The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-15 00:00:00

satisfied, required its ministers at Paris and London to ob-
tain written explanations, to know if a system of recipro-
city and an armistice was to be established in the Black
sea, and if we were to remain neutral, which we certainly
were not. The British and French fleets were there for
the protection of the Turkish territory and flag, and to in-
sist that a weak power shonld not depend upon the will
of a powerful nation. To have declared ourselves neutral
would have been to stultify ourselves, and to tie our hands
for the future, and injure the very cause we wished to sup-
port. But my noble friend seems to complain that Russia
was not allowed to transport her forces from one Russian
port to another. Why, if we had permitted that, we
should have had to remain passive spectators whilst large
forces were being conveyed from Russian ports to Erzeroum
and the most distant parts of the Black Sea, or to have
passively witnessed the spectacle of the Turkish fleet inter-
fering with such an expedition and insulting it. That, my
lords, would have been an anomaly ; but certainly I do
not think it so great an anomaly as the occupation of the
Danubian principalities without a declaration of war, in
order to obtain a power which could not be rightfully
demanded or conceded without the sacrifice of the indepen-
dence of the Sultan. (Hear.) And although my noble
friend takes the part of the Emperor of Russia, and says he
has been very ill used, I think what has taken place cannot.
be very new to the Emperor of Russia, for I will
l
your lordships' attention to a case analogous to it, which
occurred in the year 1850, and of which my noble friend
must be more cognizant than myself, for he was a member
of the Government at the time. In 1850 the Emperor of
Russia declared that he had constituted himself a pacifica-
tor between Austria and Prussia—that he was about to
propose certain terms of arrangement to Prussia, upon
which peace might be negotiated ; and whanc. Prussia
that,
re-
jected the proposal, the Emperor of Russia
be are
although it would give him much pain to.
' td in nerre opposed
ection
to
his ally Prussia, yet, that if she perms
of the terms proposed, he (the Emperor) should considerj it
s casus belli; and further than that, he requested that the
British squadron should be sent to cruise in the Baltic with
the Russian fleet, in order to show that
_the great Powers
'were determined that the dispute should be settled, and
all further resistance put down. Therefore Ido not think
that the-Emperor of Russia can complain of this as a very
new proceeding. (Hear, hear.) I must apolbgise to your
lordships for taking up so much of your time, but I wished
to notice the points to which my noble friend has adverted.
My noble friend has rather treated with levity, or at least
has viewed as insignificant, the attempts which we have
made to secure and cement the alliance between this coun-
try and France with Austria and Prussia ; but, my lords,
I must say that even since the last occasion when I had
the honour of addressing you, we have had fresh reason to
he satisfied with the conduct of these two countries. My
noble friend the other night complained of the deference
which we have shown to them. [The Marquis of Clanri-
carde here made a remark which did not reach the gallery.]
my noble friend even complained of Vienna being selected
as the place for holding the conference, although it was the
mediation of the Austrian Government that had been asked
for by the Ruisian Government, and one of the proceedings
on which he based his objection was, because of the extra-
ordinary astuteness of the Russian minister at the Court of
Vienna. I can only say that I wish that the same astute-
ness, or, as I should rather say, wisdom, had been displayed
by the Russian Government itself ; for this minister ap-
proved of the Turkish modifications, and recommended his
Government to adopt them ; and if his advice had been
followed I do not think that Russia would have stood in
the isolated and unenviable position which it now occupies.
But Austria and Prussia have come to three determina-
tions, which are recorded in separate acts—first, that the
war, prolonged to whatever extent it.may be, shall not be
suffered to alter the geographical limits previously settled
between the belligerent Powers; next, they have recom-
mended the terms of an honourable peace, which they say
ought to be accepted by Russia; and thirdly, they have
recorded their conviction that the counter propositions of
Russia are not such as to be worthy of being sent to Con-
stantinople. Therefore, through the joint action of Eng-
land and France, as well as Austria and Prussia, the means
of assenting to an honourable peace have been placed in
the hands of Russia. And, whilst I do not wish to pro-
nounce any unjust or harsh judgment, I must still say that
there can now be no doubt what will bo the individual
opinion of mankind with respect to that Power which ap-
pears determined to plunge Europe into the incalculable
horrors of war, when, with honour to herself, she might
have averted it. (Cheers.) Certainly, Austria and Prussia,
as I took the opportunity of saying before, a few clays ago,
have met the proposals of Russia in a manner becoming
the dignity of independent Powers. Whilst England and
France are preparing to go to war with Russia, and are
determined to do so if necessary, with Austria and Prussia
it rests to avert war, or, at least, to render it of short
duration. (Hear, hear.) And, undoubtedly, the interests
of these two Powers are in harmony with a noble and
generous course which will bring safety abroad as well
as at home, for they will have with them the universal
opinion of Germany ; and revolution, my lords, will not
rear its head, nor will England refuse its simpathy to
countries which are faithfully endeavouring to perform
their duties and obligations. (Loud cheers.) My lords,
the answer of Austria was that so long as Russia main-
tained a defensive attitude, so long Austria did not
feel it incumbent on her to act; but now that Rus-
sia appears determined to go forth, and to push her
intentions beyond that which she had led Austria to ex-
pect, Austria would be governed by a sense of her own in-
terest and dignity, and she had sent a large portion of
troops to the frontier, first taking care to give satisfactory
assurances to Turkey with regard to the object of this
measure, and declaring that if armed intervention should
become necessary to maintain the strictly legal and terri-
torial status quo, she would not refuse to join in it. The
answer of Prussia was quite as dignified and decided ; and
an account of this intention of Prussia being known, I be-
lieve Count Orloff did not extend his mission to Berlin ;
and therefore I think that your lordships will be of opi-
nion that our endeavours to secure the alliance of Austria
and Prussia, and our deference to those powers, have not
proved in vain or been misplaced. I believe that the peo-
ple of this country, who, I must say in passing, have dis-
played the most admirable discretion during several months
of great excitement and continuous misrepresentation, have
not come to any decision on this subject, still leas have
they passed a judgment upon the Government under im-
perfect information. And I say I cannot help believing
that the people of this country, now that the facts are
fully before them, and they are possessed of proper infor-
mation, will not regret to find all the labour which the
Government has spent in the cause of peace, but that, on
the contrary, they would even now, at the eleventh hour,
be desirous of preventing war, could it possibly be pre-
vented consistently with the honour and dignity of this
country. (Hear.) And if it should be our duty to inform
them that peace on those terms cannot be maintained, sure
I am they will come forward in a manner worthy of Eng-
lishmen, worthy of the cause described by my noble friend,
and worthy of the ally by whose side they will then foil the
first time find themselves ranged; that they will stop
short at no sacrifice, at no effort to obtain such a peace as
was glanced at by my noble friend—such a peace as will
be consistent with the national honour, and will establish
those principles which we are determined at any risk to'
maintain. (Cheers.) [The noble earl was occasionally only
imperfectly heard.]
