The Sun.
London, England, 1838-02-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

It will be seen from the proceedings in the House
of Commons last night, that Sir Samuel Whalley has
been unseated for the borough of Marylebone, on ac-
count of his want of qualification, and that the elec-
tors are now again called upon to supply his place.
What their decision will be there can be no manner
of doubt. The Borough is, and always has been, es-
sentially Liberal. It must now elect a representative,
if it mean to he consistent, of decided Liberal opinions ;
and among all the candidates for the vacant seat, who
are directly or indirectly mentioned as having a claim
to it, who is there inure fit to represent the Borough
than Mr. Ewalt ? As wealthy and independent as
be is liberal and honest and consistent, the electors
c f Marylebone can do themselves no higher honour
than that of selecting him as their representative. Mr.
Ewart is not a professed Reformer. He is now what
he has always has been—a sincere Reformer. He is an
advocate for the adoption of the Ballot—he is an advo-
cate for the Extension of the Suffrage---for the frequent
responsibility of Parliament to the nation—for
the diffusion of general education, and the free admis-
sion of the people to national institutions—for a miti-
gation of the criminal laws—and, finally, for a repeal
of the corn laws and of the window tax ! What more
can the people of Marylebone desire ? And what
better man can they propose, or desire to be repre-
sented by ? Mr. Ewart is not a new man, in any sense
of the word. He is well known as a staunch and un-
flinching Liberal, and his votes prove that, upon all
the questions referred to, he has never flinched from
his duty. But it is needless to say more upon this
subject. Mr. Ewart's election is certain, if the Libe-
rals will only exert the same ardour, and manifest the
same activity that they did upon the occasion of the
last election, when Mr. Hall was brought in at the
bead of the poll. If they sleep or slumber, or do not
exert themselves, Lord Teignmouth will ride rough-
shod over them, and the borough will be completely
nullified. Men of Marylebone, be up and doing—
you have only seven days from this date to complete
your arrangements—be up and doing, for in delay
there is the utmost danger.—. Morning Advertiser.
The repeated warnings which occur in Lord
Glenelg's dispatches to the Governor of Jamaica, laid
before Parliament in the last two years, were proved,
in the debate of Tuesday night in the House of
Lords, to have been given in all sincerity of purpose.
One appeal after another having been made in vain
to the local legislature to remedy the defects in the
laws for the protection of the apprentices, the course
so often pointed out as the alternative is at length
taken by the Government, and Parliament is called
upon to carry out the objects of the Abolition Act,
and see them duly enforced. This is not, indeed, to
be done by such means as are contemplated in Lord
Brougham's resolutions, which (with the exception of
the Ist and sth) either are not adapted to meet the
particular kind of evils which really attach to the ap-
prenticeship system, or fall short of the extent of remedy
required. Lord Brougham had evidently no ex•.
pectation of carrying his 6th resolution for the
abolition of the apprenticeship, else why pro-
pound the preceding ones, of which the object is
to secure a better treatment of the apprentices as
such, and the due division of them into prxdials
and non-phedials, the tatter of whom are entitled to
their discharge on the Ist of .August, 1838, and the
former not till the Ist of August, 1840. His real
aim was, therefore, the same with that of the Govern-
ment, namely, to clear the system of abuse ; but with
the exception of the two points of hours of labour and
regulation of gaols, he does not seem to have exactly
apprehended which were the grievances to be got rid
of. We will point out at first the heads of abuse and
remedy on which Lord Brougham and Lord Glenelg
are concurrent ; next, those which are treated of by
both, but with a difference of purpose ; and, lastly,
those which are not touched by Lord Brougham'e re-
solution:, but are disposed of by Lord Glenelg's. First,
then, there is the nine-hours system, aimed at in Lord
Brougham's first resolution, and which has formed
the subject of so much correspondence between Lord
Glenelg and Sir Lionel Smith. By the terms of
the Abolition Act the planter could exact labour from
the prdial apprentice to the extent of forty-five hours
in the week, if he subsisted him besides ; but in
Jamaica the subsistence is given by an allowance of
land and of time to till it, which time coonAltutes a
deduction of four hours and a half from the forty-five.
