The Sun.
London, England, 1853-02-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING-, FEBRUARY 15, 1853.

not bound to exercise more discretion in his language to the
public than a person upon whom no such responsibility was
placed—(hear). Indeed, he thought it was the very reverse,
because upon many important occasions the views of the
Government upon coming events had been given to the
people of this country in the shape of addresses to electors.
It was impossible for any man to deny that in former and
even in later years, words dropped from the lips of Cabinet
Ministers had exercised a most important effect upon public
interests. No one could be conversant with the history of
the late witr, its continuance, or partial cessation, without
understanding that expressions published in France and in
this country had had the greatest effect upon the continua-
tion of the war and the difficulty of its final settlement—
(hear). Their lordships could not but remember that only
last year, upon both sides of the house, great importance was
attached by leading men to articles in the newspapers, and to
phrases which were then said to have been most improper.
He contended, however, that articles which appeared in the
newspapers were entirely different from expressions ut-
tered with the responsibility of persons holding high posi-
tions in the Government of the country. It was impossible
for any Government of this country ever to be held respon-
sible for what might arise in that free discussion which,
thank God, they had ever been enabled to preserve—(hear,
hear). He had no wish to repeat the particular words of the
speech to which he had alluded, nor to inquire into the
justice of the strictures which might or might not have
been made. He wished, however, to know whether it was
with the sanction of the Government that any strictures
of the kind he had referred to had been made. If the
Government were anxious to maintain the dignity, the
honour, and the credit of their lordships' house, they must
take care that their own honour and dignity were kept un-
sullied. It was necessary that they should be cautious and
sincere in the professions which they held out to the world,
and that they should take care not to wound the dignity,
character, or feelings of those towards whom they professed
feelings, of friendship and amity. (Hear, hear.) He be-
lieved that, so far as the personal feelings of the members
of the Government were concerned, there was a desire to
maintain feelings of amity towards the ruler and people of
France. (Hear, hear.) It was with the confident hope of
receiving an explanation of the opinions of the Government
that he had then ventured to bring the subject under the
notice of their lordships. With respect to the particular
papers for the production of which he asked, he appre-
hended there could be no difficulty in laying them upon the
table. He was of course entirely in the hands of the Go-
vernment with reference to the matter. But, as the noble
earl who lately held the seals of the Foreign-office had in-
formed the house, early last December, that communica-
tions had been received from France with reference to the
establishment of the French empire and that her Majesty
had speedily and without difficulty recognised the em-
pire, he presumed those communications had been reduced
to writing, either in the shape of notes between the two
Governments, or recorded in dispatches to or from the
British ambassador at Paris. If there were any reason why
any part of those dispatches, or the whole of them, should
not be produced, of course the noble earl at the head of the
Government would decline to produce them. If, however,
as he apprehended, those communications would be found
to exhibit merely expressions upon both sides or cordial
goodwill and good understanding, these could be no harm
in their being produced. He trusted, however, that their
lordships would receive an assurance from the Government
that nothing had occurred since that period to lead to a
cessation of that cordial and sincere alliance which the
noble earl informed the house then existed. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of ABERDEEN, in reply to the noble marquis,
said—l trust, my lords, that it is not necessary for me to
give an assurance of the earnest desire entertained by her
Majesty's Government to cultivate the most intimate rela-
tions of friendship and alliance with the French Govern-
ment, or to state our opinion that so long as the policy of
France is a policy of peace and friendship, neither we, nor
any other state, have any sort of right to interfere in the
internal concerns of that country—(hear)--with their form
of Government, or with the dynasty which the French peo-
ple may please to choose. (Hear.) lam happy, in answer to
the question of the noble marquis, to assure your lordships
that the beat possible understanding continues unbroken
between the Governments of the two countries, nor is
there anything which could appear in the least degree
likely to endanger or diminish the cordiality of that good
understanding, and I will venture to say that no person is
more eager to maintain this good understanding in its full
integrity than my right honourable friend to whose speech
the noble marquis has just alluded. The noble marquis
has neglected or omitted to describe the circumstances
under which that speech was delivered. It was a speech
made by the right hon. gentleman to his constituents, and
with a freedom of expression which, perhaps, might have
been employed inadvertantly, and in which he used terms
which he would not have employed had he been addressing
the House of Commons. lam sure the noble marquis will
recollect the circumstances under which these expressions
were used. The right honourable baronet was addressing
his constituents, and arguing against the wish which would
seem to have existed among some of them in favour of
universal suffrage and vote by ballot. In doing so he pointed
out—and had it not been for the freedom of expression which
I dare say he regrets as much as I must regret it—an argu-
ment, which, whether good or bad, was still a perfectly
legitimate one—that the existence of universal suffrage and
vote by ballot had not prevented a state of things, and a
state of law in France, especially as affecting the freedom
of the press, which we should very much deprecate seeing
established in this country. That is the substance of the
statement of the right hon. baronet. In that I see not
much to complain of, nor anything to which any man can
possibly object. With respect to the spirit in which the
right hon. baronet spoke, I am assured by him that he
, " can state with the utmost sincerity that nothing could
L be furtber from his intention than to use any word which
could be considered as offensive to the Emperor, and re-
, grets that any expression should have fallen from him upon
that occasion upon which such an interpretation could
have been placed. (Hear.) Now, although I admit that
the expressions are not so respectful as might have been
used towards the sovereign of a friendly state, yet still the
substance of the argument was such as I have stated, and
which he was perfectly justified in using. The right hon.
baronet having expressed his regret that any interpretation
should have been placed upon expressions used inadver-
tently by him, upon such an occasion as that of addressing
his constituents, I think the noble marquis will agree with
me in the propriety of taking no further notice of the
matter. The more important part of the address of the
noble marquis was that in which he expressed an opinion
that the effect of the speech to which he had alluded had
been to throw some doubt upon the continuance of those
amicable relations with France which he wishes to see
continued, I hope I have upon that subject satisfied the
noble marquis, and completely set his mind at rest ; and
he may rest assured that nothing has occurred to interrupt
in the least degree the friendly relations of the two coun-
tries. (Hear, hear.) With reference to the production
of the correspondence on the recognition of the French
Government, I think, although there might be some por-
tioas of that correspondence produced without objection,
that it would be inconvenient to lay so much before the
house as would be necessary to lead to a correct under-
standing of the subject. I think, therefore, that it will be
more expedient for the noble marquis not to press further
for the production of the papers in question.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE was understood to ex-
press his assent, and the subject dropped.
Lord REDESDALE having brought up some reports
on the subject of the standing orders, their lordships ad-
journed.

