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London, England, 1853-06-01 00:00:00

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(THIS DAY.)

MID-KENT HANDICAP.
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SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock.

LE N HAM RACES.

(BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH)

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

ROUSE OF COMMONS—(THIS DAY.)
The SPEAKER took the chair at twelve o'clock.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.
Th Lords' Amendments to the Bognor Railway Bill
were carried and agreed to ; the London Docks Bill
was road a third time and passed.
The following bills were considered and ordered to be
read. a third time :--Newport, Abergavenny, and Hereford
Railway (Taff Vale) Bill ; Rooker's Disabilities Removal
Bill; and Wimpole, Wrestlingworth, and Potton-road
.

PETITIONS.
Mr. II W. WICKHAM presented a petition from
the operative tin-plate workers, Bradford, Yorkshire,
in favour of the Combination of Workmen's Bill.
Sir J", DUKE and several other hon. members pre-
sented petitions in favour of the Combination of Work-
men's Bill.
Alderman KERSHAW presented a petition from a
place in Lancashire against the Government Educational
Scheme.

NEW TRIAL (CRIMINAL CASES) BILL.
bill
On the order of the day for the second Breading of this

Mr. EWART presented a petition in its favour.
Mr. I. Burr then proceeded to move that the hil_
be read a second time, and in doing so the hon. and
learned gentleman entered into a detailed explanation
of the provisions of the measure. It was not easy, he
Said, to exaggerate the importance of the bill. There
could be no doubt that the present state of the law was
productive of great inconvenience ; but before a bill of
this nature was passed, he apprehended it was the duty
of those who proposed it to show that it would not be
productive of still greater inconvenience in the adminis-
tration of the criminal law. The house was aware that
in civil matters the law gave parties the power of mov-
ing for a new trial, if they were dissatisfied with the
ruling of the judge or the finding of the jury, but except
,4011 points of law, there was no such power of revision
'" criminal cases. It was right, however, that he should
state that in one case of felony of recent date, the Court
oh
Queen's Bench had granted a new trial, although all
te previous authorities were diametrically opposed to
such a proceeding. The law, as it was at present ad-
ministered, contained many anomalies. For instance, if
a man was tried upon a criminal charge in the Court of
Queen's Bench, or before a special jury in Middlesex, or
the city of London, he could appeal to the court above
,against the dictum of the judge or the finding of the jury ;
but there was no power of appeal in a case tried at the
Assizes, or before a recorder or petite jury. Now was it
Strange that there should be the power of appeal in one
case and not in the other. We should have thought, if
any exception was to be made, it ought to be in favour
of the first and not of the latter case. Well, then, the
object in this bill was to remove the defect in the crimi-
nal law, and to give to the Court of Queen's Bench an
enlarged control over the proceedings of criminal cases,
no matter where they might have been tried. In mat-
ters connected with the record a power of appeal already
existed ; but the record was no more a reflex of the
merits of the case than were the minutes of the house
a record of the question debated last night. A judge
might admit improper 'evidence, but the record
would take no notice of that, because the re-
cord was prepared before their trial ; and the
Principal object of this bill was to give a power
of appeal in cases where evidence might have been
erroneously admitted, or the decision of the jury was
opposed to the facts. Observe, the bill introduced no
near principle into the law, because upon points of law
the judge who tried a criminal already had the power of
reserving matters for a decision of the court above ; but
this bill proposed to give a power of appeal in the cases
he had stated without the consent of the presiding
Judge. He had the greatest possible objection to
leaving the right of appeal to the decision of
the judge. He thought it ought to be an
absolute right without any limitation whatever,
and since this power of appeal had made the English
law what it was, he hoped the house would find
no difficulty in adopting this measure. Ho need not
cite cases where erroneous convictions had taken place,
.they must be familiar to all who heard him, but he
must remind the house that in several cases parties had
lost their lives through the erroneous finding of juries,
which could not have happened had the provisions of
this bill been in force as law. Now, why should not
a man, on his trial for life, have the same protec-
tion of appeal as he had in a civil action ? (Hear.)
He could see no reason whatever against it, and there-
fore he had proposed this power of appeal with proper
machinery for carrying out speedily which would be found
explained in the language of the bill. If the Imuse
fully
admitted the principle of the bill, he should have no ob-
jection to refer it to the consideration of a select com-
mittee. (Cheers.)
Mr. EWART seconded the motion, and thought it
discrete to refer the bill to a select committee. As the