Thus the planter could claim forty hours and a half
of labour in the week ; and he had it in his power to
distribute them as he thought fit. The wise planter,
who consulted the interests of his apprentices as even-
tually involving his own, allowed them to work nine
hours a day for four days and a half, thus leaving them
a day and a half clear at the end of the week for their
own use. The tyrannical planter made them work for
five days of the week, at eight hours a day, thereby
leaving the negro his ninth hour in each day, instead
of his four hours and a half on Friday. Of what use
was his ninth hour to him ?—daylight was nearly
gone ; his strength was exhausted ; his pret;sion
ground was distant. It was, as Lord f-ilenelg de-
scribed it, the refuse of his day. TLite remedy to be
applied is to give the Govemor power to enforce
the nine-hour system. 9.. The gaols and workhouses
have been (especie..y in Jamaica) the very :strong-
holds of calcite:at abuse, and the officers of the
Crown cod neither inspect nor control theta, because
the Assemblies chose to keep them exclusively under
municipal jurisdiction. As soon as the necessary re-
ports have been received from Captain Pringle, who
has gone to inquire into their state, a measure is to
be brought forward for placing them under the autho-
rity of the Crown. These are the two articles on
which Lord Brougham's resolutions tally with Lord
Glenelg's proposed measures ; and an ample exposition
of the necessity for them will be found in the corre-
spondence between Lord Glenelg and the Governor
of Jamaica, recently laid before Parliament. 3.
On the defects in the classification of apprentices, Lord
Brougham does not seem to have seised the precise na-
ture of the remedy needed. He wiehes to declare all ap-
prentices who are at present registered as non-prmdials to
be still nonlereedials on the Ist August, 1838, notwith-
standing any change of employment, &c., since their
regisiration. This is not the thing wanted ; for it is
already effected by the fourth clause of the Abolition
Act, which determines the class of the apprentice, not
by the nature of his subsequent employment, but by
that of his employment for twelve months before the
passing of the Act. The real evil is, that the classifi-
cations which have taken place under the Act have
been made without giving the apprentices any ade-
quate opportunity of proving the fact of their employ-
ment as non-prxdials for the prescribed twelve months.
It is to the correction of this evil, therefore, that Lord
Glenelg's measure is directed. 4. Lord Brougham
would prohibit flogging of females, or their corporal pu-
nishment under any pretence, and secure the discharge
of any female so punished contrary to law. Lord
Glenelg is prepared to abolish flogging alto-
gether, whether of females or males, for any offence
as between master and apprentice ; and is further
repared to empower the Governors to grant the ime!
ediate discharge of any apprentice who has been'
altreated. 5. Lord Brougham desires that all ques-
:ions arising between master and apprentice should be
: ecided by the special magistrate without appeal. All
questions arising out of the rights and duties pre-
scribed by the Abolition Act must already he so de-
cided according to the terms of that Act. The thing
really wanted, and which Lord Glenelg's intended Bill
will effect, is to defend the apprentices, by defending
their protectors, the special magistrates, and giving the
governors power to shield them from vexatious prosecu-
tions and actions for damages before colonial courts
and planting juries. In addition to the foregoing mea-
sures, there are two mentioned by Lord Glenelg which
it does not seem to have occurred to Lord Brougham
to adopt, though Lord Glenelg's correspondence with
Sir Lionel Smith (the vigorous and plain-dealing
Governor of Jamaica) clearly demonstrates that some-
thing ought to be done on the subject. Ist, The valua-
tions of the price at which the apprentices are to be
entitled to purchase their own discharges. 2d, The
continuance of divers allowances and indulgences
which were always enjoyed by the negroes whilst
slaves, but are not-legally secured to them now, be-
cause the abolition law assigned to them only such
allowances as they had according to the law, not ac-
co ding oto the usage of slavery. These are both (more

especially the latter) points of great practical impor-
tance in the measures to be taken for the melioration
of the system of apprenticeehip.—Morning Chronicle.
Mr. Handley, one of the Members for Lincolnshire,
has published a letter to the Earl Spencer upon the
formation of a national agricultural institution. So
far as the scheme of the Hon. Member goes, it doie,
not appear to be entitled to much attention, either
from the originality of its conception, or the views
which it derelopes for the promotion of sound agri-
cultural kno-.vledge ; but in the course of the Hon.
