The Sun.
London, England, 1854-12-20 00:00:00

means to a large extent=of repairing our losses by war 1 the kingdom. The Crown has rower to do that withott
without the aid of foreign mercenaries. With regard to 1 any new law. All we ask of Parliament is that which the
the general question of ewployingmercenaries, he approved I constitution requires Parliament should sanction—the in-
of
the principle of allowing the war to go on with as little ' troduction of foreign troops into the kingdom, because it
interference with commerce as possible. Wo had a good lis contrary to the law and constitution—(hear, hear, froz
cause; we were embarked in war for the noblest objects, the Opposition)—without the approval of the Legislature.
but iwould be a degradation if we made war on trade (we Well, then, gentlemen, by the most extraordinary coif 1-
understoed.) He would not press that argument ;he sion of mind, say that, because the introduction of foretell
would content himself with saying that we ought to be troops without the consent of- Parliament is contrary to
the last to restore that systerp. which Europe was fast the constitution, therefore their introduction is evidently
abandoning. Then came the question as to German neu- unconstitutional without such consent of Parliament
tralities. What was proposed by the measure? Was it Ministerial cheers)—and therefore the bill is a violation
intended to make foreign alliances by its aid ? Should, of the constitution, as it permits something which is nob
foreign Governments object, even though foreign soldiers 'allowed by the constitution. (Cheers and counter
might be willing to enlist, he was very much mistaken if cheers.) Well, then, it is:seid my right hon. friend hes
Government would obtain any large number of soldiers shown the greater value of the recruits that will be
from foreign states. But was this the way to carry on the obtained from Germany in consequence of being ,men
war? Suppose the case of a small state, who might sym- of well-formed constitution, and in a manner capable
pathise with us and who might at the same time be afraid of supporting those fatigues and exposures which
of the power of Russia—what would become of its nen- aro necessarily incidental to carrying on the war. But
trality ? If there was auy heatird in inchrring the hostility gentlemen turn round and add—" Why, if these men are
of Russia, why, that hostility would be incurred as much such as you describe, and are trained soldiers, do you
by allowing the enlistment of soldiers as by declaring war want power to bring them into this country to train them?"
against Russia. (Hear.) What he suggested was that (Rear.) It is then observed, " They are already trained."
we should not refuse foreign troops if offered, but if (Hear.) Now, that is a very good civilian argument
this offer was made by independent states it (laughter)—ba military men, like my gallant and learnt's
should be made without aid or assistance from us, and friend who has just spoken (Mr. Watson) knew very well
foreign states should do this at their own expense, and that if we get a great number of drilled men, they require
share the honour and danger with us. (Hear, hear.) But being organised or formed into regiments, made acquainted
this measure appeared to him nothing less than the revival with their officers, clothed, equipped, and armed, and that
of practices during the American war, when foreign cut- this force is essentially necessary to convert a number of
throats were sent to our colonies. It was impossible to troops, however well trained they may be, into regiments
expect by this measure to cement a union with Germany. fit for service, which must be performed somewhere, and
And if the foreign troops should not be found equal to to perform it anywhere buthere is amatter otitipessibility.
French or English troops their contempt would be added But although you limit the number to lu, 'OO in this
to the existing odium.' Ho must object to the measure on bill, the number of the troops engaged on the field is only
several other grounds, and on the ground especially of limited by what may be sanctioned by Parliament in the
public morality, and because sufficient necessity for it had estimates evhen they are presented by my right hon. friend
not been shown. They were told if the measure were not There is no limit in this hill except as respects those
passed Government would not retain office. He would say foreign troops that shall at the same time be within the
one word on that. He never doubted the noble lord's sin- United Kingdom. But you say, " You don't tell us wher •
cerity ; but during the period he had been in that home you mean to get the men." (Hear, hear.") You have a .
