The Sun.
London, England, 1854-04-03 00:00:00

7%7

MR

granary of the Roman Empire, and the French canna
succeed without making it the granary ix itakibileAp EI,
Do the French wish that the value of everyeevre. _
cony should be doublell ?Is it not the iatefestsen4 of I.
land to enjoy good wine and vinegar at ' - tiny a`i -4--- v.t.E,.,
instead of using indifferent beer and dil 'fiicet tlelitt 6 c-'
at double the price ? Is not Bordeaux s,eali4Oii!-4,_.''
uo
mouth and Southampton as to Havre ? ,•_; " -.-.:'. - ''''' -: •4/44.i
In searching for real and substantive ob -c\ .. _ cfse
in the relative conditions according to w -‘l2l' L—s;--'
ac,
tt.ic
countries respectively exist; to the institution o st -
an intimate, a brotherly, and, above all, a permanent
alliance, for better for worse, between them, we really
can find none. Tie obstacles are considerable, never-
theless, though not substatitive. They are'obstacles of
the imagination, and no other. They reside in prejudices,
in tradition jeaiouilies, s 3 rviving the causes originating
them which have ltoge her burnt out and become ex-
tinct. The great unreflecting Hass in each country
more, perhaps, inTrance than in England—has immemo-
rially belierea that the English and the French are na-
tural enerniee, 'like dogs and ergs; that they can never
trust each other; and they will-feel surprised and half-
shocked by the serious annouecement of the scheme of
an intimate and permanent alliance. Owing to tradi-
tional habits and historical antecedents, they are morally
incapacitated from believing in the possibility of such a
thing being brought abont—they are .practically incre.
dulous that such a result can ever be.
In this alone resides the obstacle to the attainment of
this vast blessing to humanity, and to themselves, and
if the statesmen of the two countries will now raise
their conception to the contemplation of this glorious
object, they may easily turn to the profit of both, and
to the everlasting benefit of mankind, the present fortu-
nate conjuncture which approximates them, which the
good and wise have ever hoped for, and for which the
brutality of a perfidious tyrant has supplied the occasion.
So far from being natural enemies, there are no two
countries in the whole world—not even the United States
and England—which are such natural friends as France
and England ; which, in the difference of their respective
moral and material wants, have such mutual necessity
for each other ; and which would agree together so
well, if they could but for a moment forget the past
and look to the future alone. In respect of locomotion
their vicinity makes them really one nation. From Lon-
don it is quite as easy, and speedy, to go to Paris as to
Glasgow ; from Paris you will reach London as quickly, •
as Strasbourg; and then there is just that difference be-
tween the characters, the manners, the ways of the two
nations, that were a general good feeling to replace
1 ancient aversions, it would endear them to one another.
The variety that runs through their social habits and - - -
customs just reaches that happy point which enables
each party good-humouredly to laugh at the other with-
out any wound to self-love. This is an important ele-
ment in the groundwork of all friendly society. It does
not exist between the English and Americans, because
they resemble each other much more strongly ; but you
may laugh at a Frenchman's blunders without his thereby
suspecting that you mean to arrogate any superiority,
and he will laugh as heartily as yourself. And he may
do the same to you—and indeed does so all day long—
and who ever felt hurt at it ? Then how delightful it is to
an Englishman to be talked to by an amiable Frenchman,
though maybe it is all about nothing—their gaiety is as a
ray of sunshine on the gloom of life. And what a beauti-
ful picture of their sterling amiability did we not behold
in the demeanour throughout of those excellent men who
brought over their rarities to our national Exhibition !
what a delightful insight we got on that occasion into
the domestic manners and virtues of their middy class,
as we beheld the assistance and comfort and pleasure
they were receiving from their wives, and sisters, and
daughters—models, as are the French bourgeoises
throughout, of useful domestic activity, industry, amia-
bility, and grace. And who were more pleased on that
occasion than our old enemies, with the frank and honest
good-nature, the hearty moral shake of the hand, of
their English hosts ? And where is it, we should like
to learn, that the English in France, and they are settled
about over its whole surface, are disliked or disrespected?
How placable and amiable are the French after a quar-
rel ! how generous and untnalignant the English ! In
short, there is just that difference in all their ways and
habits that kindles sympathy and gives it piquancy, in-
stead of extinguishing or deadening it.
And now the vast interests of civilisation imperiously
call upon these two great nations—the ornaments of
the world, the aristocrats of humanity—to unite and
be friends, to be one for ever, ideas velle atque none.
We have the same interests to protect, and against
the very same enemies. These interests, as far as
they are honest on each side, must for the fu- .
ture always be the same, and our comintn enemy
must always be the enemy of both of us alike. He will
always aim at subjugating Turkey, Sweden, and Den-
mark, and, by making himself supreme thereby in the
Mediterranean and the Baltic, equally repress French
and English civilisation and commerce. In the nature
of things what firmer foundation for everlasting alliance
can be offered by Providence than is now graciously
vouchsafed to France and England ? We say, therefore,
to both—Rejoice and give thanks ; you are going to
peace and not to war ; forget, forgive, shake hands, and
be friends for ever, for the common enemy threatens you
both alike, and if you neglect this opportunity, it is not
probable you will ever have such another. It is only the
permanency of your alliance that can decide Sweden and
Denmark. Proclaim it permanent ; and, what is more
important by far, convince the world, by abandoning
mutual suspicions, and cultivating mutual sympathies,
that . your , alliance, founded in international good-
will, cemented by international respect and confi-
dence, is permanent in its own nature, and wholly .._
independent of changes either in the personnel or
form of Government. Such a condition—an alliance of
kind feeling between the two peoples—will be a pledge
more solid than any proclamation ; and must satisfy
Sweden and Denmark that they may securely rely for
all time to come upon your joint protection against
their fearful neighbour, ever ready to devour them. The
instant you convince them of this, they will joyfully,
with your help, close the outlet of the Baltic on Russia
—imprison her always—and spare you now the terrible _
sacrifices of blood and treasure you must otherwise
make, and make to no permanent profit, because ten or
twenty years hence you will again incur the same •
danger, and may not then be able to ward it off.
The French and English statesmen, weakly (as it
seems to us) bent on securing, at almost any cost, the
co-operation of Austria and Prussia, have been too
evidently prepared for that object to forego a great part
of the benefit to Europe which they might now extort
from the common enemy. Yet such co-operation would
be positively detrimental if purchased at the price of our
abstaining from compelling Russia to disgorge that ter-
ritorial plunder of her weaker neighbours—the deadly
cause of her now embroiling the world—which, we trust,
it is the firm resolve of France and England that she
shall disgorge.
France and England, in earnest, and with the sword .
uplifted, are powerful enough for every purpose ; and
the only allies they require are Sweden and Denmark.
Even if Austria and Prussia should unite with Russia,
the immediate consequence infallibly must be that the
alliance between France and England would be thereby,
and cx necessitate, made perpetual, and the proximate
consequences would be the destruction of those perfidious
despotisms—the overthrow of Russia—and the elevation
of Sweden and Denmark to that station in the scale of
European power which it is so very desirable for Eng-
land and France they should possess.

