The Sun.
London, England, 1853-10-18 00:00:00

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WARWICK RACES.

(THIS DAY.)

(BY ELECTRIC TELEG.RAPIL)
SWEEPSTAKES of 5 Soya., One Mile.
Priam the Third

Five ran.

WELTER CUP.

Janey
Sally

Six ran.
GREAT WARWICK HANDICAP
Little Fawn
Annie Sutherland
Angelo

Eight ran.
COMMITTEE STAKES.

g by Sir Isaac

Seven ran.

Course very heavy.

KELSO RACES.
ENTRY TOR CALEDONIAN CUP.—Goorkah, Black Doc-
tor, Dick Turpin, Itch, Mary Aislabie, Friar's Hall,
Haricot, Balrownie, Forest Queen, Tower. All here.
ENTRY FOR QUEEN'S PLATE ; 4 Miles.—Goorkah,
Black Doctor, Dick Turpin, Itch, Haricot, Balrownie,
Bracey, Maley, Pride, Defiance, Audubon, baron Oswy,
and Mary Aislabie.

LETTER FROM KOSSUTH ON THE FO
REIGN POLICY OF ENGLAND.

DEAR SIR,—I have just received your letter of Sept.
22, wherein you do me the honour of inviting me to at-
tend the town meeting of Stafford, called for' Monday
next, with the view to memorialise her Britannic Ma-
jesty on the matter of Russian invasion of the provinces
of the Turkish empire.
Interests the most sacred and the dearest to me—as a
man, as a patriot, as a friend of freedom, and a member
of the great family of mankind—are intimately connected
with the pending complication in the East ; and I owe,
morever, everlasting gratitude to Turkey, for the noble
and manly resolution of the Sultan, by which my life
and the lives of my companions were saved from the
bloodthirsty persecution of Christian despots, after my
fatherland had been overthrown—not by Russian arms,
but by the same policy of which the continuation—in-
deed, the second act of the same tragedy—now rouses
your indignation. I can, therefore, assure you, sir, that
I neither do nor shall neglect to exert all my activity to
serve the legitimate interests of the Turkish empire ac-
cording to my best abilities. Therefore, glad as lam to
see the citizens of Stafford intending to act in the same
direction, I certainly would have thankfully accepted
your invitation, were it not for the following two consi-
derations :
Had I been called upon to address the citizens of
Stafford on the subject, it would have been, from my
position, impossible not to dwell upon the intimate con-
nection of the Turkish question with the prospects of
my own dear fatherland, and upon the advantage which
the cause of freedom might derive from Turkey effec-
tively supported in her resistance to the Czar of Russia
and his confederates.
Now, Sir, I know, on one side, that any particular
explanation of that nature would certainly have been
but an additional claim to the sympathies of the men of
Stafford ; but, unfortunately, I have also reason to
apprehend, on the other hand, that the inure successful
I might have been in forwarding that cause, and in
carrying that point, the stronger stimulus I should have
given to the present English Government for pressing
affairs to an issue such as the friends of justice, freedom,
and humanity must deplore.
Sir, by analysing the conduct of the English Govern-
ment during the present crisis, it is impossible not to
come to the conclusion that it is not so much either by
fear from, or by a particular predilection for, Russia,
that the English Government has until now rather
served than checked Russia's ambitious designs ; but
that it is rather for fear lest, by encouraging Turkey to
legitimate resistance, an opportunity might be offered to
some successful popular rising in other quarters.
I have, indeed, no hesitation to say that the policy of
England has long sinco been 'Russian in its results ;
though not Russian in its motives—it has been worse,
it has been anti-liberal in principle.
In 1848, Russia interfered against the popular move-
ment in Moldo-Wallachia by armed invasion, and thus
prepared the way for the subsequent intervention in
Hungary, as well as for the present occupation of the
Principalities. England did not oppose it.
Soon after, Russia interfered by arms in Hungary,
and gained by it an awful preponderance throughout
the Contiisent of Europe. The Government of England
had nothing to object to it.
This Russian intervention being carried on from
Turkish territory, was in itself the grossest violation of
its independence. Turkey was made an instrument for
Russian ambition and for Austrian oppression. It was
permitted that the resources of Turkish provinces,
provisions, money, means of transport, should be made
use of by Russia in her attack on Hungary. The Aus-
trians, beaten, twice found refuge and means of attack
in the same Turkish provinces : which was neither more
nor less than a virtual resignation of the independence of
Turkey. And the Government of England allowed all
this to be done—nay, it checked Turkey in opposing it,
by advising her "not to come into hostile collision lcith
her STRONGER neighbours"—as the Foreign Secretary of
England had the ridiculous politeness to style that
Austria which we had defeated so often that she was no
longer able to resist us without the aid of Russia, wbo,
in her turn, had to strain every nerve to effect it.
Now, Sir has the English Government done all this,
because it liked Russia's striding preponderance ? No ;
it did it because it hated the popular triumph of what
they call "the revolutionary principle."
And now, once more, the Danubian Principalities are
occupied, and their resources made subservient to Russia
in her hostility against the legitimate suzerain of those
provinces; and, again, the English Government is guilty,
world, before God and the of' having permitted such
piracy to be perpetrated without resistance. Was this
done because England approved the seizure of Moldo-
w„llachi:, by the Czar? No ; but it was not opposed,
because the English Government feared lest any resist-
ance to Russian aggression might lead some of the
oppressed nations to renew their efforts for freedom.
That is the real clue to that policy, against which the
citizens of Stafford are about to record their protest.
The fatal incubus which weighs heavily on the foreign
policy of your Government, is not so much love for the
Czar as fear and hatred of democracy. It would be
vain to dissimulate, Sir, that aristocracy and plutocracy,
as leading elements, will always less fear the despot than
popular liberty.
This is the reason, Sir, that I must decline the honour
of attending your meeting. I should not like, by my
participation in that demonstration, to add a new stimu-
lus to your Government for persisting in its harmful
direction.

