The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-21 00:00:00

When did she get her troops away from Rome, or from
Algiers? What was the war for? • Was it a war they were
about to fight on behalf of a balance of power and the
protection of Europe ? Was the time come when the great
contest of which they were told between Cosssekism and
Republicanism was to be brought to an issue ? Was Eng-
land the only nation that was to make war for such a pur-
pose ? He thought the noble lord had rather broken down
in that part of his speech when he spoke of Russia being
the common disturber of Europe. It was very probable
that all the states of Europe, except France and England,
would remain neutral. (Hear, hear.) Let them take a
glance at the map of Europe, and they would find there
was between them and Russia, Austria and Prussia, and
all the German states, Belgians and Holland, Sweden and
Norway—countries possessing some 70,000,00`) or 80.090,030
of people, and having some 700,000 or 800,000 men under
arms. These nations had been for the last ten, .or at least
five years almost constantly drilling, parading, and manoeuv-
ring troops. Every ante-room in every foreign court was
filled with uniforms either scarlet ar blue. Every one
thought that it was to carry out the antiquated notion—the
venerable delusion of a resistance to the Hans and Goths
who were about to overrun Europe, and when they come
to analyse the matter, they found that England was about
to send some 20,000 or 30,000 troops over the backs, if he'
might use Ahe expression, of the Belgian, the Dutch, the
Swedes, tM Austrians, and the Prussians, the most mili-
tary part of Europe, to fight battles for their safety.
(Hear, hear.) If, as the noble brd said, there was danger
to Europe—if all mankind had an interest in the question
—then he would say, above all things, it was a case in
which all those who were nearest the danger should be the
first to resist, it. Instead of Prussia and Austria entering
into this quarrel they allowed England—and island inap-
proachable by land and impregnable by sea—to take up
their cause. Ho would say, that, so far from England be-
ing in danger, she might be said to be the only country in
Europe that was invulnerable. Without making any con-
dition that these oountries should assist us, we were send

lug 20,000 troops, who were cheered in going through the
streets, to be transported 1,500 miles in order to get be-
tween -Russia, Austria, Prussia and the rest of Europe.
Was not that a specimen of the combativeness which was
called John •• Bullisna ?-was not that a specimen of the
conduct which had led them to incur a debt heavier
than that of all the rest of the world put together?
They were going again to repeat the same game ; their ap
-peals to the othr states of Europe were in vain. They
had saide led us to take this opportunity of putting down
a monstrous evil. The answer of these states was-No, we
do-not move. Why? Because we do not believe in the
danger -because we do not believe that Cossackism is
menacing Europe. They had a firm conviction that Eng-
land was fighting her own battles for her own commercial
interests. When he heard the hon. and learned gentleman
the member for Sheffield -and no one rejoiced to see him
there more than himself-(hear)-when he heard him
dealing unmeasured and unqualified invective upon a cer-
tain gentleman of the peace party-he said, "he is himself
again." • (Great laughter and cheering.) It was said we
must fight Russia now, or we should have to fight her ulti-
mately, and that if we did, not only prevent her from
taking Constantinople, bat also cut her off from the Cau-
ce.sue, our Indian empire would be imperilled. Why this
was just the sort of language to induce the French people
to suppose that, after all, we wore inspired only by selfish
feelings and for the sake of commercial superiority, instead
of the welfare of the world. It was just the way to arouse
the suspicions of our neighbours as to English "rapacity"
anti "perfidy." And then if France left us we should
have no one to join us in our war. Was there no party in
that house who would contend that if we were to interfere
in it at all, it s ould be solely by our navy, and that we
should abstain from sending a miserable army of 20,000
men to the banks of the Danube, while the great mili-
tary powers of Europe stool passive spectators of the
struggle ? (Hear, hear.) There were in this country
not only those who believed all war un-Christian, even in
self-defence, but those who, like the late. Sir R. Peel,
thought it wise to allay the spirit of war by that of p
cal propagandism or agitation. He (Mr. Cobden) was a
supporter of that policy. He iesire Ito abate our martial
enthusiasm, and to allay our national combativeness. It
was a good quality ; he had it himself (a laugh), but he
did not like to see this nation for ever animated by a pre-
judice for some nation or another -now France, now
Russia, and for ever hurried on by such prejudices into
war. Ha declared that he desired to fall back on the
• Vienna note. (Laughter.) He saw nothing objectionable
in it- -indeed, the four powers had agreed to it. And its
adoption would save the honour of the sultan (if. rid of
diplomacy) for that very reason- as it was not the note of
Prince Menechikoff, but of the four powers. As for any
reluctance diplomatists might feel at retracing their steps,
or contradicting ther course, he did not care much for
that ; the credit of diplomacy in the transaction had been
so badly sustained that another inconsistency could not be
of any consequence. At all events, be gladly embraced
all the unpopularity that now belonged to an opposition
against this war, and he believed that before six Months
had passed-there would be none so unpopular as those who
supported it. (Hear, hear.)
