The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-20 00:00:00

necessary to go somewhat at length into the scope of this
meaauro, and also into the general question to which it re-
fers. It would appear, from what lately happened as if
many persons had utterly forgotten, during the long peace,
the objects for which the wars of this country were under-
taken, and the mode in which they had been carried on. I
shall, therefore, think it expedient to call the attention of
the house to that which has been the general policy of this
country in the great wars which she has carried on, and
the manner in which those wars have been,, in many
instances at least, brought to a successful issue. With
respect to the first question, I should say that, if wo ex-
amine the history of this country, we shall perceive that
the general course has been, wherever any Power has ob-
tained a preponderating force in Europe, and threateneti
the independence of smaller states, to use the influence of
this country in the first place, to use her force in the second
plane, in order to obtain the adjustment of the balance;
or, in other words, to maintain the independence of the
smaller states in Europe. (Hoar.) Reference was made
the other evening to the days of Elizabeth and Cromwell.
I need only refer to those days to afford an illustration of
the proposition I have laid down, because, in these days,
the power of Spain having threatened the liberties of
Europe, Elizabeth, as a wise Sovereign—Cromwell, as a
sagacious and bold ruler, formed an alliance with France
at time—at another time with the Dutch and other
countries, in order to check that exorbitant power. Pass-
ing over the disgraceful reign of Charles the Second, we
find William 111. adopting the same policy, which, in-
deed, he had pursued as stadtholder of Holland, finding the
power of Louis XIV. dang,rone to the liberties of Europe,
he engaged every Power with which he could form any tie
or connection in one grand alliance in order to check
France. The confederacy vihich he formed was scarcely
suited to the time ; but the then Earl of Marlborough,
who obtained the confidence of the preoeding Sovereign,
was a worthy representative of William 111. He had the
same political object in view, with greater military ability,
and he fought the cause of the liberties of Europe upon
the continent. But in ,so doing he followed that line of
action which refers to the second question which I have
raised, and which was the previous policy of England.
We are, I will not say, a military nation, for that would
be an untrue assertion. I believe there is no nation whose
population have more of the hardy and brave qualities of
soldiers than that of the united kingdom of England, Ire-
land, and Scotland. (Hear.) But we are not naturally a
military Power. It is our boast—it is our history—in our
speeches and our songs, that our power chiefly dwells in
our naval resouroees. (Hear.) Whenever, therefore, we
have carried on a continental war for the objects I have
stated, we have had recourse to other nations in order to
assist us in so doing. (Hear.) Did the Earl of Marl-
borough rely upon the English alone as the force which
should be brought into the field ? So far from it, that
having inquired into the proportion of English soldiers
who served in those great campaigns on the continent, and
those great battles which have redounded so much to the
fame of that great commander, and to the reputation of
the English nation, I find that, it having been stipulated
to carry into effect the object of the alliance, that 60,000
men should be the army under his command. And of this
number not more than 40,000 were contributed by Eng-
land, and of this 40,000 not mere than 18,000 were British
soldiers. I have the list here —English troops,lS,32B ; foreign
in English pay, 21,6/2, making 40,000. The ,foreign troops
were composed of the following nations :—Dutch, 6,136 ;
Prussians, 2,522 ; Hessians. 3,014. Such was the composi-
tion of the army with which Marlborough gained his great
battles. And, in the account of the life of that great man,
I see that at the battle of Ramillies the Danish force was
brought in at the beginning of the engagement, the Dutch
at the middle, and towards the end the English horse came
up and performed great deeds of valour. Such were the
notions at that day with regard to the composition of
armies who fought great battles, headed by great com-
manders—battles fought in the cause of Europe—battles
coding in glorious victories ; but was there then anything
like a feeling that foreigners were not fit to fight by the
side of Englishmen, even for the sake of the cause of Eu-
rope? (Hear.) No such feeling entered into the minds of
those great men who swayed at that time the destinies of
Europe. (Cheers.) Other wars succeeded—wars, perhaps,
without so great an object; but in the battles that we
fought, whenever they were fought on the continent of
Europe, foreigners were employed. (Hear.) Ido not pre-
tend to vindicate the employment of German troops dur-
ing the American war. I think there was then an unjus-
tifiable use of foreign troops. But when we again under-
took the cause of Europe—when we were of opinion that
the power of Franca, was too great for the independence of
other nations—then again we made no difficulty in having
recourse to foreigners in order to fight our battles—battles,
indeed, undertaken by England, but which were in effect
European battles. In 1801, we introduted a law for the
service of the German troops—what was afterwards called
the German Legion—and 1 observe that though there was
some debate on that bill, no person but Sir Philip Francis
and Mr. Peter Moore took part in the opposition. Mr.