bill now stood it was only applicable to Ireland, but if
the second reading was carried, he should move that it
be an instruction to the committee to inquire into the
state of the law of England as well as Ireland. For his
Part he thought the whole subject, and not the bill
alone, ought to be referred to a select committee, with
Power of examining witnesses. The subject too of
apinting a public prosecutor ought to be referred
toga select committee, and when an occasion offered, he
should make s motion to that effect.
Mr. PHILLIMORE said it did not appear to him
that any good could result from the passing of this bill.
The great objection to the measure was that it refused
to the judge the discretion of withholding an appeal
where he did not think the merits of the case demanded
one. With regard to the argument that it was unjust
to refuse an appeal to a man who was on trial for his
life, while lie could have had an appeal in a trumpery
-Lease of debt, it should be remembered that it seldom
uappened in the former case that there were nice points
of law to be decided. The result of the trial generally
turned upon a matter of fact which a jury alone
could decide ; but in civil actions there was no end to
the questions, which only a superior court of law could
settle and dispose of. (Hear, hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON said if the principle of this
bill
was right, he must object to its application piece-
- ~,, eat It should extend to the whole of the United
kingdom but but lie was opposed entirely to the principle
of the measure. Punishment in criminal cases was not
inflictedm upon the culprit in a revengeful spirit, but
merely to deter others from falling into the same crime,
and therefore it was of the utmost importance that the
.administration of the criminal law should be speedy and
c ertain- (Hear, hear.) In civil matters, it was perhaps
not necessary, that the fulfilment of the law should be
B,olll•.'iPid but it would be highly inconvenient to extend
was power of appeal to criminal cases. It
wal
ue a mistake to suppose that the law, as it stood, was in-
v of`ncient to protect the man who was unjustly convicted
erinie, because in all cases where there was a doubt
u.n.co the guilt of the party, ample opportunity was
whi.ded for 441 appeal to the Home-office, where the
the case would be again investigated with a view to
Leinliberation of the party in the event of the conviction
TheZ°l)Posed to the opinion of the judge who tried him.
sum . aPPeals were of every-day occurrence, and quite
thiBelent, he contended, to meet the difficulty which
!rile bill was intended to remove. (Hear, hear.)
open aPPeal, however, contemplated by this bill was
en„uto grave objections. It might have the effect of
to the-rging perjury ; but if they gave power of appeal
pass Party accused, why should not the prosecutor
thi .8 the same power ? (Hear The fact was,
bill was surrounded 'with objections ; but even sup-
listiig it were not, at the present time there was a corn-
of 0 on sitting for the purpose of investigating the whole
61. criminal code, and until that commission made its
-.•Port it would be unwise to pass a bill of this nature.
teerr these
that the bill
reasons, therefore, he must move
merad a, second time this day six months. (Hear.)
Imy•orPt1:11 INN supported the bill, and declared that
theirig • highest legal authorities, not even except-
peal , ulson the bench, were favourable to an ap-
Ntatici_llB criminal cases, as they had seen too many in-
criiu! where parties had been improperly convicted of
Thero, and laid open to the punishment of the law.
the was a great obection to the appeal referred to by
twihron4hille
tlhord, because. if a man obtained his liberty
at medium, it was not granted to him
from tinileatter of right, but as an act of mercy
y'as nn Crown. The case of Mr. Barber, who
iq sup„„.. Y convicted of forgery, was a strong evidence
read tri tof this bill, and he trusted the house would
ferre,ue bill a second time, with a view to its being re-
t° a select committee. (Hear, hear.)
ikatiBideraiNtAiullnlEß had given this bill his most careful
ue unwis_ , and his firm conviction was that it wot!ld
;118,
ogsaineti, andeopt it. The right of judicial authority
granting of new trials in criminal cases..
against i,. lightened and humane judges bad decided
d iitsrai at
il
critiiium E. The great object had always been to have
;ero
se,final and decisive. At present, if a judge
~Ported with the verdict of a jury he
toe
~ that effect to the Executive, and the Execu-
ocemiu_ually granted man under a man on such
siteii whereas of a ar circumstane , present bill would, under
se circumstances trill es send a man back to take his chance
,•_at in the wl; I He could say most conscientiously
1:0Tirol wit but
00e0 e course of his practice he had never
Case in which he believed an improper
nexlktien had
00_ day, tilken place, and that was set right the
„tira_sci.derable re..t thought the jury system was capable of
ted, but l°rrn, and he hoped to see improvements
:4Re gre„,
cactihoped he should never see the day when
be aitez.tutional syste of criminal trials would
kr. lain the manner Pro
"ter b,,,—"-`MAHoN considered . P by the present bill.
(II "" been that no answer what-
ear h made to th •
ese ear ) b 1' e principle of the bill.
aPeci e e ieved that u ,dusinnent more
Pau Would dog ifilt this ersons
bill

