The Sun.
London, England, 1854-02-07 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMEIAT.

HOUSE OF LORDS--(YESTERDAY-.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at 5 o'clock.
CRIMINAL CODE OF MALTA.
In reply to a question of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY,
The Duke of NEWCASTLE was understood to say
that as the new criminal code of Malta had received
the approval of the authorities of the island, the
Government did not think it right to send it
back for reconsideration, and they proposed that
the whole, with the exception of the chapter relat-
ing to religious offences, should be put in force by an
Order of Council. This chapter would be deferred for
further consideration.
IRREGULARITY OF THE MAILS:

In answer to a NOBLE LORD,
Lord CANNING said no one was more sensible than
himself of the inconvenience arising from the irregularity
in the working of mails on the different railways. By
means of afriendly communication an understanding had
been come to for the adoption of a system of
mutual fines between the General Post-office on
the one hand and railway companies on the
.other,
for the purpose of checking any irregularities .on
either side. This, he believed, would have the desired
effect ; but if not, he should feel it his duty to apply to
Parliament for further powers to remedy the evils com-
plained of.

DISTRICT SCHOOLS.
Lord LYTTLETON inquired whether iatewyasmtehaesurine-
tention of the Government topropo
upon the subject of district pauper schools.
The Earl GRANVILLE replied that the subject was
now under the consideration of Lord Palmerston, and it
re ference to it would be
was hoped that a measure with
introduced into Parliament this session.
THE EASTERN QUESTION.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE (who had given
notice
of
the following motion,— " To call the attention
of the house to the state of this country with relation to
the question of peace or war ") said,-111y lords, when I
gave notice of the motion which appears in my name
upon the orders, I certainly thought, from the language
which was held in this house upon Tuesday last by the
noble lords the representatives of the Government here,
that the proposal which had been made to the Emperor
of Russia had been virtually, if not formally, rejected by
him, and ..that his formal refusal to accede to that pro-
posal would have arrived, I may say, immediately.
And, further, I certainly considered that all negotiations
for peace were virtually at an end. It appears, how-
ever, from the reports in the public papers, that up to
this morning no formal reply to that proposal has been
received from the Emperor of Russia. So far as I can
understand it, there appears to be something of the
semblance of negotiations still going on at Vienna.
Under these circumstances, while there is even so faint
a prospect of peace as I fear there is, I for one should be
extremely sorry to occasion any discussion which might
prevent a peaceful termination to those negotiations.
(Hear, hear.) I do not, therefore, wish to-night to
go into the question, and to discuss some very ne-
cessary points with reference to our present position,
the consideration of which, however, I think Par-
liament cannot delay many days. Our position,
whatever it is, is becoming so critical that I think
Parliament must be accurately informed thereupon be-
fore many days elapse. At the same time, not desiring
to interfere with the faintest prospect of peace until all
negotiations are formally closed, I do not wish to enter
upon a discussion which must necessarily arise many
points. (Hear.) I shall, therefore, not draw attention
to certain despatches which have been communicated to
Parliament, but shall content myself with asking my
noble fried at the head of the Foreign-office the simple
yet important question, whether any answer has yet
been received from the Emperor of Russia to those pro-
posals which have been laid before him, and what is the
present state of our diplomatic relations with that
Power ? I learn from the public prints that the Rus-
sian Ministers, both in Paris and London, have actually
retired from their functions, and I should wish to know
what instructions, if any, have been given to our Minis-
ter at St. Petersburg ? If my noble friend will be kind
enough to answer these questions, I shall reserve for a
short time any observations which I may have to make
upon the position in which this country appears to be.
The Earl of CLARENDON—I feel under much ob-
ligation to my noble friend for the consideration he has
shown in postponing any discussion which he thinks
might operate prejudicially to the slight chances which
still remain of maintaining peace. My noble friend is
perfectly right in supposing that, although there was
some reason to believe that the answer of the Emperor
of Russia, or, rather the terms on which he stated that
he would be prepared to negotiate for peace, had been
received at Vienna and were known there on Fri-
day last, it was only this afternoon that I received
from Vienna an official statement of the facts. It was
only on the 2d of this month that the Conference was
called together and these proposals, or rather counter-
project, of the Emperor of Russia were communicated
to the representatives of England, France, and Prussia
by Count Buol, and, as I have already stated, having
received the official despatch on the subject only this
afternoon, it is not yet in the hands of my colleagues ;
indeed, I have only had time to show it to my noble
friend at the head of the Government, and therefore I
would prefer not being compelled to enter into any de-
tails at the present moment. (Hear, hear.) Neverthe-
