The Sun.
London, England, 1838-07-10 00:00:00

he rejecte I by tt.e patipei in Ireland, as it had been n jected by
the pauper here. Even if the pauper could be induced to enter
the workhouse, it would not be two months that his tenancy
would continue. It was said that there was to be no out-doer
relief. He believed nothing of the kind. He did not see
how it was possible, as long as men were men, be they guar-
dians or paid officers, covering the land, that they could resist
those feelings of natural kindness by which they would be
compelled to break through the principle of the Bill. He had
alluded to the state of Ireland, and to the evidence of the ex-
treme hatred which was borne to this measure. He confessed
that it was a subject upon which he was distrustful of informa-
tion ; for with what confidence was it one day said that Ire-
land was tranquil, and the next that tide truth was diametri-
cally the reverse? Their Lordships were at one time led to
believe that there never had been tranquillity so complete as
reigned over the kingdom of Ireland during the administration
of the present chief governor—how loudly were his praises sung
forth by eloquent tongues out of doors ! But the evidence en
the subject of the Poor-law was the only evidence in which
there appeared to be no doubt or discrepancy, for what was Lis
astonishment when he received the following letter, which he
could hardly believe his eyes when lie read :—" I am quite
disheartened and disgusted with the present state of the
country ; I am astonished at the change I observe since
I was last here, and if I were to designate it, I should say it
had become an organised association of dangerous assassins,
against whose outrages the law. was perfectly powerless.
It is wonderful that the majority of persons should indulge
in idle dreams of pacifying Ireland by a Poor-law Bill.
If they were to add a Municipal Bill to that, and to the
Municipal Bill a Bill for the total abolition of tithes, it
would not have the slightest effect. You can scarcely
be aware of the dreadful state of this formerly well-con-
ducted and peaceful country. The fact is
that no man's
life is worth a year's purchase, and the reign of terror is
established. Yesterday —,.... was attacked in the
middle of the day, in a mail coach, and so' cruelly and bar.
barously beaten, that his life is despaired of, his arm was
broken, and his skull fractured." He admitted that nothing
could be more absurd than to argue upon letters, but if he
were to disbelieve this and other letters,—if he were to say
that Ireland was tranquil, he should run foul of O'Connell,
from whom the admission was wrung and extorted by the
overwhelming evidence of facts, that " Ireland, never since he
knew it, was in a dangerous state." This was a most awful
state of things. Was it prudent, when the country was in
such a state, to apply such remedies as this arid other Bills?
He had always been of opinion that one mode of governing
Ireland was to govern it the same as Yorkshire or Scotland—
to have no Viceroy in Ireland. If he erred on that point, he
erred with the greatest authorities of past tines; be
erred with the authors of the Irish Union—with Lord Gren-
ville and Mr. Pitt, as he had good reason to know—he erred in
company with those of their followers, whom many of their
Lordships could trust more than he was disposed—
he erred with Lord Liverpool, who had matured a
plan for abolishing the Lord Lieutenancy—he erred with
other names, whose merits on Irish questions could not be
concealed—with Mr. Grattan and his coadjutors—he erred
with one who had resolved during his vice royalty, that Catho-
lic and Protestant should in all respects, as far as the law al-
lowed, be treated on an equal footing—he erred with Lord
Wellesley, arid he also erred with another of the greatest and
the best governors of Ireland, who held with a firm but gentle
hand the balance between the sects intrusted to his care, he
meant the Marquis of Anglesey. These authorities were all
of opinion that it was necessary to consolidate the union by
abolishing the Lord Lieutenancy. But he had no hesitation
in saying that until provision were made for the Roman Ca-
tholic priests of Ireland, every other thing that might be dune,
be it in Church or State, would be entirely labour in vain—it
would lead to nothing but disappointment. He should enter
his sincere, his solemn, his conscientious, although unavailing
protest againt the Bill.
Viscount MELBOURNE observed that if the Noble and
Learned Lord thought it fruitless to enter into arguments
against the Bill, he, for his part, much more felt himself re-
-1 eyed from:the nee:ssity of addressing their Lordships at any
length on a Bill which had been so often argued. The per.
wading topic of the Noble Lord's speech wes the extreme
unpopularity of the Bill—the utter detestation of it which, he
said, prevailed amongst all classes of the community. He
(Lord M.) knew that there had been a great many petitions
presented against this Bill from that part of the country to
which it was intended to be applied. He knew that there had
been many speeches against it both in this and the other
House of Parliament ; but he doubted whether there was that
repugnance and opposition to the Bill which justified the re-
presentations of the Noble and Learned Lord. He doubted
whether it had (been sufficiently explained to the poor, and
whether, it it had been explained, they would have enter-
tained the opinions they were represented to hold. It should
be remembered that there had been as much outcry
against the English Bill as there was against this Bill.
Some measure of relief from existing evils was absolutely
called for. This measure had been pointed out, and put
forward as one calculated to remedy t.) a very great extent
the evils complained of'. It was founded on principles of hu.
manly, though the necessity of the case required that it should
be, i.. some respects. a stringent measure. It was pr.setited
to their LordshiPs in the best shape which its framers could
devise, and their Lordships had proceeded with it thus far
upon the supposition that it would be a measure of relief.
Were they to stop short now, at the very moment when the
measure approached completion, they would deprive the people
of Ireland of a great advantage which they might reasonably
expect to derive from it.—( Hear.) That a Bill which pro-
mised to do so much good would be received with general
execration throughout Ireland, because it would impose
an additional tax or. the landlords, he could not believe

