The Sun.
London, England, 1853-04-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1853,

establishment of what were called secular schools. The
noble lord explained that this system embraced edu-
cation in reading, writing, &c., but treated re-
ligion as a subject which had nothing to do with
the school; but he for one could not subscribe
to this plan. The school was the place where
the child was to be educated in morality, and was
to obtain rules for his future guidance in life, and he
would ask how that could be done 1: there was to be no
teachings in religion ? Such a system of education would
be found grossly defective. It was said there
was a natural theology which could be taught in
schools, but that the doctrines of Christianity
ought to be banished from the school-room ;
but he could be no party to such a plan, and he came,
therefore, to the question of what could be done under
the present system ? He did not think it would
be possible to unite children of different denominations
in all the parishes of the country. In the Dissenting
schools the catechism of the Church was used, but it
was obvious that this rule only intended to apply to
children belonging to the Church, but even in the absence
of such a rule, he did not think that the difficulties-
which stood in the-way of attempting the unity of reli-
gious denominations in schools would be overcome. It
was impossible to have one general scheme for all classes
of the people, but it appeared to the Government
there was one sort of community in the country
which might undertake the management of local
education. He alluded to the local authorities of
corporate towns ; and it appeared to the Government
that it was possible to give municipal corporarions power
to vote an education rate under certain restrictions.
For instance, two-thirds of the town council must sanc-
tion the rate, and in the next place the rate must
be applied, not in the establishment of new,
but in assisting schools already in existence, which
were supported by voluntary contributions. The
rate would have to be distributed in proportion to the
pence contributed by the children. The town council
would •be required to appoint a committee to ad-
minister the rate only to such schools as complied
with the provisions of the state.• Power would
be reserved to give the parent the right of withdrawing
his children from the school wherein was taught a sys-
tem of religion which he did not approve of, but the
provisions of the bill so far as it related to this
branch of educaton had not been finally concluded
and upon this part of the question the house would
hereafter be called to pronounce an opinion. The
important provisions of the bill would provide for the
building of new schools in populous and poor districts.
There was, however, another important branch of this
subject, which he must refer to. The house was aware
that there was a large number of schools in existence,
which had been founded by charitable persons de-
ceased. These were known as charity schools;
but owing to the neglect or carelessness of the
trustees the funds upon which they subsisted had
been greatly reduced. By a report of a commission
which investigated the subject, a few years ago, it ap-
peared that there were no less than 28,840 of these
charities in existence, with an annual income
of 1,209,3951. The noble lord having stated that the
annual income of endowments for educational purposes
alone, was, no, less than 330,0001., and having
giveu some more details connected with these
charities proceeded to state that the Government proposed
to adopt some of the provisions of the Charitable Trusts
Bill brought forward by Lord Lyndhurst while he was in
office as Lord Chancellor: Those provisions, however,
would be restricted and amended, and, if possible, ren-
dered less objectionable to those who now had the ad-
ministration of these charities. The power to carry out
these provisions would be intrusted to a charities board
to be attached to the Board of Privy Council for Educa-
tion.

[LEFT SPEAKING.]

THE AGAMEMNON.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,—l. In your paper of yesterday's date there is an
article with reference to the fever on board her Majesty's
ship Agamemnon which is calculated to cause alarm to
the relatives of the crew, and to produce an erroneous
influence on the public mind, both in regard to the viru-
lence of the disease and the want of proper measures to
arrest its progrees by the authorities at this port.
2. On the latter point I shall say nothing—for, when
it is necessary, the parties alluded to, will no doubt be
able to justify their conduct ; but I beg to state that you
have been misinformed on the nature of the disease,
which is not typhus, or typhoid fever, but scarlatina in a
mild form ; and out of 268 patients received from the
Agamemnon into this hospital up to this date, even one
death has not occurred ; on the contrary, a large number
of the patients are daily amusing themselves out of
doors, and nearly 100 will be able to rejoin the ship on
Monday next, haying been free from all fe'ver sufficiently
long to warrant such, an arrangement
3. I may mention, that at this hospital every possible
means have been taken to prevent contagion by washing
and cleansing the clothes and bedding ; and, as one per-
son only belonging to the establishment has been at-
tacked by fever, it proves that these measures have been
pretty successful.'

4. You are pleased to say that, with regard to the
men who have been carried off to Haslar, it is likely
enouh they have received every attention : but if you
hadthe smallest doubt on the subject, and could spare
an hour to visit the hospital, I feel certain you (or any
one else) would be convinced that the brave men who
enter the public service receive every comfort when sick-
ness overtakes them which a grateful country can bestow.
With respect to the medical officers of the establishment,
from Sir John Richardson down to the junior assistant-
surgeon, I can declare it is impossible for duty to be
more zealously performed by any class of officers in the
service or the Crown.

I request you will do me the favour to insert this
Letter in your next paper ; and
I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant,

W. J. HoPi-JOHNSTONE,
Captain-Superintendent.
Haslar Hospital, April 2. - •

SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE.

NOTICE TO MARINERS.

CAPE OF GOOD HOPE SUNKEN ROCK IN FALSE BAY.

