The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.
( Front the Time. )
The journals of yesterday had pr, ,)ably a more warlike
appearance, and were fuller of actual, preparations for war,
than any the living generation can remember, which is almost
as much as to say, since newspapers were what they are. Yet
on the evening of that day Lord John Russell introduced, not
only with his customary sang-froid, but also with the inti-
mation that he thought it' a very slight affair, a Measure. of
Parliamentary Reform not much less swseping than that which
some twenty years since brought us to the eve of a revolution
and anarchy itself. This surpasses even Sidney Smith's well-
known description of his lordship's udacity. He has not,
I
indeed, taken the command of the M "terranean fleet, but at
the very time when he and his coil gues were sending two
immense fleets to the Mediterranean and the Baltic, and im-
mediately after Lord John had explaitted the conduct of the
Admiral in command, he rose again td invite the attention of
the House of Commons to the work of its own reconstruction.
Very properly he prefaced his speech with a chapter on the
pursuit of reform under difficulties, showing how a great man
may be baffled in the attempt to pass a good measure, and
either never succeed, as in the case of Pitt, or only succeed
1 as Lord Grey did, after repeated attempts, under happier
auspices, at an interval of forty years. From these splendid
examples, the one of failure, the other of late success, Lord
John drew the lesson that it was his duty to, persevere, even
with the risk of utter disappointment, or hope long deferred.
Such courage we cannot but admire, and, as his lordship
has described the feeling of those who would suggest de-
lay to consist of one part discretion, and three parts
cowardice, we must admit his own purer element to be un-
tainted with either of those grovelling qualities. As if to re-
proach this degenerate age with its idle terrors, he intimates
that his measure is scarce worthy to be called a Reform Bill;
though in so doing he certainly makes us tremble to think
what he would be ready to propose worthy of that name, wore
he not compelled to act with lesser men. For our own part,
we think him hardlyjust to his own measure, which may well
compare in almost every respect with the act of 1832. Indeed,
it is wonderful how much that measure has left to be done.
That so large a supplement should be possible argues much for
the moderation of the elder reformers, and the unreasonableness
of their foes. In one important respect the bill leaves the
precedent of the Reform Act, and baffles the anticipations of
speculative reformers. Dividing the problem into two parts
—the distribution of seats and the qualification—it has
heretofore been customary to deal with each part so as to
meet the conflicting demands of population and property, or
of numbers and land, as the opposite poles of the controversy
used to be described. The present bill seems to give up the
idea of satisfying antagonistic classes, either as to the distri-
bution of seats or as to the conditions of the franchise;
and, instead of that, to favour territory in the dis-
tribution of seats, and numbers, money, and edu-
, cation in the alteration of the suffrage. It is a new
' way of dealing with the question, and will probably
cause some disappointment to those reformers who have been
ready with their schedules of new boroughs, and wished at
least to see the population uniformly represented. Should
the bill pass in its present form, however, it certainly seems
likely to satisfy the most ardent reformers, even though it
does not contain a single point of the " Charter." The in-
fusion of borough voters into the county constituency, and of
operative voters into that of the boroughs, and the addition
of votes derived from salary, taxes, stock, savings, educa-
tional test, and almost every possible source, constitute a
formidable counterpoise to the influence of home and land.
Considering how much the most zealous reformers
have lately been obliged to tower their tone, and
how little they are disposed to stand upon particular mea-
sures of reform, we think we may fairly ask them what class
of persons deserving a franchise will not enjoy it on the pass-
ing of the proposed measure, and what interest will not be
signifying
adequately represented. In our opinion counties and boroughs
will become, under this bill, names of very little significance
—or atthaelllaenvdeenci stts,anriolooenrageery
as oifpYipnogsed land as opposed to trade,
to the manufacturing
population. When every 101. occupier in the country, ex-
cepting only those in Parliamentary cities and boroughs,
will have as good a vote as the owner of ten thousand
acres, or the tenant-farmer of a thousand, the town will
have little reason to be jealous of the country, and reformers
will have small cause to complain of the tyranny of landlords.
As a whole month is to be given for inquiry, and as an inquiry is
likely to take its character very much from its first start, we
will suggest that, instead of comparing the bill with this or
that standard or scheme of reform, the better test will be the
question—How will it work ? There will be no great diffi-
culty in estimating the number, the character, and the pre-
vailing political tone of the new voters added to the electoral
districts, whether counties or boroughs. At the first
sight the're seems but little reason to fear the invasion
of any inlidence to the interests of the people and the
cause of social improvement. At least, we do not see under
what provision of the bill it can possibly lurk. On a review
of all the classes thrown into the constituency, and especially
into those districts which are to have more representatives,
or are to b? formed into new electoral districts, we must
express a Conviction that the most thoroughgoing reformers
will have ample reason to be satisfied with the actual working
of the measure—more so, perhaps, than with the working of
;heir own theoretical schemes.