Member's pamphlet there arc not a few incidental re-
marks, purporting to arise out of the practical infor
!nation of the writer, the discussion of which may be
useful to the public. In bringing before the landed
and farming interest a new project for an Agricultural
Association, Mr. Handley perceives the necessity of
an allusion to the " Board of Agriculture," so long
carried on under the superintendence of the zealous
and indefatigable Sir John Sinclair, and the " com-
parative failure" of that Board. He argues, however,
that the fate of the Board of Agriculture ought not to
operate as a discouragement to a similar attempt at the
present period. That Board existed for 20 years prior
to 1817—a period at which Mr. Handley assumes
that it was least likely " to attract the settled attention
cr to command the energies of agriculturists." A
period of war is, in the opinion of the Hon. Member,
iii suited to national improvements of any kind.
" During the continuance of war prices," he says,
" when half a crop remunerated the grower, and the
most slovenly farmer amassed wealth, the usual in-
ducements to extraordinary exertions were wanting ;
and we of the present day, to whom the quotations of
wheat from six to eight guineas per quarter' are but
as dreams of fiction, are not only not surprised that
our more fortunate predecessors did not effect more—
we only wonder that, if possible, they did not exert
themselves less." We are not sure that we know ex-
actly what Mr. Handley means in this last sentence,
and we rather opine that the whole savours a little too
much of the theoretical political school to which Mr.
Handley belongs. Truth is better than any theory,
and during the late war, more especially between the
year 1802 and the year 1815, the increase of national
wealth was more rapid, than during any corresponding
period in English history. The reason is obvious.
War insured protection to native industry ; and that
protection secured high prices. War, however, is not
necessary in order to attain these great results. It is
quite possible to protect native industry, without shed-
ding human blood. Instead of it being true that the
high price of agricultural produce was an inducement
to " slovenly farming," the fact is quite the other way.
It was than that it became worth a farmer's while to
take good care that his land yielded every ounce of
produce which it possibly could yield, and consequently
crops upon old tillage lands were doubled, while lands
formerly waste were brought into cultivation, and rich
fertility arose, where in all preceding time, there had
been nothing but useless weeds, or unsightly
and gloomy sterility. Still, however, we do not
seek to deny that the farmers of the present day pos-
sess much more skill than the farmers of 30 years back.
" The farmers are at length convinced," continues Mr.
Handley, " that it is not in Parliamentary interfer-
ence that they must seek a remedy—that they must
look to their own resources and their own energies,
and be cheapening the cost, and increasing the amount
of production, pave the way to future prosperity."
These assumptions may be safely denied. The most
nrosperons state of things (as proved by experience) is
when a good remunerating price enables and encourages
the agriculturist to give his chief attention to the
increase of production, rather than to the cheapening
the cost of it. Thrift is a good thing, but the prosperity
arising from mere thrift does not diffuse itself, and
make a people happy, like that arising from an abun-
dant return for enterprise and industry in the shape of
profit. As to the allegation that farmers feel now that
Parliamentary interference can do nothing for them,
the state of the case is simply this. The farmers have
discovered that their landlords will not make the
slightest effort to aid them, so long as rents can be
paid—and from the mercantile interest in Parliament,
the farmers, of course, have nothing to expect. But
that the farmers of England, have ever come to the
conclusion, that it is not in the power of Parliament
to aid them, is untrue. Mr. Handley quotes Latin,
says much about agricultural science, and seerna to
think that anlAssociation specially agricultural, and
having in other respects a resemblence to the British
Association of Science, would be a good thing. It
might be a good thing for the amusement of fanciful
agricultural gentlemen, but we think it would do very
little good to farmers. It might turn out upon
the agricultural world a good many scientific
fops who would make experiments, talk a che-
mical jargon, and do no good. We think that no
such quackery is wanting. Let there be a good remu-
nerating price for agricultural produce, and it will en-
courage improvements more than a million of associa-
t'.3ns.—Morning Herald.
