The Sun.
London, England, 1853-09-24 00:00:00

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with the Russian Ambassador.

r pRicE SD.

• (From the Morning Post.)
The latest intelligence from Constantinopli is of an
-starirring-eharacter:-The popular excitement had reached
a high pitch, and although there is no confirmation of
the intelligence brought by a private telegraph, a source
of information which has often proved erroneous, never-
theless we haiie reason to believe that the state of affairs
was, at the latest dates, so menacing that the English
and French Ambassadors hiozloused the discretion vested
in them and had required six men-of-war, three English
and thi;c_Frencb, to pass tbaDardanelles. Accordingly,
on the 14th or 15th inst., the ships in question had an-
chored in the Sea of Marmora.

sisted. Who can doubt, after reading these admis-
sions, that the terms of the note were from the
beginning concerted between the Russian and
Austrian Courts, and intended to throw dust in the
eyes of the French and English, as well as of the
Turkish Government. Austria is now withdraw-
ing its co-operation from France and England,
and insisting upon , the Sultan's adoption:4 the
Vienna note " pure et simple," is only playing
openly the game which it had hoped to play in
secret. The detected colleague of the great north-
ern thimblerigger will bully when he can no longer
hope to swindle.
It may be conceded to the French and English
Governments, that in respect to the insidious
phraseology of the Vienna note they have been de-
ceived by Austria. The attempt to modify its
originally too intelligible phraseology seems to in-
dicate a desire to maintain the rights of Turkey.
This concession, however, is no great compliment
to their perspicacity, since they were satisfied with
word changes, which the Czar saw at once were
utterly ineffective. But it is not so easy to acquit
France and England of unworthy and conscious
yielding on another essential point. After the
declarations of M. Drouin de Lhays and Lord
Clarendon, the French and English Governments
were bound, before they, proposed to Turkey to
adopt the Vienna note, to obtain from the Czar an
unequivocal pledge that this adoption would imme-
diately be followed by the evacuation of the Danu-
bian Provinces. But in Count Nesselrode's first
dispatch to Baron Meyendorff, it is declared that
rte's stipulation for the evacuation of these
ices is inadmissible. The irresistible infer-
• that the French and English Governments,
n pledged to make such a stipulation a sine
'pa non, had neglected to do so.
The present attitude of the Eastern question is
most humiliating. On the assumption that the
French and English Cabinets have been acting in
good faith, it appears that a semi-barbarous power
has first outwitted and now openly braves the two
most enlightened and powerful nations of Europe.
The only alternative—the assumption that the
French and English Governments have not been
acting in good faith—would be more humiliating
still.

This important step was necessary on every account,
and especially to give a strong moral support to the
Sultan, who needs such aid, as well as against internal
fanaticism, as against external aggression. The latest
news informs us that there was a complete schism in
the Turkish Cabinet, one part of which was but too apt
to listen to passion rather than to reason. If such a
party were in the ascendant, then might we look for a
revolution at Constantinople, leading directly to a state
of anarchy, in which the life of no Christian, of what-
ever country, would be safe.

It is wolf on every account that the fleets have passed
the Dardanelles, for by this time the 'whole force has
followed the six men of war, which were but the van-
guard, and at the moment which we write we may as-
sure the public that the combined fleets, under the com-
mand of Admirals Dundas and Hamelin, are ridiiig at
anchor in the Sea of Marmora.

And why should they not ? The treaty of 1841 is not
at this moment in existence. Treaties are abrogated by
war, and who will pretend that Turkey is at peace. The
treaty of 1841 stipulates that "no vessels of war shall
pass the Dardanelles so long as the Porte is at peace."
The Porte, however, being no longer at peace, our fleets
have a perfect right to enter the Sea of Marinora. All
jurisconsults, without exception, agree' in recognising
the fact that, when the territory of one State is invaded
by another State, by force of arms, that such invasion
is an act of war ; and that, when it is committed with-
out reasonable cause, that it is tnif*Ct of piracy.
Nothing can be clearer than'therreaty of Adrianople
between Russia and Turkey. "The Pruth shall hence-
forward be the frontier of the two empires." The
Russians, however, have crossed the Pruth in arms for
the avowed purpose of extorting by force that to which
they have no shadow of right, recognised either by
Turkey or by Europe. The prodigious armaments of
Turkey show how plainly she considers the deed of
Russia as an act of war; and as such it has been re-
cognised publicly by our own Ministers, and by the
public consent of the whole of Europe.
The passage of the Dardanelles, which has just taken
place, is, therefore, completely justifiable by all maxims
of international law, by the special provisions of treaties,
and by the necessities of our ally.
If this step has been taken before, it has been because
it was almost impossible to believe that a Power such
as Russia, to whom was attributed so much respecta-
bility, could really intend to persist in a shameless and
unjustifiable act of piracy, and it was wished rather to
construct a bridge for her escape from an awkward and
mistaken position, than to provoke her pride by bluntly
acting as mere justice would have required.
The step is, however, now taken, and cannot be re-
traced so long as the despatch in which Russia re-asserts
her first pretensions remains uncancelled. The fleet will
not quit the Bosphorus and the sea of Marrnora until
the Russians have re-crossed the Pruth. If, at the
latest hour, Russia be ready to acknowledge her folly,
and negotiate upon fair terms, renouncing the impossible
pretensions she has put forward against Turkey, peace
apm:pynocysi
position
tiaolbni
tei
eesseqc;uuiavr
neaddl
e.
nn
toTwh fleets t
,oe
ifthcaot inthe
uonft
Nth
eessßussianser Bosphorusod
e chooseoicncutpte
to
ask for simultaneous evacuation, his demand may be
granted whereas when the fleets were only at Besika,
the requirement was absurd.
'4l