passed into law. He believed that the bill would also
decrease the number of instances of perjury.
Sir G. GREY said it was impossible to deny that the
alteration proposed by the hon. and learned gentleman
was a grave and important subject, and well deserved
the attention of that house. He believed, however, that
that alteration would be very hazardous—one which
would lead to delays in the administration of justice,
and would impair its efficiency. It was not called for,
neither would it provide a remedy for the cases cited
by the hon. and learned gentleman. He thought that
a proper and merciful exercise of the Royal prerogative,
exercised under the advice of Ministers responsible to the
Crown, would meet all the evils which could possibly
arise, and, in fact, meet them better than this bill. He
believed this bill would lead to a much harsher adminis-
tration of the law than at present, and if juries were
aware that their verdict was liable to be reversed by ,
a second jury, they would be much less disposed to give
the benefit of the doubt to prisoners than they were
now. The house would be acting with considerable
precipitation if it sanctioned the principle of the bill,
and he should certainly oppose the second reading.
Mr. GEORGE said that this bill would put every party
concerned in a new trial in a false position, and he
should, therefore, oppose the second reading.
After a few words from Mr. J. BUTT, the second read-
ing of the bill was negatived without a division.

JUDGES EXCLUSION BILL

On the motion for the third reading of this bill,
Mr. H. DRUMMOND moved that the bill be read a
third time that day six months. The bill was founded
upon a narrow basis, without any grasp of the past for
the instruction of the future. The presence of eminent
lawyers and judges had been of the greatest value when
important questions had been before the house, such
as the seizure of the Danish fleet, and the discussion
of the orders in council. They might say that such
cases as these might never occur again, but did
they see nothing in the new claims of America,
which made it perfectly certain that the next war
would involve questions more difficult even than those
in the discussion of which the presence of eminent men
like such as Sir. William Scott and Sir William Grant
would be of the greatest importance ? He could not con-
ceive that there was any degradation to any man in can-
vassing 5/. householders, and yet to free judges from
this fancied degradation, was the sole reason which the
noble lord could assign for this bill.
Mr. MACAULAY, whose rising caused consider-
able excitement, which was manifested by the
rapid filling of the house, said he could not allow
the house to go to a division on this bill, with-
out expressing his opinion with regard to it. He
should vote against it from the bottom of his soul,
and he certainly never had in his life given a vote with
such perfect confidence as he should give this against this
bill, and he thought it most strange that a bill for which
so little could be said had ever got to this stage. On
what ground was this bill brought forward ? Was it
brought forward on that ground on which alone he could
conceive a Conservative statesmen would bring forward
any measure of reform—that the present state of the law
had produced any practical disadvantage ? That mo-
tive was disclaimed by all the supporters of the
bill. There was not one of them who asserted
that any evil had been caused by the presence of the
Master of the Rolls in this house. The office of the
Master of the Rolls and the Commons House of Parlia-
ment dated their existence from the same century, and
for 600 years a long list of Masters of the Rolls had sat
in this house, closed by the illustrious names of Jekyll,
Strange, Kenyon, Pepper Harden, Grant, Copley, and
Sir John Romilly. Had it ever been said that these
judges had discharged their judicial functions with less
efficiency because they had a seat in the house. If not,
was it the part of wise men to propose to alter a system
which had existed for the last six centuries, against
which it could not be alleged that in any single case