less, I think it my duty to inform your lordships that
the terms of the Emperor's proposal were quite unac-
ceptable, and not of a character to allow of their being
sent to Constantinople. (Hear, hear.) Upon this point
no doubt existed for a moment in the minds of the mem-
bers of the Conference. With respect to the second
question which my noble friend addressed to me, I have
to state that on Saturday evening Baron Brunow called
on me at the Foreign-office and placed in my hands a
Note, in which he announced that the answer he had re-
ceived from me to the inquiry he was instructed to make
by his Government was not of a kind that permitted
him to continue diplomatic relations in this country, and
that therefore diplomatic relations between Russia and
England were suspended. Baron Brunow took leave
of me on Saturday evening, but it was then too late
to depart from London, and I understood that he
was to leave early this morning. I can assure my noble
friend that I desire as earnestly as he can that the
fullest information should be given on this and all other
points connected with this important question, respect-
ing which there naturally exists so much anxiety in the
country ; and in the course of the week I will lay before
your lordships the note addressed to me by Baron
Brunow on Saturday, together with the despatch from
his Government and my answer, on which Baron
Brunow's note is founded. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH.—I have always
thought that the state of things which has arisen out of
the conduct pursued by the Emperor of Russia could
terminate in nothing but war. I expressed that opinion
to one of the Ministers of the Crown as far back as
Easter, and I declared it in this house in August last.
I do not regret that the noble marquis has thought
proper to postpone his motion, because I am of opinion
that any retrospect of the conduct of her Majesty's
Government in these negotiations would not be in
the slightest degree profitable to the country ; but I
should deeply regret if the noble marquis, and those
who think with him, or if Her Majesty's Ministers
could be deluded by anything which has recently taken
place into relaxing in any degree, or, indeed, into not
increasing to the utmost possible extent, their prepara-
tions for war. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt we are
at the commencement of one of the most formidable
wars in which this country has ever been engaged.
I deeply regret that the people of this country do
not appear at all aware of the magnitude and probable
duration, or the dismal consequence of that war. It is
undoubtedly true that it is a war for which this country
is not responsible, nor are her Majesty's Ministers re-
sponsible for it. I acquit them altogether. I think
that, whatever they have said on the subject has been
said with ability, and that they have been ably seconded
by the various gentlemen holding diplomatic appoint-
ments at the different European courts ; but I do con-
jure Ministers to increase to the utmost possible extent
the preparation for immediate war. (Hear, hear.) War
is inevitable, and what is absolutely essential to the
preservation of the best interests of this country is, that
on the breaking up of the ice we shall show a superior
fleet In the Baltic. (Hear, hear.) Are we able to do
that ? (Hear, hear.) If we be not, Ministers are most
deeply responsible to the country, for they have had
their eyes opened, and could not have been in ignorance
of the danger pressing upon us. (Hear, hear.) I will
lay no more now. I desire that your lordships should
have the oppottunity of considering the whole subject ;
but what I now earnestly press Ministers to do is to in-
crease to the utmost extent the preparations for imme-
diate ear, and for a vrar which will be one of the greatest
in which this country ',Jae ever engaged.
The marquis of CLAARICARDE--I cannot refrain
from BoYiog that in a matef.al part of what has fallen
from the noble earl who spoke last I fully concur. I
agree with him in thinking that the war in which it ap-
pears we are about to engage will probably turn out to
be one of the most disastrous on which we have entered. ,
(Murmurs, and cries of
" No !") I do not mean to this
country, but to humanity—(" hear," from the Earl of
Aberdeen)—on account of the grave and extensive con-
sequences which must result from it. On that account
I have postponed my motion, for I regard the approach-
ing war with apprehension.
on. I cannot, however, en-
tirely concurin the opinion which the noble earl
ex-
pressed as to the inutility of entering into any retrospect
of what has
happened. I think that a
better
of the past would enable us tocomprehend
annot agree with
position in which we are placed. I
the noble earl in thinking that her Majesty's Ministers
are entirely irresponsible for the present state of affairs.
I certainly think, with the noble earl, that what has
been said, both by her Majesty's Ministers and their
diplomatic agents abroad, has been said with ability ;
but I think that very often the right thing has not been
said, and that much ought to have been said which has
been left unsaid. (Hear, hear.) I therefore think we
must have a discussion on the subject, partaking some-
what of a retrospective character, and, as the noble earl
at the head of foreign affairs seems anxious that there
should be no delay on the subject, probably to-morrow
week, if it should suit your lordships' convenience,
would not be too early a day to fix for the discussion.
It appears to me impossible that Parliament should not
then be in a position to form a proper opinion on the
Violation. It is evident that the present state of things

