The Sun.
London, England, 1854-07-11 00:00:00

si)oP,TiNG NOTES.

ANOTHER LOOK INTO THE LIVERPOOL CUP.
Things were deadly-lively at Tattersall's yesterday.
Until nearly 5 o'clock the operations on the Liverpool Cop
werecribb'd, cabin'd, and confin'd, bound in by saucy doubts
and fears ; in vain Donald offered " copious and perpen=
&cuter odds ;" and after trying his best he decisred that
he could not get a " termer" out of anything. Au offer,
however, to bet "good-looking odds" against Early Bird
was eventually closed with ; ho was "had" at last, and ho
booked the bet, agreeing to say nothing about it. The
most important movement,-perhaps, was that in favour of
Typee, whose Upward. tendency in the betting was strong
and unmistakeable. Still, notwithstanding the powerful
demonstration which caused her advance to-the position of
loading favourite, I am disinclined either to alter or modify
the opinion which I yesterday expressed respecting' her
chance.' I still hold t the belief that the distance and the
"extra slbs." will militate materially against her snceess-
The betting has strengthened my belief in the formidable-.
ness of Hungerford'a chance. I have, however, heard
nothing relative to his reported trial. Whether Kingston
or Indian Warrior bo inlendel yet remains in doubt. Dr.
O'Toole was again strouglyampported, and the good *pi-
nion which I entertain of his chance is confirmed by the
betting. I shall expect to see him one of the foremost
competitors. After Early Bird's running at Newcastle, I
shall not on prineiple " stand him." As to the probable
result of the race, I still adhere to the conclusion at which.
I arrived yesterday. I then wrote :—" On paper Dr.
O'Toole's chance certainly looks formidable, and should he
go to the -post ho may carry another turf trophy-to Dane-
bury." Frees the field, therefore, I shall select Hunger-
ford, Dr. O'Toole, and the inteuded of Mr. Morris's (King-
ston or the Indian West-rice).
In the "notes" which were published yesterday, my
anticipatory remarks extended to Thursday's racing only.
I will now "discourse" in a Lay brief sentences respecting
the events to be decided on Friday. I must premise, how-
ever, that the result will be materially regulated by the
running on Wednesday and Thursday. Twenty-seven are
handicapped forth° Ben tinck Testimonial Plate, Ethelwolf,
Eulogist, Aribbas. La Belle, and Black Boss constituting a
" lot well in." For the Lancashire Produce Stakes I have
ceived a good account of the filly by Simoom oat Of
Clincher's dam. She is trained in Ireland, and'many per-
sans may object to her because she is therefore a " fo-
reigner !" In her default I shall evince some partiality
for Claret. The Knowaley Dinner Stakes may be done to
a turn by Acrobat, who will perhaps also add the Liver-
pool St. Leger to the list of his successes. In his ab-
sence I shall "stand" Champagne, even, indeed, if Scy-
thian enter the lists against him. It would be ridiculous
to express an opinion as th the probable winner of the Li-
censed Victuallers' Plato, as all calculations respecting it
must be entirely guided by chance. This afternoon I hope
to be safely located at. Liverpool, so, in the words of the
"Complete Letter Writer," no more at present from
Tues lay Morning.

A FRESH MAN.

FIARROWGAT-E RACES.

(YESTRDAY.)

TWO-YEAR-OLD STA.E:ES.

Sylvia
Donald

.......................... 2

AUSTRIAN DUPLICITY.