he never recollected any Ministerial measure of importance great curiosity to know that. There is some mystery ill
being threatened with defeat that that probability of de- all that. (Hear.) Why. sir, my right hon. friend hare well
feat had not been ,net with a menace of resignation or et stated that, until the Government knew whether
-threat of dissolution. (Hear.) Now, in his opinion, this Parliament would permit them—(cries of oh, oh)—We
did not appear to him a question on which, if Ministers could not engage in negotiation *ith foreign governments
were defeated, they ought to have a dissolution ; nor did for the raising of these troops. (Derisive cheers.) I should
a defeat necessarily call for a resignation. For he recalled like to know what those great constitution reverencers--
to mind what had happened last session. In the Queen's (a laugh)—would say if they were able to get up and ex-
Speech, promises of Parliamentary reform, and public tract from Government that we had been in negotiation
education, and other reforms, were made, in all of which with foreign governments for the levying of these men --
Government failed, without considering it necessary to re- (aiinisterial cheers)—previously to the sanction of Perlin'
sign ; but now it was declared that, if 10,000 German meat being obtained for the purpose ? Those who corn'
mercenaries were refused, Ministers wouldresign. (Hear,. plain now would, in that case, have had goodright to cora-
hear.) He had no wish to embarrass Government by any plain of our having violated the principles of the constitu.
vote he might give—they had the conduct of the war in tion, and they might then heee adopted, if they chose,
their own hands, and it was better there should be no the doctrine of the treble lore , iney might have punished
divided responsibility, and that Government should be the Government as he proposed to punish us—(a laugh''
allowed to carry on the war. But if the right hon. gen- which wasnot exactly in the manner of the volunteer vino
tleman, .the Secretary at War, claimed the right to resign, wished that Divine justice, if resolved on visiting the Go' •
if defeated, he must have a word to say to the right vernment with vengeance', might punish us, net by send
honourable gentleman on that subject. He did not doubt ing us to the infernal regions, but by keeping us to our
or dispute the right of any man to guard his own honour, posts. (Laughter, and cries of oh, oh.) I say, sir,. then
but was it a patriotic or public-spirited course for Minis- we have no other course to pursue. Mystery there is none
ters to say, if you assert we have made a mistake, it you with us, except what you only are able to solve ; how it
do not admit our infallibility in every respect, we will happens that those who are the first to "taunt the Govern'
embarrass the country by resigning. (Hear, hear.) He ment with deficiency of vigour in carrying on the war,
recollected something of thecircumstancesunder whieh that should object to the measures for giving us ampler moans
political party now at the head of affairs came into office. - for prosecuting that war. (Cheers and counter cheers.)
They laid down the principle with great eloquence, and That is a mystery on the other side, and not on this,
thereby they gained no small share of public applause, and, therefore, I hand it over again to you. (Cheers
that when any national difficulty or important public mea- and laughter.) I say again, sir, that this proposed ad'
sure required any sacrifice of individual opinion—he did dition of Germans, or e hatever other nation it Ina)*
not say of political character—that it was not only lawful, be (for I shall preserve that mystery)—(a laugh)— (to
but necessary in a moment of national embarrassment to leave the Government in the most perfect freedom to
make that sacrifice in consideration of national interests, get good soldiers wherever they can), it is obvious to
(Hear.) Ail he would say was, if they were in earnest in any one who dispassionately applies - his mind to the
the avowal of their principles, now was the time to prove matter, that the acquisition of 10e000, 20,000, 30,000 or
it. They had made a mistake. Their own organs of the 40,000 well-disciplined and trained Germans or other foe
press said so, and so did their own supporters in private reigners, or whatever number which the Parliament, upon
circles. If they persevered they would rouses feeling which the estimates being shown thein, may be pleased to sane-
would, doubtless, be fatal to their tenure of power, and tion, such an addition would be of the utmost value to
prove dangerous to the country. Admit for once they were our countrymen now engaged in that arduous service.
