent degree, for the freer play
of the Imperial passions. If, indeed, there were
any prospect of intimidating 0. France and England
by this withdrawal—or if, by hopelessly entang-
ling the diplomatic situation, their further in-
terference with the Turkish question could be
rendered impossible--Count Buol might have hoped
to precipitate a pacific settlement, though one
neither honourable nor safe. But there is no ground
for such expectations. France and England have
a policy independent of Austria, independent of
the Vienna Note, and even independent of peace.
Whatever causes have moulded the traditional po-
licy of European statesmen must determine their
conduct in the present juncture. The integrity of
the Turkish Empire may provoke a sneer from
writers who are favourable to the ambitious views
of Russia ; but even if it had no other meaning, it
would imply the well-founded conviction that the
great Northern Monarchy ought not to possess the
keys of the Euxine. When cabinets have, from
year to year, declared their determination to pre-
serve the Balance of power in the East, it cannot
be supposed that they were prepared to change
their whole policy in the event of the Porte refus-
ing literal obedience to their dictation in framing
the terms of a diplomatic note. Turkey can never
be maintained as a state, if her Government is re-
fused the discretion which belongs to every free
agent. A spirited and self-willed nation may, with
comparative ease, be protected against a neigh-
bouring power of superior force ; but a merely
nominal empire cannot be kept together by foreign.
agency.
It cannot be too clearly understood that the rea-
sons which induced France and England to inter-
fere in the Eastern question can in no way be af-
fected by any verbal disputes turning on the phrases
of a note. It might have been necessary, in certain
contingencies, to admit, however unwillingly, that
Russia had acquired a right of war, through some
encroachment or dereliction of duty on the part of
a weaker neighbour; and there might have been a
difficulty in opposing an invasion, which, however
dangerous to the balance of power, would, in the
case supposed. have been justified by the law of
nations. On the present occasion, however, the
most formidable belligerent is wholly in the
wrong; and the State which, on grounds of general
policy, we desire to maintain, enjoys all the ad-
vantages accruing from a position which is morally
and legally unassailable. It is a suicidal proceed-
ing to exhaust all the resources of sophistry in
proving that, by some quibble, we may find: an ex-
cuse for deserting the cause which our own interest
requires us to maintain. The reasoning which
shows that England ought to desert Turkey, or
even to undergo the unspeakable degradation of
joining with Russia in au act of coercion, would.
also prove that do resistance ought to be offered to
the invader, even if Constantinople were to become
the prize of oue or two successful campaigns.
If Austria breaks away from the concert which
has hitherto been maintained by all the Powers of
Europe not immediately engaged in the dispute
touching the Greek Church, she leaves her allies
no middle course between acquiescing, for an in-
definite length of time, in the present anomalous
situation, and insisting, immediately and peremp-
torily, on the status quo ante. The first expedient
will not be tolerated by Turkey, which does not
forget that, without any further operations, it
would hand over to Russia the provinces which,
forty years ago, were deemed valuable enough to
form the principal ground of Alexander's breach
with Napoleon. The re-establishment of those po-
litical conditions which were disturbed by Russia
in the summer, becomes, therefore, the starting
point of a policy—not indeed new to the Govern-
ments of France and England, for they have never
lost sight of it—but less obscured than it has
hitherto been by the exigencies of connection with
a half-sincere ally. In the preservation of the
territorial limits assigned to Russia and Turkey by
the Treaty of Adrianople, and of the religious
rights guaranteed by the Treaty of Kainardji, we
have the terms of a problem simple enough in
statement, however tedious or unwelcome may be
the processes by which it is to be solved.

THE AUSTRALIAN MAILS.—The Postmaster-General
having concluded a contract with the owners of the
Neleus sailing vessel, the next mails for South Australia,
Port Philip, Melbourne, Geelong, &c., Sydney, New
South Wales, and Van Diemen's Land, will be made up
at the General Post-office, St. Martin's-le-Grand, on the
morning of the 4th of October next, to be forwarded by
this vessel on the arrival of the mails at Liverpool.
Letters will be liable to a postage of ls. each per half-
ounce, which must be prepaid—newspapers free. The
Harbinger screw steamer will sail from Southampton for
Port Philip and Sydney on Wednesday, the sth of Oc-
tober, with a ship letter bag. Letters and newspapers
intended to be sent by this vessel must be specially ad-
dressed "per Harbinger." The Australian Royal Mail
Steam Packet Company's screw steamer Australian will
sail on the 15th of October, also with a ship letter bag
for Adelaide, Port Philip, Melbourne, &c., and Sydney,
New South Wales. Letters must be prepaid, and news-
papers.
A ROMANTIC STORY.—A party of ladies and gentle-
men, amounting in all to 11 persons, arrived at Berwick
by the North British Railway on Saturday, whence
they proceeded in three carriages to the plains of Flod-
den. They had with them an infant of three or four
months old, and the object of their visit appeared to be
to have this infant baptised with the waters flowing
through the Field of Flodden. They were accompanied
by a clergyman, reported to belong to Glasgow. The
ceremony being concluded, they returned to Berwick,
and left again by railway for Edinburgh. The princi.•
pals of the party were said to be Americans, and the
father of the child is said to have discovered that some
of his ancestors were slain with James IV. at the battle
of Flodden. Hence his desire to have his child baptised
at that memorable
_ locality, and which had induced him
to come from New York. At all events, he stated to
some of the parties whose services were engaged, that
he had travelled 3,000 miles for the purpose. He had
evidently been acquainted with the district, for he made
inquiry after several of its late inhabitants.—.Edinburgifr
Advertiser.