The Bill would induce habits of order and independence, by
giving means of relief other than those of private charity. It
would lead to the discouragement of beggary and vagrancy,
without encroaching on or %itiating those charitable feelings
which were characteristic of the people of Ireland. He knew,
on the other hand, that there were many serious arguments
against the Bill. Some said that Ireland was too poor to sup-
port a Poor-law Bill. Some said the rate could not be raised ;
others said it would not be rased. He admitted there was
much in these objections, but he, nevertheless, did not forget
that the advantages expected from the 13:11 quite justified the
riskea s
o run bye the Legislature in disregarding them. For these
n
urged them to pass the Bill. .
reasons
h
Lord BROUGHAM explained.

Lord PLUNK ET •thought they were bound to se:zo every
opportunity of alleviating the miseries of the people, and this
Bill had his eordiallsupport, because he thought it would pro-
duce those results. He believed, notwithstanding all thlt had
recently been said, that Ireland was in a state of tranquillity.
Many allegations bad been made to the contrary, but none had
been brought forward in a tangible and specific shope.
The Earl of RODEN said, the 8.11 was an unjust one, and
could not prosper. He had spoken against it, he had voted
against it, and he should certainly make use of his privilege
as a peer, and protest against it.
The Earl of GL ENG AL L denied that the noble mid
learned Lord was justified in asserting that Ireland was in a
state of tranquillity. In 1836 the number of crimes corn.
mitted in Ireland was 23,000. In 1937 they amounted to
96.500, and the increase was remarkable in those three great
crimes which were usually committed in Ireland. In two
years the sum of 13,000/. was ()tiered in rewards, but the sum
of 500/. only was claimed. File hundred and twenty-one
rewards were offered in the time, and 19 only were claimed
So much for the boasted tranquillity of Ireland in 1836 and
1837.
After a few wor,/s flint Lord GORT,
The LORD Cll ANCELLOR put the question that the
Bill do pas!.
Their Lordsh'pl then divided, when there appeared—
CONTENTS.

Prezent
PfOX'Ci

69
24

Tot al —93
NON-CONTENTS.

Present • 23
Proxies 8
Total —3l
Majority

The Bill neeordirgly passed.
Tile other Bills on the t iUle were each forwarded a stage,
ani their Lordships a'ljourned at a quarter to eleven o'clock.

GARDENING OPERATIONS FOR

THE WEEK,

(From the Gardeners' Gazelle.)

Sew wall floacrs,
.two year stocks, hollyhockq, sneetwil.
iarns, and biennials generally, in rich light earth.

S..w piceotces, earnatiobs, pinks, polyanthus, heartsease,
and choice subjects, in boxes, seed pang. or large pots.
Tie up all flowering plants that require support in flower
borders.

Pipe pinks under hand-glasses, and see that they arc never
thoroughly dry till they have struck.
Put away your tulips in their dry boxes; they need not be
now cleansed of the mould. It is better to do this after tl.ey
have laid by a little.
Continue to watch, tie, and open carnations and piccotecs,
as directed last week.
KITCHEN GARDENS requre attention to weeding and thinning
crops which are naturally thick. If onions, now that they are
swelling fast, are still too thick, neglect not to give them room
Lettuce must be tied up, celery earthed up, carrots must un-'
dergo a second thinning. Peas and beans of the tall running
sorts must be stuck—Broad beans topped as they advance to
bloom.
Protect Cherries by old netting, and wall fruit generally ;
it ke ps off bipeds as well as birds, both of I,N horn destroy the
crop, particularly the extra hands who are not always among
the best fruit.

SAM SLICK'S SAYINGS AND DOINGS, SECOND 1
SEurEs.—The Second Series of " Te e Clockmaker," a work which, on
the appearace of the first volume, was pronounced to be one of those
genuinely original Works which carry their own letter of recommenda-
tion, and are everywhere i elished, is announced for immediate publica-
tion. " Our old acquaintance, Sam Slick," (says the ilthemeunt, in no.
tieing the Second Series,) " is still remarkable for shrewd observation,
common sense, and odd quaint humour, though his introduction to, and
hcarty reception in, London, has we observe, bad its influences on his
opinions." Sam Slick in thearoice and ireatment of the subjects in this
new series has been verytrt.er.:{theyfirrin the most curious com-
,iound ofdroll. ry, sage at Ice, mos reflections, and quaint remarks,
:hat it has ever been our lot to see. The ludicrous representation of
Yankee peculiarities and modes of expression, and the numerous laugh.
ab e anecdotes i lustrative of national character, narrated in language
irresistibly droll, and illustrated by similes that are only to be squalled
,v the immortal " Samivel," of Pickwick celebrity, must render this
ich!y huruourous work a universal favourite.
On Saturday, at the meeting of the Marylebone
e.try, the death of Mr. Greenwell, the vestry clerk, was announced ;
,nd Mr. Flood, who had been acting for sometime as his substitute, was
Jnanimeusly appointed to the vacant office at a salary of 5001. a year,
with an allowance of 100/, for a clerk to assist Wm. .