The Sun.
London, England, 1853-04-08 00:00:00

No. 18,890.]

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 8, 1853.

SECOND EDITION, REVISED.
Now Ready, in 2 vols. Bvo., with Portraits, Ms. bound.
MEMOIRS oofEthReGECOTmUFRTTHIaRnDd "CABINETS of
From Original Family Documents.
By the Duke of BUCKINGHAM and CH A NDOq , K.G.
FHOM THE TIMES, MAamt 30.—" These volumes contain much
valuable matter. The staple of tte book is made up of family docu-
ments, but there are also to be found interspersed with the Grenville
narrative, letters from nearly every man of note, dating from the
death of the elder Pitt to the end of the century. There are three
periods upon which they shed a good deal of light-.the format' 11 of
the Coalition Ministry in 1783, the illness of the Kir.g in 1788, and
the first war with Republican France. Lord Grenville's letters to his
brother afford a good deal of information on the machinations of the
Prince's party, and the conduct of the Prince and the Duke of York
during the King's diness.
Hurst and Blackett, Publishers, Successors to Henry Colburn, 13,
Great Marlborough-street.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

no opinion whatever that his honour was compromised.
(Hear, hear.)
Earl GREY thanked the noble duke for the observa-
tions having special reference to himself, but still he must
express his regret that Government did not intend to
order an investigation. He must also refresh the noble
duke's recollection as to what had really occurred last
year. There was a distinct understanding that in-
vestigation was impracticable then, but was to take
place id the present, and he was really mistaken if
the late administration had not fully intended that an
investigation should take place. Further, he must
beg leave to say, that if the case against the New
Zealand Company was in part their having concealed
certain contingent liabilities, the lapse of time would
now set the question at rest, as the liabilities must
have fallen in, and Government been called upon to
make payment. With respect to the two legal
opinions, the most serious charge was that, by sending out
one of those opinions, and suppressing the other, the
settlers at Nelson had been induced to ageee to an ar-
rangement which they would otherwise have resisted.
That was a point in which justice to the settlers and the
honour of Parliament was concerned, and the act of
passing the bill by no means rendered it less necessary.
But more than that, although much had not been said
in their lordships' house of the pecuniary part of the
question, it was confidently stated in the other house of
Parliament that some money which had been advanced
by Parliament for public purposes was misapplied by the
directors to purposes in which they themselves had per-
sonal interest. The present President of the Board of
Works had made that charge, and offered to prove his
charge before a committee of inquiry. Now, if a large
sum of public money had been misapplied, it was the
duty of the Government to insist on investigation, and
if it had taken place to enforce repayment. Charges of
direct malversation had been brought forward, and it
was the duty of Gaiernment to institute the fullest in-

