The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-14 00:00:00

_

No. 19,049.]

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 14, 1853.

This day is published, price 10s., the Second Volume of
MISS AGNES STRICKLAND'S
L IFE of MARY QUEEN of SCOTS,
forming the Fourth Volume of her
LIVES OF THE QUEENS OF SCOTLAND,
and EngPsh Princesses connected with the Regal Succession.
With a Portrait of Mary at the age of 25, from the Original Painting
presented by herself to Sir Henry Curwen, of Workinton Hall.
William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh And London.

to preach peace to the people there, when they were in r and what I want is—and it was never more necessary
present--o te—ao
reality far more pacific than themselves. They came to 1 than at p I put a check, however feeble, upon that
1 the conclusion that their business at present was with !tendency of a large portion of the people of this coun-
y
the English people, and to endeavour to allay the war-
tr erroneously assumed to be the majority, to erect
ieste, a maxim for public opinion that which we have
hiterto imagined only appertained
like frenzy that was getting up; and therefore it was re-
.
to princes and despots
solved to hold the conference at Edinburgh rather than —" Our people seem to learn nothing, and to forget
at Paris. nothing." When I speak of the people, recollect I do
not mean to make an admission which would place me Professor 111`MICHAEL (of Dunfermline) proposed the
in -
' first resolution, as follows :—" The Conference of the the disadvantageous position of saying that lam o
Posing the deliberately settled opinions and conviction's
Friends of Peace, assembled in Edinburgh, Oct. 12 and
13, 1853, considering that recourse to arms for the set- of the great mass of my countrymen. No, the great
mass of my countrymen upon this question are standing
tlement of international disputes is a custom condemned
alike by Christianity, reason, and humanity, and believ- observing, and waiting to be convinced. (Hear, hear.)
ing that it is useful and necessary, with a view to the But I speak of those ' who, if we were not here would
formation of that public opinion which in the end go-
take possession of the public mind, and you may depend
verns the world, frequently to direct the attention of
upon it that if they could convince the whale people
both governments and peoples to the evils of the war they were right and we were wrong, the policy of this
system, and the desirableness and practicability of main-
country would soon be conducted according to their
taining permanent international peace, resolves—That views. We have seen already that it is not difficult to
_it is the special and solemn duty of all ministers of reli persuade the English people that others are coming to
gion, parents, instructors of youth, and conductors of attack them. Ido not want to refer to what occurred
the public press, to employ their great influence in the six or nine months ago for the purpose of triumph or
diffusion of pacific principles and sentiments, and in exultation. (Hear, hear.) I have never alluded, in
eradicating from the minds of man those hereditary ani- the Herm of Commons or elsewhere, to that most con-
mosities and political and commercial jealousies which elusive triumph which this conference has obtained
have so often been the causes of disastrous wars." He in the ,change that has taken place, since our last
brought no sweeping accusation against the members of meeting in Manchester, on the subject of the French
the military profession. He acknowledged with thank- aggression ; but it is necessary to refer to it now, be-
fulness to God that there were many pious and devoted cause the very same pens are being dipped in gall to re-
men in the army. He had relations himself in the army, cord jibes and sneers at this conference which we had to
and he had no temptation, therefore, to use harsh lan- encounter at Manchester ; and though I do not want
guage respecting them ; but still, in his opinion, the mi- to deprive them of the pleasure of either abusing or cari-
litary profession was inconsistent with Christianity. The caturing us, yet we have every right to ask the people
proposition of the Peace Congress was this—that no man of this country to estimate the value of the present at-
was at liberty to embrace fighting as a trade, because he tacks of these individuals by the value of their opinion
could not do so without a total surrender, as well of his just six months ago. (Cheers.) But more—l say that
mental as of his physical powers. A soldier was a mere the position in which this country is placed, with refer-
machine—he was a human instrument in the hands of a ence to the Emperor of Russia, is distinctly to be traced
to the conduct which these foolish people pursued nine
superior ; he had no power over his own movements—he
must obey all orders, and was reduced to the condition of o:` six months ago. (Cheers.) Ido not speak igno-
a.
raatly or idly—l speak from information short only of
slave. For his own part, he would prefer the clean cut of the
soldier's sabre to the attack of the Jesuit ; but the soldier information derived from the first parties acting in these
and the Jesuit were placed on the same footing,they acted transactions—when I say that what has been done in
only from passive obedience. Obedience was a first the East by the Emperor of Russia was done upon the
lesson in the military schools, and a considerable part of deliberate calculation that it was impossible that France
the training of a recruit had for its object the breaking and England would unite to oppose his encroachments
down of his self-will. It was, in fact, the duty of a upon Turkey. (Cheers.) We all know that it is an
soldier not to think, but to obey orders. He (Professor old and traditional policy of the Russian Emperors to
M'Michael) admitted the necessity of such a discipline encroach upon the dominions of the Mahomedan people
for the army, but that very necessity was with him a that are at their side. That has been the uniform
reason why no man should enter a service in which such and regular policy of Russia for the last 150 years ;
a tremendous personal sacrifice was demanded of him. but we know also that the encroachments of
If war was a horrible necessity, let Christians have Russia upon Turkey have been steadily resisted 1
nothing whatever to do with it. If war could not be —not at all times manfully, but still resisted—by the dispensed with, as was sometimes slid, from the present combined action of the Western Powers of Europe.
condition of society, the blame rested alone with corrupt Now, the Russian Emperor saw, not only in the public
society. (Hear, hear.) At an emtertainment given a prints of this country, but he perceived in the speeches
few years ago to Sir Harry Smith in London, that gal-
of our statesmen in the House of Commons, expressions
lent soldier said, "war was a damnable trade."
His of dread, of mistrust, and of horror at the character of
(Professor M'Michael's) advice then to all was this to the Sovereign of our next neighbours, the French. He
saw that in the House of Commons we made preparations
keep aloof from all damnable trader. Better be a shoe-
black, a chimney-sweep, or a scavenger, than a soldier. for calling out the militia, avowedly in order to resist a
The object of the Peace Congress. therefore, was to get French invasion. He heard men who are now believed
rid of this horrible necessity, and that was to be achieved to be the unswerving peacemakers of this country, say
by the diffusion of sound principle:, and by the employ- that in one night 60,000 French soldiers might come
ment of those weapons which were not carnal, but which from Cherbourg and land upon our shores. We were
