The Sun.
London, England, 1854-05-24 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 24, 1854.

Yesterday evening we published in the columns
of The Sun a translation from the German ori-
ginal of the treaty between Austria and Prussia,
signed on the 20th inst. at Berlin, and repeated
to-day in the columns of all our morning contem-
poraries. The existence of such a document has
long been matter of notoriety. Its gist has all
along been pretty generally understood. Never-
theless, while the nature of the engagement en-
tered into between the Cabinets of Schoenbrunn
and Charlottenburg might be readily enough
conjectured, it could not but be especially inte-
resting at a crisis like the present to have
mere suppositions, however obviously credible
they might be, rendered altogether unnecessary
—it could not but be peculiarly desirable
that a matter of such extreme importance
should be one not simply of mere hypothesis,
but of absolute certainty—so that the belligerents
might be enabled to anticipate more clearly the
future policy of the leaders of the Germanic Con-
federation. This could only be accomplished by
the publication of the treaty recently signed on
the part of the Emperor of AUSTRIA by Baron
VON HESS, and on the part of the King of
PRUSSIA by Baron VON MA.NTEUFFEL. At length
that curious State paper has made its appear-
ance. Its stipulations are consequently no
longer matter of mere conjecture or sup-
, position. They have been formally submitted
to the notice of the community. Whoso "runs
may read." And yet--with the Treaty actually
mtaring us in the face, with its six articles before
,_llB, and, with these also, its one long supplemen-
_‘4ll engagement---a is impossible to count with
6413? to securitY the course which may be fol-
. wed
to the contest
oy thecontractin potentates in regard
now raging contracting
the Russian
and Anglo-French
one thing belligerents. There is only
glarine'ly demonstrated by the docu-
ment, and that is, that
mutually
each
j ealous Austria and Prussia are
other.
heart more jealous of each other They are at
than FRANCIS
JOSEPH is of the Czar NICHOLAS, or than FREDERICK
WILLIAM is of the Emperor NA.Porar.ox. Austria is
less solicitous about that portion of her
dominions
lying to the north-east of the Carpathians, prussic
is less solicitous as to the retention of the Rhenish
Provinces as a part of her aggregate territory.—
than they are, each of them, profoundly and pain_
fully solicitous "at heart" as to the chance of the
other obtaining, either by force or by intrigue, pre-
eminence over the whole of the kingdoms and
principalities of the Confederation. Hence this
ingeniously elaborated treaty, binding the two
Cabinets intimately together, so far at least as
could well be effected by their mutually guaran-
teeing to each other the entire of their respective
territories.

It should be particularly borne in mind
that
not only have Austria and Prussia pledged them-
selves in this manner to maintain the integrity of
their respective dominions, but that, in addition
to this solemn engagement, they have undertaken
to repel in common every attack coming to the
one or the other of them from any quarter soever.
Article 1 pledges thorn to this active co-operation.
Article 2 renders it imperative upon both to aid I

each other, not only in defending themselves
against aggression from without, but in like manner
also in defending the interests of entire Germany
in the event of those interests being in any way
threatened or jeopardised. Article 3 defines the
imperative character of the necessity, requiring a
portion of both the Austrian and Prussian army
to be prepared at all times during the continuance
of the war for the accident of an emergency.
Article 4 provides that the contracting parties
shall invite all the German States to adhere to the
terms of their agreement. Article 5 precludes
both Austria and Prussia from entering, dur-
ing the existence of this alliance, into any
separate treaty whatever with other States---into
any separate treaty at least not completely har-
monising with the principles here proclaimed.
While Article 6 is simply expressive of the accus-
tomed formality observed upon all similar occa-
sions, being merely to the effect that the present
treaty shall be submitted as speedily as
possible to the ratification of the august
Sovereigns. Such is the precise bearing
of this notable treaty, offensive and defensive,
between the Austrian and Prussian Governments.
As with a lady's letter, however, the most inte-
resting portion of the whole is condensed into the
all-important postscript. The " murder is out"
only in the additional or supplementary article
thereupon immediately appended. A declaration
of war against Russia by the courts of Berlin and
Vienna, or as that nota bene to the Treaty between
Austria and Prussia expresses it, "an offensive
action on the part of both—ein, offensives beider-
seitiges vorgehen--would be first occasioned"—by
what ? Observe the contingencies 1—" through
an attack or passage of the Balkan on the part of
Russia, or by the incorporation of the Principali-
ties !" Only in the event of Moldo-Wallachia
being declared to be incorporated with the do-
minions of the AUTOCRAT, or in the equally re-
mote possibility of the Cossack hordes effecting the
passage of the Balkan Mountains—only then
would an " offensive action" on the part of
Austria and Prussia (so says this important,
and curious, and significant supplement to the
recent treaty) "be first occasioned 1" Wherefore,
as far as events are now from the passage of the
Balkan or from the incorporation of the Princi-
palities—precisely so far are the Western Powers
removed from the probability of obtaining any
active warlike co-operation from the Austrian or
Prussian Government. The truth in this matter
is perfectly obvious. The language employed by
the contracting parties is sufficiently explicit and
comprehensible. There can be no chance of
mistake upon this point at least. What are the
literal words of the plenipotentiaries ? They are
worth repeating, they are worth meditating upon,
they are worth remembering. They are—as we
have seen—these literatim : "An offensive action
on the part of both [i. e. Austria and Prussia]
would, however [meaning by the adverb after all
that has been said'], be first occasioned by the incor-
poration of the Principalities, or through an attack
or passage of the Balkan on the part of Russia."
Nothing further, we conceive, is at all requisite,
now that the Courts of Vienna and Berlin have de-
clared this much, nothing further is at all requi-
site to prove to the comprehension even of those
whose intellects are most obtuse that it were folly
to count upon a manly policy as opposed to the
CZAR from either of the two principal German
Governments. All that the recent treaty signed
on the 20th ultimo in the Prussian capital actu-
ally does, is to bind the Cabinets of Schoenbrunn
and Charlottenburg to the mutual guarantee of
the whole of their respective dominions. Their
union with France and England only rests upon
the shadowy alternative of two most remote and
improbable contingencies.