etre hate Secret is leaking out. When Austria and
Prussia called upon Russia to evacuate the Principali-
ties, it would appear that the demand was accompanied
by indiestions that such evacuation" would be "made
pleesent" to the Autcerat by his seeming opponents but
secret allies, Francis Joseph and Frederick William.
The reply of the Czar, borne to Vienna by Prince Gorts-
chakofi—a brother of the general of that name—was
anxiously received by the Emperor. 'Ase audience with
the messenger followed, and then another imperial note
'was sent in hot haste to St. Petersburg, whereupon Vi-
ennese prices rose ono per cent. The keen men of ilia'
bourse knew what was meant, and acted accordingly.
Their view of the real identity of interest between the
two despotisms is backed in a very significant way by
recent events, Austria having bargained with thePOrte
to enter Wallachia and put the Russians out of that pro.
since, the Turks refralaed.fronerossing. the Danube in
pursuit of their retreating enemy ;—whereupon theßus-
simie, knowing the Austrians to be no foes of theirs, slacken
their retreat almost toa heft. Austria guards them from
the victorious Turks—why then should they fly t And
accordingly Paskewitch is taking things very quietly in
Wallachia instead of fleeing from it to make room for
the Austrians. Whilst this is the aspect of affairs on
'the Danube—whilst Admiral Dundas tales no steps
against Sebastopol, and Admiral Napier seems ordered not
.tee risk dgeneral attack on Cronstedt, the time is ap-
.proaching which every true citizen anticipates with un-
easiness and dread,—the recess, which leases the nation
virtually poweidess for several- months as to the'admi-
nistration of its-most important affairs. Nobody has yet
iost -the impression of those painful months of last Tear,
when,- between our practice of secret 'diploinacy- and
the absence of Periiament, we were, as a nation, at the
mercy of a Cabinet whose leader we distrusted, and in
' whose measures the national honour and morality were
bound up. For months were the people of England
kept chafing wider the apprehension that a- set of men'
who had cestailyelever taken their pleasure onenatters
which had risen' into the very first importance were, by
se:ay and hankering favour of Russia, betraying the
Ottoman cause, which lay warmly at the people's heart.
We are now about to enter on another such period, and
we find that still the Turks have fought their own battle,
and saved their own nationality-, while British principle,
feeling, and good faith are in peril,' somewhat in the
seine way as last year, but with regard to a different
power. No man among us now attempts to advocate
the itussian cause ; and very few venture to serve it, ex-
cept in the most covert manner ; but; the danger is very
preei :g, of an alliance with Austria so confirmed that
it may be 11,/ less fatal to Turkey, Poland, Hungary, and
Italy, than if we permitted the Czar and his Court, to
make Constantinople their summer watering-place.
While ail history cals. out to us from behind, and the
whole Continent from abroad, and political morality
froth above, anikall our sympathies from within, to ab-
' Stain froth active alliance with a power which is in every
possible way pledged to despotism, and disgraced by
ever-stewed treachery towards-every free nation—(and
the 'Turks in particular)—while inextricably bound to
flus,ia, we are about to be shut out from political action
es a nation for a length of time quite sufficient for the
fuefeiture of the national honour, the disappointment of
the popular mind, and the wounding of the popular
'heart. We have declared repeatedly-that an active alli-
ance with Austria can hardly fail to involve us in VMS
of which inc man can see the end ; to defer the settle-
ment of the Eastern question ; to implicate us on the
wrong side in the conflicts which must soon arise out of
the existing war ; and to expose us to all the shame, sor-
row, and loss of having begun wrong, and being obliged
to get right again at an infinite sacrifice. We now de-
clare, and take the people of Great Britain to witness,
that if the wrong is accomplished, the people of Great
Britain are not responsible for the consequences. It is
not they who will have made the alliance with the old
enemy of the Porte and Poland, and the oppressor of
Hungary and Italy. The deed will have been done
without their assent, and sorely against their will. A
set of men, some of whom alone they can trust, led by
one who understands the people of England no more
than they sympathise' with the views of dynastic zealots,
will manage the whole business in secrecy and irrespon-
sibility—real irresponsibility, because the deed will be
accomplished before the doers %sell render their reasons.
"Is this possible ?" foreigners will and do ask. Is
En; land living uuder representative institutions, and
can this yet be true ? It is true. We know it, not only
by the painful experience of last autumn and winter, but
by a recent communication from a member of the Govern-
ment which, if it tells us nothing that we ought not to
have been aware of before, awakens us to a sense of our
nee 1 of a change in our methods, and an enlargement of
our popular powers. The people of Nottinghamelike
those of several others of our large towns, recently met
to declare their views with regard to the restoration of
Poland, and their reprobation of an active alliance with
Austria. They embodied their views in a petition to
Parliament, which was confided to the hands of the
Duke of Newcaetle for presentation. The Duke of New-
castle replies that such a petition is inadmissible—the
power of making and conducting war being exclusively
a royal affair—a matter of prerogative—and that the
functions of Parliament are in no way concerned with
that power, till accomplished facts are brought before it
in the account to be rendered by Ministers.
In such a state of affairs, it behoves every citizen to
consider, first, what power he actually holds during such
a period of exclusion from political life. as that of the
coming autumn : and next, how we must set aboet re-
forming such a state'of fatal inability; 'a powerlessness