were mighty in the pulling dowi of strongholds. If
told that if we ventured to assume for a moment the pos-
sibility that the Emperor of the French was not a bri-
peace principles were universally adopted, war would
become an impossibility. And who- should it not become gaud and a pirate, or to urge that the French people
an impossibility ? They had the mound hands and the were not prepared to throw themselves upon our shores
sound heads on their side. (Heir, hear.) They were without notice or declaration of war, we would be the
the men who always began in minority, but who
most credulous and foolish fanatics in Britain. The Em-
always ended in a majority. They had the men who per or of Russia saw all this, and naturally concluded that
fought the battles of the slave, of reform, and of free it was utterly impossible that France and England could
trade ; they could fight again as Naliantly and as perse- unite in order to resist his encroachments in the east
veringly as ever ; and if they did so, assuredly the via- of Europe. His plans have been laid in the southern
tory would be theirs. (Cheers.) parts of Europe ever since last September or Octo-
ber, when the outcry about a French invasion was first
Mr. MIALL, M.P., said if, in se3onding this resolution,
and thus taking part in the bushess of this conference, of hostility to our neighbours, the French, was more
he was venturing on a step which a majority of his and more manifested in high quarters ; and now the
countrymen might perchance deem untimely and perni- consequence is, that the Emperor of Russia has found,
cious, he derived encouragement from two considerations, when it is too late, that the foolish people whom he mis-
thetherk forge public opinion of England have entirely mis-
force of which, in both cases, had been amply tested
most And howed do we stand ? We were de-
by his own experience ; first, that it was always the nomunced aseere)rpeerourlouLaunisd foolish for thinkingdi
safest course in the long run to follow out the convic- it possible that being
the Em
tions of duty, whether in honour or dishonour, in good necessarily meditate an invasion of our shores n-
and notyet
report or in evil report ; and secondly, that whilst no- I myself heard the very Minister who talked of the
thing was easier than to fan the flame of a prevailing France French coming from Cherbourg in one night say that
and England were now united in one common
bond of
passion, on the other hand nothing entailed a surer and interest, and were actuated by sentiments of
sterner punishment, when that passion had subsided, mutual confidence and esteem, and that united they
than to have been the means of pandering to its indul- formed a power against which it was in vain for Russia
to contend, because all Europe would be helpless against
gence. (Cheers.) If it must be so, he would rather
risk the ridicule and obloquy of the rising temper of the such an irresistible combination. And what did I read
a times, than, when hostilities bad taken place between at the end of the session, in the Queen's speech ? As
nations, incur the reproach of those whose homes had if to climax the triumph of the peace party, not
only did the Queen in her speech to Parliament
been ruined and whose prospects had been blighted by
declare that she was on the best terms of amity with
war. (llear,lear.) But was he justified in assuming
the French nation, but she rather went out of the
that the majority of his countrymen were opposed to
way to add that she was also on the best footing of
the business and objects of this conference ? 'Undoubt-
edly there were many external sign; which might appear friendship with the Emperor of the French. (Cheers.)
to indicate so much ; but those signs were frequently Now, I have often thought, suppose an individual had
delusive ; and possibly, if they were to analyse correctly been ordered, as many persons are, for the benefit of
`i""1,....141., 4.... 1.,.. ~. %Jai .1.,...-.2 iaoto •TaauaLs , bah.: a
the prevailing and predominating feeling of the times,
voyage to Australia, and return home again at the end
they would find that they had mistaken somewhat the
spirit and temper of their fellow-countrymen, and simply of nine months—he would have left England preparing
her militia and fortifying her coasts ; he would have left
from paying too much attention -,o that which forced
general officers writing to me, offering to lay a wager
itself to the surface of affairs. He was aware that the
great majority of the public press had fallen in on this that the French were coming—(laughter and cheers)—
occasion, as it did last year on a previous one, with the he would have left artillery and other military officers
military spirit, and had endeavouredto represent it as the holding consultations, sketching plans, inspecting our
duty of a patriot and a lover of liberty, and of toleration, fortifications ; he would have left deputations from the
forsooth, to take part in the resistance to the aggressive principal railway companies waiting upon the Admiralty
spirit of Russia. He would not prove recreaut to his and Ordnance to see how soon the commissariat and ad-
order ; but he did not believe that the public vance supplies might be transmitted from the Tower to
press on all occasions—and more especially on this occa-
Dover or Plymouth ; and he would have left in the
sion, which involved the excitement of our passions—a minds of all a dread of a French invasion. Well, he
fair representative of the judgment of the country,
made the circuit of the globe, he saw no newspapers—
(llear, hear.) After all, the writers in our journals were for one reason why invalids are ordered abroad for the
but few in number ; they were exceedingly apt to mis-
benefit of their health, is that their minds may not be
take the temper of the times ; they followed each other harassed by politics, and what they read in newspapers
to a considerable extent ; they were gregarious in their —and the month of September saw him landed again in
England. The first thing he reads when he takes up a
instincts—(a laugh)—and when tke Times blew the
trumpet, almost all the weekly journals, and ma newspaper is that the French and English fleets are
marry of
the provincial ones, lying side by side in Besika Bay. He immediately says
re-echoed back its sentiments. No
was easier than for the press, supposing it to be to himself; There is going to be a great battle. (A.
thoroughly well managed by those who had access to its laugh.) He turns to the first article in the very news-
writers, than to get up a popular excitement upon any paper which told him in January that the French Em-
subject in which the people might be thought to take a peror was a brigand and a pirate, and that the French
lively interest. The utmost that could be said was, that people were coming to attack us without notice or de-
there was a strong sentiment diffused throughout the claration of war, and he finds it declared that England
and France are now so cordially united that their joint
country against the progress of absolutionism in Europe ;
f and it seemed to be apprehended that anything whereby fiesta in Besika Bay are under the command of Admiral
that progress might be checked, and anything that would Dundas, and that we are prepared to place an army
avenge the wrongs of Hungary inflicted in past times, under the command of a French general, with the view
would be grateful to the temper, if not the judgment, of of acting against the forces of the Emperor of Russia.
a large portion of our fellow-citizens. But he thought The first question he naturally feels inclined to ask is,
they did wrong to interpret that vague sentiment as can you trust the individual of whom you were saying,