THE DECLARATION.

(From the Derbyshire Courier.)
Her Majesty's declaration of war will be read with
intense interest throughout the world. It contains a
very intelligible and succinct detail of the circumstances
which have compelled us to go to war with Russia. It
will appear to the satisfaction of every one who affords
the most common attention to the recapitulation of the
transactions relative to the Eastern question, that the
quarrel has been one which Russia has sought.
The conflicting claims of the Greek and Latin
Churches, relative to the Holy Places at Jerusalem,
formed the pretext for the commencement of the misun-
derstanding with Turkey.
By the intervention of our Ambassador at Constan-
tinople this appeared to be satisfactorily arranged. But
theßussian Government then pressed upon the Porte
demands which, under the pretence of affording protec-
tion to the Christians in Turkey, would in effect have
deprived the Sultan of all independent control over
many millions of his own Christian subjects.
Next followed the occupation of the Danubian Prin.
cipalities by the Russian armies.
The occupation has most audaciously been repro
suited by the Emperor to have been consequent on the
advance of the English and French fleets to the Dar-
danelles.

Her Majesty's Declaration proves, by the dates of the
despatches, that the " determination of the Emperor to
occupy the Principalities was taken before the orders
for the advance of the combined squadrons was given."
Various attempts have since been made to meet any
equitable demands which Russia could possible have on
Turkey. The Sultan has acted with fairness, modera-
tion, and forbearance ; and every means consistent with
the honour of the allied powers, and the independence
of the Ottoman empire, has been used to effect an ami-
cable understanding between the contending parties.
Even the declaration of war by the Sultan in self-defence
did not check the pacific intentions of the allied powers.
Every honourable endeavour to restore peace having,
however, failed, it is evident that we are driven by every
principle of justice and expediency, "to save EurePe
from the preponderance of a power which has violated.
the faith of treaties, and defies the opinion of the civilised
world, to take up arms, in conjunction with the,,Em-
peror of the French, for the defence of the Sultan.
In fact, the "Secret Correspondence" so recently made
public, taken in conjunction with the public sayings and
doings of the Czar, proves beyond a doubt that from the
beginning of this quarrel the partition of Turkey was
the object of the aggressive policy of Russia. It was
natural that men of honourable minds should be slow to
believe that the Emperor intended to act in defiance of
his most solemn and reiterated assurances, We are
now compelled to believe that as rapacious spoliation
was the end, falsehood and duplicity were the means by
which the Emperor of Russia hassought to accomplish
thatbee n
his honourable end. T o Engl
ally,particular,andinhiseondit ie is marked by ag-
which has always
gravated treachery. "The words of his mouth were
smoother than butter, but war was in his heart; his
words were softer than oil, yet they were drawn swords."
We know the Russians to be a nation of semi-barba-
rians. Wealth, refinement of manner, and luxurious
splendour of living, leave the Russian aristocracy still
devoid of those high principles of honour which distin-
tinguish the private gentlemen of our own country. The
head of this great northern despotism proves himself to
be in feeling and principle little in advance of his sub-
jects, and justifies the correctness of the remark of Na-
poleon the First—" The civilisation of Russia is only
skin deep, Scratch a Russian, and the Tartar appears."