same time to remove all reasonable cause of complaint,
by destroying the anomalous authority of the Board of
Directors.
HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The petition was ordered to lie on the table.
The LORD-CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack THE NEW ZEALAND COMPANY.
at 5 o'clock. Earl GREY, who was indistinctly heard at the corn-
The LORD-CHANCELLOR presented a petition mencement of his observations, reminded the house that
from Birmingham, in favour of the Registration of As- during the preeious session of Parliament an accusation
surances Bill. i of a serious nature was thrown out against the New
The Bishop of LONDON presented petitions from the Zealand Company, it being stated, among other things,
parish of St. James's and other places, against the open- I that money granted by Parliament for public purposes
ing of the Crystal Palace on Sundays, also petitions ' had been grossly misapplied by the directors, while the
against the admission of Jews into Parliament. conduct of the latter with reference to the settlers had
Lord St. LEONARDS presented a petition from the ' been stigmatised as fraudulent. In the other House of
barristers and solicitors of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, against Parliament it was expressly stated by two gentlemen,
the Registration of Assurances Bill. , both now occupying positions in the Government, that
The Archbishop of YORK presented a petition they considered those charges to be of the most serious
against the admission of Jews into Parliament. character, and that thay were _prepared to prove them at
The Earl of MALMESEURY presented a petition any time. He referred to the present Chancellor of the
from Stockton, against the admission of Jews into Par- Exchequer and the President of the Board of Works.
liament. Sir Wm. Molesworth stated on the third reading of the
The Earl of ENNISKILLEN presented petitions New Zealand Bill that he had endeavoured to prevent
from Fermanagh to the same effect. fraud, but had failed, and that he was prepared to sub-
THE BIRTH OF A PRINCE. stantiate before a committee all the facts he bad stated.
, The Earl of ABERDEEN then rose and said : Before It was proposed, in consequence of these statements,
proceeding with the business of the house, I wish to that certain clauses should be struck out of the bill.
submit a motion to your lordships, which lam confident The Secretary of State did not express any decided
will be received with your cordial and unanimous sup- opinion on the charges, but said that they constituted a
port. In consequence of the happy event which has strong prima fade case against the company, that they
taken place this day—the birth of a prince—l am de- required investigation, and that pending that investiga-
sirous to move an address of congratulation to her Ma- tion it was not just to New Zealand that the land clauses
jesty, as an expression of that devotion and attachment of the bill should be permitted to become law. Under
on the part of this house which her Majesty is so well these ciscumstances, he (Earl .Grey) trusted their lord-
entitled to receive. My lords, persuasion is not neces- ships would concur-with him hi thinking that investiga-
sary to induce your lordships to agree to this motion, -
tion was absolutely necessary, and the fact of the bill
and I should only be doing that which would be unbe-
having passed made not the slightest difference. Be
coming if I were to add any further observations with a cause if the New Zealand Company had been guilty of
view to induce your lordships to give your assent to this misappropriating the public money it was the right and
motion. I shall only, therefore, move that an humble duty of Parliament to see that money repaid out of the
---
address be presented to her Majesty, congratulating her Proceeds of the land sales. In Ile same manner, if it
'Majesty on the birth of another prince, and assuring were true that gross fraud had been committed on the
settlers of Nelson it *as the duty of Parliament to see
her that every addition to her domestic happiness affords
the highest satisfaction to this house. (Hear, hear.) that redress was afforded. He was, therefore, anxious
The Earl of MALMESBURY—AIthough it is not to know whether any inquiry was contemplated by the
necessary, according to the forms of your lordships' Government, and he was the more interested because in the
discussion to which he had alluded it was broadly stated
house, that any motion made by one peer should be
seconded by another ; and although it is still more un- that he had himself connived at the frauds of the New
necessary that any member of your lordships' house
Zealand Company. The fact was that the case was sub-
should express his conviction that the sentiments uttered mitted to him, but on investigation he became convinced
by the noble earl opposite are felt, not only unanimously that nothing had been done calculated to throw the
by this house, but by every 'one of her Majesty's sub- slightest discredit on the honour and fair dealing of the
jects, I should nevertheless still think it unbecoming if directors. Being so satisfied he had stated his opinion,
I did not, in the unavoidable absence of my noble friend and he understood that his successor in office had
the Earl of Derby), express the entire concurrence of come to a similar conclusion, He submitted, however,
t
noble lords on this side of the house in the sentiments that the matter was not in a position in which it could
expressed by the noble earl opposite, and if I did not
be allowed to rest. When the bill passed through Par-
state the pleasure which we feel at the news we have liament the voluminous papers on the subject of New
this day heard of the safe delivery of her Majesty.
Zealand had not been printed, and therefore it was ut-
terly impossible to go into the investigation. He sub-
Every year adds to the affection which the subjects of
Queen Victoria feel for her. No expressions of mine
mitted, however, that now the time had arrived for ascer-
are needed to impress upon this house, or on any other taming in the closest manner whether the public money
assembly of Englishmen, that there is but one feeling of had been misapplied, and if so, who was to blame, and
loyalty and affection throughout this county for a Queen what measures for procuring redress should be under-
who has reigned so constitutionally and kindly, but yet taken, and for that reason he begged to ask the noble
with so much strength, over the people of this great duke the Secretary for the Colonies whether it was the
empire. (Hear, hear.) intention of Government to institute any inquiry, by
The address was then agreed to nemine contradicente.
means of a Parliamentary committee or otherwise, into
the charges which had been made against the New Zea-
land Company ?
On the motion of the Duke of ARGYLL the report
The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that he was not
on this bill was brought up and agreed to.
prepared at this distance of time to state whether the
THE PEACE DEPUTATION TO PARIS. noble earl had accurately represented what had taken
Lord CAMPBELL said that he wished to advert for place in the other house of Parliament during the last
a few minutes to a subject that had occupied their session, but as regarded the part which he (the Duke of
lordship's attention on a former evening --the deputation Newcastle) had taken in that house, the noble earl had
of London merchants who had presented an address to in the main correctly stated the opinions which he had
the French Emperor at Paris. He had then stated that expressed ;at the same time he thought that the noble
it had been stated that Mr. Adair, now Sir R. Adair, earl had considerably overstated one part of the accusa-
had been sent in 1791 to represent to the Empress tions brought against the New Zealand Company, while
Catherine the opinions of a powerful party in this coun- he had dwelt very lightly indeed on that part of the
try. He. (Lord Campbell) did not express his own belief accusations against them which had been more imme-
in that statement, but he said that, even if the fact were diately under the consideration of both houses of' Parlia-
incorrectly stated, it would not in the slightest degree went, and in regard to which he (the Duke of Newcastle)
prejudice the high authority of Mr. Burke with respect had certainly expressed an opinion that it was inexpe-
to the law which he had laid down as applicable to such dient to pass a certain portion of the measure. The
hardly knew to what the
a transaction. In consequence of what he then said, he noble earl said that grave charges had been brought
dkalluded Newcastle)
ntedetheearDl
had had a very courteous letter from Sir R. Adair, ex- against the companyeof of a misappropriation of funds.
pressingeeive
an
ygr eatcountenance—pre mortification that
supposing
pt
oh
sei
nreport t shouldh e
(ia
orred-
Campbell) had given countenance to it as a fact. Sir R. was, indeed, to a certainin that statement. Misappropriation
Adair had, as he said, furnished him (Lord Campbell) against the company, but
tetxteent employed in the charges
discus-
with this statement merely for his own information, but sion had been this—thatyu in main
.charge under
he thought he would now mention its substance for the ment of which the noble earine :tons with the Govern-
information of their lordships and the public, and for the Charles Wood Chancellor of the Exchequer,
member and Sir
benefit of history. Sir R. Adair was now in his 90th had concealed from the Government, the company
and especially from
year. .For many years he had served his country with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had then under
great distinction. He was sent by successive govern- his consideration a • measure for the relief of
the com-
ments to Vienna, Constantinople, Brussels, and Berlin, pany from their p • d'ffi • pecuniary 1 culties, that they had con-
where he legitimately represented the Crown of England cealed or practised a fraud upon the public, by repre-
on some occasions of great importance and interest ; and seating that the taking legal • ' ''
y were a opinion with regard
he had uniformly acquitted himself to the satisfaction of to their liabilities, upon which legal • • opinum? the. question
his employers and the benefit of the country. The cha- of their liabilities was to rest, that t opinion was ad-
racter of such a public functionary was, therefore, of verse to the company, thattl ey thereupon took another
importance, and he was sure that their lordships would opinion, which ivasti favourable to them, and that they
be anxious that this statement should have the utmost presented the latter t o ie Government, concealing the
publicity. He in the most unequivocal manner denied fact that there was another. That had been the charge
that he was employed by Mr. Fox, or by any party in last year, and upon hearing it he (the Duke of New-
this country to represent them, or to make any repre- castle) hadsaid, and
ha adhered to the opinion, that it
sentation whatsoever to the Empress Catherine ; and he was inexpedient, and improper, and i
furnished the following explanation of the facts which charge of such a .. aj ii, ressio veil, to say the "'politic'leastwhen of it,a