though it were favourable to the ado when I left England, that he was a brigand and a pirate ?
and warlike course. He referred to ion of a
thehostile warlike aspect
If so, you are bound to admit that the friends of peace
of matters on the Danube, and said that the Emperor of were right, and you were wrong. What security have
you that the Emperor of the French, when the jointllflneoetst Russia had taken under his care and protection the Greek
religion—and lie was doing that in Turkey, or at least navy,
thei
go into action in the face of the Russiann vy, w
in accordance with a recent engagementr
he wished to do that, which perhaps some wished to see fleet with his guns, Em-
donein-
in Tuscany. (Cheers and hisses.) He would ask demolishyouthe Russians ? Moreover,
of what earthly interest was the whole quarrel to this peror of Russia, i
stead of tursnidnegstrtoieemd against
y your ships of war, what security
country'? (Cheers.) He denied that there was any large thuthat he will not attack your coasts, sack your
.having
principle interesting to humanity in the integrity and in-
dependence of the Turkish empire, or one in which the "yens); obuurn down your houses, seize the Bank, carry off
tthoeweaueen, and commit all those nameless atrocities
progress of society was in the slightest degree ccn- with which you frightened the people nine months ago ?
cerned.
(Cheers.) I must confess—and I say it with the greatest
Mr. COBDEN, on rising to address the meeting, vas regret—my experience of late does not make me think
received with loud and prolonged cheering. He said- - more highly than I used to do of the ability of states.
It is well that our friends have explained what are the manship in this country, because if those who had the
charlatans
earimonths ago—if they were not mere
peculiar objects and what are the distinctive doctrines conduct of public affairs were in earnest in what they
of this association. My experience in past movements impostors tu
us
aerridn
tesix
atar —what is the meaning of this
of a public kind teaches me this—it is very difficult, kaleidoseo e exhibition They have given us no reason
when you have got hold of a good cause, to bring your for the changep in theirn opinion
opponents to a fair and candid discussion of what you peror of the French. The same •
int
men
with
n respectar e
now to . tnh e
power E-
m mean. It is a great deal easier to misunderstand who were calling out the militia for the purposel of re-
than to confute you, when you happen to be right ; and, pelling an attack from France ; and, I ask, if they were
therefore, instead of meeting us such as we are, and op- in earnest then, how can they be justified in trusting
posing our objects such as we represent them to be, our ships alongside the ships of such a man, and if they
were not in earnest, what sort of men have we got at
when we hold a conference like this, our opponents the head of affairs ? I want to have an explanation
raise the cry, " Oh, these are a set of fanatics, who, if about that. Well, after all, we need not say anything
an enemy were at our gates, would cry, Peace, peace ; more about this, because they are sufficiently humiliated
they are people who wish us to disband every soldier already ; and if I did not sincerely pity them, I could
and sailor we have, in order to invite the invasion not have had a greater triumph than to have brought of down those papers, and read extracts from the articles
seine foreign foe ; they are people who want to lay us they wrote about us at Manchester, and which they
prostrate at the feet of the first set of brigands who will doubtless repeat in a day or two. You ;must all re-
choose to land upon our shores." Now, I wish to member tee caricature in which your humble servant
make my profession of faith upon this subject as die- was representealwitthheloprgeneeahrsw,
were
he declared he
tinctly and as shortly as possible. Ido not believe cEonuldlanndot believe
(Alaugh.) Who has geot etehmeiel g to
that anybody is coming to attack us at all. (Cheers.) I foil's cap now ? (Cheers and laughter.) I ohnagveeaarllsuded
have never heard or read in modern history of anybody to all this to show that there are a large number of
who meditated an attack upon our shores. I will not People in this country who are ready to believe any-
exceptthing that told is
us. toldTthheemflaetbout some foreign foe coming
even the case of Napoleon the Great, because when
we can never be suf-
he came and took a look at us he turned away to a more ficientlythattack informed of what going on
why
other inviting foe. What my reading and experience have taught countries. That is one great reason
rue is this—that the danger which Englishmen have should hesitate before interfering in the affayirs l'of
to apprehend arises from that peculiarity in their tens-; other countries. In the first place, however intern-
perament, that idiosyncracy of their nature—for nations gent we may be, we must naturally know a great deal
have idiosyncracies as well as individuals—which leads more of our own affairs than those of any foreign nation
us constantly to go and seek grounds of quarrel and oh- whatever. The Spaniards have a proverb to the effect
jects of hostility at the remotest parts of the globe. I that a fool knows more of what is going on in his own
have seen that in past times Englishmen have been sue- house than a wise man knows of what is going on in his
cessively fighting the battles of almost every people oa neighbour's. I have seen with great amazement an
the face of the earth ; but I have likewise seen that whe- amount of ignorance regarding the condition of the
timer the objects of our intervention in these remote people of Turkey which is absolutely astonishing—
quarrels have been to advance the principles of civil and ignorance precisely similar to that which prevailed some
religious liberty, as I have sometimes heard, or to pro. time ago respecting the affairs of France , • and inani-
mote the progress of freer commercial intercourse, they fested by the same persons. For instance, with respect
have steadily eluded our grasp ; and almost the only to the condition of the Christian part of the population
practical result of this characteristic of our country is, of European Turkey, I find that the great body of our
that we have loaded ourselves with an amount of debt people, who I should have thought would be actuated
greater than that of all the nations of the world besides, by democratic sympathies with other countries, sympa-
and that we are mistrusted and not liked by almost every thise with the minority in Turkey—with the tyrannical
people in Christendom. Nor do I see that the spirit of and dominant classes, who are oppressing the large ma-
later times has been very much changed for the better; , jority of the people. Ido not say there is any ground
for if we cannot be persuaded to go and attack somebody! why we should go to war to remove the evils existing
else, it seems to be very easy to persuade us that some- 1 in Turkey ; but I mean to say this—that if you are go-
body else is coming to attack us. Now, I beg it, most ! ing to war, it is necessary to know what you are going
emphatically, to be understood that when I attend this i to do, otherwise you may incur as large an amount of
var, and at the
meeting, it is not that I wish you to bow down your necks ' debt as was occasioned by the French
which
,
at the feet of an invader. Nobody wants or intends to same time fail to accomplish
knowledgethut ofyou
theTurkishdesire
attack you. The quarrels and wars you have had, and the effect. I tell you, from es
"all the kings or s and all
debt you have incurred, have been of your own seeking ; empire, that not only g se