which is a relic of the old time when there was no po-
pular participation in Government at all. There was a
time when Sovereigns governed according to their own
will and' pleasure : we amended that, and now en-
gage them by their coronation oath to govern ac-
cording to law. There was a -time when our Kings
raised money by their own devices, and spent it
as they pleased: but we amended that, and gave to
the Commons alone the right of proposing the taxes,
and of receiving and pronouncing on the accounts of the
Exchequer. The present is a time when the Sovereign
has the power of making war and peace, subject tcdno
other restriction than the inability of acting without the
sanction of the Cabinet ; the Ministers being responsible
to Parliament when,' but only when, the acts are done.
We must deal with them as our fathers dealt with the
other mischievous points of our system, and bring the
mighty business of 'making war and peace—the mighty
power of practically espousing the right in international
affairewithin the control of the national will. It is
now only in our power by voting or not voting the sup-
plies. That power is not enough. However long it
may take to procure this necessary extension of our
liberties, not a day should be lost in setting about it ;
for it is a thing which must be done.
"Wars were once the personal quarrels of sovereigns.
Nations could then have no quarrels, because they had
no rights and interests apart from those of the sove-
reigns. Then came, with lapse of time and increase of
business, the institutions which became by expansion
our present apparatus of executive government.
-Kings required a secretary ; and, ere long more se-
cretaries than one. A rank and place must be assigned
to such confidential officers ; and hence our Secretary-
ships of State—susceptible of increase, as the experience
of this session has shown. %t nearly the same time
with the Ministerial, the Ambassadorial function arose.
The kings' messengers to Other courts became em-
powered, as the need arose, to speak and act for their
respective sovereigns, and even to tender their counsel,
founded on their peculiar means of knowledge. This
method of management was precisely what was wanted
while all international affairs lay between courts—a state
cf things which Lords Aberdeen and Westmoreland seem
trsurrpose to be still existing. Very effectually are we
row made to feel that the state of things has changed,
ia
themselves
-
deration. The nation should demand
re
insi
whilese) the
maaipnp as internationalrautnuismopfrove.
lequestiontion (in
o_aw to
political
forsen
irn-
p op
trill
prove it is the Very first which requiresand
and their children that liberty of participation in inter-
national affairs which their fathers won for them in re-
gard to political action at home.
Meantime, while the permanent object is steadily pur-
sued, we must sce what can be done by the diligent itse
of every opportunity we can, at present command. The
popular voice should be heard on all posiible occasionse
in reprobation of the secrecy of diplomacy being extended
a hair'sbreadth beyond what is necessaryain all unfinished
consultations. We must reprobate aßagreements which
cannot be disclosed, and committed to the notice of Par-
liament, as soon as they have taken form. If any
diplomatic agreements are thus rendered impossible, it
can be only those which involve dynastic interests. We
must bririg opinion (till we can bring something else) to
boar on important diploMatic appointments, so as to
have no WestrnOrelands at Bach a Court as that of
Vienna. We must obtain a more frequent assemblage
of Parliament, through a greater liberty of declaration
and decision on the part of the people as to what really
are, in their opinion, political crises. A Minister sum-
sinoned Parliament in autumn, in the days of the corn
laws, when he found it necessary to open the ports. No
Minister thinks it necessary to summon Parliament to
hear of a new Austrian alliance: But, if the nation at
large happens to think this last the more important
matter of the two—the most important ',perhaps that
could possibly. take place, it ought to have The power of
speeoliby representation at its own time. If the Mi-
nisters persist, as they did last year, in silence, and dis-
regard of .the popular demand of an account of what is
done in the name of the nation, they must be made to,
hear what the nation wishes and requires by means of
those "Meetings " of which the Czar's ambassadors
write to him with a curious mixture of amazement, o_
any
corn,
and apprehensiveness. Let all who disriPpronof
entangling alliance with Austria say he perseveringly—
in
etinge, and
Parliament while they can ; in public
Ffrw our own Govern-
by every mode of legal address afterwards Inerds ; and With
such. plainness and constancy that:
meet does not take warning that the
urkey nation sanctions no
l
mesa' 1: Austria may. must bear it, and
be ericenerageo. Ruseia
d Prussia must hoar it, and
be coi:founded. The
nationalities must hear it,
and take heart, and renew a n
their patience, and not rush
is only too likely if they sup-
- crushed
into premature action, a
eas; suncii:ted herself with their oppressor.
poEngland,se
and must take care that here-
E rig
after her, England
name dim t e
t,
ahaitbo no more so taken in vain.—
Daily News. • •

AnurvACOF TI—aCIL'LIiPION OF THE —On Mon-
day the new mammoth clipper, Champion of the Seas,
built by gr. Donald Al. Kay, of Boston, for Messrs.
James Baines and Co.'s Black Ball line.of-packets, from
this part to Australia, arrived in the Mersey from New
York, with a very large cargo of breadstuffs., The
Champion of the Seas cleared at New York on' the 14th
ult., but owing to the difficulty of procuring seamen, she
was detained for a considerable period in the stream, and
at. Sandy Hook. Notwithstanding that she had un-
favourable and baffling winds during the entire length
of the voyage, her performances have been regarded as
exceedingly satisfactory ; several of the first class liners
ior this and other ports which left a considerable time
"'potent her 1103 haying yet made their appearance.