The Sun.
London, England, 1838-09-20 00:00:00

THE CORN FACTORS' MEETING.

The report of the meeting in Jack's Coffee-house, Mark-
lane, forwarded to us, but which on principle we should not
have inserted, even if we:had had no doubts as to its fidelity,
MORNING NG CHRONICLE.turns out to be a forgery. The following letter from Mr.
Body
TOc T
onclnuEsivEepon,notßheosputTjielEct :
,s Sta—ln the Times of this day there is a long report of
a meeting-, alleged to have been held at Jack's Coffee-house,
at which certain of the leading firms in the corn trade are re-
it appears that the same report had been sent to you
presented to have attended ; and, from the tenour of your Lad-
ingalso forr article,
4, The whole account is a tissue of falsehood from beginning
e
to end, an impudent forgery, and disgraceful to the Newspa-
p r which, without inquiry, inserted such an article. There
is not one word of truth in the whole matter—no meeting of
the kind took place. The author of such a piece of mllevo-
lent slander ought to be given up ; and when you have been
attempted to be duped, I do not sea that you are bound by any
honourable feelings to withhold the name.
ale'
insertion.
" I am, Sir, your obedient Servant,
" J. G. BODY.
_ _ _

gwgeinwgere not sa-
tisfied
before the
.34, Mark-lane, Sept. 19, 1838."
- _ .
stembusionf
edsrsa.
We will frankly, however, state, that independently of the
tisfied as to the source from which it was alleged the report
wai derived. " Nly report," said our informant, 1' is derived
t foo rt he
privatesy
from the communication of a friend, somewhat enlarged from
;o)bujbeicictioinndoi:idpurailtsicimplect
mg own private knowledge of the principal actors and their
opinions. It cannot, therefore, be considered an authentic re-
port." There was enough here to excite a suspicion which
the language put into the mouths of the speakers wets not cal-
culated to remove. Mr. 13ody wishes us to publish the name
of the author. There is a well-known anecdote of a recom-
mendation to forge a release as the easiest way to get rid
of a forged bond ; and a suspicion that the name with which
we have been suppliA may be a hoax intended to bring some
other party into trtatble is a reason fir our declining to com-
ply with his wish. We learn from another correspondent
that there is more malice in the report than those who have
no knowldge of the parties who figure in it can be aware
of, and therefore it is probable the information wished for
by Mr. Body will not be supplied from another quarter.—
.Morning Chronicle.

I?,t,c)Pgm EN T.—A few days ago the wife of a
" jerry lord" in Manchester eloped with a rival in the trade,
taking with her in money and goods about 100 L, the property
of her liege lord and master, who immediately took post horses
and set off for Liverpool, in order to ascertain the retreat of
the runaways. Fancying he was on a wrong scent he was in-
duced to take the -mail to Lancaster, where he arrived on
Tuesday night. After a little inquiry he found that a gentle-
man and lady answering to the description of his wife and the
gaPant were sta;ing at a public-house in the town, to which he
repaired early next morning. His suspicions were converted
into certainty on seeing his spaniel dog, while Fido manifested
hs :I°Y 00 seeing his master after the usual fashion of his race.
'Having procured Vie assistance of Mr. Seperintendent Wright,
the injured husband broke open the door of the be d room in
which the guilty pa.r acre, end obtained restitution of the
goods and wearing apparel, and 751. of the money of which
les wife had robbed him. Th, misguided woman was deaf to
all entreaties to return to her home and her child, and her
husband returned to Manchester without her. She is about
thirty years of age, we understand, and good looking. Her
companion is a married man of about the same age, and leaves
a wife and family at Manchester. The following day they set
out for Newcastle together.—Lancaster Guardian.
owp EN GREAT
pre-
parations are making by HORSE FAlR.—Great
tt: innkeepers and others for the ap-
proaching fair, which commences on the 25th of September,
it being confidently anticipated that the attendance of fo-
reigners, dealers, Sze., will be very numerous, in consequence
of the very great demand for English-bred horses on the
continent. At the pr: sent moment foreigners and their Go-
vernments are equally emulous in the imports of the best
breeds from this country. In the year 1,200 King John
granted to the Biehop Philip his licence to hold a yearly fair
here, which is held on the 25th of September, and seven
following days, and is one of the most celebrated horse fairs
in the kingdoin..=-Doncaster Gazette.

TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND.

LETTER 111.

(FROM A PRIVATECORRESPONDENT. )

Darrynane Abbey, Sept. 17, 1838.
" Hereditary bondsmen, know you not
Who would be free, themselves must stripe the ',low?"
Fellow Countrymen—The time for action i 4 come. The
period of acquiescence is past. There are. inked, none to
succour us, or to secure our rights. Per: ap3 thrre never
were. But at all events the time is come sv':en we must
either bow in base submission to Orange domination or muse
ourselves into salutary exertion.
Ireland once before—and only once since the Union—
roused s...7lltaueously into action. She was for fie fir3t tirno
successful. Tn. same success lies before us—if we adopt the

same means.
One thing is clear that, at the p;; sent, the man is an enemy
to Ireland who suggests to the Irish peop:: apathy or acqui-
escence on the one hand—or any criminal ..;:urse on the
other. We can be placed in a worse situation than .7 are—
only by torpor or crime.
We should make our enemies strong if we were torpid—
we should give them double strength if we were criminal.
AGITATION is our sole means of success—peaceable, legal,
constitutional agitation.
Patriotic men may differ as to the best mode of agitation ;
bat that man is to my mind neither patriotic nor honest who
advises u 3 to avoid agitation or to acquiesce under the present
load of injustice and insult which Ireland endures. The
gunner in which our agitation should be erntducted is a ques-
tion open to discussion, and which may create a diversity of
opinion among "t
men sincerely devoted to the good of Ire-
land. For example !lie enlightened and liberal citizens of
the city of Cork did not agiTe with me as to the postpone-
ment for another year of the direct agitation of the Repeal.
They were for instantly casting away all expectation of relief
from the British Parliament and for organising without delay
the people of Ireland in their moral strength to call for the
repeal of the statute which destroyed our domestic legisla-
titre. I succeeded, however, in convincing or influencing
them to believe that the best way to achieve the Repeal was
by bringing the strength of Ireland to bear upon the British
Parliament, with demands so obviously just and rational, as
to leave no doubt on the mind of any sensible and honest man
in either country, that the refusal to accede to such reason-
able demands could be attributed only td a principle of bigoted
hostility to Ireland and Irishmen—a principle so in:'eterate as
tra have no hope for justice to our native country from whe
British Parliament—nor from any source save from a domes-.
tic legislature.
In fact I produced in many that thorough conviction
which is strongly impressed on my own min-f, that instead of
postponing I „as and am advancing the Repeal by demon-
strating, that, after making the most strenuous and combined
effort which Ireland can at present make to obtain an equali-
zation of rights and privileges with England, all prospect of
redress from that quarter is vain and hopeless. After such
demonstration nothing will be left for us save the Repeal.
But to complete my plan, strenuous and universal exer-
tion is necessary—combined and concentrated exertion is
necessary. The familiar—" long pull—strong pull—and pull
altogether"—is necessary. My experiment cannot be com-
plete without an exhibition of a national will for equaliza-
tion of franchises and identification of rights between the
two countries.