wrong, and in the frankness and honesty of that atonement. (Cheers.) I think it is due to them to give them that as'
the people would forget the folly of the design. (Cheers.) -sistance. (Renewed cheers.) Deeds have been performed
Sir J. FITZG BALD, in a few words, justified the not only by our troops, but by the Allied army—for I
wisdom and expo iency of the measure from his own ex- speak of the French and of the English as equal in distinl•
perience in the p uinsular war, and on the ground that tion, each running to the assistance of the other—each tit'
the Emperor of Rosie was already having recourse to a rivalling the other —I say, sir, their deeds, their gallantry,
similar step in raising an auxiliary force. . their bravery, the achievements of the Allied army, surpass
anything which we read of either in history or in romance.
Lord PALMERSTON and Mr. DRUMMOND rose to-
(Loud cheering.) But, then, these brave men deserve
g but though there were loud calls from the Opposi- something at our hands. (Loud and continued cheering
tion for the latter, he gave way. The noble lord said—Mr. from all parts of the house.) Aye, they have shown, as
Speaker, I confess I never was more disappointed, and, I has been well stated by the right hon member for Buck'
may a former occasion, that the increasing progress of 1119
may say, surprised, when I learnt the course which the
lisation, the augmentation of wealth, everything which
party opposite had thought it their duty to pursue with conduces to the progress of a country, and the long con"
regard to the present measure, We have had from them tinuance of peace, does not enervate the British nation,
the most unreserved, and, I will do them the justice to but like a field that has lain fallow, has only rendered it
believe, the most sincere declaration that they admit to more fruitful of the qualities which distinguish a natioh
the fullest extent not only the importance of the object in the pursuits of war. (Great cheering.) So many 01
the highest rank and the most ample fortunes, with ever/
for which the present war was begun, but the justice and inducement which could detain them at home, derived,
the necessity of that war. (Hear, hear.) The Govern- from the advantages -of birth, of wealth, epd ol-
relent has been reproached by their organ, and frequently rank, have abandoned all under a sense of public
by members of their party, of not having conducted duty to their country in the field. (Hear, hear, 4500.)
the war with sufficient energy and vigour (loud We have seen the humbler classes rivalling the chivalry I
those who led them. (cheers.) We have seen such how
ironical cheers from the Opposition)—of not having curableemulation, as made it impossible to say whether
employed all the ineens_they might have employed for that the leader or the led most deserves the applause and the
purpose—
(renewed Opposition cheers)—and then, sir, gratitude of the country. (Cheers.) Well, sir, I say again
when the Government comes to this house, and, for the that these brave men deserve that we should do whatever
we can to assist them. What is the enemy with whom we
first time—(prolonged cheers from the Ministerial side of have to contend? It is a Sovereign who has, comparatively
the house)—asks this house to relieve the Government speaking, unlimited means of filling the ranks of his army-
from the difficulties which prevents us employing those We have seen the blue-eyed children of the North, along
means of vigour to which we attach importance, they favour.
the Baltic coast, coming, division after division, to sell
his army in the field ; and are we to allow the limited
us with disquisitions on what the consider constitutionhl
principle, with the reproduction of antiquated arguments means of England and of France, pitted against these la.
belongingto agesgoue by—(cheers)—and we are refused the
creasing numbers; to remain unassisted, when we can send
power to employ an instrument which we think—and with thorn men to their assistance. I say would be a cruel
reason and justice—conducive to carrying on the war with mockery to pursue that course; it would be an abandon'
y',
vigour- and success. (Continued cheering.) Now, sir, if ment of our duty, a violation of what we owe the country,
what we ask were something altogether new and unheard- if we tie up the hands of the Government from furnishing
of ; Hattie. measure we propose for the purpose of adding to our fellow-countrymen with the means of rendering their
our resources for conducting the war were such as had services with more vigour. I say, therefore, if there be ill
never been practised by any Government or nation before, the house any who have friends and relations exposed to
I could understand that objections would be raised by the dangers and fatigues of this war—l say if there be any
gentlemen astonished, for the first time, by a proposition who mourn friends and relations who have fallen victims to
which was likely to.serve the purposes of their opposition, their duty, that they should not allow these friends
and that they might object to the bill on the ground of its and relations to have shed their blood in vain, or t 0
novelty ; but, so far from this measure which we now have sacrificed their fives to no advantage. (Cries of "oh,
propose to Parliament being a novelty, it is a matter which oh," from the Opposition, and cheers.) I say, that those.