had given rise to the misapprehension. He said-- had been made,
to give that company the additional ad-
" The French Revolution had just broken out ; and vantages which were conferred by
the act. What were
having early in life applied myself to the study of those advantages ? It had been found that the act
our foreign interests, I wished to form a true judgment passed by the Government in consequence of the ar-
of the effect it was likely to produce on our relations with rangements to which he had referred, had been • mope-
the great European States more or less interested with rative to obtain for the company in New Zealand
England in the preservation of a balance against French those advantages which were then contemplated both
ascendancy. My countrymen went eagerly to Paris. I by the Government and the company, and the
preferred going to Brussels, to Vienna, toWarsaw, and to latter had not received that portion of' the pro-
St. Petersburg. We all know to what purpose this journey ceeds of the land sales Qf the colony which it
was converted by Mr. Burke, after his hostile separation was contemplated to give them. Thereupon, in the
from Mr. Fox; but it was not until their final rupture bill of last year, a new arrangement was ade, and it
in the ensuing year that Mr. Burke's letter to the Duke was proposed to saddle the debt of £26B,ooo—he be-
of Portland, the source of all this nonsense about my lieved that was the sum—upon the lands of the colony.
' Embassy,' was published. Thirty years afterwards, It was made a condition upon 4he concession of the
Bishop Prettyman, Mr. Pitt's college tutor, wrote the management of the lands to the colonists themselves ;
' Life of Mr. Pitt,' in which he alludes to it as a matter and he (the Duke of Newcastle) certainly had stated
of notoriety, and he stated that he could prove the then, and his right lion, friends in the other house of
facts of the transaction by authentic documents among Parliament bad also stated, that any additional boon to
Mr. Pitt's papers, of which, as executor, he had become a company lying under such great imputations and
possessed. I had borne with composure all the stupid charges ought not to be conceded without full investiga-
jokes in the newspapers about myself and my proceed- tion into such charges ' • and, without expressing any
ings while I was at St. Petersburg ; but this challenge opinion as to their truth, he had said that such an inves-
from a holy bishop was not to be despised. I accepted tigation must be the first step that should be taken. He
it accordingly, and demanded the production of these had also stated that he was by no means anxious to place
documents, so declared to be in his possession. The the company in any less advantageous position than
bishop declined to produce them, and until your speech that to which they had been placed by the Government
in the House of Lords yesterday, I have never in 1848, and that, therefore, anxious as lie was that the
heard a word about the matter worth attending to. I colonists of New Zealand should receive the great boon
am sure that you have never seen my ' Two Letters to which was given them, by the act of the management
the Bishop of Winchester,' published in 1823, or you of their own land sales, he was prepared to omit from
would not have stated that I was deputed by any man that bill this concession, in order that the whole ques-
or set of men to go on an errand of this nature to St. tion might remain open until another year, with the
Petersburgh, similar to that of the City deputation to the view of a full investigation. But Parliament had
new Emperor. I think as you do on this deputation, on overruled that opinion ; by a division in the other house
the grounds both of policy and the law of nations." it had been determined that this concession should
After this disavowal on the part of Sir R. Adair, than be at once made, without any investigation, and with-
whom he believed there had never been a more honour- out waiting for the correspondence which had been laid
able man in this country, he hoped that all idea that on the table of the House of Commons during the present
there was such a deputation in 1791 would be for ever session. The bill had come up to their lordship's house
set at rest. At the same time, the law laid down by Mr. at the end of the session, and he had found that it would
Burke on the erroneous supposition of the facts remained be useless to divide the house, and that the decision of
untouched, and he was happy to find that view corrobo- Parliament was adverse to him ; no inquiry was con-
rated by Sir R. Adair, who said that he disapproved of sidered advisable, and none took place. But for what
this deputation, both on the ground of policy and as be- purpose had he said that an investigation ought to be
ing contrary to the law of nations. (Hear.) made ? For the purpose of deciding whether it was
The Earl of ALBEMARLE said that he wished to right that this boon should be conferred.. The boon had
tender his grateful acknowledgments to the noble and been conferred, the question had been so far settled, and
learned lord for the honourable testimony which he bad though he by no means bound himself or the Govern-
borne to the high character of his (the Earl of Albe- ment with regard to their future conduct on this ques-
marle's) nonagenarian friend and kinsman. It would be tion, when, as he anticipated, it might shortly be raised
most gratifying to Sir R. Adair, for he felt that he had again, yet lie must say that he thought that this was of
been the victim of misapprehension for sixty years. ail others the least expedient moment for Parliament to
THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA. institute an inquiry either by committee or otherwise.
The Earl of HARROWBY then rose to present to the One additional concession had been demanded last year
and when that was
inhabitants a petition, signed by between 6,000 and 7,000 native 1 by the New Zealand Company,
inhabitants of Calcutta and the province of Bengal. The 1 under consideration he thought that an inquiry was
petitioners stated that on the occasion of what was corn- 1 right and necessary for the honour of Parliament. He
improperly, called the renewal of the East had been overruled, but nor, what immediate cause
monly, though
India Company's charter, theydesired to call the attentionof , was there
time for any investigationHo had said
their lordships to various points, in which they considered i that
the might arrive when an investiga-
thatand that would be when they
the condition of India required amendment. They , tion would be necessary,
stated that, as subjects of the Crown of Great Britain, the knew how the colonists had received the -
measure of last
natives of that country entertained the deepest sentiments year. He did not think that that measure would be re-
efHe expressed
fidelity to her Majesty, and sincerely deceived with entire accord and satisfaction.
loyalty and
sired the continuance of British supremacy in India, to , that opinion, not in consequence of any communication
but the mode in which
which they owed freedom from foreign incursions and ' which had reached him, from_
' bill which had been brought
in
from the evils of intestine divisions, and of spoliation : colonists had received a
either by the Government last, which, or individuals. They stated at the end of the session before to
as throw-
that those who were placed under the power of the East ing a burden on their finances, they had strongly ob-
India Company enjoyed the benefit of an improved form jetted.
.They him (the
had entrusted toDuke of New-
or threepetitions
and received many advantages incidental castle), in November last, two on the
of government,
to a connection with one of the greatest and most pros- subject, and from their tone he certainly anticipated
when the actof last
value
• and that they were impressed with the that there would be remonstrances
perous nations , he did
reached the colony. But not think that
value of these and similar benefits, and of
the
consequent
sessionthe ought now to enter on a field of inquiry (without
obligations which they were under to nation from y
object) questions which might be
which they derived them. They could not, however, anydistinct or broach
brought under their notice before many months, or even
but feel that they had not profited by their connection
(11 ar hear.) He could see no
Great Britain to the extent which they had a right weeks had elapsed. e
.the
withreopening question, the proper
then recited the changes introduced , necessity now for .
to expect. They
f adminis- moment
into the form of government and the mode o for investigation having (as ho said) passed by.
to the statement which the noble earl
tration at the time of the last renewal of the charter, and With reldfeerencfe
individualy interest which he might
after pointing out their insufficiency. they enumerated a had
111‘
c an
of Newcastle) hoped that it would
hhe would ask the feel, he (the Duke
number of special grievances, to which
hini to say that he had never
attention of the house. Some of them were no doubt be unnecessaryfor
that the noble earl, either• ,
in
such as their lordships would not fully sympathise with, I said, and never
official believed,capacity, had been guilty of
but their presence in this petition was of importance, as his private tor
screening any proceedings which lie be-
European that this petition was not an emanation from the connivingba or
with the public faith or with the
European population influencing the natives, but that it lieved to e inconsistent
was, at any rate to a very great degree, the spontaneous public interest. In the blue
ondence on this subject, there
expression of their own opinions. The containing the corresp
noble lord con-
eluded by moving that the petition be referred to the were two private letters which showed what had been
select committee on Indian affairs.
1 the feeling of the noble earl on receiving the first inti-
The Earl of ALBEMARLE bore testimony, from his mation of these transactions, and those letters would
personal experience, to the reality of the alleged griev- completely exonerate him from any charge of this nature.
antes, and supported the prayer of the petition.
I He (the Duke of Newcastle) would abstain from express-
The Earl of E LLENBORO UGH, while admitting most , ing any opinion with regard to subsequent official com-
he became convinced
of the statements in the petition, looked upon the prayer munications of the noble earl after
had
taken
as one which their lordships could not entertain for aof the erroneous view which he t
the hisinntellint
oprivatefth e
moment, as tending to nothing less than a separation of communications, because it was not
• to thconse
the colony from the mother country. Having examined Government to propose any investigationhe into mat-
the prayer at considerable length, and pointed out the ters, and it would be unadvisable that express
mischiefs to which it might lead, his lordship concluded any such opinion ; but, so far as the noble earl himself
the be the case with
by exhorting government to maintain English rule was concerned, whatever may regard
in India, by the agency of English minds, but at the to other parties, he (the Duke of Newcastle) entertained