{From the Morning Herald.)
Most of our readers will remember Blackwood's admirable
series of pams, entitled, " First and Last." To this series
Lord John Rysell contributed another specimen last night
We had then, in a weary task of about an hour and twenty
minutes, the Prst and Last appearance of a third Reform Bill.
The latest spe4men of the kind in 1852 was sentenced as soon
as seen, and the present one is several degrees worse than
that. We have not the slightest idea that we shall ever again
look upon "tee Reform Bill of 1854." Lord John went
through his Wt. with the air of a man who knew that the
whole affair'fit a farce, and who could not, for the life of
him, even put on the semblance of feeling any interest in it.
Scarcely a checker the least warmth greeted him during his
course; he sat dawn in nearly total silence, and in ten minutes
afterwards net, /any members were left on the Ministerial
benches. The wMle-afFair was seems be O. sham ; and honest
men disliked to appear to have anything to do with it. As
Lord John entertains not the slightest IdeCorproceeding with
the measure, ha Ihiaturaily careless what, party he insults by
it. The first halt •of the measure is , a downright affront to
the Radicals—tha4tter half is just as disgnsting to the Con-
servatives. ' Togs I', the bill is such a monstrosity, that it
is difficult to belieigthat Lord John would be willing to pass
his own bill into a law, if he were able to do sotto-morrow.
First, as to the Radicals. They have been insisting upon it,
for some months pall% that seats taken from towns must be
given to towns; ti,A,t
if thirty boroughs are disfranchised,
thirty new boroughs must be created. Now, how does Lord
John deal with this Claim I By disfranchisement of boroughs
he finds 66 seats at hi% disposal. All these are claimed by the
Radical party for towns, Lord John apportions them thusc—
Counties
London 'University 1
Inns of Court
Chelsea ............. .
Largetowns

Total ' 66
.
More utter disregard of the pretensions of the Radical party
could hardly be shown., ..A. second affront is inflicted upon
them by one of the many'. "crotchets" which are introduced
into this precious production. Lord John gives in to the
novel idea of giving some l'epresentation to minorities. He
adopts the plan of a late pamphleteer, of giving three mem-
bers to a large town, or dilision of a county, but allowing no
elector to give more than tWo votes. In this way 5000 elec-
tors would return the first two on the poll, but a minority of
4000 would return the third. This is an idea particularly
abhorrent to the Radicals, who enjoy nothing better than to
triumph over the Conservatives, when they can, by mere
brute force. But having in this way shown his disregard of
the wishes and feelings of his Radical allies, Lord John next
turns to the Conservatives, and does his best to render the
measure loathsome to theta. Half-a-dozen crotchets
of the most absurd kind are introduced, any one
of which ought to condemn the measure. Take
an instance : that the metropolitan boroughs are
low enough, Radical enough, and have enough of King
Mobinthem, is a fact which even the Times itself has fre-
quently asserted. Yet Lord Johit proposes to make them
much worse. "Is it possible ?" seine of our readers will ex-
claim. Oh, yes I quite possible. As the law now stands,
every voter in a metropolitan borough: must have paid some
rates and taxes. Lord John:gravely proposes to sweep away
every regulation of the kind. A man is (we suppose) merely
to be rated ; though why even this' formality should be de-
manded, if the payment of rates, is to excuse him, we know not.
What rational motive can be assigned for this change ? Has any
one ventured to surmise that the constituencies of the metropo-
litan boroughs are not low enough, but that they would bo im-
proved by a larger infusion of the democracy ? The " crotchets"
of this bill are too many to be enumerated, One member is to
be given to the " London University," which is not, we believe,
" Stinkomalee" itself, but a still more modern invention,
which at present is to be found in lodgings, up two pair of
stairs, somewhere about Somerset House. All people having
salaries of 100/.
banker, to have votes..-,Are the clerks of
a Lombard-street or of Messrs. Morrison and Dillon,
in Fore-street, more independent of their employers than the
farmers of Sir Thomas Adana or Sir John Yarde Buller/ Yet,
when the farm tenants were enfranchised- by the Chandos
clause, the Whigs "
and Radicals told:
.us that we were only
making some thousands of dependest and servile voters."
For our part, though we hate all shams,
the " mustadmit that
we,
the present is a case in which Governinent cannot do any-
thing else. To act with truth and•henesty is more than they
can venture to do. To be in earnest, they must pledge office,
everything upon the
and power, and carrying this measure.
But this they cannot do, and do net mean to do. They have
not the slightest intention of either -dissolving or resigning.
In short, the bill is only " brought in to be taken out again.
It is a mere waste of time ; in short, a, farce !

(From the Morning Chonnicie.)
Lord John Russell was fully justified, in stating last night.
at the conclusion of his able, comprehensive, and statesman-
like speech, that the provisions of the new Reform Bill had
not been suggested by any Party motive. Not only is the
measure marked, at every point, by an earnest and single-
minded desire to improve the constitution of the House of
Commons, but the changes which it proposes are so various in
their character, as well as so considerable in number and im-
portance, that it will not be easy, without elaborate calcula-
tions, to estimate their probable effect on the balance of poli-
tical power. The counties are to receive a _considerable addi-
tion of representatives, but the county constituency is to
embrace a new class of voters from the smaller towns in the
district ; and it will consequently, as Lord John Russell
pointed out, no longer present that " special character "
which has operated so injuriously on national interests. In
the larger counties and towns, the minority is to be furnished
with the means of securing a share in the representation ; and,
consequently, there may not improbably be ,a Ministerial
member for Manchester, and a Liberal member for Dorset-
shire. Mr. Drummond himself might have allowed that the
franchise given to clerks and salaried officers will tend to
raise the character of ordinary constituencies ; audit is certain
that the Inns of Court will never return a :member
holding opinions so dangerous as to be incompatible with
a seat on the bench or with the office of -§olicitor-
General. In a word, the measure' presents little
scope for that narrow and vulgar criticism which,cati only
judge of political changes as they may affect the-petty in-
terests of faction. It must bo estimated as a whole;;.vvith
reference to its collective and ultimate effect on the character
of the constituencies and of the House of Commons ; and
thus regarded, it will, unless` we D.re greatly mistaken, be °Or-
, dially welcomed by the country as a scheme, alike honestly
intended, judiciously conceived, and ably constructed, for