Fox spoke on the subject of the Hanoverian troops, but he
spoke in order to impute some blame to Mr. Pitt for not
having sent the Hanoverian troops into this country in
order that they might serve the here, and take
part in the war. So far was he from hesitating to
employ them, that he was rather in favour of employing
foreigners. It is quite true that Mr. Fox, in 1794, found
fault with the introduction of foreign troops to this coun-
try, but that was because they were introduced without
the consent of Parliament ; and that, having been so
introduced, that force might be increased to an un-
limited extent, and thereby might beowne dangerous to
the liberties of this country. (Hear, hoar.) But what, I
ask, were the deeds of the German Legion? Why, I find
them repeatedly adverted to in the despatches of the Duke
of Wellington. I will not trouble the house with reading
extracts, but I find that at Albuera "the conduct of the
German Legion was conspicuous ;" at Salamanca "a vio-
lent charge by the heavy brigade" was commended. I be-
lieve it was generally admitted that the conduct of the
German Legion was deservingof the greatest praise. (Hear,
hear.) lam sure everybody will think it right to testify
to the gallantry of men who fought in your cause—in the
cause of Europo—and that it will not be said, because men
are foreigners they ought not to be in our pay, nor to fight
our battles. It was said at that time by a person of very
great distinction and wit (Madame de Stool) when we were,
in fact, fighting for the cause of Europe, that "the Tories of
England were the Whigs of Europe." With respect to
the contest in which we are now engaged, and the employ-
ment of foreigners, I ask why we should now depart from
an ancient policy—from an established practice which has
'tended to success, and why, suddenly, we should discover
that every war which wo carry on in future must be car-
ried on exclusively by British soldiers ? (Hear.) W are
now engaged against a preponderating Power. Inc the
present case it is not the power of Spain nor the power of
France, but the preponderance of Russia with which we
have to contend. But is it any reason because it is Russia,
and not Spain or France, that we are not to adopt the
same means as formerly, for are wo not as likely, with the
same means, to have the same success? (Hear.) I have
heard it has been said, are we so soon exhausted at the be-
ginning of the war ?—(" hear, hear," from the Opposition)
—have we not now means equal to carrying on the war
with Englishmen ?—(hear, hear)—but, in fact, it is at the
commencement of the war that the greatest pressure
exists. (" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Let
us look to the facts known to this country and to all
Europe—facts we need not hesitate to avow. Whether our
military system was wise or unwise—whether the number of
our troops was sufficient or insufficient—whether it was
expedient to rely so much as we have done on a militia,
the fact was tree that we have had a very considerable re-
gular army—not till last year extended above 120,000
men, and these men are employed in every service in
which they are required over the whole face of the globe
at one time -having to secure and guard 12,000 miles of
frontier in India—at another to put down a formidable
insurrection in Canada—at another time spread over a
vast territory, and having to struggle with savage warfare
at the Cape of Good Hope • and whenever they were called
upon to perform this duty, they were expected by the
country, and justly expected, to be equal to the occasion,
and to do their duty as well. (Hear.) This certainly they
have done. But when you attempt to increase suddenly
this 120,000 men—when you have raised them on paper to
170,000, but in effect to only 150,000, can you expect that
that number can furnish regiment after regiment, and
army after,army, without any extraneous assistance or sup-
port ? It was said the other day, by my right hon. friend
the Secretary at War, that we had sent to the East 53,000
men. That appeared to the house a very considerable num-
ber ; but the enemy with whom we have to contend looks
upon 53,000 men only as one of his corps d'armcc, and I
have no doubt he has 16 or 18 of such corps d'armee, with
which he can oppose us on different parts of his frontier.
Let us next consider what points we have to guard We
have to guard Turkey at various points in the principali-
ties. We have to guard Turkey against a menacing force
in the Crimea, and from that which would be a perpetual
threat, menacing the very existence of her capital and em-
pire—the fortress of Sebastopol. But, thirdly, it is neces-
sary to see that there is a sufficient force on the Asiatic
frontier of Turkey, so that, while provision is made for her
defence in the Crimea and in the principalities, she may be
adequately defended fit her Asiatic side. Well, but if you say
you will have none but British regiments, and that, for the
first time since the history of the country, you will rely upon
British regiments alone, you run the greatest danger while
you are recruiting the regiments, by sending out young
men before they are properly trained, and exposing them
to destruction, instead of enabling them to act with that
vigour and force which always distinguishes the assaults
of disciplined and experienced troops. I remember when
I took a ride with the 'Duke of Wellington for 10 miles
through his head-quarters, to have seen the 10th Hussars
just come out to the Peninsula. The men seemed well ap-
pointed ; they executed their movements with rapidity and
precision, and I, as an ignorant civilian, could not but be '
struck by their effective appearance ; but I remember the
duke saying, when I met him afterwards at dinner, "that
regiment we saw to-day will at the end of the year be a
very good regiment," thus showing his opinion that a con-
siderable training in the field was also reqnired to make
good soldiers. Well, sir, it is proposed by this bill to en-
able the Crown to have a certain number of foreign troops,
of whom a part shall be trained in this country. That
number will not exceed 10,000, but they will form the
means of obtaining a larger' force, and that force can be
used in the field to assist British troops in preference, not
to raising recruits, but to sending out new legions not suf-
ficiently trained to war. I may be told that this is a de-
grading practice, and that we should not have foreigners
in our army, but when this is said, I must appeal to that
great authority to whom I have already referred. The
Duke of Wellington, when !speaking on the present militia
bill, said—" Everything has its beginning, and this is a
commencement of an organisation of a disciplined militia ;
it the same way as if you were to have a corps of reserve,
you must have a commencement, involving some months
for disciplining them before you could have your corps of
reserve ready. You must make a beginning here, and see
that it will take some months before, you can forM re-
serve regiments. Tho armies of England, who have
served the country se well, are your lordships so mis-
taken as to suppose that they were ever composed of
more than one-third of real British subjects—of na-
tives of this island? No such thing. Look to all your
great services. Look at the East Indies. Not more
than one-third of the soldiers there are such British
soldiers. Look at the Peninsula ; not ono-third of the men
employed there were ever British soldiers. Yet I beg your.
lordships to observe what services thong ticacliexs perform:4