NOW Ready, price 10s. 6d. each, bound (completing the Work),
VOLS. 111. and IV. of EVELYN'S DIARY
AND CORRESPONDENCE.
New Edition, with Numerous Additions and Original Letters, now
first published, and a Copious Index.
"The third and fourth volumes of this very excellent edition of
Evelyn's famous Diary famish us with much in cresting correspon-
dence never before publi hed. These volumes will be treasures to
those who delight in genuine curiosities of literature, while, to the
student of history they will be inva cable. The work is a necessary
companion to the popular histories of our country—to Hume, Hallam,
Macaulay, and Lingard."—San.
Published, for Henry Col burn, by his Successors, Hurst and Blackett,
13, Great Marlborough-street.

DEDICATED TO THE WOMEN OF ENGLAND.
New ready, demy Svo., price 15s. bound in cloth,
A N EXPOSITION of the LAWS RELATING
-CIL to the WOMEN of ENGLAND, showing their Rights,
Remedies, and Responsibilities in every Position of Life.
By J. J. S. WHARTON, M.A., Barrister•at-law.
London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans.

_MARRIAGE of the EMPEROR of the
FRENCH.—NUPTIAL GIIOUP.—The Empress Eugenie
in her beautiful Bridal Dress of exquisite Lace of great value, with
the magnificent ornaments worn on that joyous zecasion4-4110-his
Irnpeval Majesty Napoleon lIL, in the full dress of a Lieutenant-
General, wearing the Order of the Legion of Honour, is N 0 iV ADDED
to Madame TUSSAH!) and SONS' EXHIBITION, Bazaar, Baker-
street, Portman-sqUare.—Admission, Is ; Napoleon Rooms, 6d.
extra. Open from 11 in the morning till 10 at night.

quiry.
The Duke of NEWCASTLE said he had admitted
the necessity of investigation, but denied the fitness of
the present time for the purpose. He thought they
should have the views of the people of Nelson before
they proceeded further, and, in the meantime, he begged
to say that he had made no charge of malversation of
public money. He believed that the parties most in-
terested had expressed a strong wish for inquiry. -
Earl GREY admitted that the New Zealand Com-
pany had expressed the utmost anxiety for the fullest
inquiry. He could only say, that if he bad brought
forward charges of so heavy a nature, he should have
taken care they did not fall to the ground. However,
it was a lesson to those who, by their present conscious
reluctance, showed that their former accusations were
groundless, not again to be so rash in circulating slan-
derous imputations against men who were of as high
honour as themselves.
Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to 8 o'clock.

KYOUND and WHITE TEETH are not only
indispensably reauisite to a pleasing exterior in both sexes,
but they are peculiarly appreciated through life as a blessing highly
conducive to the purposes of health and longevity. Among the vari-
ous preparations offered for the purpose, ROWLANDS' ODONTO, or
Pearl Dentifrice, stands unrivalled in its capability of embellishing,
purifying, and preserving the teeth to the latest period of life. Pre-
pared from Oriental herbs, with unusual care, transmitted to this
country at great expense, .this unique compound will be found to
eradicate all Tartar and concretions, impart a pearl-like whiteness to
the enamelled surface, remove spots of incipient decay, render the
gums firm and red, fix the teeth firmly in their sockets, and, from its
aromatic influence, impart sweetness and purity to the breath. It is
important to observe, that when used early in life, it effectually pre-
vents all aches in the teeth and gums, effaces spots and discolours-
lion, eradicates scurvy, and, in a word, soon realises the chief attri-
bute of health and beauty—a Fine Set of Pearly Teeth. Price 2s.
9d. per box.
Can/um—The words " Rowlands' Odonto " are on the Label, and
"A. Rowland and Son, 20, Hatton-garden," engraved on the Govern-
ment Stamp affixed on each box. Sold by them and by Chemists .
and Perfumers.

HOUSE 0 F COMMONS.—(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock.
ELECTION COMMITTEES.
The members of the Dartmouth and Leicester Elec-
tion Committees were called to the table and sworn, and
appointed to sit to-morrow, at 12 o'clock.

SOUTH AUSTRALIAN COPPER MINING
COMPANY.

The Committee of Management HEREBY GIVE NOTICE, that, in
rursuance of the Resolution of the Board of 17th December last,
they have allotted the remaining unappropriated Shares of the
Company among the Holders of such Shares as were Registe ed in
the Cost Book in the Mon. h of January last pursuant to Notice, and
stamped with the Red Stamp. Such allotment is in the proportion
of Two Shares for every Five Shares so Registered and Stamped.
The Letters of Allotment will be issued at the Offices of the Com-
pany on production of the Shares so Registered and Stamped, on or
before SATURDAY, the 16th day of April, 1853 ; after which the right to
claim such Allotment will be considered as forfeited.

TAUNTON ELECTION.
The Taunton Election Committee was called to the
table and sworn, and appointed to sit to-morrow at one
o'clock.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The Dublin and Belfast Junction Railway Bill was
read a third time and passed.

PETITIONS.
Mr. HINDLEY presented a petition from Lanca
shire against the opening of the Crystal Palace on Sun-
days.

By Order of the Board.
J. THOMPSON, Chairman.
Offices, 17, Gracechurch-street, 29th March, 1853.

F.XCISE-OFFICE, in Old Broad-street, FOR
SALE.—To be SOLD, by TENDER, GN order of the Corn-
miss oners of Inland Revenue, in several Lotg; or, if an adequate
price be offered, in One Lot, all those extensive, valuable, and highly
important FREEHOLD PREMISES in Old Broad•street, in the city
of London, known for many years as the EXCISE-OFFICE, and,
recently, as the Inland Revenue-office ; comprising the elegant and
substantial stone banding fronting Old Broad-street, and the spacious
offices and inclosed yard contiguous, in the rear, with a carriage-way
entrance from BiShopsgate-street, all of which have been for the last
eighty years vested in the Crown, and used for the purposes of the
Excise Revenue.

Several petitions were presented to the same effect by
other hon. members.

Sir J. ANDERSON presented a petition from Glas-
gow against the Scotch University Tests.
Sir DE LACY EVANS presented a petition from the
working men of Westminster in favour of the Combina-

[on of Workmen Bill.

Mr. TUFNELL presented a petition from Rye, pray-
ing that the writ for that borough be immediately issued.
The hon. member gave notice that on this day week he
would move the issuing of the writ.
Several petitions were presented:against the admission
of Jews into Parliament.

The vast importance of this property, in regard as well to its loca-
lity as its extent, is of the highest character. The immediate neigh-
bourhood of the Royal Exchange, the Bank of England, the Stock
Exchange, the Auction Mart, and the numerous other public and pri-
vate establishments for business, renders its value peculiar; and no
opportunity of acquiring a site in the city of London, in any degree
approximating that now offered, will probably again present itself.
Printed particulars and cOnditions of sale, with a form of tender,
may be obtained at the offices of the Secretary, and the Solicitor of
Inland Revenue, Somerset-house; and of William Herbert, Esq , the
Board's Surveyor of Buildings, on the premises, in Old Broad-street.
All tenders to be delivered on or before the 2-ith April next.
Inland Revenue, Somerset-house, 31st March, 1853.

