The Sun.
London, England, 1838-12-31 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY, DECEMBER 31, P7lB.

thought it right to Pay that the prisoner's consent ought to de-
pend upon whether the Magistrates would let him out on bail
till Tuesday. Mr. Stephens was not to suffer for the inaccu-
racy of other parties. He had a wife and family, and a re-
quest from his wife to be admitted to see him had been refused.
Ho (Mr. Law) therefore advised Mr. Stephens not to be a
consenting party to any adjournment, unless upon the terms of
being allowed to give bail.
Mr. Duck said that Mr. Stephens could not expect any
other course than that he would be remanded ; and if the Ma-
gistrates were disposed to liberate him on bail, forty-eight
hours' notice of the bail would be required.
Mr. Law said that the Magistrates might make a reasonable
order of adjournment for any length of timo to make inquiry ;
but if the bail were unexceptionable, they ought not in this
e?se to require one minute's notice, as the reason of notice
being required was in order that the delinquent might not
escape. He denied that forty-eight hours' notice was re-
quired; he had never heard it required in that Court, the usual
period being twenty-four hours. He had two gentlemen in
Court, real), to becotne sureties, and as one of them was from
Ashton, he was glad Mr. Owen was present to speak to his
sufficiency.
Mr. Kenworthy said the Bench would require two sureties
2501. each, and the prisoner's own recognisance in 5001.,
to appear on Tuesday next, with twenty-four hours' notice.
The bail was then stated to be Mr. Abel Williamson, of
Charlestown, Ashton , and Mr. William Willis, bookseller, of
Manchester.

Mr. Law said that twenty-four hours' notice would have the
effect of forty. eight Ileum ; for it could rot be given while
the Court was sittinz the following day (Saturday), and it
would, therefore, amount to keeping Mr. S:ephens in prison
till Monday. He (Mr. Law) should, therefore, advise hint to
decline giving bail, unless it were taken that evening or the
next morning.
The sureties proposed %Ter' sworn and justified; and
Mr. William Owen, deputy constable of Ashton, said he
knew Mr. Williamton, and there could be objection to him :
ho was worth 3,0001. or 4,0001.
Mr. Willis said he wes worth 2501. after payment of all his
debts; and Mr. Williamson said he was worth four times as
much when tll his debts were paid.
Mr. Kenworthy's clerk (Mr. Smith) said he was not at all
satisfied with this bail being taken without time for inquiry ;
and, after some conversation and altercation between him an::
Mr. Law, it was finally agreed that Keswick, of the police,
should ascertain the sufficiency of the bail by noon this day
(Saturday).
The proceedings then terminated, about a quarter after
eight o'clock in the evening ; Mr. Stephens, of course, re-
maining in .custody• till the result of the inquiries shall be
stated to be satisfactory.

MEETING OF THE RADICALS AFTER THE

EXAMINATION

On Friday morning, placards, of which the following is a
copy, were posted on the walls of this town and Salford :--
" Arrest of Mr. Stephens —Radicals of Manchester, be at the
Carpenters' Hall, Girratt-road, this evening (Friday), at
eight o'clock, and the whole particulars will be laid before
you.—By order of the Political Council. ( Signed) R. J
Richardson." This bill purported to be printed by "Wheeler,
printer, Whittle-street." At the appointed time a large
crowd assembled in front of the door, and when it was opened
quickly filed the place. When they had pot fairly in, Mr.
James Wheeler called the Council of the Political Union to
go to one end of the room to make arrangements as to what
should be done, after which Mr. Nightingale got up in a
kind of pulpit at the end of the room, opposite the gallery,
detailed the circumstances of Stephena's arrest, and indulged
in a gross tirade of abuse against the Magistrates who sat on
the bench to hear the charge against Stephens, and designated
their proceedings as the most disgraceful that ever took place
in any Court of Justice in any place I The next speaker was
Mr. Elijah Dixon, who followed in the same strain. Mr. R.
J. Richardson then spoke, and said he tcok every syllable of
any import which Stephens had uttered to himself. He ad-
vised the people to arm, and to be prepared for the worst, and
" there was no hope for the people of England but in hanging_
a sabre or some other offensive weapon over his mantel-piece."
James Wheeler. printer, next spoke, and advised them to do
nothing till the National Convention met, the orders of which
they were to obey ; and if one of its body could not go, they
were to fetch him. A person who was called the Rev. Mr.
Jackson then shrike, and said he did not agree with
Stephens, nor go as. far as he did, though he went
further than any other Minister within one hundred miles
Mr. Richardson then proposed a resolution, " That this meet-
inv., entertaining the highest respect for Joseph Rayner Ste-
phens, pledge themselves to stand by and support him, whilst
contending against the avowed enemies of the poor. After
the motion was seconded, and Richardson was about to put it,
a person in the room called out that the word " lawfully" should
be inserted. This, however, did not suit the meeting, and
loud cries of " no" were raised. Mr. Richardson said, if
they were to support him by unlawful means, he and they all
would he answerable. They did not mean to go vi et armis
to the New Bailey, and fetch him out ; but they would sup-
port him by their sympathies and by their peace. The reso
lotion was then put without the obnoxious word being inserted.
A subscription for the defence of Stephens was then an-
nounced, and after three times three cheers for him, the meet.
ing separated. —Manchester Guardian.

MR. FEARGUS O'CONNOR AND HIS PAPER.
(From a Second Edition of the Northern Star.)
Northern Star Office, Friday Night, Dec. 28, 1838.
We stop the Press to inform our friends that the blood-
hounds have laid hold of Stephens. We received a letter in-
forming us of the fact of his apprehension just as we were
going to press, but not knowing the writer, and having re-
ceived false announcements of a like character before, we de-
clined noticing it until confirmed by other evidence. This
night's post has brought us a great number of letters from
friends at Ashton and the neighbourhood, of which we give
the following :

" Manchester, Dec. 27, 1838.
" Gentlemen—The time is come. STEPHENS IS AR-
RESTED upon some charge by the authority of a warrant
from the Magistrates of Leigh. He was brought from Ashton
by two officers in a chaise ; they stopped at the Royal Hotel,
Manchester, for refreshment, and afterwards went off to Leigh
or Worsley. I shall be there to-morrow, and most likely, I
shall come post haste to Leeds with a report for your Star on
Saturday. " R. J. RICHARDSON."

