The Sun.
London, England, 1853-01-06 00:00:00

deprives the one and the other of all offensive power,
of all offensive privilege—(hear, hear)—and. leaves
them only so much influence as to steady said balance
tile machine of the constitution, and prevent the rapid
and constant fluctuations that might arise from the
unchecked exercise of the immediate popular will.
(Loud applause.) Now, starting from the other and
opposite point, let us look to the great example of the
republic of the United States ; injustice—l do not hesi-
tate to use the word—led to resistance ; resistance led
to revolution - revolution led to the full enjoyment and
full success of popular principle and popular rights ;
and yet in the very flush of triumph and success, when
some excesses might have been pardoned, in indulging
a spirit so congenial to the feelings of the country, and
which had acquired so great a triumph, the far-seeing
statesman of that day foresaw it would be necessary, to
a certain extent, to check the predominance of that
purely popular influence, and to interpose—not, indeed,
that they borrowed from the mother country—but in-
terpose some cheek which would tend as a balance to
the constitution and as a counterpoise and equivalent to
the House of Lords in the mother country, as far as
such an equivalent can counterpoise. Gentlemen, much
no doubt may be said against the doctrine of hereditary
succession, and more especially hereditary legislation.
Yet let me be permitted to refer to a word or two which
fell from the President on this occasion. He has quoted
one instance in which the example of the father is not
wholly lost on the son ; and some seven or eight and
twenty years ago, I was led—a much younger man—to
visit that republic which he has likened to an infant
Hercules. So my son, inheriting his father's desire,
has visited that matured republic—there seen the
rapidity of the growth of the institutions, and
the moral and material prosperity;.} the country,
and been able •to estimate how rapid and great
is the growth of a country whose institutions
are deeply interwoven in the hearts and affections
of the people of that country. (Great applause.)
Gentlemen, no doubt, against hereditary legislation
much may be said—much that is very plausible, and
much that is very sound • and far from me be it to say
that all the members of that house to which I have the
honour to belong are perfect models of legislators—
(laughter)—or have made ample use of all the advan-
tages they possess. Yet I will venture to say that there
are advantages in that hereditary legislation of the
House of Lords, which are not to be overlooked in an
old country like this, and which form an important ele-
ment and link in our free monarchical constitution.
Gentlemen, it is something, perhaps, that the certainty,
in the course of human events, of being called upon to
perform the duties of legislation encourages the eldest
sons of peers, at an early period of life, to devote them-
selves to public service, and instead of wasting their
time in idleness and folly, to apply themselves to the
public interests, make themselves masters of public af-
fairs, and to enter life not as members of an exclusive
body, but applying to the favour of the people for seats
in the popular House of Representatives. (Applause.)
There they learn their habits of business—there they
learn self-sacrifice and devotion of their time and labour
to the public service; and when, in the course of nature,
they succeed to the Upper House, they bring with them
those habits of business, those habits of labour, but
still more those sympathies and those affections, as
directed towards the interests of the public and com-
monalty of the country, that they could hardly learn
in any other school so well as in a popular assem-
bly, elected by a popular franchise. Gentlemen,
I may also venture to say there is another advantage.
As we all know, the next object to the acquisition of a
position and a place in society is the power in this coun-
try of transmitting that power and place to those who
are to follow ; and depend upon it, in stimulating to
great exertion and calling forth noble enterprise by it in
the ranks of the army, and the law, of commerce, or of
professions, be it known to all the motive is not a small
one, which looks not only to securing present and per-
sonal advantage for oneself, but for transmitting to our
posterity the permanent advantages derived from that
position, and something perhaps from the name of those
who have gone before them. (Applause.) Now, gentle-
men, allow me to ask, is the House of Lords in this
country, what in some other countries it may be, an ex-
clusive branch between which and the rest of the com-
munity there is an impassable gulf. There aro countries
in which noblemen and the commonalty are so far sepa-
rated that from generation to generation they are within
the same country, but not connected together—in diffe-
rent societies, and incapable of passing the barrier which
subsists between them. Happily, far different is the
case with us. The House of Lords in this country is
constantly receiving fresh reinforcements and influence
from the popular element, constantly receiving rein-
forcements of new blood, while, on the other hand,
in the second generation at all events, the younger sons
of the peerage are merged in the commonalty, and be-
come a portion of the general mass of the community
without any separating barrier.- ---Gtntlenier; rthink
I could hardly take a stronger instance of the
manner in which these reinforcements of the House
of Lords take place than those which have occurred in
the last ten months—in three cases, the only three in
which I have had the honour of advising the Crown to
grant a peerage. These three cases are drawn from
three different professions. One was a noble and gallant
officer, connected originally with a distinguished family,
but still more distinguished for having been many years
the right-handed counsellor of that distinguished and
lamented man this country has lately lost. In the chief
command of the army he had attained a military name,
and his services were well known to every military offi-
cer, and his conduct in that position was well and highly
appreciated. (Applause.) The second was a gentleman
of a family of recent origin, but whose services in the
diplomatic career have reflected even additional lustre

