The Sun.
London, England, 1853-05-19 00:00:00

LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, iVIAY 19, 1853.

TURNING THE TABLES.:--
For an explanation of the real cause of Table-moving, on
Physiological Principles, with a Refutation of the hypothesis of
"Spirits" and "Electricity," see the " LEADER" Newspaper of
SATURDAY next, the 21st May, No. Price Sixpence. Office,
7, Welington-street, Stran 1.

" riIHE PRESS."—On SATURDAY, the 21st,
. No. 3, Price Sixpence, of " TOE PRESS," the new weekly
Conservative paper. Published every Saturday. Office, No. I la,
Strand. Money Orders for s:ubscriptions to be made payable to Mr.
Allred Tye.

TN-DIA REFORM. No. 6.----The Government
_L of India under a Bureaucracy,. by' John Dickinson, Jun.
S•a:ond Edition. Ip just Published, price Three Pence, per post, 9d.
London: Saunders and Stanford, 6, Charing-cross. Blanchester:
Simms and Dinh= ; of whom may be had—
No. 1 —The Government of India since lilt.
No. 2.—The Finances of India.
No. 3.—Notes on India, by Dr, Bnist, of Bombay.
No. 4.—The Native States of India..
No B.—An extract from Mill's History on the Double Government;
and Observations on the Evidence given before the Parliamentary
Committee, by J. Sullivan, Esq.

This day, Second Edition, with an appendix by Jacob Post,
Bror cloth ss.
- -

STEN' TATION ; or, CRITICAL REMARKS
on " QUAKERISM ; or, TUE STORY OF MY LIFE;"
By Mrs. GREER;
•-•-

In which that lady's parvenu attempts at aristocracy are ridiculed,
and fiction exposed.

By SANDITAM ELLY.
Dublin : lodges and SnOth, Grafton-street. London : F. and G.
Cash, Bishopsgate-street Without. •

On Thursday next, Bvo., 7s. 6d.,
THE TEXT OF SHAKSPEARE VINDI-
CATED from the Interpolations and Corruptions advocated
by Joann PAYNE COLLIER, Esq. in his Notes and Emendations.

By SAMUEL WELLER SINGER.
"TO BLOT OLD BOOKS AND ALTER TIIEIR CONTENTS,"—Rape Of Luerece.
♦lso preparing for immediate Publication, in 10 Volumes, fcap. Bvo.,
to appear Monthly, The Dramatic Works of WILLIANt SHAKSPEARE,
the Text completely Revised,with Notes, and ♦arious Readings.

By SAMUEL WELLER SINGER.
London : Publiklied by William Pickering.

Just Published, Hine, cloth, price 35., Illustrated with Engravings.
Lir OW to CHOOSE A GOOD MILK COW ;
_am e+, arnescription of all the Marks by which the Milking
Qualities of Cows may be ascertained.

By J. H. MAGNE, Professor of the Veterinary School, Alfort,
With a Supplement on the Dairy Cattle of Britain ; their Qualities,
Macagement, and Productive Results, with huts for Selecting.
By JOHN HAXTON, Drumnod, File.

Mackie and Son, Warwick-square, Newgate-street, London, and

sold by all Booksellers.

LAITRENT'S CASINO, ARGYLL ROOMS._
Lessee, CHARLES E. LAURENT, Onslow-house, Fulham-
road. Open Every Evening. The Orchestra will perform, during
the week, "The Thistle," "Shamrock." "Rose," "Amina" " Gran-
villg," "Loch Vogel," and " Windsor Castle" Waltzes; he "Napo-
leon" Galop; "Le Cirque" Quadrille; "The Gold Hawk' and
" Juno" Polkas.— Admission, Is. Doors open at Half-past Eight;
Dancing to commence at Nine o'clock, and terminate at Half-past
Eleven.

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

STATE OF FRANCE.
(Front the Times.)