" Staly-bridge, Thursday Evening.
Gentlemen,--I write to inform you that Mr. Stephens has
been apprehended this afternoon. He was going to Manches-
ter, and when be got to the bottom of Stamford-street two
peace-officers took him into custody. He requested permis-
sion to "o home, but they would not allow him. He then sent
a note to his wife, apprising her of his apprehension. The
charge against him is his Leigh speech ; and I understand
they have conveyed him to that town.
" Yours, truly,
" JOHN DEEGAN."
This is a bold stroke of the tyrants—a deep fetch—and we
beseech the people not to make it a successful one. Never
was that better half of valour—discretion—more necessary
than now. The object of the enemy is clearly enough to be
perceived. This is no move of the dull Solons of Leigh ;
they act, beyond all doubt, as the puppets of directors, by
whom the strings are pulled. The object is to draw
the people into a premature and ill-concerted display of phy-
sical violence, which may afford the hell-hounds the op-
portunity of enacting in England the counterpart of the
-ragedy which their bloody satellites have already played in
Canada. Let the people mind this. Beware of the trap !
TIIE TIME FOR FIGHTING HAS NOT YET COME. And, for
the love of Heaven and of freedom, we entreat them not
to waste their strength and ruin their prosperity, and destroy
Stephens's chance of escape from the blood-bounds, by any
paltry, partial outbreaks of popular violence, either against
persons of property. Stand still and look on coolly for a
little while. Do nothing hastily, that we may have less rea-
son to repent.
We firmly believe this to be no other than a rascally ruse,
for the purpose of destroying the Universal Suffrage struggle,
by decoying the people into an outbreak, which may afford
pretext for another SUSPENSION of the habeas corpus. Let
the people laugh the wretches peacefully to scorn, and they
will not dare to hurt a hair of Lis hea I. Let us, at all events,
wait and se?.

MEMOIRS OF MR. STEPHENS,

The following sketch of the prisoner's history is abridged
from too separate accounts in the Observer of yesterday :
Mr. Stephens is a young man, being in only about his thirty-
second year. He is married, and has several children. His
mannerain private are exceedingly pleasing and unassuming.
Ho was fur some years a preacher in the Wesleyan con-
nexion, among whom he was highly respected, both for
his talents and piety. Ile was admitted on all hands to he
the most promising man amongst the ministers belonging
that body. About five or six years ago' he became deeply p e l -
impressed with (what he considered) the evils which have
re-
sulted to religion from, the connection between Church and
State, and what he tnus felt he availed himself of every op
portunity which presented itself to express in the hearing of
others. This gave offence to the Wesleyan body, the great
majority of their numbers being friendly to the Church of
England. What aggravated his delinquency in this respect,
in their estimation, was the circumstance of his allowing the
occasional use of his chapel forlectuin and other purposes
persons who were liberal in their politics, and, in some in-
stances, loose in their notions on religious topies. His con_
duct was brought before the Conference, meeting at the time
if we remember right, at Leeds, and he, refusing to acknovv:
ledge that he had acted wrong, was excommunicated from the
Wesleyan connection.
Mr. Stephens previous to the passing of the New Poor..
law confined himself entirely in his addresses at public meet-
ings to the advocacy of the cause of the factory children, and
to an uncompromising denunciation of their employers. But
• no sooner had the New Poor-law measure come into opera-
tion. thawhe offered it every resistance in bis power, holding
it up as an Act of most monstrous oppression of the, poor,
which was neither sanctioned by revelation, nor the Consti-
tution of the country, nor the dictates of humanity, but was
equally an outrage on all three. From that time up to. the
present Mr. Stephens has been the unremitting and untiring
fee of the New Poor-law Bill. He became exceedingly
popular; so much so, indeed, that the master spinners, &c.,
issued placard:, stating that they would employ no man,
woman, or child belonging to the congregation, or who at-
tended any public meetings where he should happen to be
present. The consequence was that thousands were thrown
out of employment, and Stephens's income, which averaged
about 2001. per annum, became now reduced to less than one
half. Indeed, during three months he refused to take one
farthing, on account of the poverty of his congregation. So
much, however, was he beloved by the people of Ashton and
its neighbourhood that a subscription was set on foot, and a
gold snuff-box was lately presented to him, containing 113 so-

vereigns. Latterly, as a cure for the evils which he com-
plains of, he has become a leader among the Universal Suf-
frageists; and, as such, has travelled through the northern
and western counties, advising the people to arm in defence of
their rights and for the redress of their wrongs. In the pulpit
he advocates the same doctrines, always professing- to prove
their truth by texts of Scripture. He and Mr. Ostler, of
Huddersfield, are greatly attached to each other, and it was as
he was setting out on a visit to that personage that he was
arrested.

At the last general election Mr. Stephens started as candi-
date for the representation of Ashton-under-Lyne, in opposi-
tion to the present Member, Mr. Charles Hindley. In taking
this extraordinary step, he never for a moment either expected
or intended that he should be returned. His only object was
to avail himself of the opportunity which his ndmioation would
ff. ad him of addressing the manufacturers. After he had
been duly proposed and seconded as a fit and proper person
to represent the town of Ashton-under- Lyne in Parliament, he
proceeded to address the congregated thousands from the hust-
ings. On that occasion, as usual he was most vehement in
his denunciations of the manufacturers and of the authors of
the New Poor-law. His speech was the longest by far ever
delivered on a similar occasion—ever, indeed, delivered in the
open air on any occasion ; .for he spoke for five hours and a
half without one moment's intercession. He made a form of
going to the poil, and 20 voted for him.
Mr. Stephens is well-informed, having been educated ac-
cording to the best form among the Methodists for the train
ing of their pastors; in addition to this, however, lie has read
rnd studied much ; and, previously to his settlement at Ash-
ton under-Lyrae, travelled through France, Germany, Sweden,
Norway, and even Finland, in order to acqu'.re a knowledge
of the customs and condition of foreign nations. During this
lengthened tour he contrived to become compl, tely conversant
with the 'various languages of the people among v;honi he so-
journed: His father, who had been a preacher in the Metho-
dist connexion during many years, is still living in the county.
of Essnx.