""----)P------7----1,-::----)
\,...-__ „r, •-•:•-------________ _
• -71-:7--2----9----=_- -.--",""c 4----
. ,
• . ,
. ,
,•
..-'
-.•a...4,- . . . ' 4
. .
t....-.: • -,4, '4:4 ..;;;-,..7
eirr.----
1--
~.
-----.--....>
. , 1i,,,.. ... i '-‘)..,'111'11"... :!•45.,,,,,, : . C., Er r ...,,,-; , "....,:t , `••-- --. ,
M , '
.\ \‘ --'4IY- -„,...* ' '--. -\,,.14t4.3,-,, ,-'4?-..5,•8
.I„,4—r-tittlA •
,I, _..„.„...... j • 1.;,4'
ik•
I •-,-,.. 1....,- . . •, •
. -.
, t
----,
_____, ,
~ ~1 '''t
U 4 .- "" 'KA •- 4 0 ±,^_%4t, 3
_,- j,, "
\ ..
1.0% ,z+ '--1,,. fik. - . 1. •. , . 77,71,..., .
1,
el" --3 r .•,/,1 1
.4., .
44,7,
..",
mi.; i*t.../..:,wi,(
..vie
v,,,,,,74.4:.?,,,,14.01,.4. • •
~.1„..--......._23.4,
......">,,,. -t; --,:r ,
. - ~,
-,,, JF1L.....-