(From the Press.)
There never was a quarrel which advanced more
os regularlyifnct
ea wsaomtllheaanns
rheaaatml abm. e tbwl met e ent
hasßt oupds
rsti a
ekaendodendt the,hes Porte,teb
bks
step,p
u
according
columnsordingto
have recorded somethemostapprovedrul new es. Each
week inci-
dent, heightening the breach between the contend-
ing parties, and menacing more ominously the
peace of Europe. It required no great sagacity to
foresee, months ago, the course which events would
take. On the 19th of June we wrote :—" Before
us, at the best, is a prospect of three or four months
of paralysis of our commerce and finance, with the
probability of a general war in the autumn or
spring." At that date our Government must have
understood what was the policy of the Cabinet of
St. Petersburg, and to what end its action was
directed, or it must have ignored the existence of
notorious facts.

Since then—though struggling against the mis-
representation of a powerful press—we have in-
sisted that the question became continually more
serious, till now a crisis has confessedly been
reached, which must end in the complete subjuga-
tion of Turkey to Russia, and, by consequence, in
the virtual extinction of the Ottoman empire, or
in a war, whose proximate bearing, in the present
distracted state of European councils, it is not easy
to perceive, and whose ultimate issue it is impos-
sible to divine. This much is clear : in the event
of war, we must, abiding by our engagements with
the Porte, be prepared to take an active part in it,
or consent to be cast aside as one of the great go-
verning States of Europe, and sink into a mere
mercantile nation, degraded by perfidy towards a
faithful ally, and by dastardly submission to the
threatening attitude of a hostile and semi-barbarous
Power.

( From the Leader.
That war is at hand appears to be the almost univer-
sal impression of this country. Russia has just trans-
mitted to her representative at Vienna, for communica-
tion to the representatives of the other Powers, two
Notes, either one of which, separately, may be regarded,
at once, as an ultimatum on the part of Russia, and a
rejection of every attempt at accommodation. These
Notes from Count Nesselrode annul all that has been
done during the protracted negotiations, always except-
ing that one consistent State, which has never swerved
from its moderate and decided course—Turkey. One
of these despatches refers to the substance of the modi-
fications proposed by Turkey, in the Vienna Note, and
the other refers to the Note itself adopted by the Four
Powers. The two subjects are essentially distinct, and,
although published subsequently, we may take the one
upon the Turkish modifications first.

Two notes by Count Nesselrode, which accom-
panied Russia's refusal of the Turkish modifica-
tions to the Vienna note, place us in possession of
the Czar's views. Whatever may be the faults of
the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, it cannot be accused
of attempting to disguise its sentiments by verbal
jugglery. Its speech is decisive and trenchant—
haughty in consciousness of strength, and scornful
in contempt of the weakness to which it is opposed.
The paltry subterfuge (which it is now acknow-
ledged was suggested by our Government) that the
Vienna note, if signed by the Porte, should be read
in the sense of the proposed modifications, must
have appeared ridiculous in the presence of the
plain and emphatic language of the Russian de-
spatches. " Either," says Count Nesselrode,
" the alterations which the Porte requires are
important, in which case it is very simple
that we refuse to accede to them ; or they are
unimportant, and then the question arises, why
should the Porte unnecessarily make its acceptance
dependent on them ?" He regards the office of the
mediating Powers as terminated by the rejection
of the original note by the Porte, and bids them
allow Russia to settle its difference with the Porte
as it pleases. "It is for Austria and the Powers
to declare to the Porte, frankly and firmly, that
they, after having in vain opened up to it the only
road that could lead to an immediate restoration of
its relations with us, henceforth leave the task to
itself alone."