has been practised, not only by all former Governments who entertain a duo sense of what is owing to the national
in this country, for the purposes of war, but practised by glory will not refuse their sanction to this measure fot
almost every other nation when engaged in a great and carrying on the war with more vigour and greater chance
arduous struggle. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the con- of success. But you say to us, " Why did we g• to Sebarse
duct of this country, it is a matter of perfect notoriety, a topol ?" Why go to Sebastopol ! Because Sebastopol vr°:
has been explained in detail this evening. by my noble the central point of Russia on those waters where we way
friend the President of the Council, and my right hon. to defy his encroachments. If, instead of going to Sebes-
friend the Secretary at War, that the Government of Ens- topol, we had given battle in the plains of central Russise
land, with the consent of Parliament, in the great war in we must have fallen into a great mistake. But why oev
which we were engaged with France, employed a greet wait a year or two? Why, if' we had waited but one yeaT,
number find variety of foreign troops in aid of, or as auxili- we never should have taken Sebastopol. Any delay 1°
aries of the British troops. We had the German Legion, that expedition would have frustrated the object which we
we had the Brunswickians,lweihad: Portuguese, we had had in view, and that object, if it is to be gained, require!
Spaniards .we had the Corsican Rangers, we had Sicilians, a sufficiency of means. I say again, air, we have engaged
and wo had the Chasseurs (Vitali°. I saw, myself, num- in a great war with a great power for great objects—(hear'
hers of the latter in British uniforms descending the hear)—and it is not becoming this country, it is no!
southern slopes of the Alps, at the conclusion of the peace, suited to the interests or the honour of this country, thav•
on their way to their Italian home'. Sir, these men ac. this war should end in small and insignificant results.
quired credit and distinction in conjunction with the Br- (Hear, hear.) To obtain results adequate to the contest,
tish troops, and their services were duly acknowledged by and conformably to the interests and honour of the
the Government in w,hose cause they had fought. But, country, recourse must be had to great efforts. (Cheers.)
sir, the French at the present moment, as has been well Let not the house deceive itself; it is not by small (lo-
dated, have foreign troops in their service. What was tachments and insignificant forces. (Great cheering from
even the practice of that. great commander Napoleon, who the Opposition.) If that cheer means anything, you wil!
bad command over all the resources of the French nation, vote in conformity with your cheer. (Counter cheering.)
which was devoted to his cause, and ready to support But I say that the results which alone befit the circurne'
him in all the wars in which he was engaged ; oho had stances in which the country is placed require gre it and
the power of conscription to dra w from every province of continued-efforts. We are making those efforts at home;
France any men he chose to have? Why, his army was we shall add to our great army in the East every rein-
full of foreigners, fighting side by side with his own legione, foreement which—having, as I will yet say we have, e°
(Cheers.) Could it be said he was degraded by such em- noble reserve in the British nation—the people will afford
ployntent of those foreigners? (Cheers.) Why, sir, there us in sufficient numbers and condition to be effectual on
is no reason why England should not adopt this system, and the field. But iu a case of this sort, every effort, ever!