Lord J. MANNERS trusted that the people of England
would never consider whether they were going to war on
behalf of the majority of the inhabitants of Turkey or not,
nor whether the balance of trade was in our favour or the
contrary, but whether the will of the Autocrat of Russia
was to overbear that of the free Parliament of England.
He thought great blame attributable to the Government
for mismanagement in the early stages of the negotiations,
Lord Clarendon having persisted to the last in believing
the amicable assurances of Rossi 4, and disregarding the
warnings of her deceitful policy which were addressed to
him by British agents abroad. At the failure of Prince
Menschikoff's mission only did the English Government
determine to act cordially, in coujunction with France
to check the monstrous pretensions of Russia. Hail they
d one so ,at an earlier period, was it credible that that
-envoy would, on the 1 ith of April, have received fresh
instructions to,press his demands to the utmost? If their
course hail been more firm, war might have been averted.
After the Turks had declared war, it was unjustifiable in
Government to hold out the renewal of the treaty of Kid-
narilji as a basis of negotiation and peace, that treaty
having furnished Russia with her pretexts for vexatious
interference. With reference to the demand of Ministers
for a vote of censure on the one hand, or unlimited con-
fidence on the other, be contended that the course taken
by the Opposition was' the only one compatible with a re-
solve to anstain from emberrasing the future action of her
Majesty's Government. They would vote men and money,
and support any measures that might be necessary in the
situation in which the country was placed, but they must
express the opinions they hail formed on the past con-
duct of the negotiations. He hoped that the efierts of
our arms in the coming contest would not be- frustrated
and sacrificed by the blunders of our diplomacy.
Mr. HORSIIA.N thought it would have been better to •
raise this question by a distinct motion than by an inci-
dental and desultory discussion. He must express his re-
gret at the toe° of the speech delivered, by the hon. mem-
ber for the West Riling, and his dissent from m my of its
positions and arguments. The question now was nothin"
etore nor less than this -shall the Emperor of Russia be
Emperor of Turkey also? The conquest of Turkey, fol-
.lowed as it would be assuredly by that of Greece, implied
not only the extension of Russian dominion from the
White Sea to the .11Ieiliterranean, but dictatorship over
Europe, and the ascendency of a semi barbarous race over
the more civilized, intellectual, and enlightened nations of
the West The balance of power woolwoul•I be de-troyed, 'the
commerce of England endangered, her Indian empire more
than threatened, and the liberties of Europe at an end.
Never in modern history hail there been such a crime as the
Russian attack on Turkey, accompanied by aggravations so
revolting; and the pretext offered for it, the protection of
religion, added to its infamy.. During the progress of hos-
tilities,- the Turks had proved their moral superiority to
their enemies, and entitled themselves to the a I miration•
of Europe. Throughout the negotiations, the position
of
,Government hail been one of great difficulty, and no
other course had been suggested which, if adopted by Min
isters, would not have bean equally doubtful at the time,
and probably more disastrous in its issue. The object of
the Government hail been to reconcile the settlement of
great European questions with the warding off the calami-
ties of war. But if war was inevitable, as he believed it to
have been from the first, it was impossible we could have
been placed in a combination of circumstances so advanta-
geous to us . giving life to our movements and union to our
councils. If England and France were true to their own
honour and interests, the Czar was now at their mercy,
and he must accede to any terms they might dictate. Ho
wished, however, the noble lord the member for London
had comforted the house the other night by assuring them
that they were not going to war to re-establish the status
quo and the renewal of the old treaties. It was our duty
to take effectual guarantees for the future ; and, in order
that the aggression on Turkey might not be repeated, he
:rusted that one of the conditions of peace would be that
Russia shotild. make indemnity for the expenses of the war,
or that Turkey should receive compensation in havin the
I territories of which she had been deprived restored to her.