The note of Redschid Pascha, setting forth the Turkish
objections to the Vienna Note, took particular excep-
tion to the words which represented the Emperor of
Russia as watching over the orthodox Greek Christians,
and the Sultan as confirming the immunities secured by
the solicitude of the Emperors. It is admitted univer-
sally, even bylhe most Russian journals in London, by
the Ministerial papers both of London and Paris, and
by the semi-official journal of Berlin, the Zeit, that the
note of Redschid Pascha was drawn with consummate
ability, and that the position taken by the Porte was
almost unexceptionable. The Porte said that to admit that
phraseology would be to recognise the Czar as the
Dictator, the Sultan as his Registrar. The Em-
peror of Russia now says that he will not give up the
original text, because to omit the words would be to
confess that he had no ground of complaint against the
Sultan ; and that they do not add anything to the force
of the treaty of Kainardji—the Emperor insisting upon
a new recognition of his protectorate, exactly as Prince
Menschikoff himself demanded it. Tne overweening
tendency of this demand is aggravated by the insolence
of the language, which speaks of "the ill-disposed in-
tention" of the Ministers.of the Porte, and the " con-
descension" of the Emperor.
In the Note the same spirit of arrogance is turned
against the Four Powers, perhaps with one remark-
able exception. In this dispatch, Count Nesselrode
expresses the dissatisfaction of the Sultan with the
Vienna Note, which he had reluctantly accepted as an
act of condescension. He declares that he Aid not ask
or desire the good offices of the Four Powers. He
speaks of them as the allies of Turkey, especially inter-
ested in the honour of the Sultan ; he holds them ac-
countable for not having rendered their Note a final
proposition ; and avows that if Turkey be permitted to
make exceptions —which it was rather his privilege to
do than the Sultan's—he reverts to his original freedom,
and shall continue his quarrel with Turkey alone, setting
aside the Four Powers. We have here but described
the naked purport of the Note, not straining its intent,
although not literally following its language.
There is a dishonesty as well as insolence in this Pre-
posterous statement. Count Nesselrode puts before the
allied Powers a dilemma, which shows how he under-
Rtan ds a "question of words." If the modifications
were unimportant, why should Turkey insist upon thein ?
'if important, Russia could not assent to them. But in-
asmuch as the modifications involved the negative of that
original proposition by Prince Menschikoff, which was
declared to be inadmissible, some such emendations of
the text were of course inevitable, and Turkey might
turn against Russia its own dilemma. It is, however,
plain, that although Count Nesselrode is spurred to the
irksome duty of sharpening his diplomatic casuistry upon
this ugly subject, Russia does not wait upon reason, nor
care even to maintain appearances. Under the decorous
robe of Count Nesselrode appears distinctly the rude
bludgeon of the bully, who is intent only upon wreaking
that brute force, in which he supposes himself to possess
a transcendent advantage.
The two despatches of Russia, taken together, mean
that Russia yields nothing ; that she perseveres in -her
original purpose of extorting a spiritual vassalage from
Turkey ; she sets aside the Pour Powers, and will exe-
cute her will in their despite. The announcement of
this course has had a, various effect- upon the -Four
Powers. With regard to Prussia's intention we are not
yet informed. Austria has withdrawn, and has no
doubt, as we had constantly predicted, played through-
out into the hands of Russia. Count Nesselrode dis-
tinctly states that the Emperor of Russia assented to
the general bearing of the Note which was sent to him
by telegraph from Vienna, before the Note itself was
despatched, and he admits that he had a riglit
,to
suppose that Turkey had had cognizanceof it'll ilelo6B,
which, thanks to the Conference; the hitt not. He Pits
Austria on the back as the Emperor's. friend, 'ivhnse
good offices he had accepted ; and dismisses., the other
Power--that is, France and England—as the "allies
and protectors" of Turkey. rl
Turkey appears to be'ready. It is well known that
her armies are impatient to begin, and 'her most imme-
diate danger appears to. consist in holding them back.
A. manifesto to his people, in which the Sultan explains
the actual posture of affairs, and declares his intention
of maintaining his rights—a manifesto. which 'he ori-
ginally suppressed, in deference to the Four Powsirs
—has been published in his Gazette. The man-
plaints of Austria against the Course taken by
France and.r.England, imply that M. Drouyn de
Lhuys, who has taken so leading a part in the confer-
ence, was too firm for Russia's ally. In EnglfaArttle
response to the insolent dispatches of the Russian Em-
peror is unanimous. There is, we believe, scarcely $
journal that does not declare further stibmission'to'he
impossible. The Morning Post announces the ..attitude
of the affair to be suddenly and totally changed, that
journal being understood to represent the' views more
especially of that active Minister whom the public would
be glad at the present moment to see in the Foreign-
office. Lord John Russell has spoken for 'himself ; he
has declared in the speech delivered within the last few
days at Greenock, that the sacred duty of Englishmen
is to maintain the weak against thd'strong, to vindi-
cate the independence of States,and to secure for nations
those liberties of which others;jyrould deprive them.
The people of Greenock responded to that declaration
with cheers, which implied how glad they were to wet.
come it from official lips. Lord John, in fadt, rec6g-
nised their appreciation of his sentiments ; he said in his
speech that he spoke their sentiments as well as his owsi-
The meeting at Sheffield is, we believe, but the first of a
series—in fact, we have reason to know that impatient
spirits in other towns have only been held back by the
fear of not meeting with that unanimous response which
is now bursting forth in different parts of the country
as at Stafford, where a meeting is to be held in the
Shire-hall on Monday evening next. England feels her-
self insulted, and is at last awakening to something" of
her old spirit,