1 PRacz SD.

king's men," but all the horses and men of all the kings
and emperors in the world, cannot maintain the Maho-
medan population in Turkey in Europe. The seeds of
decay and dissolution are everywhere visible. I may be
excused of presumption in speaking thus confidently,
but I have been in Turkey and examined its condition
for myself ; my attention has been directed for the last
20 years to this subject—that time baying elapsed, as my
friend, Mr. Tait, the publisher, whom I see present, can
testify, since I published a pamphlet upon the subject of
Russian aggression ; and though Ido not pretend to know
more than other people who have considered the matter,
yet I have seen with utter amazement the ignorance that
exists in this country as to what we aregoing to fight about.
We are going to fight for the maintenance of the Maho-
medan rule in Europe. Now, I say that the laws of the
Koran are in opposition to the laws of nature and of God,
and that a Mahomedan people, subject to that Koran, can-
not be permitted in Europe alongside a Christian popu-
lation. Ido not want a religious war. I want them to
be left alone ; and if you do so you shall now see the
operation of those laws. In Turkey there are, it is said
—for there is no census taken in Turkey, and therefore
we cannot be sure of the number—from 3,000,000 to
4,000,000 Turks, and between 10,000,000 and 12,000,000
Christians. Well, the Turks have been for 400 years
the dominant race. They have all the power in their
own hands ; every department of Government is en-
trusted to their. charge ; the Christians are treated like
dogs and are called dogs, and have no social status what-
ever. The Koran acknowledges no relationship between
Christian and Mahomedan but that of master and slave,
and therefore up to this moment no other relationship
exists between the Mahomedan master and the Chris-
tian subject. What is the result of all this ? The Turks
I have constantly and gradually decayed, until Lamartine
dnecotliwniftgstaanndaindgimainillshtihngeirinadnvuamnbtaegrses, ,whthilesterpt
says that Turkey is perishing for want of Turks • so that,
wehnether moral
Turks
theri fiChris-
tians are constantly increasing by their side. Besides
European Turkey. You may hear of a superior race
governing an inferior race, as in the case of our Indian
or
hrl all themat
knowledge,efiaccumulation
allbelongs
th oftow progress
ehiethCinhallrit theitan population
of
empire, but it is when all the knowledge, wealth, and
progress are on the side of the dominant race ; but you
never yet knew, nor ever will know, a race which per-
petuated its rule over another with these conditions all
reversed. This being the condition of things, the Em-
peror of Russia steps in and says, I intend to secure to
these Christians in European Turkey the same treat-
ment which the Christians under the protection of the
French Government have in Turkey. That is what he
asks. England and France come forward to resist this,
and bid the Sultan oppose it ; because, we say, Russia
meditates some selfish and aggressive design. That
is very true ; but let me tell you that the people
—that is the non-privileged masses of all countries--
have ever gained their privileges and franchise by
being befriended by some noble or tyrant who had a
sinister object in trying to enlist their sympathies. No
doubt the Emperor of Russia had some sinister object in
view--it was to gain the confidence of the Christians in
Turkey—and I have no doubt he has succeeded. The
Christians are very glad indeed to get increased tolera-
tion and security against Mahomedan violence and op-
pression by the intervention of the Emperor of Russia or
anybody else. Take one fact. It has come out that
until Russia made this encroachment, the Christian
population of Turkey in Europe could not give evidence
in a court of law against a Mahomedan murderer or
thief, or one who committed any act of violence on their
families, their persons, or their property. An edict,
however, has been issued from the Sultan, giving
Christians the right to give evidence against a Malene-
dan in a court of law. Does anybody doubt that the
Christians attribute that great boon to the interference
of the Emperor of Russia ? My opinion has been from
the first that there has been a great mistake in this mat-
ter and that, if we interfered at all, we should have done
what I believe we shall yet come to do—joined with
Russia in insisting upon the fullest religious toleration
to the Christian population in European Turkey. I find,
however, that there is a very general leaning towards
Turkey, simply because we are told that Russia has some
sinister design in view, and because also there have been
some curious representations made as to the condition of
the people in Turkey. I never was more astonished in
my life than to hear a nobleman who has been himself

ten or twelve years Foreign Minister of this country, and
who therefore ought to know the condition of Turkey in
Europe as well, if not better, than any other man in Eng-
land, declare in his place in Parliament that the Turks
had made greater progress in every respeot during the
last thirty years than was, perhaps, ever made by any
other country during the same period. Where, I say, are
the proofs of that ? Consult every writer who has visited
Turkey, and where will yoi find such proofs I What did
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe say when a public entertain-
ment was given to him at Constantinople ? Did he not, in
the strongest terms, allude to the corruption of mind
among the Turks. Did he not say, among other things,
that he regarded with the profoundest grief the scenes of
weakness and error by which he was surrounded ? And
that is what is said by a brave, a sedate, and a long-
-nerienced diplomatist. T
confess 1 was never more astonished in my life ; and it
appears to me that we are again running precisely the
same career as we did on the occasion of the French in-