Mr. FITZROY presented petitions from Lewes, Barn-
staple, and other places, in favour of extending the
jurisdiction of county courts in cases of bankruptcy.
Mr. COWAN presented a petition from Linlithgow
and Edinburgh against the Scotch University Tests.
Mr EWART presented a petition from Dumfries against
the clause in the Public Houses (Scotland) Bill, prohibit-
ion.' the sale of spirituous Uquors by grocers.
Mr. COBDEN presented a petition from Lancashire,
in favour of countY financial boards.
Sir J. TROL LOPE presented a petition from growers
of corn in Surrey, praying for some reform in the mode
of ascertaining the averages of the price of grain.
Mr. HUME presented a petition from the shipwrights
of London in favour of the Combination of Workmen
Bill.

Mr: RICARDO presented a petition from the Staf-
fordshire Potteries, praying for the abolition of the mi-
litia.

FLOGGING IN THE NAVY.
On the motion of Mr. HUME, a return was agreed to
of the number of persons flogged in the Navy since 1847.

•
ACCIDENTS IN COAL MINES.
In reply to Mr. HUTCHINGS,
Mr. FITZROY said the Government would have no
objection to the re-appointment of the committee on
accidents in mines, but just now two of the inspectors of
mines had obtained leave to visit France, in order to
ascertain the means adopted in those countries for
the prevention of such accidents, and it would be
more convenient if the hon. member postponed his mo-
tion until their return.

Mr. HUTCHINGS said he would consent to that
course.

QUARANTINE LAWS.

In answer to Mr. HUM;
Lord J. RUSSELL said the sanitary regulations
agreed to by the convention which was held in Paris in
1851 were received by the Secretary of State and referred
by him to the Board of Trade. It seemed to them that
they were open to very great objections, but they were
still under their consideration, with the view of arriving
at some regulations which would be useful to all mari-
time Powers.

[PRIG% SD.

ralty touching the promotions referred to in the paper
relating to the Chatham election, and if so, would there
be any objection to produce them ?
Sir J. GRAHAM said he had made inquiry into this
matter, and found that there were no such minute ; but
there was an original notification in existence from the
Surveyor of the Dockyard, relative to the promotion of
Master Smith.

PILOTAGE CHARGES.
Mr. HUME moved for copies of Schedule List of the
several rates of pilotage charged by the pilots under the
Trinity-house, Deptford Strond, and the pilots under the
Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports ; together with the
existing regulations and orders, by each of these depart-
ments, for the instruction and information of the ship-
owners.
Agreed to.

SIR J. BROOKE.
Mr. DRUMMOND said he wished to put a
question of some importance to the noble Lord (Lord J.
Russell). It was well known that Mr. Hume had for
the last two years been in the habit of inserting notices
on the paper containing certain allegations and insinua-
tions against Sir J. Brooke, but he (Mr. Drummond)
had taken every occasion to resist such motions. Mr.
Hume had shifted his ground, and he now issued
from his house, in Bryanstone-square, libels
on the character of that individual, and these had been
published at the expense of the Government.
Mr. HUME—I deny they were libels.
Mr. DRUMMOND—I say they were gross libels.
These letters were presented to the house by the sanction
of her Majesty, and they accused Sir J. Brooke, a servant
of the Crown, of having beenguilty of gross and scandal.
ous falsehoods. Now, he wished to ask why it was that
such grave accusations were allowed to be published by
the Government against a man, with respect to whom
there was no reason to suppose the Sovereign had any
ground for departing from the approbation which she
had previously expressed of his conduct. (Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said the return of the correspon-
dence was agreed to after the resignation of the Earl of
Derby, and when there was no member of the Govern-
ment present in the house to give ally answer with re-
spect to its production. When he accepted the seals of
the Foreign-office, he found the papers had been pre-
pared, in pursuance of the address, and his first impres-
sion was to ask the house to rescind the order which it
made—(hear, hear)—but on further consideration he
thought it was better that the correspondence should be
produced. He accordingly presented the return to the
house. He must say, however, that the course which
had thus been fallen into was a very inconvenient one,
and he trusted the house would not agree to any further
motion for the production of this correspondence, which
in fact consisted of long letters from the hon. member for
Montrose to the Secretary of State, containing accusa-
tions, which he might very well put into a speech in the
house. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. HUME hoped he might be allowed to explain.
All these papers had been laid before the house in re-
gular order. It was only fair that when a paper was
printed which applied to a letter not before the house,
that the letter itself should be produced ; but he had
nia.de charges against Sir James Brooke, which Sir James
Brooke shrunk from, and if the house would only grant a
committee of inquiry, he would give them.
Mr. HENRY DRUMMOND wished now to ask
Lord John Russell, whether the Government have re-
ceived the accounts of the breaking out of the Dyaks in
acts of piracy, on the 3d day of February, in Sakarran,
under the command of the pirate Rentab, who unfortu-

ACCOUCHEMENT OF HER MAJESTY.
Lord J. RUSSELL said, before they proceeded to
the ordinary business of the day, he was sure the house
would be anxious to congratulate her Majesty upon the
birth of another Prince. Relying upon the feelings of
loyalty and attachment which the house had always
evinced towards the throne it would be unnecs-
sary for him to preface the motion he was about
to make with any remarks, a.nd therefore without further
comment he would at once move that an humble address
be presented to her Majesty, congratulating her Majesty
upon the birth of another. Prince, and assuring her Ma-
jesty that it always afforded the greatest satisfaction to
the house to see her Majesty's domestic happiness pro-
moted.

Mr. DISRAELI had great pleasure in seconding the
motion. The feellings of loyalty and attachment which
the house felt for the Crown rendered the motion almost
one as a matter of courie. • These feelings were also
participated in by the country and they arise from a
feeling that with the royal house of these realms were
associated the best interests of the land. (Cheers.)
The motion was then carried amidst loud cheers.
PUBLIC EDUCATION.

Lord J. RUSSELL brought in the Government
Education Bill, which was read a first time, and ordered
to be read a second time to-morrow fortnight.

nately escaped in the action with Captain Farquhar;
the forcible coming out of a balls. (or assemblage for
warlike purposes), in war vessels (bangongs) ; and the
attacking the forts at the mouths of the rivers Sakarran
and Rejang, by which Mr. Leo and many persons with
him lost their lives ; again rendering insecure to mercan-
tile interests the whole coast of Borneo.
Lord J. RUSSELL said such information had been
received at the Foreign-office, and Lord Clarendon was
now moving in the matter. _ _

CAMBRIDGE ELECTION.