The proceedings of the French Legislative As-
semblies have acquired a degree of interest within
the last few days which has astonished the public
and annoyed the Imperial Government. For the
first two months of the annual session the State
Ball given to the Court was the only Parliamentary
occurrence of the season, and Count Montalembert
observed, in a caustic letter on that entertainment,
that it was the first time the tribune of a Legis-
lature had been turned into an orchestra of musi-
cians. But, even on the short rations of the Im-
perial constitution, some . business remained to be
transacted. The budget was to be voted, some
railroads were to be authorised, and some changes
in the law to be 'adopted. It became necessary to
prolong the session for a fortnight, and at the same
time the Emperor notified his intention of allow-
ing each' member an extra donation of 50/. for his
additional attendance. This closing fortnight has
done all the mischief. Placed between the neces-
sity of voting a number of discreditable laws with-
out examination, and the danger of thwarting the
intentions of the Government, the Assembly hesi-
tates ; and even those persons who have hitherto
accepted every degradation which it was in the
power of Louis Napoleon to confer seem suddenly
to remember that their country was once free, and
that they themselves were the members of an in-
dependent Assembly. The first blow aimed at the
Government was given by M. de Montalembert,
who protested with great energy in committee
against the introduction into the public ac-
counts adopted by the Chamber of sums de-
rived from the spoliation of the Orleans family.
Shortly afterwards a bill came on for the re-
gulation of Civil Pensions, which was carried by
a majority of only 32, uo less than 98 mem-
bers of the Legislature having the courage to
vote against it. A vote was demanded for a sum
of 12,0001. to be paid to the widow of Marshal
Ney,- as an indemnity for the pension to which
she was entitled from 1815 to 1830. This propo-
sition proved exceedingly unpopular, and is gene-
rally regarded as an ill-disguised expedient to pay
some of the debts of a person who has very little
claim to such a favour. Accordingly, it is believed
that the committee to which this vote stands re-
ferred will refuse to make any report at all, and
leave the matter to drop. A more serious question
and a more positive opposition has been raised by
the proposal to restore the articles of the Penal
Code which inflicted capital punishment on all at-
tempts against the person of the Sovereign or the
existing form of Government. It seems incredible
that the man who causes snch a measure to be
brought forward should be the same who ought
twice, if that law had been in force, to have lost
his life on the scaffold. The repugnance of this
age to sanguinary punishments, the long and
painful experience which has habituated the
French to revolutionary changes, and the cle-
mency both of the Constitutional and Republican
Governments, had gradually suspended and at
last effaced those articles from the Code. Had it
been otherwise the attempt at Strasbourg, the
attempt at Boulogne, and even the coup d'etat
of the 2d of December might all have been pun-
ished as capital offences. It certainly denotes,
more than common indifference to the notions of
retributive justice that Louis Napoleon should be-
tray his readiness to inflict on others the blow he
has so often escaped himself. So strongly was this
felt in the legislative body that one of his own
adherents, M. de Mesonan—an officer who was
tried and convicted for taking part in the Boulogne..
expedition—declared that he could not support the
Government bill, seeing that be owed his life to
the mitigation of the punishment. The committee
named to report on this proposition is for the most
part adverse to it, and it is hoped it may still be
modified or rejected.
It is not, however, by these formidable weapons
of despotic power that Louis Nopoleon seeks chiefly
to maintain his authority. On the contrary, the
absolute power of such a government as his depends
far more on the means by which it insinuates itself
into every detail of local and domestic life ; and
these are carried to such an extent, that if this state
of things subsists for a few years, nothing will be
beyond the control of the State. Some curious in-
stances of this policy have recently occurred. The
clearances made in Paris for the purpose of con-
tinuing the Rue de Rivoli from the Louvre to the
Hotel de Ville, and of erecting the new markets,
have swept away a very large number of houses in
the most densely-peopled quarter of the capital.
The consequence is that 30,003 or 40,000 persons,
chiefly of the working classes, have been compelled
to find other lodgings, which are not to be got
without going to a great distance and paying a high
price for bad accommodation. To meet the just
complaints of these persons the Government pro-
poses to build lodging-houses on a large scale, in
which the poor will find everything they want ex-.
cept liberty and independence. These establish-
ments, being under the direct control of the State,
will of course place their tenants in immediate and
total dependence on it. They will abolish, as far
as their influence extends, the self-reliance which
is the guardian of domestic life, and they will
weaken in the same proportion the springs of ac-
tivity and independence. In a word, this experi-
ment will be the nearest approach yet made to the
schemes of Louis Blanc, and it is characteristic of
the Imperial Government that, after having robbed
France of her liberty by the fear of Socialism,
Socialist institutions are now Vroduced to strengthen
the hold of absolute authority.
The same species of influence is extended over
the towns and provincial bodies. Everywhere
building has been encouraged on an enormous
p scale,eerinttysand
lbvTuhoiilcdh
fori the most part at the public expense,
because it is thought by the Government that in-
cessantntg
executeies
pfa strongeestes buildingssign
have
boef generaleann d im
orderedrporvo
te
n as
Io
promote with great zeal, a large number of the
d.ebt—some of them toao
large amount.
liabilities are not only a burden on their rerunsouriic
towns and municipalities f F • have
These ietso
but; an effectual check on their independence,
for they are driven to seek assistance from the
Government, and the Government performs the
offico and acquires the power
olender, But, in order to meet thefseademmoannedlys,
the to the
institutions
m
the Government itself has
'recourse
onacieers,
it has foundedunder
of the Credit Mobilier and Credit Fn
which have a power of is •
Ming very large