The Honourable Gentleman the Member for
Finsbury has withdrawn the motion of which
he had given notice respecting the unfortunate
dispute between the masters and the working
people in the manufacturing districts. He was
induced to do so in consequence of a communica-
tion, purporting to come from the " Amalga-
mated Committee-room, Preston," and signed
by certain delegates on behalf of the several
bodies of factory workers. There was nothing
objectionable in the tone of this document, which
was read to the House. It stated that the Com-
mittee, who acted on behalf of the Preston opera-
tives, " had throughout the painful proceedings
acted upon a conviction that they were justified by
every consideration, whether of a local or general
character, in contending for an advance of wages,
and that it had always been their desire to con-
duct the dispute with the most rigid regard to
law and order, that circumstances beyond their
control had induced them to yield to the more
powerful combination of their employers. They
were therefore unwilling that anything should be
permitted to interfere with a cordial reconciliation
among all classes." This, as we have stated, is
altogether unobjectionable—nay, more, it is highly
creditable to the parties ; and we venture to
assert that if, at the beginning of the disas-
trous contest, the negotiations on the part of the
operatives had been conducted with similar modera-
tion, an amicable arrangement would have been
speedily arrived at, by which very severe, if not
ruinous, losses on the part of many of the masters,
and the severe sufferings and fearful privation on
the part of the 'malcontents and of their innocent
families, might have been averted. Whatever dif-
ference of opinion as to the original cause of
the quarrel—the demand for increased wages—
none can exist as to the exemplary conduct
of the parties under trials of no ordinary
magnitude. However we may feel compelled
to censure one portion of their proceedings,
we must greatly admire and unequivocally applaud
another part ; and their candid confession of de-
feat, and deprecation of anything which might by
a possibility interfere with a cordial reconciliation
between all classes, is equally laudable, and pre-
disposes every right-minded man to strain every
energy to restore perfect concord, and to place
the important relations between the parties on a
sound and permanent basis.
Unfortunately, however, there is no security
whatsoever for a continuance of amity. We see
the same machinery still in existence that led to
the former difficulty. Of that the very document
above alluded to, praiseworthy in all other re-
spects, affords unanswerable testimony. We see
that "an amalgamated committee room" is still
maintained at Preston, and that there are dele-
gates, or committee-men, still authorised to decide
and act on behalf of the general body, whose
commands would still doubtless be just as impli-
citly obeyed as heretofore by the great body of
the hands. It was the unauthorised and unsoli-
cited interference of these very persons, or of
others acting with them, that produced the
original quarrel. They then treated the masters
with the utmost arrogance, and conveyed
their ukases to the operatives, who, by
their unquestioning obedience, testified the
thraldom in which they were held. It was
scarcely deemed necessary to conceal the ultimate
object, viz., that the delegates should be enabled
"to control the: destinies of trade" in every par-
ticular. It was, therefore, if not openly avowed,
tolerably clearly• hinted, that each demand would
prove but the precursor of others of greater mag-
nitude, and tlita,t one concession should be followed
by others more extensive if peace was to be main-
tained. Very *clear and explicit intimations were
given to
differnt firms that their turns would
.
speedily arrive ; and the utmost boon that even
the mostch a gentin master could anticipate was,
that bestowed. by the Cyclop to ours, "that
he should be
the last devoured." Surely, then,
the golden op
portunity for obtaining ample gua-
rantees for an. enduring
peace should not be dis-
regarded, or s; uttered' to pass away
without
The modera Lion of the document inten noticede
d
Parliament is also very strongly contrasted wi•
th
those address, 3.3 to the operatives from the same
room, and, w e believe, virtually from the sape
parties. Her e nothing is to be " permitted to in-
terfere with t he cordial reconciliation of all par-
ties." There the hands were advised "to resume
work—until a more favourable opportunity."
Here, " circtu nstances beyond their control have
induced them to yield." There Mr. COWELL com-
pletes the s, 9t term, by desiring the operatives to
"rest assure A :that; wheoner a reaction takes