The Earl of ELLESMERE wished to call their lord-
ships' attention to a subject of considerable importance. It
appeared that, in consequence of the occurrences connected
with the return of the fleets to Constantinople, there
seemed to be an impression that a censure upon the admi-
Tals was implied. This country was embarking in a wor-
thy cause—troops were being sent out which were never
sent in vain, more particularly when sentfor the protection
of a weak State against the oppression of the strong, and
he trusted that they would not be despatched upon any
principle which would allow civil or diplomatic agents to
interfere with the professional judgment of their com-
manders. Such cases hail been known in English history,
and the result had been disastrous. A gallant English
general who had died for his country had been thwarted in
his plans by such a system, and, their lordships knew that
if it were not practised upon the greater man who suc-
ceeded him, it was only because he never would submit to
it. He entirely concurred with his noble friend as to the
great ability of our ambassador at Constantinople, and he
thought it would be paying him a very bad compliment to
extend his control to naval or military operations. With
regard to the return of the fleets to Constantinople, it
seemed to be generally allowed that they could not have
remained at any place more adapted for favouring the
views of Russia than Sinope, and it was advisable to pause
before taking any step which might en:ist in the service of
Russia the fogs, the lee shores, and the cum rents of the Black
Sea.
The Earl of MA.LMESBURY hoped that the noble lord
the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, would do him the justice
of admitting that neither during the last session of Parlia-
ment, nor at the commencement of the present, had he
pressed the Government, against their wishes, to lay any
papers before their lordships when they declared that to
do so would be to the prejudice of the public service.
He had already stated to their lordships the reasons
which led him to believe that her Majesty's Ministers had
not taken the course best adapted for preventing the evils
with which at present the country was threatened. He had
at the close of the last session pressed the noble lord, the
Sectetary for Foreign Affairs to lay on their lordships'
table a paper which was not of the same nature as the
other papers, but which would have enabled him to give
the country some idea, some notion, of the animus
which guided the policy of her Majesty's Government.
The noble lord thought proper to refuse to produce even
that document which was an answer to the circular issued
by Count Nesselrode • and it, therefore, appeared as if
tae noble earl had not' answered that circular, while the
Fcould not, on perusing
had done so. He (Lord Malmesbury)
perusing the papers now before their lord-
shiPs, see y reason for refusing to produce his reply to
that circular, because that reply did the greatest credit to
the noblieheearrl_.
reply
it less
e reason was there for not pro-
ducing
been said WiT,
ought
_ll first circular, because much had
ght to have been answered before the
face of all Euur'onpeb.oo
fection in the There must, he was aware, be imper-
events had taken as they were at present, because
plaince they were first printed and
laid upon the table; but correspondence most intimately
connected with what
at the same time. followedE ought to have been pro-
duced Count Leiningen to referred to the mission of
could have Constantinople,
and he could not con-
ceive thac such a mission
the Emperor of Russia would not
taken place, and that
with jealousy, and have encleavoureineoloeb?lsirtv observed treseelfeconeuhe
par in that Court as regarded any
upon the Turkish Government. lieoallsO) felt jus-
tifiede in saying, after a careful Perusal of the papers which
had been laid upon the table, that the Russian Govern-
ment had been in the first place deceived as to the inten-
tion and feelings of her Majesty's Government ; and, in the
second place, that they had been confirmed hi that opinion
by the evident and positive want of identity of action be
tween England and France. This
_assertion with respect
to the impression of the Russian Government as to the
feeling of the English Cabinetd was cdo.npfirceliedffebayfteaur extract
prince
from a despatch of Lord Stratford de Red 1*
Menschikoff made Isis . first eman Menschikoff
n order if possible to have the
was feeling his way,
and it ,
appeared that
co-operation of Lord Stratford ,
that noble lord himself
thought the opinion of
Prince Menschikoff was not only
that the British
Government would not oppose
his demands,
tilminandlsowbut that
they were actually inclined to
confidence was reposed in any paes;sois thealways
part of those who
so reposed it. What, then, could have been the reasons
which induced Prince Meuschikoff not only to believe that
the English Government would remain neutral in this
matter, but that they, would positively assist the Emperor
in his endeavours ? What he had j
symptom in these books of the impression—thee
readwas the first
ession- - the unneces-
ury and erroneous impression— which Russia bad that we
should assist her. Still, there must have been some
language held elsewhere ; there must. have been some in-
ducement for the Russian Government to adopt. these
opinions and to inoculate Prince Menschikoff with these
views. The next charge he had to make against the Go-
vernment was with respect to the sending for the fleet.