- -
In this struggle there ought to be a combination of effort
betaken those who deem the British Parliament competent and
willing to afford us justice without the necessity for Repeal—
and those who deem it impossiLle to obtain justice for Ireland
without the Repeal The anti- Repealers ought to join in our
pesent effort in order to have the best possible chance of prov-
ing the value of the Union. The Repealers ought to join us
in order to detwenstrate to England and to the world, that the
Union is valueleSO, or rather in its nature productive of the
contemptuous oppression of Ireland.
Reyolers and anti- Repealera. rally then, with me, for one
powerful and unanimous appeal—a powerful, because una-
nimous appeal—to the Parliament and people of Great Britain,
to obtain, if it be possible, from them that justice which is the
right of Ireland, and the withholding of which, from her, is
as degrading and insulting as it is iniquitous.
For what shall that appeal be made ? This is a subject on
which we should understand each other. What for, arc we to
appeal to the British Parliament ?
My answer is, fcr the redress of great and unendurable
grievances. Of grievances which cannot be redressed save by
the Legislature.
Again, I way, let us understand one another—l say this
the rather, bceattsa in the selected grievances which I have
stated in my two former letters, there were some, I mean
those relative to party spirit, and the mal-administration of
justiec, for which redress may be given—as ntuch redress has
been already afforded—by the executive government. I there-
fore do not propose to include these in our simultaneous de-
mand for legislative relief. Indeed, if we obtain that relief,
the completion of the other will follow of inevitable necessity.
The points to which our demand for legislative relief should
fot the present be confined, are these—
Fifet----An equal reform of our Municipal Corporations with
that existing in England.
Second—An equal extension of the Parliamentary franchise
with that existing in England.
Third—An equal degree of religious liberty with that
eiiibting in England—so that the Irish nation at large shall no
longer be compelled, or called upon, to support the Church of
a small minority of the Irish people.
Fourth—A due and adequate proportion for Ireland of the
representation in the United Parliament.
Such are the four important Treasures which Ireland re-
vires in order to be upon an equality with Great Britain. To
make the Union not merely nominal but real, these measures
are absolutely and essentially necessary—without them it is an
union of parchment, and not that which, to be lasting, it ought
to be—an identification of the two countries.
I will presently show that every person who considers any
or o,ese four measures necessary can join the present struggle,
although he :"'ay' not consider the entire four requisite. It
would assuredly be pi:,sing.strange that any Irishman should
not see the propriety of seeking for them all. But my plan is
so modulated as to comprise persons who may seek for only
one of them. Of this more presently.
I place these four—First—Corporate Reform. second—
Equal:z.ttion of Parliamentary Franchise. Third—Abolition
in part of the 70 per cent. rent-charge, and a new appropria-
tion of the residue of that rent-charge, taking it away from
the mere sustentation of a seat to bee applied to public pur-
poses; and—Fourth—the equalization of representation—
' place these four as the demands which Ireland makes. I
know that an overwhelming majority of the Irish people con.;
cur with me iii these demands.
This question then arises : Flow are these demands to be
enforced with the greatest possible prospect of suce.ess ?
There have been three distinct plans suggested for this
purpose. Let us discuss them dent), ntely.
The nest. is—To embody our cause with that of the
Rad'cals, and to sick with them for Univeretti
Suffrage, Vote by Ballot, Annual Parliaments, no Property
Qualifcation, and Payment of Members. We arc asked to
abandon Irish objects, and embrace the Radicals a 3 our allies.
I candidly conf, ss I am decidedly opposed to any such alli-
ance. I hope I may see the day when the Irish and English
Reformers can cordially unite in the peaceful promotion of
useful measures—but that trriod has n• t come—nor can it, in
my mind, possibly arrive with the present body of English
Radicals. I have, then, oljections to this plan.
In the first place, the Irish are not as 3et on a level in
point of political rights, with the English. Our first busi-
ness is to obtain a perfect equality with England. We may
then treat upon an equal footing with English Reformers ;
but until we are equal sac should appear to be seeking patron-
age from men to whom, in order to be well treated, we should
offer only an increase of strength. For my part, Ido not think
we either want or would be benefitted by the political pa-
tronage of the English Radicals.
In the second place—the English Radicals are neither
combined or concentrated They have no fixed plan of
action. They have several occasional meetings, but no
permanent bod,' to do their business publicly and skilfully.
They meet in large masses one day, and the next they dis-
solve into individual weakness. If we were to enter into any
alliance with them we should not know occasionally where to
find our allies