It seems to be the misfortune of Ministerial 'Whigs,
neither to be capable of themselves adhering to any
fundamental principle in politics, or of understanding
that adherence on the part of others. They do not
seem capable even of distinguishing between those po-
litical arrangements which include principles of Go-
vermnent and those which are in the nature of machi-
nery merely, and subject, therefore, to be removed or
altered as may be found most expedient for the working
out of the principles to whieh they arc appended. For
example hen Sir Robert Peel affirms his determina-
tion to abide by the principles of representation settled
in the Reform Act, and justly charges with instability
of mind those who, having themselves made that great
settlement, arc now willing to depirt from it, he is an-
swered that he has himself consented to alterations of
the Reform Act. True, he has done so ; but these al-
terations were in the machinery of the Act, the mode of
registering or recording the suffrages of the people.
But he never consented to any alteration in the nature
of the suffrage itself, as arranged and (according to the
general belief of the period) settled by the framers of
the Reform Act. Now, the " Parliamentary Electors
Bill," which was read a third time in the House of
Commons on Monday night, is a very material alteration
in that concurrence of circumstances which, by the
Reform Act, was ordained to be necessary in order to
entitle men to vote for Members of Parliament. The
holding of a tenement of the yearly value of 101. is
popularly called the qualification for voting, but it
:s by no means all the qualification. That, indeed,
was held to be good prima facie evidence of a man's
right to rote ; but because an embarrassed or an in-
solvent man might be the holder of a 101. house, and
not be in a condition of independence as respects
property, it was thought proper to have additional
circumstantial evidence. The payment of poor rates
and Government taxes up to a period within three
months of the time of annual registration was decreed
by the Reform Act to be es essential a part of the
qualification as the occupation of a tenement of the
value of 101. a year. It was a fundamental principle
of the Reform Act that the vastly important new fran-
chise which it created in towns should be a franchise
indicative of solvency. That principle is tampered
with and overthrown by the new Bill, which allows
an additional six months' arrear in the payment of
rates and taxes, and decrees that such arrear shall not
damnify the qualification. And when Sir Robert Peel,
in the just and able discharge of his important duty,
as guardian of the established Constitution (which
duty the present Ministers of the Crown have
abandoned to the Conservative Opposition), re-
monstrated against this violation of an important
principle of the Reform Bill, a Minister answers
him by reference to previous alterations in mere
details. " You are violating au important principle
of the great national settlement of 1832," said Sir
Robert Peel ; " you are altering the nature of the
elective franchise then established." " Oh," replies
Lord John Russell, " you have yourselves consented
to great changes—you have allowed the days for poll-
ing to be altered—and the polling places to be altered
—and you are even now willing that the shilling fee
or registration may be done away ; how can you con-
sistently object to alteration now ?" Here did the little
peddling mind of the Minister betray itself. He sees,
or he pretends to see, no distinction between an altera-
tion of the franchise—one of the most important
things, if not the most imdit;_aortanin(t, which
ture of this country may
alterationan
Leo'fistilaie-

time and manner in which that franchise may be excl.•
cised at elections ! It is curious and instrue.
five to see how these men, who have no
sound settled principles to rest upon, change then
tone of speaking upon the very same thing,
according to the temporary circumstances which
press upon them. The Parliamentary Electors
Bill is a concession to the extreme Radicals which
the Administration finds it prudent to make. The
main object of that Bill is the conciliation of a certain
party, and principle is put wholly out of the question.
Lord John Russell, therefore, spoke on Monday
night as thou;11 he was quite au advocate for changes
in the Reform Bill, and thought that any objection to
change for its own sake was ridiculous. But on the
first night of the Session, when his cue was not the
the conciliation of the extreme Radicals, but of the
Conservative Opposition, his tone was just the oppo-
site. In allusion to this very measure which has now
passed the third reading . and which he then announced
but did not describe, Lord John proceeded to say,
that, " having only five years ago reformed the repre-
sentation, and placed it on a new basis, it would he a
most unwise and unsound experiment to begin the
process again—tojrvin a new suffrage, and to look for
other and new securities for the representation of the
people." After this statement his Lordihip went on
in the following strain :
"Do I then say that the people of England deprived
of the right of considering the provisions of the Reform
Act ? I say no such thing. I maintain that the people
of England are fully entitled to do so, if to the people of
England it shall so seem fit. But lam not myself going
to do so. I think that the entering into this question of
the construction of the representation so soon again would
destroy the stability of our institutions. It is quite im-
possible for me, having been one who brought forward the
measure of Reform, who feels bound by the • declarations
then made to take any part in these measures of recon-
struction, or to consent to the repeal of the Reform Act,
without being guilty of what I think weuld he a breach of
faith towards those with whom I was then acting. If the
people of England are not of that mind they may reject
me. They may place others in my situation, but they
must not call upon me to do that which I not only consider
unwise, but which I should not feel myself justified, with-
out a breach of faith and honour, in proposing."