Mr. V. SMITH moved an address to the Crown for a
commission to inquire into corrupt practices at elections
at Cambridge :—Graham Wilmore, Esq., Q.C., George
Boden, Esq., and Thomas Tower, Esq., Commissioners.
The hon. member details the heads of the evidence of
bribery as it came out before the committee, and ex-
plained that the principal agents employed in the acts
of bribery belonged to the fair sex. (A laugh.) There
could be no doubt that a reckless system of corruption
prevailed at the last election for Cambridge. The
bribery which took place was not only systematic but
also extensive, and it would seem that the only value
which the freemen and male electors of Cambridge at-
tached to the franchise, was the amount of money which
their votes would bring them, and nothing like prin-
ciple or party was ever thought of. He therefore felt
bound, as chairman of the committee, to move for
this commission and he hoped the house would expe-
rience no difficulty in agreeing to it. At the same time,
however, he ought to state his opinion that the law of
agency required extensive alterations and amendments,
and he thought it would shortly be the duty of the house
to take that question into its most serious consideration.
The motion was agreed to without discussion.
IRISH CONSOLIDATED ANNUITIES.
Mr. MOORE then rose to move, that in the opinion
of this house, it is the duty of her Majesty's Govern-
ment forthwith to take into consideration the Irish Con-
solidated Annuities, in order to effect a more equitable
settlement of the claims for which those annuities were
granted, by remitting the amount charged on account of
the Labour Rate Acts, 9 and 10 Vic., c. 107, and 10
and 11 Vic., 87, whilst the repayment of the workhouse
loans, the advances for temporary relief, Act 10 Vic., c.
7, the advances for public works, under the Acts 1 Vic.,
c. 21, and 9 Vic., c. 1, and for the aid of the distressed
districts, under the Act 13 Vic., c. 14, are fully pro-
vided for. He tame before the house to ask them to
consider a question which deeply affected the whole people
of Ireland. This was entirely a matter of facts and details
not of principle, an,d,it would be for the house to decide
whether it was not due to Ireland that these anomalies
should be remitted as an act of justice. He did not a's4k
for it on any other ground, and he trusted, therefore,
that both sides of the house, and members of all parties,
were ready to give the question a fair and impartial con-
sideration. It had been once investigated by a commit-
tee of the house, composed of all shades of opinion, and
the unanimous rebommendatiOn of that was to abolish
this objectionable tax. The committee thoroughly
stud;ed the whole subject, they took evidence upon
it collected from all part of Ireland, and given
by persons who were entitled to confidence and respect,
and the unanimous resolution which they arrived at was
that which he had just stated. Nothing was left undone,
nor was any point withheld from the committee which
could have induced the committee to come to a
different conclusion. (Hear, hear.) He should be
(sorry to argue that the house ought to be bound
by the decision of any committee ; but this was an ex-
ceptional ease to the ordinary rule. The country went
with the committee in their recommendation, and since
this tax was grossly unjust, besides being highly ob-
noxious to the feelings of Ireland, it was the duty of
the house to adopt it. Common sense and sound
policy were like in favour of the remission of the tax,
and he hoped the house would have no hesitation in
passing the motion. Ireland had never refused to dis-
charge her just debts or to repay advances that had been
made to her as grants ; but she had no right to pay this
tax, and it would be an act of policy as well as gene-
rosity to relieve her from it.

Mr. HUME said these acts of piracy were provoked
by Sir James Brooke himself.
PILOTAGE BILL.

Mr. FRENCH seconded the motion. He contended
that the report of the Lords' committee on the subject
at issue was perfectly just, and he was prepared to prove
that it was perfectly moderate in its recommendations.
He regretted the necessity for the present motion, and
he felt bound to say that the representatives of Ireland
.had not been fairly treated in regard to the matter at
issue by the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, before
he made any remark on the subject matter of this motion,
he must express the very sincere regret with which he had
listened to that portion of the speech of the hon. member
for Mayo, in which the hon. member treated this as a ques-
tion between Ireland and Sir Charles Trevelyan. Everything
done, of which the hon. member complained, he laid on the
shoulders of Sir Charles Trevelyan, and described that pub-
lic servant, whom he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
did not hesitate to characterise as an eminently able, up-
right, honest, and indefatigable man, in terms which he
had never heard applied by any member of Parliament to
one of that most valuable class of civil servants of the coun-
try who were the advisers of the Executive Government,
who had no means of defending themselves in that house
or otherwise when attacked—(hear, hear)—whose useful
advice and successful propositions invariably redounded to
the credit and honour of 'the Ministers of the day, whose
advice and propositions ought to be laid to the charge and
the responsibility of the Ministers, and ought not to be
made the basis of a gross personal attack. (Hear, hear.)
It was with surprise and regret that, for the first time
during some experience, he had listened to such terms as
those in which the hon. member described Sir C. Trevelyan
as " a dogmatist, a theorist, a practical blunderer, who
spared nothing, and who scrupled at nothing." Ho was
satisfied there were few men in that house who would have
made such an attack, and he doubted very much whether
the hon. gentleman himself would hereafter repeat it.
(Hear.) Whatever Sir C. Trevelyan had advised or done in
this matter, it ought not to be laid to his door ; it was to be
laid to the door of the Government who adopted the mea-
sures which he advised ; and if the measures were not sound
in principle, or had been found unsuccessful in practice, it
was the Government only on whom the blame ought to be laid.
He might personally remark of the peculiarity of this dis-
cussion. He did not recollect the case of a financial pro-
position of great importance made to the Commons House
of Parliament, and supported almost exclusively on the
basis of the report of a committee of the House of Lords.
He did not mean to say that when justice and good sense
were involved in the proceedings of a committee of the
House of Lords, they ought not to be attended to ; but he
entirely demurred to the description which the honourable
member for Mayo gave of the report of that committee,
when he designated it as a high and commanding autho-
rity. He did not admit the doctrine that the report of a
committee of the House of Lords upon a question of
finance was to be urged in the House of Commons, not
amsearehilygahs aanmdatcotemr attention,mreaansodninagbleauatnhdodrietsye.r7Hgenr.)Hew
but
s
much more disposed to think that the report of a commit-
tee
of that chamber of the Legislature which was not the
taxing chamber, ought to be received with some
jealousy
by the body to whom was entrusted the functions of tax-
ing
the people and deciding upon the burdens to be cast
upon them ; at the same time they ought to consider
whatever merits it might have in reference to the standard
of reason and justice. (Hear, hear.) He was bound to
say that, when he described the motion as supported en-
tirely by a report of a committee of the House of Lords he
misstated the case, for the hon. gentleman who had
altdhuocivfhrotmhe Ireland
committee
sat down went beyond the committee of the House of
Lords, and was of opinion that these Consolidated
Annui-
ties,ulgahrgtetosubr I le
s
of
money
remitted,
omf
etnhdea
tHi
oonu.s e
Io
nf
tLhoer dv e
w decline
ofdth tohano
ndm_ aghe
ke enbtaine
ay such recom-
t is country, iinvolving
ought
an the com-
mitteethoengseentilteman
urged
was
ofen oLuogrhd's declined
farse
to urge in their
what
datnc)t the
go
liou
report. The hon. gentleman argued ed tthat because
estimated the expenditure for the rel. f dinary years would amount to a certl? of the poor in or-
wt, exceeded, that constituted am sum, and that sum
British Exchequer. He demurred to that doctrine ; but
he declined to notice it further, not because the ho-
nourable gentleman was not entitled to use it, but
come because it did not
wiantp n the scope of the
motion before the house
therefore the house
would forgive him if he passed by th
gentleman's speech. The hon, portion of the hon.
motion did not ask for the re. giesnsio
tlenmoafnjehmono
de
atshae
boon, or as a
.matter of equitable consideration, lut on
grounds of strict justice ; he founded it on charges which
he made against the Government and Parliament of this
this country, which he said were guilty of great misdeeds,
the consequence of which misdeeds Ireland ought not to
bear. For reasons which he should state by and by, he