amounts of paper bearing Interest. -A bill has ac-
cordingly been brought in to facilitate loans of this
description to public bodies, whether on the secu-
rity of real property or of local taxation, and it is
probable, in the present condition of the country,
it. will pass into law. It is hard to say whether such
a bill is politically or economically objectionable.
Politically, it places every portion of the territory
which has borrowed, or wantsto borrow from the
State, in more strict dependence on its will, and it
encourages in the highest degree that profusion
which every honest Government ought to check by
precept and example. Economically, it connects
the whole fortune and property of the country with.
two great establishments of credit, which are
themselves of very recent date and of questionable
stability for, if the time should ever arrive at
which those institutions cannot hold their ground
—their own captital being extremely small in
proportion to their gigantic operations—they
must fall back on the Government for support,
and the Government can only, give them that
support by making their paper issues a legal and
inconvertible tender. . By this subtle but inse-
cure machinery, the Imperial Government seeks
to enclose everytlnng in its grasp, and to subdue
everything to its will. But the dream of universal
monarchy which haunted Napoleon I. is not more
illusory than the schemes of dominion which are
thus practised by'his nephew, for they are repug-
nant to the laws of public economy and of human
nature itself, and it may be foreseen that every one
of these mischievous undertakings will one day rise
up in judgment on its inventors.

time of the consequences which will follow the now
too certain failure of the new stocks. We shall
have first the disappearance of nearly one-fourth of
the estimated surplus of the year, and, secondly,
we have the still more pleasant prospect of the
withdrawal of 7,000,0001. or 8,000,000/. of money
which the nation has generally been in the habit of
keeping as a cash balance at the Bank.
Cheering results, no doubt, of the fiat ()say at
finance of the Cabinet of unrivalled administrative
ability !

THE EASTERN QUESTION.
( From the Morning Post.)