Thus did the leading Minister in the House of
Commons talk on the first night of the Session, and
vet we find him before Lent has commenced labouring.
to alter, by Act of Parliament, a fundamental prin-
cible of that boasted reform of the representation,
and affecting a sneer at the scruples of those who pro-
test against a change in that great settlement I
We have made the above quotation from Lord J.
Russell's speech at the openitig of the Session—
not as approving of it—but because it shows how
destitute the man is of steadiness and consis-
tency. We think it shabby and despicable, in a
Minister, to hold out to the people that they, to
be sure, may do what they please—but for himself
he will not be the instrument. This would
be a very proper sort of independence on the part of
one's butler or footman, but a Minister of State should
address the people in a difkrent manner. He is not
their servant, but the servant of the Crown, and the
trustee of their interests. Lord John Russell, if he
really hold the opinions which he professes to hold
regarding the Reform Act, should tell the people that
he will not only refuse to be a party to any alteration
of its principles, but will do all he can to hinder any-
body and everybody else from altering them. What
an honest and independent Statesman believes to be
for the good of the people he will maintain to the last,
whether the people are pleased to agree with him or
not. The good of the people, and not the will of the
people, is that which an honest Statesman should con-
sult.—Morning Post.

Among the most curious occurrences of late date, as
indications of the spirit which rules the Melbourne
Cabinet, is the honorary distinction bestowed upon
Colonel de Lady Evans, whereby he has become a
Knight Commander of the Bath. Why has such a
decoration been bestowed upon Colonel De Lacy
Evans ? What public service has he rendered to this
country to entitle him to such an honour ? What rank
does he hold in the British army consistent with this
act of extraordinary favour? Why should the rules
and regulations heretofore, for, we believe, 15 years
past, acted upon by the Sovereign in the grant of this
military order be superseded in the case of Colonel De
Lacy Evans, and all the Majors-General of the army of
Great Britain be passed over and set aside that he alone
might be exalted ? One of the rules by which the grant
of the decoration of the Bath has for many long years
been restricted is, that the title of Knight Commander
should not be conferred upon any military person of
rank inferior to that of Major-General. Another rule
—and one which has in no case, as we are informed,
of a British subject been dispensed with since the
year 1818—is, that none should obtain the distinction
of a Knight Commander who had not already been a
Companion of the Bath. Now, in respect of Colonel
Evans,theEbots,h,ansis
notabovea
laws
Major-General beenii
have h
ev.
Britisht
Coloneled.
service, yet has obtained the Knight Commandery of
the Bath. The gallant Colonel, moreover, has been
l
made a Knight Commander per satum, never having
previously enjoyed the rank of Knight Companion.
We repeat our question, why have such things hap-
pened ? Col. Evans is Radical Member of. Parliament
for Westminster. He has voted with her Majesty's
present Ministers against Conservatism on all
occa-
sions,
against Radicalism itself on some. He is, in
fact, if we may judge the Gallant Officer by his votes,
a thorough-going fag of the Treasury. Hence it was
quite natural for the Gallant Gentleman to look for his
reward. That he did look for it, but in a shape more
substantial than that of a riband at his button-hole,
the rumours current throughout society have long since
assured us. Colonel Evans appears to have been a
candidate for that official Godsend the clerkship of the
Ordnance, vacated by Sir A. Leith Hay. The Queer's
advisers, or rather masters, calculated that they could
turn the Godsend to better profit than by bestowing.
it on Colonel De Lacy Evans ; they accordingly. (it
report speak truth) rejected the pretensions of the
?
Gallant Colonel. But what was to be doneHe
was Member for 'Westminster. He had a vote in
the House of Commons. He was not a personage to
be flung off without
compensation. The compensa-
tion
was found for him at the expense of the Bri-
tish army and of the Order of the Bath, all the
General Officers of the former, and all the Knights
Companions of the latter, being sent to the right-
about in deference to this Radical rival, who was des-
titute of both claims to the distinction sought for.