In reply to Mr. DEEDES,
Mr. CARD WELL said he hoped he should be able
to proceed with the Pilotage Bill, but it would not be
brought in at a late hour.

SHERIFF'S COURT (SCOTLAND) BILL.
In reply to Mr. COWAN,
The LORD ADVOCATE said he proposed to send
she bill to a select committee.

THE ADMIRALTY BOARD.
Sir B. HALL said he should place his motion relative
to the Admiralty on the table to-morrow. He wished
to know whether there were any minutes at the Admi-

2-4/e.-----e) C----
----- -- --) .
(-
_2----r-----"---
_ . _... _ . _
- - ,
.
.. _ _ . _
. •
~,
. -,t-zill:,) , . ,
.
_
Vt.:, '.,;
\• . ... : -....'• i'":17: '. , .
.)s
' v 6„,„4„ %,..., _
..z. , 0. "U
1- • 2,„. ...., ,
.. 7. iti, , :,..,,,,,,
i . ~... ' -- • ,,,:-:,,, ,
___
;:S. 'le - ..., ..., . •-: .' i '',
le
1,
':
"ks''',, . 1.
.'.
' . _ tk,,' , '
.- •V- •',#,.. .
( ' ti- -. sqy
Iv (i. ~- . ..,..•:::- ,
,- i ,
,-, ' ~1 ,70,
,:r.,/,7g., .? 0
tr - '
....,0-'' :Ri. ,:1.,,,.,,,i,,,, A..,
....- _ ... '',.4. RI , . 07-7 ~ ,"...:.-- -:- ...0,-4.-----
~..1
+
-,..:- 7
,_ ,‘1,;.,..„. / f .‘,•--t._ -.. ..- ////,''' i- t CYR:" t•l'./ 47/'' '/- 149 '.. :- '',-71-7ZOIT •\‘ - .'
e:‘,3-0N ''g qi l'4". DIV. •'
"'"
N ' - /N. 4,