CORN-LAW FALLACIES, WITH THE

ANSWERS

(po:tinued from The Stin of Monday.)

357.—1 t is likewise highly expedient, to promote the ex-
portation of domestic produce, if there be any redundancy,
after supplying the demand at home. It is not sufficient to
permit the exportation; but it may be necessary, for the en-
couragement of domestic cultivation, and in order that the
articles grown at home may be enabled to meet the productions
of other countries, in foreign markets, en equal terms, to give
what is called a bounty on exportation. Nothing, however,
eau be more erroneous, than to consider east encouragement
a bounty, when it is in fact a drawback, under another name.
The farmers at home, are subjected to a variety of taxes, which
are not imposed on their foreign competitors. To enable them
to meet on equal terms, they are entitled to receive an allow-
ance, on every quarter of grain exported, equal to what they
had actually paid on its account to the public, under various de-
nominations.—Code of Agriculture. By the Right Hon. Sir
John Sinclair, Bart. Ch, v.

ANSWER.—A beautiful specimen of the consequences of
allowing any order of men to live at free quarters on the
purses of their neighbours, The landowners are not only
to raise their rents by monopoly as they may Anse, but
if through an accidental fruitfulness of the seasons or other
causes, the price falls after all, they are to be paid the dif-
ference by the community. Fancy the manufacturers
claiming a right to receive an allowance from the public,
equal to what they had paid in taxes, on the ground that
they were subjected to a variety of taxes which were not
imposed on their foreign competitors. It is plain that to
such an absurd system there could be no end. The sys-
tem is not absurd, only when it is employed in favour of
one half of the community and against the other.
358.—8ut the real cure for the evils of the present Corn-
laws—the real corrective of gambling in Mark-lane—the real
sezurity to the farmer against ruinous fluctuations in price,
and to the labouring classes against starvation, or event of
employment—is the absolute prohibition of foreign giain, as
an article of importation into England. So long, we contend,
as a single labourer in this country is unable to find employ.
ment —so long as capitalists are compelled, from lack cf pro-
fitable investments, to peril their property in desperate adven-
tures to remote corners of the vvorid—so long ought the im-
portation of foreign wheat to be prohibited altogether ! A
wise Government might, easily, supply employment on profit.
able terms, to the half-starved tens of thousands who now look
for such employment in vain ;—a wise Governmlnt might open
up inexhaustible fields for the productive application of cpi-
tal, and might impart absolute security to the trade of
farming, by simply regulating the business of corn-grow-
ing, on principles, which were recognised and acted on by the
wisest eafons of antiquity—and which were deemed not un-
worthy of partial adoption by our own remote ancestors—those
ancestors at whom our profound political economists have
learned to sneer. No portion of a nation's wealth, perhaps,
is so precious as its stores of corn ; —nor would a wise Go-
vernment evince lass anxiety about these stores, than about
the state of the treasury. By prohibiting the importation of
foreign wheat, a wise Government would call into the fullest
development all the energies of the English soil, all the powers
of English capital,
,all the eapicities of English industry.
Under such a system, no labourer could ever want employ-
ment :—no capitalist could ever want a sphere of- operations,
either in agriculture, or in the mighty home and colonial
trades, which could sprimr, out of the adoption by Government
of the priqeiplc indicated. In years of abundance, Govern-
ment might buy the farmer's surplus produce, as soon as
prices fell to a certain level. In years of scarcity, Govern-
ment could sell from the stores in the public granaries, when
prices should rise to a certain predetermined point. The
results would be security to the corn-grower—unbounded
employment to labourers and capitalists of all kinds—together
with a guarantee against famine, and against dependence on
foreigners.—Morning HeralC2ist Dec. 1838.
A.—lmagine walled-up Manchester kept from outside
corn by heavy duties, and a teacher standing up and pro-
claiming, that " The real cure for the existing evils—the
real corrective of gambling in Luke-lane, or wherever else

the traffic in outside corn: such as it is, was carried on—
the real security to the owner of flower-pots against fluc-
tuations in price, and to the working men of Manchester
against starvation or want of employment—was in shutting
the gates entirely against outside corn. So long, he should
contend, as a single labourer in Manchester was unable to
find employment—so long as capitalists in Manchester were
compelled, from lack of profitable investments elsewhere,
to peril their property in desperate adventures to the remote
climates of Belgium and Germany—so long ought the pas-
sage of outside wheat through the gates to be prohibited
altogether ! A. wise corporation might easily supply em-
ployment within the walls, to the half-starved hundreds who
now look for it in vain ; a wise corporation might open up
inexhaustible fields within the walls for the productive appli-
cation of capital, and might impart absolute security to the
trade ofgrowing corn in flower-pots, by regulating thebusiness
of corn-growing on proper principles. No portion of a
city's wealth, perhaps, was so precious as its stores of
flower-pots ; nor would a wise corporation evince less
anxiety about its flower-pots, than about the state of its
treasury. By prohibiting the introduction of wheat from
beyond the walls, a wise Mayor and Alderman would call
into the fullest development all the energies of the flower-
pots of Manchester—all the powers of its capital—all the
capacities of its industry. Under such a system, no
labourer in Manchester could ever want employment—no
capitalist ever want a sphere of operations, either in the
flower-pots, or in the mighty home and colonial trades
which would spring out of the adoption of the principle
indicated. In years of abundance, the Corporation might
buy up the surplus produce of the flower-pots, and in years
of scarcity sell it from the Coporation's granaries. The re-
sults would be, security to the owners of flower-pots,—un-
bounded employment to labourers and capitalists of all
kinds in Manchester,—together with a guarantee against
famine and against dependence on foreigners."
How long are men to be libelled, by the supposition that
they are to be gulled by such imbecile quackery?