upon that great name which you inilii;;;;nhad many
years ago the honour and privilege of calling your own
representative, bearing the name of Canning. (Hear.)
The third was a gentlenton whose parents were of the
very humblest class, whose parents had no higher rank
than small shopkeepers in a little country town, who
started in public life with no advantages beyond those
of his own ability and his own energy ; and yet, by
his own labour and his own talents, without any adven-
tituous advantages, passing through all the higher
ranks of that laborious and learned profession to
which he had devoted himself. It will ever be a
satisfaction to me that I advised the Crown to call
to Qs House of Lords, as Lord High Chancellor of
England, the son of a small tradesman of Lewes,
who has illustrated his own name and character as Sir
Edward Sugden ; and who has reflected, I will venture
to say, still higher honour by the name of Lord St. Leo-
nards. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I can hardly give, I think,
three stronger instances to show that while, according
to the working of our Constitution, a seat in the Lords
is an object of just and laudable ambition, how far that
distinction is constantly open to every rank and class,
and how, by the instance of three different professions,
the only three in last year raised to that rank is afford-
ed the oppprtunity of showing the favour of the Sove-
reign conferred upon individuals possessing high and me-
ritorious claims in those professions. (Applause.) Gen-
tlemen, I trust you will forgive me for having said these
few words upon the subject of that House ; but, before
I sit down, I hope you will allow me, upon my own part,
upon the part of the Government to which I have lately
had the honour of belonging to, and also, I will venture
to say, upon the part of the present Government, and of
every Government which can exist in this country, to
express how strongly I feel, and how strongly I am sure
they will all feel, satisfaction at that friendly feeling
which upon this and upon every occasion has been mani-
fested and proved to exist between this great country
and hardly less country, the residence of our brethren of
the United States. (Hear, hear, and loud applause.)
Sir, it affords me particular pleasure to have this op-
portunity of testifying, under the presidency of one
to whom the commerce of Liverpool is greatly in-
debted for the efforts he has made to increase its accom-

modation and facilities—(hear)—to meet upon this occa-
sion the distinguished representative from the United
States—(applause)---with the representative of that great
country, with whom we have so many ties, of laws, of
language, and of liberty, with which it is of the utmost
importance to the interest of the whole world that we

shOuld maintain the friendly relations which happily
subsist at this moment, and to have an opportunity of
assuring him that whatever ministry may hold the reins
of government, they, unless wholly blind to the interest

of their own country, as well as the world at large, can
have no other object than cultivating the friendship of
the United States. (Loud applause.) My honourableable
friend, if I may so be allowed to call him, the minister
near ne, has adverted to some differences which have
arisen between us, and some points which have led to
controversy and remark ; I will not, of coupe, upon
such an occasion as this, enter upon a discussion of the
merits of that question, but of which I feel convinced
that the best mode of settling the differences which may
arise between this country and the United States espe-
cially—but I will say also, this and any other country
is a frank and moderate communication of moderate
views and claims, temperately put forward and
steadily enforced upon the part of the representa-
tives of those nations. (Applause.) And I am
sure of this, that while a tame concession of any
important rights never affords real satisfaction to
either of the parties, even that to whom it is made or
that which makes it,
intai so !ined b
the y
a calm and temperate
other hand the friendshiperat
lieve to be their rights e
of nations is best ma
assertion of that which they beig •
and on the other hand by a moderate and liberal view'
of those
And which a 7 the rights and privileges of others.
Uni let me mention, more especially with regard to the
ted States, there is on their part all that plain
straightforward habit, honesty, and fair dealing, derived,
I will venture to say, from their English ancestors, which
will never induce them to think the worse of aßritish
minister who steadily maintains that which he conceives
to be the interest of his country ; and at the same time
does not desire to push those interests beyond the limits
of friendship and good feeling which the two countries
mutually demand. (Applause.) Gentlemen, I have no
fear of any question, of any differences arising between
the 'United States and this country. We have too mnalonly,
ties to bind us together. We have the ties of common
language—the ties of common laws in manyrespects—
we
the ties
have the ties of common liberty—we e
____
of rapidly extending and increasing commerce
good feeling
ice
have also ties, I am sure, of personal
to bind us together ; and. my
if questions arise in which differencebselieoff iBOp opinion