,

should not enter into any statement of the views of the
Government on this question. He should not refer to the
judgment of the Government with regard to it, but to the
arguments raised by the hon. gentleman, that the remis-
sion of 2,000,0001. or 3,000,000/. expended under the Relief
Act of 1846, ought to be made on grounds of strict justice,
and because the exaction of it would be a wrong inflicted
on Ireland. There, again, he did not think the two hon.
gentlemen had made good their case. The statement
seemed to be that the Parliament and Government of this
country had intruded into the position and usurped the
functions of the landed proprietors or Ireland. (Hear,
hear, from Mr. Moore.) He believed these were some of
words used—" that the mode of relief chosen was con-
demned by the people of Ireland"—of course, that meant
condemned at the time, because if not at the time it meant
nothing—" that the parties who administered relief seduced
labourers, caused deaths and starvation, which would not
otherwise have taken place, and diminished the amount of
means of subsistence in the country." The whole was
summed up with a long bill which Ireland had paid in re-
compense for the great wrongs done to her. It might be
said that when the British Parliament enacted the poor-
law, they committed something like a usurpation of the
functions of the landed proprietors. But if they had not
assumed those functions, they must have remained in
abeyance. Parliament passed the poor-law against the
opinion of Irish proprietors, and he supposed it would not
be pretended now to say that Parliament erred in doing
so. (Hear, hear.) He knew, whatever might be the opi-
nion of the mover of this proposition, that the public at
large, and the people of Ireland owed a deep debt of grati-
tude to the noble lord for having passed that poor-law.
(Cheers.) It was now made a great charge against the
Government that its officials were placed in the position of
the landed proprietors. He wanted to show that, in pass-
ing the poor-law, the Government and its officials were put
in tho place of the landed proprietors under the pressure
of very strong necessity—absolute necessity—for the wel-
fare of the people of Ireland; and therefore it was not
a conclusive argument against the proceedings of Parlia-
ment, if he showed that in the instance they were now dis-
cussing the Government assumed the functions of the
landed proprietors either better to discharge those func-
tions for the benefit of the people. Ho did not admit that
Parliament did so. He did not admit that the law was
forced upon Ireland. What were the provisions of the
law? It began by stating that the Lord-Lieutenants should
direct extraordinary presentment sessions for the baronies;
that such sessions should be held by the justices, and they
should record presentments of such public works as they
approved. They were required to send up a list of pre-
sentments of public works, such as they approved, to the
Lord-Lieutenant, who forwarded them to the Treasury,
and no public -work was undertaken except it was first
approved by the extraordinary sessions, by the Lord-Lieu-
tenant, and by the Treasury. Would any one tell him
that the structure of that act betrayed any dispOsition on _
the part of Parliament to set aside or neglect the landed
proprietors of Ireland ? The Lord-Lieutenant was not
authorised to act except upon presentments made by the
sessions, consisting of the landed proprietors of Ireland—
he had no power of acting independently of them. The
hon. gentleman quoted some cases, in which he seemed to
allege presentments had been extorted from the local
parties by influence, and the works executed somewhat
against their wishes. The figures would distinctly show
that such cases were the exception and not the general
rule ; because what were the facts? By extraordi-
nary presentment sessions in Ireland, under the Labour
Act of 1846, presentments were made amounting in
all to 6,647,000/. Let the house remark the import
of that. Presentments were made by the landed proprietors
for public works to the extent of 6,647,0001. What was
the extent of the works executed ? The extent executed
wes 4,460,0001. ; therefore it appeared two millions were
presented by parties locally interested in Ireland which
were never sanctioned at all. Did they mean to complain
of the selection made in the works, which the local parties
had already approved, or did they mean to complain that
too few of these works had been executed ? At any rate,
if it was charged that these works were executed either in
defiance of the will or without the will of the landed pro-
prietors of Ireland, and that the landed proprietors on
whom the burden must ultimately fall were set aside, he
said, on the contrary, the structure of the act showed the
utmost anxiety on the part of Parliament that the landed
proprietors should have as much discretion as possible, and
that the utmost precautions were taken to prevent their
having reason to say that they were set aside, and these
charges forced upon them in spite of their own different
opinion. (Hear.) He believed he might with confidence
refer to the discussion in the Houses of Parliament when
the act passed. It was very easy to be wise now after the
fact. The famine came on with giant strides, and spread
over the land with a rapidity and raged with an intensity
which no man could foresee, and the machinery broke
down. (Hear, hear.) When Parliament met again they
recognised the failure of the machinery, and set about
applying remedial measures. No doubt, great mischief
had been done, but everybody had been deceived, and
everybody had miscalculated. The charge made at the
time against the Government was that the act was ham-
pered with too many restrictions, and that the number of •
presentments made would be less than it ought to be. If
that was the language of the Irish representatives at that
time, they had no right to say now that the Government of
the day had acted in opposition to their suggestions. For
the various reasons which he had stated, he demurred to
the proposition made by the hon. member, that any remis-
sion was due to Ireland on the score of justice. Even if
Parliament had been deliberately wrong, he still thought
that the hon. gentleman ought to have shown that the
Irish representatives had pointed out the right course. But
to that point the hon. gentleman had not even addressed
himself. He would now refer to the imputation which
the honourable gentleman had made against him (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer). The honourable gentleman
said that if he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) made a
promise to give an immediate reply, he ought to keep it.
So far he agreed with the hon. gentleman, but when he
was told that at the time when he met the deputation in
Downing-street he promised to give an answer totally irre-
spective of the budget, he could not say that- he agreed
with him at all, for he statel exactly the reverse. As he
could refer to a written record of- what passed, he would
tell the right hon. gentleman what he did say. Lord Mon-
teagle stated to him that there had been a conversation in
the House of Lords on the night immediately preceding the
interview, which would seem to show that the question
had been postponed for reasons of departmental conveni-
ence, and then he went on to say that the Government had
no right to tax the poorest part of the Queen's dominions—
namely, Ireland—with reference to any question of surplus
or deficiency in the annual income of the State. In reply,
ho Oho Chancellor of the Exchequer) stated that the Earl
of Aberdeen, in the speech to which Lord Monteagle
had
referred, merely said that the question was not to depend
on the surplus or deficiency of the year. This statement ho
(the Chancellor of the Exchequer) made at the time, and
this statement he now repeated. The lion. member, in
stating that the answer which he had promised to give, was
to be quite irrespective of a surplus, represented him (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer) to be out of his senses. When
every question connected with fiscal administration was
raised, and pressed against from every quarter, the hon.
gentleman would have a right to be more severe upon him
thad he had been, if he really believed that he had given
an immediate answer to a question which was most
complex in its character, and which involved five millions
of money. The fact was, that he had not only stated
that he could not give an immediate answer, but he had
detailed the reasons why he could give one. He stated that the question of the consolidated annuities was con-
nected with the financial condition of the country, and
that it was not the intention of the Government to
take any steps in the matter without reviewing the
whole of the financial prospects of the State. To that
declaration he still adhered. It was not the intention of
the Government to consider the question of the consoli-
dated annuities, except in conjunction with the other great
financial questions of the day. This was the 7th of April,
and on the 18th it would fie his duty, on the part of the
Government to lay before the house the whole of the views
which her Majesty's ministers entertained on the financial
position of the country. He trusted, therefore, that the
hon. gentleman would not consider it disrespectful to him
if he declined to enter upon any further discussion of the
question at present. It would then appear whether the
Government were justified in the views which they took
with respect to the general finances of the country. If
the hon. gentleman did not agree with those views, it was
open to him to move a vote of censure upon the Govern-
ment. He had no more at present to say than that, in his
opinion, the hon. gentleman who had made this motion
had not made out the case which he stated it was his inten-
tion to prove, , namely, a case of wrong and oppression on
the part of Parliament and of the Government against Ire-
land at the period of the famine, and on the ground of
which wrong and injustice he had claimed the remission of
two or three millions, not as a matter of equitable con-
sideration, but upon the basis of strict restitution. To
these observations, therefore, he had only to add that he
should feel it to be his duty to oppose the motion.
Mr. H. HERBERT agreed with the right hon. gentleman
in all that he had stated with respect to the Irish Poor-
law, to which he looked for the regeneration of Ireland.
What was complained of was, that while members of that
house and the public press were lecturing on the necessity
of self-exertion, Parliament, by its legislation, had made it
impossible. With respect to the Irish landlords, no ono
could doubt that they had been guilty of many sins, both
of omission and commission, but at the same time ho believed
that when the famine came they wore prepared to do their
duty. The light hon. gentleman was perfectly correct in
stating that the Government could not initiate any particu-
lar work at the presentment sessions ; but could he be so
ignorant of the state of the country as to believe that the
owners of land, in the midst of a starving population, were
really free agents ? (Hear, hear.) They were placed in a
position, which, he thought, any man of common sense
must perceive rendered them—if they were alive to the
common feelings of humanity—almost involuntary actors
in the performance of the duty which had been imposed
upon them. It was felt that a pressure must exist on
those who had to carry out the act, and this was one of
the causes of its failure. The presentment sessions were
on more than one occasion scenes of confusion, intiida-
tion, and riot, which was the natural result of
giving the
people to understand that the magistrates had
nothing to
do but to carry out the intentions of the Legislature, and
give them work. Even if the landlords had been insen-
sible to the intimidation which was exercised, there were
few who were willing to evade the responsibility which
the condition of their fello -countrymen imposed upon
them, and Sir C. Trevelyan himself gave a list of landlords,
including Lord Lurgan and others,. who lost their lives in
consequence a the efforts which they made to relieve des-
titution.
Lord J. RUSSELL had hoped, that after the lap se of
seven years, something like a
dispassionate consideration
would have been manifested for the difficulties which be-
set the executive and every one else in the great and dis-
tressing trial to which the people of Ireland were sub-
jected. He was very sorry to find that this was not the
prevalent feeling. He thought that a great portion of the
statements in the document which had been so much re-
fereed to, the report made by a committee of the House of
Lords, were well founded, and gwe an accurate picture of
the case. What he thought the fault of the report was,
the total omission of the subject which the committee had
to consider, namely, the famine; and that it was the duty
of every one to mitigate that calamity in the only way
they could, by trying to save human life. The report, how-
ever, seemed but now and then to notice that fact inciden-
tally, though it was the great subject of their inquiry.
Errors, no doubt, might have been committed by the Go-
vernment and others, but the question was, whether they
did not, in a great degree, arrive at the end proposed,
and save the lives of a great number of persons. It was
represented for the purposes of this motion that there was
an undertaking by the Government of this country to
for
in-
duce the Legislature to determine on a systoem_ f
the Irish people without the consent of system
proprietors. The hon. gentleman who had just! drioswnh landedstate4:l
that the landed proprietors had not faartiriadli,lucrdegtnaionenotn,
and
subject, and could not exercise p
he added that they were carried away, as the truth was, by