359.—Free-trade doctrines have, with partial modifications,
prevailed in this country for twenty years past ; and each year
that has elapsed since the pernicious doctrines of the econo-
mists obtained ascendancy, has witnessed a diminution of the
sources of the country's strength, and a corresponding exten-
sion of misery amongst. the producing classes. The Cur-
rency Act of 1819 was the first great triumph achieved by the
free-traders over the industry of the country. That Act con-
fiscated, perhaps, half of the property of those classes in
whose prosperity, the prosperity of the country is, of necessity,
bound up. The spread of untaxed machinery, and of free-
trade in its various modifications, has followed rapidly upon
the great currency revolution of 1819. Nearly a million
of hand-loom weavers have been reduced to a state
of semi-starvation. The labouring poor have been compelled
to sell their children to the horrors of factory slavery. The
hours of labour have been lengthened to vast bodies of arti-
sans; whilst, in the same proportion, have the wages of those
artisans been lessened. The march of misery has, in fact,
kept pace with the " march of mind ;" and yet all the misery
to which a fraudulent standard of value, together with a frau
dulent system of depriving labour of its just value, by means
of unrestricted competition with machinery and with foreigners,
have given rise, has not sufficed to procure for the free-traders
a sufficiency of that " cheapness," on which their hearts are
fixed. The new Poor-law—with its provisions for directly
lowering wages by universally lowering rates—was retained ;
and now the men who first demanded the new Poor-law, de-
mand that the sacrifice of the farmers and of the landowners
shall consummate the sacrifice of the industrious poor. —ld.
A.---You shut up Manchester and confine it to the corn
grown in flower-pots within its walls ; and then you disco-
ver that the sufferings of the hand-loom weavers, the hor-
rors of factory slavery, the lengthening of hours of labour,
and the reduction of wages, are owing, not to the stoppage
of the trade for food, but to the want of " rag" Money,
the absence of a tax on machinery, and the freedom of such
trade as has been left. Is it within the range of common
sense, that such awful quacks should direct the concerns of a
great country any longer?
mwaaisntethnaenieneveonfetohne opfotolr
theirlan d ocwonrenr!
The new Poorilhaewe
for getting rid of
laws made ;and if the
greater
fools t b
poorwill halloon tiley vt erefor.tlie takenC for.orn laws
after that, they hey are

360.—We stated, yesterday, that the Manchester Chamber
of Commerce bad demanded a total and unqualified repeat of
the existing Corti-laws—nay, had proceeded so far as to

allege, that the existence of our foreign trade depends, now,
trn depriving agricultural industry of protection in every sl:ape.
The speculators engaged in certain branches of our foreign
trade have, in other words, proclaimed war to the knife against
the farmers and landowners of Great Britain ;—.and are coolly
preparing to require at the hands of the Legislature, that
English agriculture may be proscribed--and that all the trades
and useful arts which depend on native agriculture miry be
condemned to extinction—in order that a clas3 of men, whose
profits depend on success in underselling foreign manufacturers
in foreign markets, may be enabled to conduct their operations
on terms satisfactory to themselves.—/d. Dec. 26, 1838.

A.—The men who drive an honest trade, have pro-
claimed war to the knife against the men who live by the
robbery of others. The men whose profits depend on being
allowed to sell their goods to such as want to buy them,
demand that the plundering caste, who rob their tills at the
sword's point, may cease to be maintained by law. The
landowners have robbed till they think it a virtue, and
wonder other people do not think the same- But the
Chamber of Commerce must go farther than it has done
yet. Try them wills a tax on home-glows corn.

361.—The members of the Manchester Chamber of Com-
merce proclaim, that they are no longer able to compete in
certain departments of productive industry with foreigners.
The fact may be so : —but does it fairly or honestly follow
from tie existence of any conceivable inability on the part of
our manufacturers for the foreign markets to undersell their
rivals, that the agriculture of England ought to be sacrificed
to foreign agriculture—and that the industrious classes of
England in every department ought to be crushed beneath
that vast accession of power which a repeal of the Corn-laws
would give to the monied classes in this country ? Let it be
recollected, that if our foreign trade is no longer so profitable
as it hes been—still our foreign trade. wi:h all its contingent
risks, was voluntarily chosen by the speculators engaged in it,
as the field of their operations I The agriculturists did net compel
these speculators to embark their capital in foreign trade ; why
then should these speculators be sanctioned in their grossly un-
just attempt to throw Upon the agricultural classes, the conse-
quences of their ill success in their own freely chosen-sphere
of enterprise? Some of the querulous orators in the Man-
chester Chamber of Commerce adverted to the large capitals
at their disposal ! These capitals, they have amassed in this
branch of trade, which they state to be now no longer so pro-
ductive as they would desire ; yet, they have been content to
keep possession of these capitals, instead of handing them
over to the farmers and landowners, whom they morlestly de-
sire to render responsible for the diminution of their profits.
It seems, in other words, to be in accordance with the ethical
system which finds favour in the eyes of the members of the
Manchester Chamber of Commetce, that speculators in fo-
reign trade should pocket all the gains attendant on their pus-
suits—but that they should throw the risks and losses on far-
mers and landowners, and on the body of the industrious
classes amongst their countrymen.—ld.
A.—The agriculturists are unable to compete with
foreigners, at least on certain portions of their land. But
does it fairly or honestly follow, that the manufacturers of
England ought to be sacrificed to foreign manufacturers ?
Have rot the agriculturists voluntarily chosen to speculate
in land, as much as the commercial men in commerce ?
why then should they be sanctioned i❑ the grossly unjust
attempt to rob the commercial classes,--remembering always
that he is the robber who is found with his hand in the
other's pocket, and that,we are not such fools as to allow
the thief- to cry out robbery when he is taken in the
mainour ?

The cry of " accession of power to the monied classes,"
means getting into the habit of giving to those who pay for
what they get, instead of those who do not.

362.—Since these Manchester gentlemen "desire no pro-
tection for themselves" which they would deny to others, we
call upon them to abandon that overwhelming " protection"
which they enjoy, in the exemption of their capital from just
taxation.--Id. Dec. 27, 1838.