In the third place—They have n i skilful er well-tra'ncd
leaders. Their leaders arc only for a day, and do not know
how to carry on—or have not leisure to carry on corrinuous
action. If they had a public, opn, and permanent associ-
tion to 'conduct their business, the men of political tact and
skill would show themselves, and acquire that lead which be-
longs to practical utility. At present the speechmakers have
it all during their hour—l do not disparage speechmaking_
but where it is the only oualification, it is worse than useless.
In the fourth place—The leaders who Pppear amongst thorn
are men in who•n the Irish could rot place any confidence.
()ostler, a rank Tory, who very good-naturedly calls me " a
villain," and most hbrrally calls the Irish Catholics by the
gentle name of " idolaters." Oastler and his men we will
have n thing to do with. Nor shall we ever combine with
those who talk of arming, and of using physical force or shed-
ding human blood. For ever abhorred by us be such men
and such ide s.

Let me be supnoscd to include in this censure my friend
Mr. Atssynod, of Birmingham. He ts, I know, both perfectly
honest and truly sincere; but he is not to my mind a safe
political guide. Re may be tight, yet I cannot go will: him
always ; and whilst I rejoice to se,• him renewing his political
exertions, I deem it quite supe:fluoui ti bind up the Irish
c,.use with his.

In the fifthPlace—There are many, very many of the most
use"ul and valuable of our lii=h who do not by any
means go the I,neth of the English Radicals. There are
many opposed t) Unive sal Suffloue--tlitre are also many,
rrnoagst whoml ant cite, opposed ti Annual Parliaments—
t hcre are trotay. of whom I am one, oKosed to the Payment of
the Members—there are many, of whom I also are one, ex-
ceedingly dissatisfied with the temper in which the English
Radicals have conducted their own cause—and also with the
manner in which they have managed that cause —injuring in-
stead of serving the question of peaceable Reform—disgusting
their friend., and iner(asing end strengthening their enemies.
I am therefore decidedly against any present union with them.
In the sixth place—lt is in-,posstble for any one in Ireland
to know how soon the English Radicals may involve them-
selves in illegal conduct. I never will consent that we should
slay the cause of Ireland with any men over whose conduct
we cannot watch to take care that it shall be consistent with
law and not obnoxious to a just prosecution.
Perhaps I have treated of any connection between the
English Radicals and the people of Ireland with too muen
minutene-s, and have appeased to give the proposal to join
them kfinitelv more impoitanee than it deserves. I believe
the Engli:h Radicals to be neither strong nor numerous when
ejmpa-cd to their opponents—l believe many of them are
acting under the suggestions of the Tories—l believe that,
upon the whole, 'by asking to much at once, and by the

manner of the demand, and above ail, by tz.eir vit.uper.ti
of every person who does not go the whole length with them,
and by excit/nz the fears of men of property, they, fie Eng-
lish Radicals, do much more injury to the cause of rat'onal
freedom than their can do good. And open these ground:/ I
.übmit to the Irish people that the plan of any alliance titlr
the English Radicals is utterly undesirable and should not be
entert,ined even for the time cor,suiy.ed in reading this letter.
I may, holrevcr, observe, that if the Radicals in England be
as strong, as some of them would have us to believe, they vriil
nrak•e a pen erful diversion in our favour, while on the i•th-r.
hand our exerti,ns will erjually benefit the cause of rAticnal
liberty,in England.

The second plan—To efA-ctuate our purpose comes from
sources entitled to the highest re feet. it is proposed that
the Irish people s',ould continue to place their cause in the
o9nds of the present Ministry—that they should patientlF
abide the result of the good intentions of her 111-,jesty'x
Ministers, and especially of the exertions of the Irish Govern-
ment And we have been told it was " unseemly" to alter
our tone, and that we had gained much " respect" from the
people of Irjsland 1,,r the forbearance and quietude of cur
_

I dr, not disputts the sincerity of the advice this given us. I
highly, and I may s:v grattfufly, respect the quarter from
which it comes; hut witti.'ut failing in that respect, I altc-
gether dispute its policy.
[We will give the eonclusion'-nr th7s important letter, to-
morrow.]