vasion. of which we heard so much. I declare my deli-
berate and solemn conviction that Lord Palmerston
would be the very last man to desire to see that language
reproduced on any future occasion. Are we to go
blindly into this war, and to attempt to accomplish an
impossibility ? Does anybody suppose that such a war
would leave the Turks remaining as a people of Europe ?
Does anybody doubt which side they would take in case
of hostilities ? I say, therefore, why are we now to rush
blindly into this war ? It is possible that our Govern-
ment has told Turkey that if she would resist those at-
tempts of Russia, we would support her ; and I have
no hesitation in saying, if that was put forward as an in-
ducement to Turkey, that we are bound to support her.
But we are not going to have a war now. Wars do not
happen on the Danube in the month of November or

October ; we have got to wait till April, and, in the
meantime, all these matters will be so changed that
your position will be totally reversed. The sooner the
English people understand the condition of the Turks
the better. This is a Russian invasion on a neighbour-
ing and unoffending power. Russia has got a ground
to quarrel with the Turkish Government ; but is it on
that ground that we are called upon to resist Russia ?
Why, we have a Great Mogul shut up as a puppet in
Delhi, and we are tumbling down an empire with as
little ceremony as a man who would go into a market
and kick down an apple stall. (Laughter.) Are we,
then, to exercise vengeance on any other power for doing
the same thing ? (Loud cheers.) Again, is it because
we have treaties that we are to undertake this battle ?

You e not going to fight for treaties, for you have
none.
Take up any of those newspapers that are rais-
ing this war-cry, and you will see the phrase, " the
ulfilment of our treaties with Turkey." But they do
not know of any treaty by which we are bound to fight
for the maintenance of the Turkish territory. The thing
is absurd ; we have no treaty of the kind with Turkey ;
we are not bound by any treaty to defend the integrity
and independence of the Turkish empire. We are bound
not to violate those treaties which we have made, by
disturbing settlements to which we have been a party ;
but we are not bound to fight for the maintenance of
territorial arrangements if other people interfere with
them. It has been again and again decided by Lord
Aberdeen, the Duke of Wellington, and the Whig party,
that, though we are bound not to violate the treaty
of Vienna, to which we were a party, we are not bound
to defend the territorial arrangements of countries that
were marked out by that treaty. • If, therefore, you see
anybody filling up a sentence by a phrase about a treaty,
ask him to tell you where the treaty is. Then, again,
mention is made of " our great ally." But we are not
more the allies of Turkey than we are of Russia. Divest
the question, then, of those matters, and you bring it to
a question of self-interest. I am not, however, going
to discuss that question now. I will do so at the public
meeting to-morrow evening ; let us have that question
largely and fUlly debated ; and then it will be for you to
say on which side the truth lies. (Loud cheers.)
The LORD PROVOST then put the resolution, which •
was carried unanimously.
Mr. HADFIELD, M.P., moved the second resolution :
—" That as an appeal to the sword can settle no ques-
tion on any principle of equity and right, it is the duty
of Governments to enter into treaties on behalf of the

nations they respectively represent, binding the parties,
instead of assuming an attitude of armed and mutual
menace, to refer to the decision of competent andini-

partial arbitrators such differences arising between them
as cannot be otherwise amicably adjusted, and to abide
. . .

- ,
by such decision."
The Rev. Dr. BROWN, of Dalkoith, seconded the re-
solution in a brief speech.
The resolution was put by the LORD PnovosT, and,

like its predece)sor, carried with acclamation. .
The Conference then, at half-past three, adjourned
until seven o'clock in the evening.

EVENING MEETING.
The Conference resumed at seven o'clock, the plat-
form and the hall being crowded. Mr. Cowan, M.P.,
was called to the chair.
The CHAIRMAN, after some remarks on the horrors of
war, said—l do not agree with some of my friends around
me, for whom I entertain the highest possible respect. I
hold that the defence of ourselves and of those who are
dear to us—that the defence of our Queen and
country,
if they should be attacked—is a most sacred and
rative duty—(loud cheers)—and I wish to gojusitmoPne-
e
step further, as the subject is now exciting the greatest
possible interest in this country, and to say that if a de-
mand has not yet been made for the release of our fair
fellow-countrywoman in Tuscany, I do not know what
means I would not use (Great laughter and cheering.)
Allow me to finish the sentence. I say that I have no
wish to go to war with the people of Tuscany ; but I
hold that we are bound to make such a demand as I
have indicated for the release of our fellow-country.
woman, who is now confined to a cell by that miserable
miscreant who unhappily rules and oppresses fair Tus-
cany. (Hisses and cheers.)
The Rev. J. BURNIZof.) London proposed the next