A.—The landowners, then, st Ind only on the inequality
of their taxation, and give up the rest. And here there is
no doubt the men of Manchester will he as ready to meet
them as before. Let there be a revision of taxation awl
all other charges ; and it will be odd if it turns out, that
the object of the landowner 3 in excluding everybody else
from the making of the laws, was to damage themselves.
The manufacturers are ready to. agree to all that is fair ;
o&y let there be an end of burning the house to roast the
landlords' pig. They have lost the country the amount of
the national debt over and over, sent the labourers into the
poor-hous--, the merchants into the Gazelle, and finally
thrown the trade of the world into the bands of foreigners ;
and now they tell us, they did it all as compensation for the
extra taxation they chose to lay upon themselves.
363.—1 f manufacturing capitalists were rendered responsi-
ble for the comfort end well-being of the labourers whom they
employ, as the owners and occupiers of land are rendered re-
sponsible, we should cease to hear of men being doomed to
sixteen hours, daily, of unwholesome toil—we should soon
cease to be shocked by the spectacle of infant factory slavery,
and by the report of those atrocities on which that hideous sys-
tem rests !—ld. Dec. 28, 1838.
A.—The sixteen hours of toil, and the infant slavery,
if such things are, are only the direct consequences of
the Corn-laws. Nothing else could lay the labouring popu-
lation under the temptation of submitting to such e'.ils.
The policy of the landowners is to take advantage of their
own wrong, and throw the results of their own injustice
into the faces of the classes they oppress.
364.—These enemies of English agriculture mean, in short,
to " demand" in " language which cannot be misunderstood,"
that the agricultural interest of England shall be utterly sa-
crificed, in order to enable them to carry on at a rate of profit
that may suit their estimate of the fitness of things, those
branches of trade, which " owe no natural allegiance to our
shores."—ld. Dec. 29, 1838.
A.—Lay tax enough on home-grown corn, and see if
some of the landlords do not talk of selling up and settling
themselves abroad. The feudal cow-stealers complain they
are to be utterly sacrificed, to enable the owners to make
a profit to suit their estimate of the fitness of things.
365.—Does Mr. COBDEN really imagine, that any one will
be imposed on by his indirect attempt to represent the recent
" incendiary meetings," as having been prompted by hatred to
the Corn-laws ?—ld.

A.—The people may or may not, know what hurts them.
But as it is certain they know they are hurt, it would be the
part of wise doctors to take down the mischief if they can,
without waiting too long for the patient's opinion of his
disease.

Having passed the thousand, the writer will cry halt for
the present ; and be ready to go on again when matter shall
accumulate.

MUNICIPAL CHARTER FOR MARY-

LEBONE.

The above vestry held its usual meeting a; the Court.
house, Marylehone-lane, on Saturday, at which, among other
subjects that were taken into consideration, was that of an ap-
plication to her Majesty's Privy Council for a Charter of In-
corporation for the borough of Mary lebone, including the pa-
rishes of Paddington and St. Pancras. Mr. A. Daniell was
nominated to the chair.

Mr. GIBSON moved, " That a Compiittee bo now appointed
to consider and report to her Majesty's Privy Council for a
Charter of Incorporation for the borough of Marylebone, with
power to coder with the parishes of S. Pancras arid Padding-
ton, as also to purchase Acts of Parliament and obtain any
other information relating to the subject."
Mr. KENSETT rose to second the motion.

Mr. JACKSON argued againStiitep;oposition on the ground
that they possessed power quite sufficient fur any purposes that
they required.
Mr. HOVENDEN observed, that be was of the " movement"
party, and would support any proposition that had a tendency
to produce benefit to sucicty.—( Hear, hear.) He thought
that, under incorporation, they would enjoy many more be-
nefits than what they now did.
Mr. JOSEPH observed, that if the question were agreed to,
they would possess that which the city of London would be
very desirous of being relieved from.—( Cries of "No, no.")
That was his opinion. The expense of the maintenance of
the city police amounted to 43,0001. a year ; the amount they
were called upon to pay wasl9,oool. He thought that would
iidd to, and not diminish, their expenses.
Lord NuoENT said, that he had, at first, doubts of the prac-
ticability of the measure ; when, however, he found that, in
the police alone, a saving would arise of 6.0001, he thought
that that statement alone would prevail on the Privy Council
to accede to their request. It was one of the principles of the
Saxon Constitution that the people should elect their own
Magistracy, and they were only recognizinf that principle by
the adoption of the course they were then taking.
Mr. KENSETT made a few remarks, when the mover replied;
and on the question being put, the resolution was agreed to,
with one dissentient.

A Coinmittee of 25 was then appointed to carry the reso-
lution into effect, consisting of the following gentlemen, viz.
—Lord Nugent, Mr. J. E. Hovenden, Mr. H. Waymouth,
Sir Richard Joddrell, Major Naylor, Mr. Kensett, Mr. H.
Wilson, Mr. G. A—Young, Mr. Sowden, Mr. Laye, Mr.
Joseph, Mr Jackson, Mr. Gibson, Mr. Salornons, Mr. Skin-
ner, Mr. G. Brown, Mr. Harbutt, Mr. Bushell, Mr. Clapp,
Mr. Wool, Mr. Marshall, Mr. Daniells, Mr. Rathbone, Mr.
Biel s, Mr. Tarring.
The Vestry then adjourned.

Mark Pringle, Esq., of Cowfold (a Magistrate of
this County), has raised the wages of his agricultural la-
bourers from 12s. to 14s. a week.—Brighton Herald.

The delivery of General-post letters throughout the
metropolis has been, upon an avera;e, one hour later ever
&nce the mails were " accelerated" by the railroads.
THE NEW NOVELS JUST PUBLISHED.--We
are requested to state that Mr. Colburn, of Great Marl-
borough-street, has just published the following interesting
new works of fiction, which can be had at all the libraries :
—l. " Pictures of the World, at Home and Abroad," by
the author of" Tremaine," " De Vere," " Human Life," &c.
—" The Only Daughter," a domestic story, edited by
the author of " The Subaltern." 3.—" Jack Adams, the
Mutineer," by Captain Chamier." 4.—" Gurney Mar-
ried," a sequal to " Gilbert Gurney," by Theodore Hook,
Esq. 5.—" Duty and Inclination," edited by Miss Landon.
6.—" The Glanville Family," by a Lady of Rank. And
7.—" Shakapeare and his Friends," an historical romance.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCII:::

FRANCE.
CHAMBER OF PEERS.—SITTING Dtc. 26.