The effect of this language on the Court of Vienna
was decisive and immediate. Count Buol declared
that nothing now was to be done but to urge Tur-
key to the acceptance of the original note ; a pro-
posal of the French Minister was rejected as not
being sufficiently pressing on the Porte ; and Aus-
tria at last, acting for herself, despatched a message
to Constantinople, advising prompt and uncondi-
tional acceptance. This step virtually dissolved
the Conference ; but a telegraphic dispatch from
Vienna of Sept. 22 informs us that, at the press-
ing instance of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe,
the Conference decided that the Ministers of the
great Powers at Constantinople should be autho-
rised to declare " that the Vienna note does not
involve the dangers which the Porte appears to see
in it to the sovereignty of the Sultan." It is added
that no other collective step would be taken.
The matter being brought to this issue, Russia
and Turkey are straining every nerve to increase
their armaments ; deputations wait upon the
Sultan, clamorous for war ; and the Czar Nicholas
and the Emperor Francis met at Olmutz yesterday,
certainly to determine on an united course of ac-
tion, and possibly to decide on a partition of the
Turkish empire.
Yet the paper which is supposed to reflect the
sentiments of Lord Aberdeen could on Tuesday
coolly tell the country that " the Turkish question
has plainly become a question of words." The
Ministerial journalists have to pay dearly for the
livery they wear ; for, while they no doubt earn
the approval of their masters, they wholly lose the
respect of the public.
With probably the same intent that Lord John
Russell delivered an unmeaning piece of rhodomon-
tade to the burgesses of Greenock, the Ministerial
journals have ventured on some abuse of the Czar

Nicholas. The public mind is to be diverted from
the real facts and bearings of the question at issue,
and, as affairs assume a darker aspect, the policy of
Russia is to be assailed that the incapacity of our

Government may be concealed.
The policy of Russia is undoubtedly aggressive,
but such policy is not new in the history of the
world : it has animated the councils of every nation

we can call to mind, and we must expect to see it
prevail so long as vigorous rulers are moved by the
promptings of ambition and the desire to dis-
tinguish themselves in contributing to the power of
the countries they govern.
It is not to be supposed that the character of the
Emperor Nicholas has suddenly changed. His
prosperous reign is striking evidence of his capacity
and his statesmanship has been illustrated by the
success of his enterprises. If he now threatens
Turkey, it must be because he perceives that a
rare conj tincture of circumstances favour his de-

sign.
We are, as a people, fond of facts, and this one
fact is too significant to be passed by unnoticed.
The formation of the Aberdeen Ministry was the
signal for the Cabinet of St. Petersburg to com-
mence its attack on the independence of the Porte.
The policy of the Czar, however objectionable on
moral grounds, is natural to his position, and to
the traditions of his race and country. He has
inherited it with his crown, as English Minis-
ters, until Aberdeen, inherited the duty of stub-
bornly opposing it. If he now makes a daring
effort to snatch the long-coveted prize of Russian
statesmanship, shall we blame him, or the
Ministers whose treachery has encouraged his
daring ?—their treachery, even if we suppose them
well-meaning, as weakness is treachery when na-
tional interests and honour are at stake.
If it should be asked what our Government is
doing while the Continent is heaving with moment-
ous events, the answer must be shortly—nothing.
No Cabinet Council has been held. Mr. Sidney
Herbert is hospitably entertaining—as we learn by

.