My second reason, Sir, for not responding to your
kind invitation, is, that I have no knowledge of the
practical purport of the resolutions intended to be sub-
mitted to the meeting. And this I take to be an essen-
tial point, Sir, because it is not enough to agree in the
ultimate aim, it is equally important to come to a clear
understanding about the most efficient means to attain
that aim, and I should not like to be placed in a false
position in that respect, out of delicacy due to the oc-
casion.,

lam led to this remark by the fact, of which I am
well assured, that yuur Government was led into that
inconsistency—which I and you equally deplore—by an
endeavour to save Austria from her well-merited fate,
and to help her to a position which, even were it con-
sistent with justice and right, as it is certainly not,
would be impracticable.
I know it, Sir, and can prove it if needed, that all the
exertions of English diplomacy in the East have been
not so much prompted by the wish to do what is advan-
tageous to Turkey, as by the consideration what might
be least embarrassing to Austria. There are some who
suppose that this ungrateful task might have been in-
spired by considerations which, however dear to some
private relations, are certainly of no interest to the peo-
ple of England. But it is likewise founded upon a pre-
judice, blindly, without investigation accepted by exist-
ing diplomacy ; and that is, that Austria is necessary to
Europe, precisely as a barrier for Turkey against Rus-
sian encroachments. Now, sir, I proclaim this to be a
false supposition in the past, and impossible for the
future. Austria never has been a barrier of Turkey
against Russia, or else, how could it happen that in
spite of that barrier, in a time when it was yet shaken
by the universal discontent of all the nations which
Austria rules, Russia has succeeded in extending her
conquest upon Turkey on one side to the Kuban, on
the other to the Danube ; nay, that she took even into
her iron grasp the estuary of that Danube, which is
precisely the life artery of Austria herself ? Austria
was never a barrier to Russia. She was her ally
against Turkey in almost all her wars ; so much so
that even when she made a show of a mediation with
even when she made a show of a mediation between
Turkey and Russia in that war which ended with the
treaty of Belgrade, she did it only to disguise her pre-
parations for joining Russia, as she is doing now
again. When in 1828 Austria feigned a feeble oppo-
sition against Russia, it was only because the bribe
of the leading Minister, which he had regularly re-
ceived from the Emperor Alexander, was withheld by
Czar Nicholas ; the bribe returned, and the opposition
vanished. No ! Austria was never a barrier of Turkey
against Russia. It is in complete defiance at history to
repress on her as a barrier ; and, even could she have
been se in the past, she cannot be one in future ; for,
after she had accepted the intervention of Russia—after
the Hungarians had arrived at the consciousness of their
strength, which enables them to destroy her when she is
unsupported by Russia-- after Austria has aroused all her
nations by oppression and treachery—after she has
foolishly unrooted all her vitality —when she has no other
support than an army of doubtful faith, one-half employed
to watch and keep down the other half—after all this
has happened, it is more than ignorance to believe in an
independent Austria; it is a political blunder. Every
sensible man in the world must feel convinced that Aus-
.

tria can in no case act but as Russia orders her ; because
by the hold which Russian influence has over the Scla-
vonic elements of the Austrian empire, and by the readi-
ness of tho Hungarian nation to accept any imaginable