M. de Montslembert ascended the tribune to speak against
the address. (Marks of deep attention.) The Noble Peer
expressed his conviction that the Chamber would nut be ado-
nished at his commencieg with a vital question—that of Bel-
gium. All the Government organs bad urged the necessity of
France abandoning her ally. He had last year agitated this
question, he had received no reply, even from Ministers,
though outside the wells of that Chamber, he bad been
accused of using disrespectful language towards the King
of Holland. He would now say, in speaking of the unex-
pected egression of the King of Holland in 1831, the ex-
pressions used by him, and which had been characteriz-d
as injurious, were borrowed from the language of the Go-
vernment it-elf, which had said, " that the rupture of the
amnesty was a breach of bad faith." Ile would grapple
with the question in its present state, for it had made consi-
derabla: progress since the close of last session. It had been
said that a treaty existed, that it was binding on France, and
that its non-execution would involve her in a war. Etch of
these tlefee positions he would unhesitatingly and peremptorily
deny. The treaty of the 24 articles had been created by eir-
euntstancea, and it was now annulled by circumstances. He
defied Ministers to quote a solitary iastanea of a treaty de-
(erred like that of the 24 articles for the space of eight years
without the shadow of a pretext, except the caprice of one of
the contracting parties, and then carried into execution at the
expense of the other. The original object of 6,s:treaty of the
24 articles was to constitute Belgium as an independent and a
,self-existing state, but he would ask if that object had been
attained? No ; it was impossible for Belgium to exist in the
state of ►weakness to which it was proposed to reduce her, and
peace was quite out of the question, if the Dutch flag floated
over Limburg and Luxemburg, or the cannon of Maestricht
threa•ened Belgium. Till the beginning of the Belgian revolu-
tion Luxernburg bad been counted in Belgium ; the separation
dated from the revolution, and had been directed against
Fratice. The bonds of religion had been spoken of, but was
the -Chamber aware of the precise number of the 300,000 in-
habitants of Luxemburg that belonged to the religion of Hol-
land ? The precise number was 68. After that statement he
might well say that an iniquitous attempt was made to dispose
of the people of Luxemburg. He considered it impossible
for France, after two revolutions, to permit the dismember-
ment of Belgium ; and, were it otherwise, he would almost
regret the absolute Governments which be at present so cordi
ally detested. Certain noble Peers might affect to despise
the nationality of Belgium ; but what was it that constituted
the nationality of a country ? Was it nothing to have or-
ganised a magnificent system of railroads, which France.
herself might envy—France, that had as yet been unable to
terminate a railroad. from Paris to Versailles ? Was it no-
thing to have solved the grand problem of religious inde-
pendence, when almost every other State was oppressed
by a system of religious intolerance? What monarch in Eu-
rope could, like the King of the Belgians, boast that not a
village in his dominions would regard a transfer from hi.,
Government in any other light than that of a grievous cala-
mity ? Were the Powers of Europe jealous of the influence
and authority of the King of the Belgians over his subjects ?
He was not astonished that England had abandoned France on
the question of Belgium, for she had not the same interest as