We observe, it is true, that Colonel De Lacy Evans
is described in the Gazette of Tuesday as Lieutenant-
General in the armies of her Majesty the Queen of
" Spain." Is this, then, the justification on which
Ministers mean to rest the irregular and otherwise
indefensible promotion of Colonel Dc Lacy Evans to a
strictly national honour ? What right has a Spanish
Lieutenant-General to be made a Knight Commander
of the Bath ? Is it for the luxuriant laurels which he
gained while at the head of the ill-started Legion ?
What must be the feelings of those mutilated, fambished
wretches, that one meets with in piebald shreds and
rags at the corner of every highway, when they see
the red riband on the breast of him under whose aus-
pices so many of their miserable comrades were led
to utter extermination, and all to disaster and ultimate
defeat ! Where are the victories by which this Spa-
nish Christine General gained his right to eclipse and
supersede the just pretensions of hundreds of British
officers I What are his trophies but the tattered,
legless, armless, breadless, remnants of the unhappy
legion ! He is Radical Member for -Westminster,
that's all—but that to such a Ministry is all-suffi-
cient. Poor King William would rather have anni-
hilated the Order of the Bath than exposed it to such
humiliating jobbery.--fines.

FATAL COACH ACCIDENT.--A fatal accident
happened to Gamble, the coachman of the Yeovil mail, on
Wednesday evening, between \Vhitchurch and Andover,
caused by the leaders shying at an old oak tree that stands
near the road side, and precipitated both the coachman and
guard from their seats. The coachman was killed on the
spot, and the guard escaped with some bruises; when the
horses started otr at a most furious rate, and galloped into An-
dover at the rate of twenty miles an hour. There was only
one inside passenger; and, strange to say, he was rot aware
of anything amiss, until apprised of it by two gentlemen; who
fortunately were returning from a party, and, seeing the
horses proceeding at a furious rate up the town with no one
on the box, ran and succeeded in stopping them just as they
were totning into the George gateway.—Hampshire Paper.

PRICES OF CANALS, DOCK STOCKS,

ASSURANCE CWIPANIESAc. &c. &c.

LONDON, TUESDAY, FEB. 20.
Viimber Dividend Price
of per CANALS. pc,
14ares. Ainimn. Paid. Shar:
1.766 7 pet cent. Ashton and Oldham.... Average 971. 18s. eh. 135
1,182 41. Ashby.de-le-Zouch Average 113/. sh. 65
1,260 Badngstokc lOO/. sh. 5
1,005 51. Breekrurk and Ahergavenny 150.. sh. 100
6,000 I-1681). 91 Os. (3irminghata, 1-16th share .... Si. St 711. 220
I 000 Ditto aT,d Liverpool Junct...l2s/. sin 100 pd 26
60C .1. Bridgewater and Taunton -.1004 sla. all lx! 64
11)0 41 Cbelmer and illackwater 1004 eh. lO2
500 481. Caventry leo/. sh. 7'5
4,515 Croydon
2,06;11 41. 0% aulley
0 1.2.0 11'. Derby 1004 sh. 153