-?'",t,__

72
7 /

, resolution, to the of that the standing armament
with which the Governments of Europe menace e
-ether, amid professions of mutual friendship and
nfi-
dance, and which have greatly increased even during a
time of peace, being a prolific source of social immora-
lity, financial embarrassment, and national suffering,
while they excite constant disquietude and irritation
among the nations, and jeopardise the continuance of
peace, the conference urge upon the Government the
necessity of entering, by mutual consent, upon a simul-
taneous reduction of their armaments. The reverend
gentleman supported the resolution at some length,
maintaining that, as far as military fame could make us
renowned, we were renowned throughout the world—
that as far as slaughter might make us great, we were
already very great—and that as far as successful but-
chering was concerned, we were among the most suc-
cessful butchers in the world. (Cheers.) He was more
disposed to blame the people, however, than the soldiery,
for if they would only refuse to contribute towards the
expense of the wars, they would very soon come to an
end, and our standing armies would not stand long.
Mr. BRIGHT, who on rising was loudly cheered, after
a few observations, said I think that whatever people
out of doors may say about us—whether we have a
" screw loose," which, I believe, is the favourite term.
—(a laugh)—or whether we are men that are for peace
at any price, this, however, they will allow, that we are
men having certain principles and views which we value,
and that in spite of that portion of public opinion which
is now rather uneasy in some parts of the country, and
in spite of what newspapers may say or any body else
may say, if we are men of peace, we are not so cowardly
as to shrink from the expression of our opinions, and
from the defence of those principles which we believe to
be essential for the public welfare of this country.
(Cheers.) Now we are here to-night to contest proba-
bly that which will be allowed by all men to be the
greatest evil apparent on the surface of society through-
out the Christian nations of the globe. We are here to
protest against the small progress that nations have
made of late years towards that consummation for
which all good men hope, when war shall be ne longer
known among civilised and Christian communities. We
stand humiliated when we recollect that we are in the
thirty-eighth year of peace—that since 1815 there has
been no general or considerable war in Europe— and yet
that all the nations of Europe are in a position as much
prepared for war as if but yesterday the treaty of peace
had been signed. Within the memory of many persons
here, Europe has undergone a conflict of 25 years' dur-
ration7—a conflict such-as -has no parallel in the modern
history of Europe. Sacrifices' were "then made which .
can never be reckoned ; results were supposed to be
gained that prove now to have been no results at all ; a
congress assembled at Vienna, great settlements were
arrived at, and there was a grand song of triumph and
of peace throughout all the kingdoms of Europe. Since
then, too, we have had a general annual congratula-
tion that we were at peace. And during all that
time, when there has not been an actual war, it is
cheering to observe that throughout Europe great
improvements have taken place ; portions of that con-
tinent which were never traversed by roads before have
been freely and entirely opened out ; railroads are now
penetrating into remote districts ; telegraphs are to
be seen almost everywhere ; industry has made great
progress ; towns have become larger, cheaper, and more
healthy ; their decorations are observable on every side ;
education is more extended, and travelling is so 00=1011
that it is almost as cheap and easy to go to the other
side of Europe as it is to stay at home. Notwithstand-
ing all this, there has been, unfortunately, a mistake in
principle or in practice. The nations of Europe have
been extending more and more from year to year their
preparations for war, which war was said to be the
more distant the longer the peace continued. While
the Government have asserted that the probability of
war was annually becoming less, the expenditure has
increased to an incredible amount. It is said the na-
tions of Europe are spending more than 100,000,0001.
per annum, perhaps 150,000,00 W. per annum, in the
maintenance of these armaments which they say they
do not intend to use. If the military expenditure in-
creases, as a matter of course the taxes must increase,
for all this expenditure must come out of the labour and
the sweat of the men who toil from sunrise to sunset,
and to whom all this labour gives but a very moderate
share often of the necessaries and always of the luxuries
of life. (Cheers.) And taxes and expenditure are gene-
rally followed by something approaching to bankruptcy.
Loans are constantly.to be required. It is not long
since Russia required Sloan, and it is a hundred chances
to one that she mustl creme for another loan in a short
time, The expenditure she is now undergoing —al-
though not exactly engaged in war—which is wholly un-
necessary, and_which arises merely from ungovernable
ambition —that will Wee Russia to come for another
loan. The loans of Austria are just so many and so
often as Austria can find dupes to lend her anything.
(A laugh.) I have here the amount of the deficit in
Austria during the last six years. In 1847, it was
700,000/. ; in 1848, 4,500,0001. ; in 1849, 12,000,000/. ; in
1850, more than 5,000,0001. ; in 1851, more than
6,000,000/. ; and in 1852, more than 5,000,000/. ; the
whole of the deficit of Austria in those six years being
upwards of 34,000,000/., or an average of more than
5,700,0001. per annum. You may endeavour to imagine
what must be the pressure of taxation on the people
where the deficit is annually going on at this rate. It is
impossible for a Government, by any turning of the
taxation screw, to make up for that deficit ; and the
Government comes continually to the various moneyed