a -
France in the maintenance of the integrality of Belgium. No
conformity of language or customs existed between England
and Belgium. He had no wish to attack the present Ministry.
but he could not avoid obsciving, that for the last eight years
France had been gradually retrograding, at first from the
Vistula to the Rhine, from the Adriatic to the Alps, and is
was now intended that she should retrograde to the Meuse.
He concluded by insisting that an attempt to dismember Bel-
gium was an attempt to mutilate France—an attempt which
must be resisted by France, if she wished to save her own ho-
neur, and to avoid involving herself and the whole of Europe in
a we r. —( Sensation.)
The President of the Council, in reply, observed that, in
treating the Belgian question, he had taken up a position
%illicit left every latitude to Ministers in their answers. The
Noble Peer had endeavoured to establish the doctrine that
treaties were not binding upon a nation when it was no
longer its interest to carry them into execution. To pro-
cleini such a maim was to attempt to substitute might in
the place of right. It was said that a treaty had existed,
but had been annihilated by the force of circumstances. This
position required examination. The Belgian revolution had
done away with one of the articles of the t-eaty of Vienna.
At that ee..iod the five Powers who had signed the treaty
assembled in London, and the treaty of the twenty-four
articles was drawn bp. Holland rejected, but Belga= ac-
cepted, the articles. On the 15th of November, 1831, the
protocol was formed in the Conference of London, an the
Belgian Commissioners demanded that the 24 articles should
be converted into a treaty, in order that Belgium and her Sove-
reign might immediately take their places in the common, circle
of the European Governments. The treaty was accordingly
concluded between the five Powers and Belgium. Holland re-
sisted and made an incursion into Belgium The French ex-
pedition and the taking, of Antwerp ensued, and the convention
of 1833 created a status quo burdensome to Holland. On this
occasion Belgium approved of the territorial distribution made
by the 24 articlee, a fact which could be proved by a reference
to the illoniteur Beige, and to a speech on Low occasion from
the Throne. It was therefore evident that up to 1834 Belgium
bad regarded the treaty of the 24 articles as forming the basis of
her national. rights ; but it was now considered desirable the,
France and Belgium should shrink from their engagements. L
was impossibl,, for a great nation thus to violate its faith. Eng-
land had abandoned Belgium on this question, because she
was bound to do so by treaties, and also because it was her
interest to do so, for in England every Englishman had the in-
terest of his country exclusively at heart. He wished he could
say the same of every Frenchman in France.—( Hear, hear. )
Count D'Alton Shee said, he was at last convinced that
Ministers had a system—to weaken the constitutional alliances
of France, and to form alliances only with absolute Govern-
mute. In proof of this allegation, he considered it necessary
merely to refer to the open violation of the Quadruple Treaty,
to the humiliation inflicted on Switzerland, and to the eva-
cuation of Ancona, directing his attacks more particularly
against the latter measure. He wound up by urging the ne-
cessity of introducing into the address a strong censure of the
domestic and foreign policy of the present Administration.
The Baron de Morogues read a written speech in favour
of the address.
Baron Pelet (de la Lozere) agreed with the Committee
°3 the Address as to the general prosperity of France, but
he differed from the Committee on questions of foreign
policy. On the whole, be felt himself bound 'to vote against
the address.
The general discussion being closed,
M. COUSIN rose, after the reading of the first paragraph,
and said that, notwithstanding the state of his health, he came
to speak of a grave question, the encroachments of the Clergy.
He could not well be suspected of injustice in this case, for,
be had, in 1830, come to the support of the Clergy and of
religion, when the establishments of both were menaced, and
when men risked popularity in so doing. After the violent
and salutary crisis of 1830, the Church retired within its
sanctuary, and seemed more imposing and holy than when it
went hand in hand with the temporal power. Giving up
mundane interests to mundane authorities, the Clergy reco-
vered the consideration and respect which it had lost. And
it was honourable t o the July revolution to observe, that since
its epoch the Churches had grown more and more frequented,
and religion more and more respected, even in the works
of the profanely learned. But an evil genius has come to
lead astray the Clergy from the path of humble progress,
and conduct it once more in the way of its destruction.
He would ask no other proof than the public feeling and
public rumour, both awakened and irritated by the scan-
dalous examples of bigotry and persecution lately given.
Who had not heard of the affair of Clermont ? So outrageous
was the conduct of the Bishop, that Government bad been
obliged to interfere, and refer the matter to the Council of
State ; this would prevent his entering at too great length into
the subject. But he would remind the Chamber that Count
Montlosier, the victim of the prelate's victory, was the same
noble who exclaimed to the National Assembly, t, You want
to tear the Bishops from their palaces—l tell Sou they will
take refuge in cottages, and be more powerful. You would take
from them their crucifixes of gold—l tell you wooden cruci
fixes suffice, for a wooden cross saved the world." Such was the
religious man, religious to the last, whom an unknown Bishop
refused to bury, and this because he had written a book against
the Jesuits, approved of by the first dignitaries of this Chamber.
Nor is the case singular. At Lyons and Rheims the clergy
have excited disgust and trouble, as at Clermont. The Je-
suits' College at Saint Acheul is about to be re- established,
with a noviciate of the same order in Paris itself. This school,
if it exist, is illegal. He would ask the Minister of Public
Worship, if the ordonnance of 1828, respecting small semi-
naries, was executed ? He was not the adversary of the clergy,
ncr was the University the adversary of the clergy, as long as
each kept within its attributions.
M. BARTHE, Keeper of the Seals said be had referred the
conduct of the Bishop of Clermont to the Council of State as
an abuse. The Seminary of St. Acheul had indeed been re-
opened, but was now closed.
M. VILLEMAIN lifted his voice against these scandalous re
fusels of the rites of sepulture. The Council of State could
not remedy the scandal. It ought to have been prevented by
Government.
Count MONTALEMBERT said lie differed from M. Villemain.
The prayers of the Church belonged to the Church—to the
Church alone—and the Chinch might do what it pleased re-
specting granting or refusing them. The July revolution
had brought liberty to the clergy as well as to other classes;
arid to resuscitate now the laws of the empire against the
clergy was to follow the example of Prussia, and treat eccle-
siastics as helots.
M. SALVA NOY,. Minister of Public Instruction, said he was
anxious to maintain, and had contributed to maintain the laws,
protecting the department of Public Instruction against the
ecclesiastic influence.
Sitting adjourned.
SITTING OF DEC. 27.

[CONTINUATION OF THE DISCUSSION OF THE ADDRESS.]
M. BoissY D'ANGLAs read a long speech, and proposed an
amendment, Which was not adopted.
Count PELET UE LA LOZERE called the attention of the
Chamber to the events of Switzerland. The policy of France
had been deplorable ; it had weakened the Liberal party in
Switzerland ; that was to say, the French party had exalted
its enemies.
Count MOLE replied, that if there was a coldness between
France and Switzerland, it was the fault not of him, but
of the Ministry, to which Count Pelet, tile last speaker, be-
longed. That Ministry, (M. Thiers's), forced Switzerland
to expel its German and Italian refugees, who menaced
Austria. His Ministry (M. Mole's) bad expelled a per-
son who menaced the repose, not of Italy er Austria, but of
France.

Count PELaT explained, and hinted, that the Swiss
griatrel; tiering his Ministry and before it, was caused by M.
-Muntalivet's Sendiel a spy to Switzerland without the
knowledge of the President of the Council of that time.—
( Movement. )
M. VILLEMAIN said that one fault had begatten another in
this question. Tile original fault certainly lay in having ere-
ated a hind of empiie of impunity for Louis Napoleon by
letting him free Without trial, This fault had drawn after it
all the other blunders and injustices—it bad led France to
exercise the mere right of the strongest against Switzerland.
Instead of appealing to the Swiss as an ally, France undertook
to middle with Swiss laws, to interpret them, and enter into
unworthy chicanery. Tao French Government obtained no
reparation from Switzerland, and -France has no gratitude to
pay to the Government.
After some further observations of Count Tascnara the
paragraph was adopted, and the next paragraph, that relative_
to 13e1giurn, was read.
M. VILLEMAIN row, and began by hying that Count Man-
. talon-theft deciarcd the present menaced abandonment of Bel-
gian rights as proceeding fiannt a general syatern of policy, of
which the motto was " reculer, retire." He made this policy
date a, far back as 1830, and considered Count Mole's as but
a continuation of the past. He (M. -Yillemain) thought other-
wise; he thought the policy which abandoned Ancona, Lux-
emburg, and Limburg very different from that which had taken
Ancona and Antwerp. In the previous sitting Count Mole
had declared the treaty to be explicit and immovable ; and
from the declaratian it was easy.to imagine the tone assumed in
the Landau Conference: for when the tone of the Minister
was thus humble in public discussion, how could It be the c
trary in negotiation? The Minister has thus revealed the
secret of his diplomacy, and rendered evident that this diplo-
macy is very different from that of preceding Ministers,
Count MOLE replied, and said thot the policy of the French
Government was unchanged. It had besieged Antwerp in
execution of the Treaty of T wenty-four Articles, and what it
now recommended was but an execution of the same treaty.
He had been accused of wishing to throw the responsiblity of
the Treaty on the Chamber ; but he would have ere this con
eluded the Treaty were it not for Belgium itself.
Count MONTALEMBERT combated the assertion of Count
Mole relative to Belgium's not hiving protested against the
treaty of 24 Articles, and its territorial arrangements.
To a question of Count MONTALEMBERT, as to whether the
territorial question was definitively settled and decided,
Count MOLE refused to answer.