Hydrographic Office, Admiralty, Feb. 19, 1853.
The Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty have re-
ceived from the Naval Surveyor at the Cape of Good Hope,
an account of the discovery of a sunken rock in False Bay,
carrying fifteen feet over it at low water spring tides.
From the Roman Rocks it bears by campass N.N.E.,
half E., about one and a half cables' length, and from the
Light Vessel it bears N.N.E., half N. one cable's length.

field and Clergy, and ministers of all denominations."
He hoped the reverend persona who were the subject of
the toast would not think it beneath their influence or
their dignity to use their great power for the purpose of
showing that both giving and receiving a bribe was an
offence against humanity, religion, the Word of God,
and the laws of the country. (Applause.)
The Rev. W. F. WILKINSON acknowledged the toast.
He said, as an elector of Derby, I feel an honest pride in
the vindication and the rescue of the independence of
the borough, and in the restitution of its just, and legi-
timate, and characteristic representation. (Cheers.) As
a Liberal in politics, by conviction, ever since I felt
myself capable of forming a judgment in such matters, I
have a right to rejoice in the confirmed ascendency of
my principles and my party. But, as a minister of
religion, I feel that it is especially my duty to be thank-
ful that truth and justice have triumphed, that falsehood
and hypocrisy have been exposed, and a foul conspiracy
has been defeated, and that indignant and universal con-
demnation has been pronounced upon all such proceed-
ings and upon their authors. (Cheering.)
After several other toasts had been proposed, and
warmly responded to,
The CHAIRMAN proposed the health of a gentleman
who had applied himself diligently and with much ability
to the conducting of the case against Major Beresford as
well as against Mr. Horsfall, and whose eminent- abili-
ties as a Parliamentary agent were well known and ap-
preciated—Mr. Coppock. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. COPPOOK was received with great applause. He
said—This appears to be a night of disclaimers, when
every man is disclaiming the services he has rendered,
andis anxious to do justice to his neighbour, and throw
public gratitude upon others. (Cheers.) I have heard
the members of the borough this night both of them
disclaiming any share in corrupt practices; I have heard
our worthy chairman disclaim any return for services
rendered ; and I have heard our vice-chairman disclaim-
ing the services rendered by him. Everybody appears
to disclaim that credit which the public bestows upon
them—l disclaim it also. (Laughter.) But although I
am disclaiming the being worthy of your thanks, I will
never disclaim the pride I feel in being entrusted by you
in conducting a portion of the late inquiries, and being
supported in the prosecution of these inquiries by the
anxious zeal and intelligence of your excellent chairman,
and the untiring perseverance of your worthy friend the
vice-chairman, who has won you success. (Loud
cheers.) lam not unused to matters of this kind. For
more than 20 years I have been engaged upon them. I
only enter upon them on one side ; I could not act faith-
fully upon the other ; but in the whole course of my life
I have never met with more anxious and more careful
zeal, and more talent, than has been bestowed upon your
case by Mr. Moss and Mr. Madeley. (Cheers.) Our
case was an extraordinary one. I never before had the
opportunity of so exposing corruption and villainy in the
way in which I was the honourable means of exposing
it. But this case is but a sample of what was done by
the Derby Administration—(hear, hear)—and I think
if anything may be drawn from names, this much may
be drawn, that the Derby Administration was wrecked
upon the borough of Derby. (Loud cheers.) That was
a proper and just retribution. (Cheers.) The Derby
Government was as base and unprincipled a government
as this country ever was cursed with ; and it used means
as base and unprincipled as any party ever could do.
(Loud cheers.) Where would be the Morgans of Derby
if the W. B.'s never existed ? Where would be the poor
man selling his franchise, and receiving 21. through the
chink of a door, with his hands behind his back, if
another prime mover was not behind the scenes ? The
late election was one wholesale system of bribery, treat-
ing, and dissipation which the history of England never
saw equalled. (Cheers.) The. Derbyites were hypo-
crites everywhere. They were Free-traders in towns
and Protectionists in the counties ; they professed in one
place what they never intended to practice, and in
another disclaimed what they really intended to do if
possible. They gave 21. in Derby, and 101. in Canter-
bury. Place was all they cared for. Place was their ob-
ject—the means, anything whatever. It is a curious
event in the history of electioneering tactics that a party
having got from some source or other a large amount of
money, should have forced their confidence upon a gentl-
man in this town of the name of Flewker, notwithstand-
ing his disclaimer of their solicitations and his refusal to
act in their case, they should by some strange fatality
force upon him that confidence which he did not betray,
which he only exposed. (Hear.) Mr. Flewker was no
traitor—his was not the act of a traitor. They knew his
just ground of complaint, they knew his positive refusal
to act with them, and yet—strange fitalityl—they
forced their confidence upon him. They were seeking
to use and abuse him for their purposes, and he exposed
them. (Cheers.) I think the Liberal party are greatly
indebted to Mr. Flewker. (Cheers.) I say more than
this—l say the entire Liberal party in England are in-
debted to him. (Loud cheers.) Now, how is this charge
met ? I read in the Derby illereary, the first publication
after the election, three distinct assertions—first, that a
thief had been set' to catch a thief ; that a plant had