We published at an early hour yesterday, infor-
mation calculated seriously to disturb the alleged
tranquil state of the Eastern question. - The same
authority which lately startled Europe by an-
nouncing the near extinction of one of its estab-
lished Powers has been pleased still more recently
to retrace its steps, and to inform the world that
the whole Eastern question, in its present bearings,
was limited to the moderate desires of Russia, and
settled by the wise concessions of Franco on the
subject of the Holy Shrines. Both statements
prove to be equally untrue. It has for some time
been made evident that the Great Powers, by
whom the independence of Turkey is guaranteed,
are by no means prepared to allow its dismember-
ment. It is now equally clear that the formidable
mission of Prince Menschikoff had objects in view
far more important than the etiquette of pilgrimage,
the custody of a key, or the restoration of a cupola.
The real demand of the Great Northern Power,
translated out of the diplomatic tongue into Eng-
lish, is the ratification of a treaty securing to
Russia a paramount influence over all the Chris-
tian subjects—that is to say, over the great
mass of the population of European Turkey.
The Emperor of Russia asks in terms to be in-
vested with the protectorate of the whole body of
the Greek Church in Turkey. In effect, he requires
to be placed in a position through which his au-
thority would overshadow and eclipse that of the
Porte on all points of internal discipline in which
Christian interests—that is to say, the affairs of the
greater part of the people—should be concerned.
The concession by the Divan of the points which
would be fixed by the proposed treaty would
amount to virtual abdication of its independence
as a sovereign State. It would change, by a simple
arrangement between an encroaching Power and a
submissive neighbour, the entire commercial and
political system of Europe as framed, agreed on,
and guaranteed by the directing Cabinets for mu-
tual convenience and security. It would be a re-
versal by two Courts, of -which one is not a free
agent, of a state of things in the maintenance of
which the honour as well as the interests of Eng-
land, France,, and Austria are equally concerned
with those of Russia and of the Porte. This final
demand of Prince Menschikoff is, in short, one
which the Cabinet of Petersburg should not have
made, and which the Divan cannot concede with-
out the full consent of the Great Powers. The fact
that a demand so formidable now appears as the
point of debate in the East materially alters the
position, not of the Eastern question only, but of
England as regards that question. So long as tho
matter in dispute or discussion was merely that of
the respective claims of the Greek and Latin
Churches to certain privileges of -guardianship
over the Holy Places, the representatives of those
Churches, Russia and France, were alone concerned
in any steps which might be taken, and in ar-
rangements which might be concluded on this
narrow point of diplomacy. We were convinced,
however, from the first, that Russia had not
wasted such extensive preparations as those which
accompanied the mission to Constantinople, on an
object so easily settled as that at first put forward
as its purpose and aim. It was just possible that
the force displayed and the threats embodied in
armaments, .by the great Power of the North,
might have been merely intended as a demonstra-
tion of an absolute supremacy which there was, as
yet, no intention practically to exercise. The
Sultan being thoroughly humiliated in his own
dominions—the Turkish Christians being strongly
warned of the quarter to which they were to look
as their hope and protector—and this being effected
without giving any fair cause of umbrage to the
Allied Powers, it was not altogether unlikely that,
with the settlement of the discussion between the
Churches, and the exhibition of power for which it
served as a pretence, the object of Prince Men-
schikoft's mission might be achieved, and his duty
at an end. Such is not the fact, and the further
demands of the Russian Minister place the question
in nearly the same threatening aspect which it bore
when we first announced the singular and ominous