capitalists of Europe to ask for a loan. I see in the
papers of yesterday that the Emperor of Austria has con-
tracted for she 1-.+ll 7.000.n0ni with this
curious condition attached, that the money is only to be
lent in case Austria does not go to war. (A laugh.)
France, again, is placed almost in the same circumstances,
though not so seriously involved. Though we may not
approve of absolutism in France, there is throughout th e
country a fine soil, a fine climate, and a people actually
engaged in producing articles of great value ; but still
it is rumoured that France finds herself so far involved
that a new loan will soon be asked for. Well, then, we
come to this country. We are not asking for loans yet,
but if you allow Turkish sympathisers and men of infirm
understandings and robust consciences—(hear, hear)—to
draw this country into a war, you will have our Go-
vernment coming for a loan ; then you may bid adieu
to further reductions of taxation, and Mr. Gladstone 's
visits to Scotland and Manchester will not be of that
cheering character which I believe he has been lately
and is even now enjoying. England is less military
than the other nations of .Europe—our constitution has
made it necessary and unavoidable ; our position is dif-
ferent ; we can have no kind of need for a great standing
army iu this country, unless our Government be at war
with our people ; and I am happy to believe that from
year to year there is a greater feeling of accord spring-
ing up and strengthening between the Government and
the people of every portion of the United Kingdom.
Since, at any rate, the people knew that they were not
mulcted in order to advance the interests and increase
the receipts of a privileged class, there is a consciousness
in all classes of the people of the United Kingdom that in
the main great justice is done them, and that, whenever
justice still fails, by the press and the platform, by orga-
nisations and combinations, and a greatly improved re-
presentation, everything that yet remains to be done
may be done. And there is no feeling in this country
now out of which insurrection can spring, from which
ultimately might come disasters to the throne, and to
every valuable institution of the country. (Cheers.) But
yet, situated as we are—not having had a coup d'etat—
not having Lombardy on one side and Hungary on the
other—not having a great semi-barbarous empire like
Russia to govern—not being sunk to every conceivable
degree of corruption, like the Governments of Italy—
having none of these reasons to maintain a standing
army and keep up a great military position, this country
is spending more, I believe, on its military objects every
year, than any other nation on the face of the earth. I
suspect that we have borne the burden of that debt so
long that we begin to fancy that it is not really so heavy
as it is. But we pay 28,000,0001. for the unfortunate
policy of our forefathers ; and there may conic a day
when the burden will just make all the diXereure be-
tween us and the great rival on the other side of the
Atlantic. I was talking the other day with an Ameri-
can gentleman, and he was adverting to the fact that in
the United States they have so large a surplus revenue
that they do not know well what to do with it. It is a
question whether they should not at once pay all their
debt, or expend the surplus in making a great railroad to
connect the Atlantic with the Pacific. He contrasted
the state of his country with that of England, and he
said 25,000,0001. a year was an incredible sum. "W e
cannot comprehend it," said he ; "it is not to be reek-
oneti
in dollars and cents"—(laughter)—but he said lie
reckoned there would come a day when England and the
United States would be neck and neck, andwahheinst the
that
28,000,0001. of debt will tell something against
United Kingdom in her race with the United States.
But we are not content with the experience of the twenty.
five years conflict to which I have referred ; but now, in
this very year of 1853, after thirty-eight years of peace,
and every year making war less probable, we spend
17,000,0001. of the taxation of the people of the Unittd
Kingdom in the maintenance of our army and navy.
We are not content with this even ; we are the occu-
piers and rulers of a vast empire in Asia, and under the
joint hocus-pocus government of the Board of Control
and the East India Company we take from the people of
India a gross sum of 29,000,000/ per annum in. taxes—
from a people who do not get more than 2d. or 3d. a day
in wages, who have no steam-engines, who have a rude
agriculture, who have no roads, who are deprived of
alinost every advantage which in this country we have
of being a great producing country—we take from them
a gross revenue of 29,000,0001. per annum, and we spend
12,000,000/. of it yearly iu military armaments in that
country. Yet, it cannot be denied, and I suppose it
will not be denied, that we are a Christian country.
But look at our progress from 1835. We laid out in
that year 11,000,0001. in army and naval expenditure,
and we spend now 17,000,0001., so that we have in-
' creased our expenditure on those objects by 6,000,0001.
a-year since 1835. An author who wrote a great many
years ago—the celebrated Arthur Young, says :—"
very little calculation would show that the expense of
our three last wars, which had no other effect whatever
but to spill blood and fill gazettes, would have made the
whole island of Great Britain a garden—her whole coast
a quay—and have converted all the houses in her towns
into palaces, and her cottages into houses." Now, this
was written and published before we entered on the
French war, and if Arthur Young had lived until now
he would have written another chapter on the same sub-
ject, and he must have shown that we were little wiser
than our forefathers, if any, and that there was some
danger of our becoming more foolish than even they
were. Now I will advert for a moment to the county
:of Lancaster. That county is the most populous of the
United Kingdom, having a population of more