been made, but that there were cases without end of
bribery against Messrs. Bass and Heyworth. (Laughter.)
In another part of the paper was a statement of Mor-
gan's, who said that he had not seen a single voter—that
not a voter had been in his room—and that is quite true,
because every voter turned his back to the room, and
received the money behind him. (Laughter.) A state-
thew, we also made by Mr. _Lewis, who piectgea notn
his honour and veracity that neither Mr. Horsfall, nor
his friends, nor any party connected with him, had any-
thing to do with the affair. From whom did the money
come ? (Cheers.) Did it not come from the lead works
to -Morgan at the room ? What did they do more ? I
have in my own possession certain documents, briefed
and delivered to counsel. These documents are in part
the evidence of parties professing to prove that Mr.
Flewker had concocted the Morgan scheme entirely,and
that the letter found upon Morgan had been written in
1848, and had been placed by Flewker in Morgan's
pocket. (Sensation.) Who Samuel Leech may be I
know not ; but Samuel Leech was briefed to prove that
Mr. Flewker had told him that the letter was written
in 1848, and that in truth the whole scheme was a con-
coction of Mr. Flewker's—that Mr. Flewker planned
the whole scheme—that he put the letter into the.man's
pocket—that he put the man in the room ; but how, in
that case, the money got into Morgan's hands does not
appear. All these assertions have been disproved ; aye,
and they suborned men to come to London to prove
personal bribery against Mr. Bass. (Hear.) They dare
not, however, call them, but struck their colours and
ran away. (Cheers and laughter.) As a finishing stroke
to their infamous calumnies, they affirm that after all
we have compromised the affair.: There has been no
compromise. (Cheers) They struck their colours un-
conditionally ; and there never was or has been the
slightest attempt at compromise. From the first day of
the election, when the scheme was concocted, and Mr.
George Richardston Cox, and I believe Mr. John Huish,
were in London, up to the present moment we know of
much that has occurred ; but by what means the money
reached Derby we know not at present ; but this I do
know and say, that the man Morgan was but a tool in the
hands of others; it is not to punish him that we seek, but I
do seek to punish the W.B.'s, and all the agents by which
these things were practised. (Loud cheers.) If there
were no W. B.'s, if there were no men to find the money
there would be no men to receive it, and it is in vain to
talk of punishing the poor man, while the man who has
the ambition and pride to attempt to get into Parliament,
and place his family in a distinguished position, to get
rank and honour, escapes. This is the man who ought
to suffer. (Cheering.) I know not what view the
House of Commons may take of this matter, but this I
do pledge myself to do—if the House of Commons does
not authorise the Attorney-General to prosecute the
parties, I will not come into Derby again before I have
preferred an indictment against the whole batch for con-
spiracy, from "W. B." downwards. (The assembly
rose en masse, and gave several rounds of cheering.) It
appears to me that it is only by meeting the evil at the
fountain head that you can stop its course. (Renewed
cheers.) I have never seen yet any man in the country
who would distribute money unless he expected it would
pay, and I do say, if the House of Commons is sincere,
they will institute proceedings ; if it will not, then pro-
ceedings must be instituted elsewhere , and as the of-
fence began in Middlesex, I will bring all the parties (as
I can do), before the Central Criminal Court. (Loud
cheers.) And now, gentlemen, what is the remedy for
all this ? The evil is great—you have in one place
bribery, in another treating, in another intimidation and
undue influence. In my opinion the answer is easy—
nothing but the power of voting secretly and honestly
will do it. (Loud cheers.) The ballot and the ballot
alone is the remedy for the evil. With the ballot, inti-
midation and undue influence would be of no use—you
would have no Morgans and W. B.'s. The ballot would
be a complete cure for all corruption as at present prac-
tised. Ido not say it would be a complete cure for
everything that might be practised ; but the ballot
would be a cure for the evils now practised. As voting
is now performed, much corruption would be prevented
if the briber were rendered liable to be punished ; in-
stead of punishing the poor devil who receives the bribe,
punish the man who offers it. (Loud cheers.) A man
asking or taking a bribe is punishable now, but not
party offering it—a man who offers a bribe, except
the
the
bribe is excepted, is liable to no punishment, while
man who accepts or asks is punishable. And the House
of Commons is in a great measure composed of men who
do these things. Take them all in all, they are,thr in the
I admit,
e
as good a body of men as ever met g
world ; but they are as corruptly got together as it is
possible to be. (Hear, hear.) In conclusion, I would
again say, the ballot is the great remedy for all these
evils. Inscribe on your banner, civil and religious
liberty ; enfranchise those who are worthy of the fran-
chise, disfranchise those who are unworthy of it ; extend
the suffrage, and then, with a full protection to the
franchised, by means of the ballot, economy, retrench.
ment, peace and prosperity will follow—you will have
happiness here and everywhere, and you will know that
you have done your duty to yourselves and your coun-
try, and others will learn that the people of Derby have
not neglected their duty. (Loud applause.)
The toast " Purity of Elections," and several other
toasts were next drunk.
The proceedings then terminated.

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- -Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's
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