obtain supplies of foreign troops in the beginning of the addition which can be made to our available means, it is
war. Foreign Governments differed from us in the prac- the duty of Government to make, if Parliament will give
tice they adopted in an important matter with regard to them the power; and I should be sorry to think, in the
this subject. In the first place they maintained largo nei present condition of this country, in the circumstances. 1°
litany establishments in a time of peace—they are prepared which we are placed, of a Government that would shrill:
when war breaks out with adequate forces to meet the from proposing to Parliament and from asking such menus
first exigencies of the public. In England, on the con- as they should think, upon their responsibility, nowise*"
trary—and Ido not dispute tire wisdom of the practice— to the, vigour of the operations of the war. 'Butasorry as
Parliament insists, on the conclusion of a war, on a reeee_ I would be to belong to' Government that would abstain
tion of our military forces to the lowest amount consistent from that duty, still more sorry. should Ibe to belong to
with the duties and exigencies of a peace, War, therefore, a majority of Parliament who would referee the mean-' d
finds us with a peace establishment—with an establishment carrying out the very principles which that majority ad'
calculated, not, as in continental countries, on the chances vocatee. (Prolonged cheering.)
of war. Theo, the noble lord' who spoke en the other side
of the house said, that as we had foreseen the war, we Mr. DISRA.ELI—The noble lord the Secretary of S' Al
ought .to have been prepared to meet it. Why, sir, if, for the Home Department, in a tone of bantering whieh.he
when negotiations were going on which might have led- wall knows how to assume. when he has a early bad cause'
to an amicable settlement, the Government had come has commenced a reply to the very grave and welleeoll'
down to Parliament and proposed a war augments- the
sidered arguments made use of by my noble friend
tation of the army, what would Parliament have said to
such a proposal? (Cheers.) Well, sir, in another respect member for Lynn in terms of good-natured abuse, and I
to the
also foreign Governments stand iu a different situa- am only surprised that the noble lord, in alluding
tion from us. They have the power of conscription—they arguments made use of on that side of the house did hot
,
can issue an edict for any given number of troops—these call them "antiquated imbecility." (Laughter and cheers
troops must come within a specified period—they must be
of the ages and description which the Governments choose from the Opposition.) I agree, and I 'think every gentle-
'to direct ; and, -in this way, these foreign Governments man will agree, with the noble lord that the country is ill.°
have thus the power ,to make an augmentation of their Position of extreme difficulty and danger, and that it is
armies within the shortest possible perichl. We, on the necessary that it shall make exertions commensurate with
contrary, wisely, and advantageously in the end, I think
because it makes our army of infinitely better stuff than
, that position, but we are to decide to-night, not whether
England would wish the house to make efforts equal to
an army composed of Conscripts---(Opposition cheers)—we
trust to voluntary enlistment when we want to increase the emergency, but whether the measures which the Go'
the number of oar forces. (Renewed cheers from the Ope The introduce are
well
vernment have thought. roper to such as to
erit its approbation. (Cheers.)
position benches.) But, sir, that advantage must be ob-
tained at a certain sacrifice of time. (Cries of " No, no.") 'aus the Lord President of the Council, has unwisely entered
into the general conduct of the war. The noble lord, as
We go into the labour market to compete against the in-
well as the Lord President of the Council, has told us that
dustry of the country. We have been just told that shave
England is a great naval power, and that their efforts must
a population of 26,000,000 to 28,000,000. It isknown that
be devoted principally to maintaining the supremacy of the
one-fourth, on a general statistical calculation of the popu-
country on the ocean. Of course sir, they allude to the lin"
lation, are males, fit and able to bear arms • and you say
portant services of the Baltic fleet. (Laughter, and OW'
to us, " Why don't you get 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 of men
tshiteiopureepheesearls.)uf Tthhee Secretary of State, having to defend.
of an age fit for military duty? Why not at once send to
troops an(the enlistment the Crimea any number of men whom you may want to ,
1 •
a
enter the service?' Why, sir, my answer is this :—These. enntisotfrfyorefoigrn.
for military service the conduct of the Government in attacking Sebastopol. It
mtheereleetivrege.