The paragraph respecting Ancona then having been read,
The Due de BROGLIE rose and said—The French Govern-
ment has just given up Ancona to the Holy See, or rather,
withdrawn its garrison, without any convention or stipulation,
it would appear. If this were the case, he should regret it as
an abandonment of the system which had been followed with
respect to Italy during the last seven years. The occupation
of Ancona was regularized and arranged in the month of
April, 1832. From this account it will appear that the policy
of the French Government in Italy may he resumed under
four heads, viz :—FirA, to watch over the maintenance of
the territorial statu quo, preventing any occupation of the
Romanga by a single power. Secondly, To make serious
efforts for the definitive pacification of the Roman legions, in
obtaining from the Holy See real and efficacious reforms.
Thirdly. In case of occupation to take fit sureties at any risk.
Fourthly. In case of evacuation to foresee the eventuality of a
new occupation, and regulate its conditions. In the puisuit
of this simple and wise policy the French Government found
at first encouragement, and support, and assistance from all i
the Powers ndi,criminately. The French Government stipu-
lated for an amnesty, and for free institutions for the Romagna.
These were given in an illusory manner. But the possession
of Ancona ought to have been made the guarantee for enforc-
ing them, and this had been done. Nor did it appear that any
guarantee had been taken against Austrian re-occupation.—
Chamber adjoured from the lateness of the hour.
I ( SITTING OF FRIDAY, THE 28th.)
_ _

Count MOLE commenced by saying that he would retrace
the circumstance connected with the occupation of Ancona.
In 1831 the Holy See demanded the aid of the Austrians
against an insurrection in Romagna. The French Govern-
ment remonstrated. Austria then in Ade an offer which Fiance
refused. This was to guarantee the Pope in possession of his
dominions. The French Government, on the contrary, pro-
posed the giving liberal institutions to the people of Romagna.
ln consequence, the Holy See published certain edicts esta-
blishing provincial.couneils, and other institutions. The po-
pulation, not contpnted with these concessions, broke into
insurrection and independence. Cardinal Albani marched
against them with ruffianly bands, which provoked fresh re-
sistance. Thereon the Cardinal demanded the succour of
Austria. France :thee re-demanded guarantees, but could
no longer demand the granting of institutions, the essay
of which had failed. The 4eccepati in :of Ancona wai
0 put forward, aed after much trouble Rome gave a verbal
sequieseence. The orders given to General Cubieres were to
send forward a brig to see if he would not be received at An-
cone. If admission were refused, the General had orders
to land a battalion at Civita Vecchia. • Instead of this, the
events took place, of which every one was aware. A Con-
vention was then agreed on, which was to be found published
in " Lesur's Annuaire." This Convention forbade the French
troops at Ancona to receive reinforcements or erect fortifica-
tions. The fourth article stipulated, that as the Austrian
troops quitted the Legations, this. French should evacuate An-
cona. Article 5 stipulated that the Pupil flag should float at
Ancona. By the 7th article the French promised to respect the
Papal Police and Government at Anemia. The articles of this
Convention were admitted and observed by every succeeding
Cabinet. The present Cabinet had acted upon it up to it:.
List act—that of evacuation. Ho would prove that former C 4.-
bincts had acted in the same spirit and on the sane principle.
It was not Austria that, in retiring, summoned France to eva-
cuate Ancona. It was Rome which sent M. Capaccini to
Florence to beg Austria to quit the legation ; and, Austria
consenting, the Holy See summoned France to do the same.
What was the French Government to reply ? To refuse, and
under what pretext ? Should we refuse the Pope to quit his
towns until Austria and Russia evacuated Cracow? But
what was Cracow to the Pope that we should do the Pope vio-
lence on its account? But should Austria re-occupy the lega-
tion, it is asked ? Why, then, said M. Mole, we will do
what Casimir Perier did—come down to the Chamber and ask
for a credit of one hundred millions to protect the honour of
France and the independence of Europe. Such a measure
was ten times more effective than the garrisoning an Italian
citadel. After all the question is not so important—it was
idle imagination that swelled it beyond its dimensions.

The 15tic de BROGLIE said yesterday, and he would repeat,
that the evacuation of Ancona, without any stipulation or pro-
visions of consequence, was calculated to trouble hereafter the
peace of Europe. Count Mole said, that if Austria should re-
occupy the Legations, he would come down to ask 100 millions
of credit wherewith to menace Austria with war. But this
was an extreme measure, and he regretted that a convention
had not been concluded, to obviate and meet the difficulty.
The PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL had applied to the Holy
See for an authorization to re-enter Ancona in the event of
the Austrians re-entering Romagna. The authorization had
been refused, and he (the Minister) bad then represented
that the French Government hoped that, in case of necessity,
the Holy See would make an application to all its allies simul-
taneously, and more especially to France, who would always
act for the interest of the Roman population, and in confor-
mity to her own honour.
M. VILLEMAIN was convinced that public opinion would be
far from satisfied with the explanations given by the President
of the Council.

Paragraph 4 was then put to the vote and adopted.
The Chamber then passed to paragraph 5, relative to the
affairs of Spain.

Baron PELET (de la Lozere) complained that the Foreign
Powers kept up civil war in Spain, in order to support the
policy of absolute Governments.
M COUSIN proposed, as a remedy for the calamitous situa-
tion of Spain, the opening of a conference Letw•een the four
Powers who signed the Quadruple Treaty.- This conference,
be suggested. might take into considcratiou the most effectual
mode of pacifying the Peninsula.

• •-'
The PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL replied that, as the
French Government had decided upon assisting Spain reit her
with men nor money, he could see no immediate utility in the
opening of the conference recommended by the Noble Peer
who bad last occupied the tribune. It might, one day, per-
hnps, become necessary, but at the present he considered it
superfluous.—(Hear.) He maintained that it behoved the
Government to confine itself strictly within the limits of the
QuArupte Treaty.—Adjourned at half-past five.