cannot
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once
otfhmyyouirnitoerndstihonips'topebilmsrin.
gsifoonr,.
ward a motion on the subject to-morrow week..
the Earl FIT ZWILoLi IthAiMe
present state —The noble marquis says that
gs cannot last long. In that I
a
and I am thethe presen more detssirtoteus oof
entirely agree with him,
f
saying so, because, in my opinion,
laonsgi.ogl(eChsyeenrsah.)le loff
I were disposed
things has alread
the statement which has been made by the noble earl,
Ito lasted
find fault muchtoo
with
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, it would be
because he still seems to indicate that there lurks in his
mind even the shadow of a shade of hope that there
could be any other termination to this state of things
than war, as has been announced by the noble earl
(Ellenborough) on the upper bench. With all that that
noble earl addressed to your lordships I do not entirely
agree, because I cannot believe that it was quite im-
possible to avert, at an early stage of the negotiations,
she state of things at which we have now arrived.
a question which
lsar, hear). That, however, is . s
hoym,:n it may be determined in any man's mind, can
make /0 i:lteration whatever in the tsourse which Par-
liament and tl'e country Must now take.
Whether Ministes deserve credit for the vc
negotiations in whicl/1 they
whether it be the opinion 4:,'S
par-
ticular part of the ne (Hear, hear.)
le of the
have been engaged; or
any man that in some
gotiations they may have failed, of
this I am sure, that it is the cin',„! of every man to
afford them the strongest support.
when they
shall be engaged in that war with which
the noble
earl on the upper bench has threatened us. (ti?leers-)
There is one point on which I am desirous of
makinggan observation, arising out of what fell frogs
the noble earl on the upper beach. The noble
earl said, it appeared to him that the country was not
fully aware of the tremendous character of the conflict
lin which we are about to engage. Whether the country
is aware of it or not, I will not now stop to discuss ; but
of this I am sure—and I am sure of it from the commu-
nications I have had, and have the means of having,
from some of the most important communities in this
country—that there never was a war in which the (o-
vernment was more cordially supported than it will be
in that in which we are about to engage. (Cheers.)
When the noble earl said that the people of this country
were not fully aware of the character of the war in which
we are about to engage, I am confident heal not mean
to impute to them any unwillingness to support the
Government. (Hear, hear.) I am sure the noble purl
did not mean to impute such a feeling to the people of
this country, and I have adverted to the language he
used only because it might possibly be misconstrued.
Lord BEATTMONT.—I cannot help observing, that
the answer given by my noble friend the Secretary for Fo-
reign Affairs is, even under the circumstances of the
case, more meagre than seems desirable. We are still
left without any knowledge as to whether we are in a
state of war or peace. I think we are entitled to diin;jnct
information on this head, and I think so for this reason ;
it was stated that, if what is now called the Turkish
Note—l mean the one last agreed to by the Conference
of Vienna—should be rejected by the Emperor of Rus-
sia, all further attempts to submit proposals to that
Government would be abandoned. Now, if I under-
stand my noble friend rightly, the Emperor of Russia
has refused to consent to the Vienna Note, and not only
refused that, but stated terms on which he was willing to
enter into fresh negotiations, which were of such a nature
that it was utterly impossible for any other Power to ad-
mit them. If things are arrived at this point, further nego-
tiation with the Emperor of Russia must be altogether out
of the question. (Hear, hear.) When the Emperor of
Russia has withdrawn his Minister at our Court—when
he has refused to accept the proposition we tendered as
our ultimatum—and when he insults Europe by offering
proposals at the eleventh hour which he knows must be