voinfdseug
men who are of an age andconhition fit is therefore perfect] to refer to such eircurn-
y open to me
are employed in all the various branches of industry in the
compete with that stances connected with that operation as I may wish I,°.
country. You have to go to market and
industry, and every 1,000 you take out
_oalbtohuer,market, and dwell on and I hope neither of those noble lords will
beceuse it shrink from the discussion of the merits of the' question
enlist into the army, raises the price of 1
and thwhich
limiting the supply;
increases the demand by
process of voluntary enlistment, a power which the ministers at length admit to be a mill.
proposed. Well, sir, we are at war with
fore it is obvious that the
while it gives you an ID
• finitely better soldier when you tart' power of groat impOrtance—(aar)-;--and lam bound
get him, must necessarily render more slow and gradual
tation of the to say that, although that conviction seems to haveereacnced.
army which their minds somewhat late, they lose no opportunity.i,
.1 :Well, then, I say this practice of imparting it to the country. I believe the great fault 1
any great and sudden augraeu
em.
may be re wired,
playing foreign troops in conjunction with your own i
of all
I may say, by the example' is
a their conduct hitherto has been that they have been carry'
practice consecrated., a.
in tens country a d d intotal ignorance of the circumstances .
with
which they
leee on the affairs of the country for a considerable period
'
former Governments , li a opted by the
our allies. (Hear, hear.) But it is said, have had to contend. (Laug .
he oble lord
Governments of
be a very good thing, but you should keep for the constitution further than to remark that t n
hter ) I shall say
°ken
that may hear.) • to me to have op 1
of the war. (Hear, Now, if ever there was the President of the Council seems.
than is i___;,
it end
of putting the cart before the 1 is withmuch less reverence of the constitution than usual
an instance horse, that
rely it. (Laughter and cheers from the Government with ban—(laughter)—but I, will say
shall be ea-
ssuupporters.) Why, sir, it is in the beginning of a war, agreeable to the country that foreign troopsum
her of 10,000
when we aro starting with a peace establishment, anti listed and trained' in this country to the.ntut
ona.awy
1 ers,
very little of
having with that peace establishment to provide for the itself. Ido
is a question to be decided, not by
exigencies of a large great and arduous campaign, that but by the feeling and wishes of the ches
ego
ident of the Conn-
you want a sufficient force, and not after the lapse of a not suppose the noble lord the LordhPie
Rome Department
certain number ofcif or the Secretary of State fore con tutiyi 1
years, when you have, by voluntary
enlistment, recruited your ranks and are able to oppose ss the arrange., would wish the time had arrived
an army of your own equal to the demands of the service country weie called upon to,
bill, nor would they wit'
-ted whinete people of this
to be performed. (Hear.) It is true that one of these merits contemplated in this,f
acts was passed at a latter period of the war, but it which are calculated, ini
was when the war assumed a new development and required for they are not circumsst
this, to excite such emotions, al
ness them with 'feelings
aoueesexultation orr, satisfactior,
all of a sudden a greater augmentation of the means by a free country like t
which it was carried on. Now we aro toid, "Oh, this edwell on that topic. But the
of State, with a conscious-
mountain has brought forth but a mouse; you make a I shall not, therefore
noble lord the Secretaryerwhich has fallen to the Government
great figure of this measure, and you only ask for 10,000
men, and you seem willing even to take a smaller amount Lees of the great
of which he is mwemkber —namely, that they are to conduct
greatest military Power, much greater,
if the house should refuse that number." Why, that is a a contest
fwniihnastbheers , as the Secretary of War has impressed
perfect misrepresentation of the measure we propose. All in pointso
than
either England or France with whom wiel
who are versed in the constitution and the laws of the upon us, yet to ask himself for the means by which
country, know that 'the Crown wants no authority from aro allied—has
they propose to attack the enemy. The noble lord 5670 i
Parliament to employ any number of foreign, troopa 00 of