21,000 4 per cent. :hymn, and 51,yne
3,5751 04 Eile,mere and Chester Ave;zge 131/. sh. •77
.:31 46'. - Er,,,a,h 't'll. t.'1.700
1,2117 s,q. Forth and CI yOe Average 1:401.1(is. eh. 585
11 ,!;00 121. Grand Junction I i ,01. sh. 220
2,5401 11. Cram) Unior 1001. sh 25
I 509 IOIV. al 20
a Grand Surrey
-11,000.'. 1/. per cent. Ditto (optional) Loan lool. '7O
3,096 Grand Western
600 1^1.1_5. 1.1. Glamorganshire, Average cost 1724 13E. Id. 230
.41) int. Grantham l5Ol. sh. 20'2
13,238 ' 21. 0a IludderAeld A rerage .57/. Os. fki. sh. 37
100 Kensington 100th. all pd. 10
25,328 1/. ss. Kennet ind Avon, Average:39/.lBs. 10d. sh . 26
2,8971 211. Leeds and Liverpool 1004 sh. 190
515; 13!. Leicester llO/. sh. 225
1,897 61. Os. Leicester and Northampton... Aver sal. :Os. 111
2,400 104 Monmouthshire 1007.s1). 20;
150 10!. Melton Mowbray 1004 sh. 200
500 "W. Mersey and Irwell 1001. sh. 565
3.000 1/. 10s. Macclesfield 1001. sh. ail pd. 52
217 174 Ncath [001.81). 325
1,786 301. Oxf3rd ........ 1004 sh. 630
2,100 Si. Peak Forest
1,118 128. Regent's (or London) Aver. 331. 16s. sNI. sh. :6
5,61i9 61. per cent. •,-.ochdale Average 85/. sh. 1: 1
500 8/. Shropshire P,.5/. sh. 138
800 9!. Ills. Somerset Coal l'io/. sh. 1511
3,6004 41 p.,r cent. l)itto Lock Find Stock l2l. 10s. sh. Ili
700 404 Staffbrd and Worcester l4O/. sh. 710
500 91. Shrewsbury 125/. sh. 280
3110 94 Stourbrioge ' l4s' sit. 330
3,647 2!. 0,. Stratford.on-Av.m ...Average 791.95. tat. sh. 51)
,S .T 3 15/. Swansea 1004 sh. 251
3,7fi2 I!. 15s. Severn and Wye and Rail way ...Av 35!. sh. 27
I,CO 1 a:,. 32/. Ris. Trent and Mersey, . share 100/. sh. 5'.i5
/3,119 Thames ..;nd Medway... Aver. 191.35. Bd. sit. 2
I,oooa h. / , ...,
,00;)4,1). 5 .-- Warwick add Birmingham lOO/. sh • 265
0!'0 Ilt. NVarwiek and Napton lOO/. sh. 200
6,0)0 41.05. 'Worcest ,r and Birmingham... A v.7S/. 8,. sh. 79)
5,000 255. Wilts an, Berks .. Average 671. 10s. 841. sh. 22
800 31, Wyrley and Essington 1254 sh 73
•-cri ... ... ' Wisbeach 105!. sh. 45
905 i,. Wry and Armi llOl. sin 221
DO'.'KS.

t,600/k 13p. c Commercial 1001. .11. 7
1,06515 h
40•4,647,4/. ti per ct. East India Stock 107
1,239,3101/. 503. p.ct. London Stock 57
Ditto itonds 9O
1,380,000/. W. p. ct. West India
2,‘209 21. 111 s. Bristol
68,3241. 5/. per cent. Ditto Notes, various amounts ll3
1,352,752 5 percent. St. Katharine stock 100
500,000 43 per Pent. Ditto Bonds
200.000 4 per cent. Ditto Bonds lor 10 years 991
Shoreham U.rbour
2.500 Deptford Pier 2Ol. sh. 3/.
BRIDGES.

1,600 l's. Dammersmitl• 5O/. sh.
7,931 Southwark, 01d............Ac. 6:31. 9s Bd. sh. 2
1,700 11. lss. Ditto, New, of 7,-; per cent. 5O/. sh. 14
5,000 Waterloo lOOl. sh. 3
5,000 18s. Bd. Ditto, Old Annuities of RI.
5,000 16s. Id, Ditto, New Ditto of 71 40/. pd 164
60,000/. 51. per cent. Ditto Bonds llB
5,818 17s Vauxhall Avnage 70/. 10s. 3d. sh. 18

ASSURANCE CO:‘,IPANIES.