refused—l say that when we have arrived at a point like
this, there can be no other alternative than war or dis-
grace. At this state of things—if I understand my
noble friend's answer—we have now arrived—(hear)—
and therefore I think we are entitled to know whether
instructions have gone out from this country for the re-
call of ow- Minister from St. Petersburg, and whether
all negotiations will be ended at St. Petersburg in the
same manner as they are ended here ? lam as reluctant
as the noble marquis near me to enter prematurely into
discussion on this subject, nor am I now referring to the
past. Since I have had time to read a large portion of
the despatches on the table, I am willing to give Mi-
nisters more credit for what has passed than I was pre-
viously inclined to do ; but I think we have now arrived
at a point when hesitation or holding out false hopes or
trying to make us believe that we are at peace, when we
are actually at war, would be highly culpable. (Hear.)
Let us meet the state of things as it stands, and not
hesitate to acknowledge that we are in a state of war,
if such be the case. I think I cannot be doing wrong
in asking my noble friend the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs whether instructions have been sent for the
withdrawal of our ambassador from St. Petersburg, and
for stopping further negotiations there !
The Earl of CLARENDON—I am sorry my noble
friend thinks the answer I gave to the noble marquis
was meagre. I thought I answered distinctly to the
questions put to me. My noble friend seems to think
—and so, also, did the noble earl (Fitzwilliam)—
that I am holding out hopes and expectations that
fresh negotiations may be entered into, and that
peace may still be preserved. I can assure them
both that I held out no such expectations at all.
These negotiations have—as I informed the noble
marquis—now been brought to a close at Vienna. I
also stated, in my answer to the noble marquis, that I
had received the official information of this fact only this
afternoon, and at a period too late to enable me to com-
municate it to my colleagues, and therefore I thought it
better not to enter into details ; but, anxious, as far as
possible, to satisfy your lordships' natural desire for in-
formation on this subject, I added that the new propo-
sals put forward by Russia were wholly unacceptable—
that they could not be transmitted to Constantinople,
and that therefore there was an end of them. I have
no reason to think that fresh negotiations on the sub-
ject will be renewed. It is true that Count Orloff, who
arrived at Vienna some days ago, and was about to de-
part after having executed that particular part of his
mission which referred to the relations subsisting be-
tween Austria and Russia, has now prolonged his stay ;
but what object he has in this I really am unable to state.
With respect to the other question asked by my noble
friend relative to instructions to her Majesty's Minister
at St. Petersburg, I can only tell him that, as it was
half-past 6 o'clock on Saturday when Baron Brunow
called upon me, and as it was necessary in this, as in all
other measures we have adopted, or shall adopt, to have
previous communication with the French Government
—(hear)---it was not possible, at the moment, to send
instructions to our Minister at St. Petersburg, but we
have already held communication with the French Am-
bassador on the subject, and instructions will be sent to
Sir George Seymour and General Castlebajac to-morrow,
which will place them on exactly the same footing as the
Russian Ambassador here, and diplomatic relations be-
tween the two countries and Russia will be suspended.
(The statement of the noble earl evidently made a strong
impression on the house.)
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock.

NEW MEMBER.

Mr. BEAMISH took the oaths and his seat for Cork,
in the room of Sergeant Murphy, appointed a Commis-
sioner of the Insolvent Court.
NEW WRIT.

On the motion of Sir WILLIAM JOLLIFFE, a new
writ was ordered for the election of a knight of the
shire for the southern division of Devonshire, in the
room of Sir Ralph Lopes, Bart., deceased.