Mr. H. DttUSIIIO NID hail learned that ministers were
going to war, but could net imagine among which class in
the country t ey could expect support. The manufac—
turers were ready to make arms for the enemy ; the tax-
payers Would soon discover • that every additional burden
must ultimately fall upon industry; and the Opposition,
though ready enough to pass votes which were soon to lead
the ministry- into a mess, would infallibly turn every event
to account: for the: purpose of dislodging the Government,
whose members would • then in their torn play the same
game against their successors. When the people of this
country wore entering upon a war, it was right and proper
that they should be told why they were going to war. Ho
confessed that, after all he had read in the blue book and
heard in that house, he did not know. But he believed
that we were entering upon another religious war—ano-
ther crusade for the tomb of Geoffrey de Bouillon, which
was already so l,roken Lb t it was hardly perceptible, and
into doing that they bad been led by the author of all ins-
chief—the Pope. (Laughter.) Upon England the re-
sult of the war could be only damaging—we should
anxious wast
havers nothing but hard blows to get and heavy bills to pay.
the popular war into which the whole country was
to excite that
aos:a:
tyhwanast,henho
hen. gentleman
plunge.
The co t • doubt,
with Russia; but he must v that no one had more con-
tributedbehind him (Mr. Cobde
" cra: n piing -nip that Powerl). who even at one time talked of
altogether. If the hon.. gen-
tleman would put that
threat
into execution now, it would
save a world-of trouble. (Laughter.) Mr. Drummond then
referred to the primary cause of the
the question -of the IL,ly Places, dispute, arising from
and contended that the
war, instead of being waged, asin pretended, on behalf of
the ,balance -of power, was
Lord J. Russell-. in one of his reality a religious war
despatches said—" We
should deeply regret any dispute that might lead to con-
flict between-- two of the great Powers of
when we reflect that the quarrel is for exclusive ; but
vorvileges
in a spot near which the heavenly host proclaim on
earth and good will towards men—when we arm?
churches contending for mastery in the very p
ia
-
•
e
ee rivalire
Christ died for•mankind—the thought of such a spectaclew
is very melancholy indeed. Your excellency will under-
stand, therefore, first. that into the merits of this dispute
her Majesty's Government will not enter. 2,1, That her
Majesty's Government disapprove of every threat, and still
more of the actual employment of force. 3,1, That both
parties should be told that if they are sincere in their
professions of a desire to maintain the independence of the
Porte, they ought to abstain from the employment of any
means calculated to display the weakness of the Ottoman
empire. Above all, they ought to refrain from puttin;
armies and fleets in motion for the purpose of making the_
tomb of Christ a cause of quarrel among Christians."
He thought these expressions were creditable to the writer,
to the Sovereign whom he served, and the Ministry of
which he formed a part. But still ,the question returned,
why was.pot the country told all this a year ago ? (Hear.)
They were -told little, but it was said that much
was being done. That reminded him of a story of a High-
lander, who, returning from abr ad, brought with him a
parrot, which spoke exceedingly well, as a present to his
lady-love. Another Highlander, determined to make a
similar present to his fair one, went to Edinburgh and
-purchased an. owl. He was reminded that it could not talk, .
to which he replied, "Ay, but seewhat apower of thOught
he has." (Great laughter.) It had been .said, and chiefly
by gentlemen on that side of the house, that we interfered
great deal too mach with Coutinontol mattero• Se had