HOUSE OF COMMONS-(YESTERDAY.)
METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS BILL-RE-
PAYMENTS_OUT OF THE CONSOLIDATED
FUND. . .

The house went into committee upon this bill.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that
the resolution which he had to put into the Chairman's
hands, explained the nature of the bill which he proposed
to ask leave to introduce. The resolution was to this
effect—" That the several sums of money which have been
borrowed in pursuance of various acts of Parliament on
the security of the land revenues of the Crown and certain
other moneys charged upon the London-bridge Approaches
Fund, for the purposev of metropolitan improvements,
shall, with the interest thereon, be chargeable upon aud
made payable out of the Consolidated Fund of Great Bri-
tain and Ireland." And his first duty was to express his
regret, that, owing to an inadvertence, the nature of the
resolution was not accurately explained by the entry which
stood on the votes, for that entry was certainly suscep-
tible of the interpretation that it was intended to create a
new charge on the London-bridge Approaches Fund in re-
gard to the coal dues levied. Now, there was no inten-
tion whatever to make any change, slight or serious, in
the position of the Government in relation to the coal dues.
The whole change proposed by this bill was purely a finan-
cial arrangement between one fund which formed part of
the revenue of the country, and another resource of the
country, namely, the Consolidated Fund, and the simple
object of the bill was, by discharging certain sums of
money out of the Consolidated Fund, which was at pre-
sent rich enough to do so, without any inconvenience
whatever, to escape from the payment of the interest to
which the land revenues of the Crown had for some time
been, and were now liable, in respect of considerable sums
borrowed by private parties to enable metropolitan im-
provements to be executed, and which money was secured
by assignment, under the name of the coal dues, on the
London-bridge Approaches Fund. He hoped that he had
conveyed clearly to the house the general purpose of the
bill, which would effect material economy with regard to
the public expenditure, by avoiding the burden to which
the public was subject by the continued payment of in-
terest ; and when the clauses and details of the bill were
before them he had not the least doubt that the house
would be satisfied with its object.
Mr. HI7ME expressed e that the effect of the bill
would not be to bring anyadditional charge upon the Con-
solidated Fund.
Mr. BLACKETT said that having presented a petition
that day from his constituents (Newcastle-on-Tyne) on the
subject of this bill, he might say that he was satisfied that
the petitioners would be ready to acquiesce in this bill pro-
vided he received an assurance from the right hon. gentle-
man that it would not add a penny more of charge to the
London-bridge Approaches Fund.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
his anxiety was to let the house know that there would be
no additional ' charge placed on the London-bridge Ap-
proaches Fund ; but now there was anotherr alarm
raised
on the part of his honourable friend (Mr. Hume) with
regard to the Consolidated Fund. Now no new charge
would be created upon the Consolidated Fund by this
bill. On the contrary, it would in point of fact afford
a real relief, and the deduction would go hereafter to
ways and means, and so would swell the Consolidated
Bland.
Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY asked whether any por-
tion of this charge would fall upon the land revenues ;
and also what would be the precise amount required to be
paid out of the Consolidated Fund to effect the propoied
object ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQrevenue UER said that
hap roposed to exonerate the land entirely from
portion of this charge for the future. The operation
any
would take time, because a portion would be liquidated
at once, and a portion would require a short notice. The
honourable baronet asked what would be the precise
amount. In answer to that, he said that the precise
amount borrowed from the various parties was 895,000/.,
that the sum paid up to the presout date, for interest,
and
was about 14 putting these amounts together,•they
0,0001.
obtained 1,035,0001. • but then there were deductions from
that, partly from the sale of Crown rents, and partly on ac-
count of considerable sums which would be forthcoming
from the produce of the coal dues, about 90,000/. LBO that
the final to, be advanced out of, the Consolidated Xruucl pit