The details of the case, asas it actually stands, will
be found in our Paris correspondence of to-day,
and the circumstances are such as must render
the nature of the next intelligence to be ex-
pected from Constantinople a matter of very
grave interest and anxiety. It will be re-
marked that it was on the sth instant
that the Prince sent in to the Divan the demand
to which we have already referred, and that lie re-
quired the answer—that is say, we presume, the
signature of the Porte to the treaty with which ho
was entrusted within five days from that date—
namely, by the 10th. Our latest advices from
Constantinople being of the 7th, we are still unin-
formed as to the reception by the Divan of the insult
and menace levelled at its sovereignty by Russia.
The answer given must clearly be that not of the
Porte alone, but of the representatives of the three
Powers by whom, in common with Russia, the in-
dependence of Turkey is guaranteed. The integ-
rity of the last-named State is a trust solemnly
placed in the hands of the parties to the treaty of
1841, and, except with the consent and by the
common agency of those parties, it cannot be de-
stroyed or tampered with. The independence and
nationality of Turkey are not merely Russian or
Turkish, but are European questions. No one of
the Cabinets which stand pledged by treaty to the
maintenance of the present state of things can
carry out by itself, for its own views and by its
own separate provisions, any act by which that
independence and nationality are compromised.
But it is plain, that to establish within the
Turkish Empire a foreign paramount jurisdiction,
such as that intended by the Menschikoff treaty,-
to wsbo
subjects.
onbeaujc:
which
thubs e: nit
TurkeyThothet
hai msseno
aeavbre enrtl
Sultan,heeyi tan
iot tcoyonuml
0 ofdpf
Europeantre
hishor me
therri sr
iuegr,
Powerskitreatiestso butvi
sae
together,
oi shl oe lrs ue
ot ef
therefore
ny
has no right to conclude. If made at all, gsewutchhhiecria:
tobt
er afe r
an
nss
taf
sEed r of
euartnoi
European
e aio
subject, univboi
jscl
eeal involving
ttnl,ge
nmsopower,uet ne affecting
oht f.
as
serious
hnoeus sd
Cabinet
oca.hbi such
taisnnt
egr
teeg great
treaty, but
t bnui
ungs
t
land, however, has openly and strongly protested
against the changes in question. We are assured
that the French Government goes in this, as in
other matters, heartily with us. We know, fur-
ther, that Austria is far from being anxious to lend
herself to the increase of the influence and
dominating position of her great rival in the East.
Under such circumstances there can be little doubt
that a strong and proper resistance will be opposed
to the attempted encroachment of Russia on Turk-
ish independence ; and relying, as we have good
reason to do, on the sagacity of a Monarch who has
shown himself not less wise and able in retreat
than energetic and audacious in enterprise, wo
must hope that a project so objectionable and
threatening as that entrusted to Prince Menschi-
koff for the establishment of a supreme Russian
protectorate within the Turkish Empire, will not
be carried to such extremes as might involve very
serious consequences to the present friendly and
cordial relations of the European Powers.

TIIE ROYAL ARMS OF SCOTLAND.—It appears from a
communication, received in acknowledgment of the peti-
tion from Brechin regarding the erroneous quartering of
the Royal Arms of Scotland, that the subject has been
remitted to the English College of Heralds for examina-
tion. In consequence of this a letter has been addressed
to Lord Palmerston by one of the gentlemen who origi-
nally moved in the matter, showing that the College of
Heralds is an English court, and has therefore no power
to order the Royal Arms to be displayed,either one way
or another in Scotland ; and further, that no court but
the Lyon Court of Scotland has authority to adjudicate
in the question. His lordship is also reminded that
many of the burgh petitions forwarded to Lord-Eglinton
specially prayed for the remission of this matter to our
Lyon Court ; this was also requested in the petition
from the general convention of Royal burghs, now in his
lordship's hands.—Scottish, Press.
' MARKED SALMON.—On Wednesday se'nnight, there
was caught in a salmon net on the Red Head, near this,
a salmon with a gutta-percha band around it, on which
was marked, "Athole, 170." The fish weighed 121 lbs ;
length, 38! inches; girth, 22 inches. On the following
(Thursday) morning, another salmon was caught in the
same net, marked "Athole, 165." The last-mentioned
fish was greatly deformed. It weighed 1311bs. ; mea-
sured in length 38 inches, and in girth 17 inches. From
the fact of two of the fish having been caught in the
same net within so short a space of time intervening, it is
probable they had left Loch Tay, in the Athole property,
in company. Both fish were in very bad condition, and
unhealthy,—Montrone Review.