2,000 311's Albion 5001. sh. 50/. pd 80
50,000 [ ~,5 ner4 cen
, t'l Alliance, British & Foreign 100/. sh. 1041. pd 131
50,000 6 per cents Ditto, Marine 105/. sh. 51. pd 61
24,000 f 1 per sh. Atlas 5Ol. sh. 51. pd 14
1,200 ish. 51. Birmingham 1 ire '2so/. sh. 53/. pd 1071
20,000 41 percent. British Fire 250/. sh. 50/. pd 42
12,000 Cl. per cent. British Comm:. rcial 501. sh. 5/. pd 64
5,00). 5/. per cent. Clerical, Medi •al &c. Life ICol.sh. 2l ins pd 4
4,000 21 Ids County 1001. sh. 10/. pd 42
20,000 ss. Eagle
000 r. 5 per cent. 1,, • Lill:
/and :301 bs.S ""°nomic lOOOl. sh. 2201. pd 373
2,271 225. per cent. European Litz "01. sh. all pd 22
50,000 2s. Ditto, New .0/. sh. 2/. pd If
1,000,000/. 7/. per ct. Globe Stock 1501
20,000 51. Guardian lOOl. sh. 2711 pd 3.4 f
40,000 Cs. od. Hope
2,100 5/. 7s. Od. Imperial Fire 5001. sh. 50/. pd 1261
7,500 9s. Imperial Life 1001. sh. 10/. pd 10
13,158 41. per cent. Indemnity M:aine ... 1(01. sh. 8/. pd '2O
2,020 31 Ifis Kea t Fire 50/. sh. all pd 82
3/. Ditto Life. 79
10,000 16s. Law Life 100!. sh. 10/. pd 251
5.000 10s. London, Fire 25/. sh. 12/. 103. pd 1 ,
3,900 10s. London, Ship 251. sh. 12/. Ills. pd I'i
30,0,0 5/. per cent. Paladium Lite 'O/. ah. 21. pd 2! 1a 041
50,000 4/. per cent. Protector Fite 00/. sh. 21. pd 17s Od
2,500 1/. Provident Lite
100,000 ss. Rock Life 'kV. sh. I/. pd 61
689,9.,20/ 5/. per cent. Royal Exch tugs Stork... 2.:51
6,000 5 per cent. University Lite lOO/. sh. 5/. pd 51
59,000 4 per cent. United Kin; torn Life 2l. pd
JOINT STUCK B kNKS
25,000 8 percent.. Agric. anti Comm. of Ireland 25/. sh. 10/. pd 14
5,000 Australasia
10,006 10 per cent. flank of Biliningham 5(l. sh. 101. pd 13
10,000 IQ per cent. Birmingham Bank 5O/. sh. Si. pd 161
30000 5 per cent. London and Westminster.„lool sh. 201. pd 211
3,000 4 per cent. Lancaster .... , ,„, 100/. sh. 20!. pd 50
'25,4100 Liverpool 1001 sh. 10/. pd '23
50,000 '7l percent Manchester and Liverpool] 1001 sh, 15/ pd 20
Discount SS
20,000 7 per eclat. Manchester 100/. sh. 25/ pd 27
20,000 Provincial 11 ink of Ireland 1001. sh. 25/. poi 39
20; CO National Rank of Ireland 5"/.811 171/. pd 16
10,000 5 per cent. National Pr.,viticial Eng. -100/. eh. 35/. pd 34
19,000 Gloucestershire 5O/. sh. 10/. pd 20
6,000 10 per cent. Harnyhire 501. sh. 51. pd 9
GAS LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES.
2,500 I/ Ls 6d Bath 2Ol, sh. FL pd 24
5,000 Blitish 4O/. sh. 16/. pd 21
5,000
and IMPercenti Ditto Provincial 20/. sh. 11) d 224
L Ils. se.
928 5/ 10s Birmingham 5O/. sh. 93
4,250 2/ Os Bristol
1,500 3? lOs Brighton 2O/. Eh. 11
750 31 irs Ditto, New 2O/. sh. 18/. pd it
2,471 41 per cent. Brighton General 201. oh. all pd 17
1,000 41, . Continental Consolidated lOO/. 621/. pd 85
1,000 10/. Cite of London lOO/. sh. all pd 196
1.000 01. Ditto, New
14,000 44. Pls. Equitable .... `Ol. p 4 ZiO3/4
10..00 7.1 per cant. Imperial
800 51. per cent. Isle ,if Thanet 'l5l. sh. 201. pd 20
2,350 0/. per cent. I ndependent 3Ol. sh. a'l pd 481
9,000 31. per cent. Pturnix 50/. sh. 39/. pd 211
1,000 4/. per cent. Itateliff . 100/. sh. SO!. pd s'i
4,000 South ;'letrupolitan 5ll/. sh. 11'/. pd 17
8,200 5/. per cent. United General 3O/. sh. 46/. pd 296
240 5!. per cent. Warwick 50/. *lt. 50
... .. .._. . ..

400 101. per cent Wakefield ' ?51. sh. 421
12,0n0 31. Westmirst?r Chartered
6,000 12s. Ditto New
BCO Yarmouth 201. sh. IS/. pd 9