it had produced any single inconvenience, and simply
for the purpose of squaring themselves with an abstract
principle. What was this abstract principle, that it was
desirable to separate judicial from political functions.
Supposing that it could ly) shown that this union had
produced any ill effects, still he must pronounce this bill
the most wretched and pitiable reform ever proposed—
(cheers)—the most homoeopathic dose that ever quack
administered to a wide-spreading malady. If the noble
lord considered that that union of political and judicial
functions was injurious, this reform which he proposed
would be merely infinitesimal. If the Master of the Rolls
was to be excluded, why not the Recorder of London ?
He should be very sorry to see the Recorder of London
excluded, but the arguments for his exclusion were ten
times stronger than for the exclusion of the Master of
the Rolls. (Hear.) If the Recorder of London was to
be excluded, why not all the recorders in the country ?
Why not all the Chairmen of Quarter Sessions ? And he
ventured to say that the reason for their exclusion were
much stronger than for the exclusion of the Master of
the Rolls. He had attended Quarter Sessions formerly,
and had seen a man of most eminent ability, one of the
ablest and most expeditious judges he ever saw adminis-
ter justice at Quarter Sessions, and yet that man
was a member of Parliament, a keen politician,
a strong party man, a man who had made a motion by
which the fate of a Ministry had been decided, and who
before the end of his life had himself sat in a Cabinet.
He took a very conspicuous part in the case of the
Queen—and was pelted by the London mob, he believed,
for his opposition to her cause—yet lie would pro-
bably have to go down into his country and try persons
for breaking the windows of those who had refused to
light up their windows for the Queen's acquittal. No.
thing could be more notorious than that whenever there
had been any discontent in the country, that they had
had the whole democratic press crying out that
chairmen of Quarter Sessions ought not to be
trusted with the administration of justice in poli-
tical matters, and he remembered Mr. Canning
saying in that house, that one of the worst signs
of the times was the growing distrust of gentlemen
in that capacity. Yet they allowed judges of that de-
scription to remain in the house, and at the same time
fell upon judges who had nothing whatever to do with
political trials. (Cheers.) Even if he were to admit
there was something dangerous in the functions of the
Master of the Rolls, which made it impossible that lie
should take no pail in politics, *he should still vote
against the bill as inconsistent. The noble lord shut
the Master of the Rolls out of this house, but he left the
other house open to him. Was that house alone a
political assembly? (Cheers.) Was it not a fact that
great judges had risen to the highest eminence in the
other house ? Was it not notorious that Lord Hardwicke

had long ruled over that house, and after him Lord
Mansfield, from whom the power passA to LordThurlow.
Many of those present could remember how formidable
a political influence Lord Eldon had wielded there ; how
he had made and unmade Ministers, and with
what veneration he was regarded by one party, and with
what peculiar aversion by another. Many in that house
could remember, and none could forget the memorable
night of the 10th of October, 1831. It was the most
solemn and exciting crisis of his political life when took
place that great debate of many giants, which ended in
the rejection of the Reform Bill by the House of Lords.
God forbid that he should ever see such another
crisis, certainly such another debate he could never
hope to hear. It certainly was a most splendid debate,
and he doubted not that some of those who waited, as he
did, all that night, until the grey daybreak of an autumn
morning, and anon crowding into the House of Lords to
catch a few words of what was going on, must remember
the scene. And there, in the front of the battle, were
the two great leaders, Lord Brougham the Lord Chan-
cellor, and Lord Lyndhurst the Lord Chief Baron—how
the country hung on their words, and how eagerly
they were read throughout the country next day before
noon, and what fearful excitement they created
was proved by the disasters of Nottingham and
the riots of Bristol. (Hear, hear.) Yet this
was the arena which the noble lord would leave open to
political judges, while he closed to them the arena of the
House of Commons. The noble lord's sole objection was
to their sitting in the House of Commons. A judge must
o some 100 feet from where they were now sitting, must sit
on a red bench instead of a green ono, mustsay " MyLords,"
instead of " Mr. Speaker," and then there was no pos-
sible objection to him sitting and voting in Parliament.
(Cheers.) But the House of Lords—that great political
assembly—was the Court to which went up all the ap-
peals from all the Courts of the United Kingdom, and
if the principle of this bill were correct, the noble lord
ought to have begun by taking away their political func-
tions from the peers, and; insteading of beginning with
the Master of the Rolls, for no proposition could be
more clear than this, that the court above should be
constructed with greater purity than the court below.
The noble lord, it seemed, was content that in the
morning the peers should sit as judges, receiving appeals
from all courts, the Master of the Rolls included, and
there frame decisions which, until disturbed by
an act of the Legislature, should be binding
on all the inferior Courts of the Kingdom, and that in
the afternoon they should meet as legislators, and debate
among themselves, pretty strongly too, occasionally, and
in a way in which, if Mr. Speaker was among them, he
would find himsel fobliged to call them to order—(laughter)
—upon Canada Clergyßeserves, the Irish Education, and
the Government of India. The noble lord said that this
bill was for the purification of the administration of jus-
tice, but it would be effectual for one purpose only—to
weaken a ntdeioinfaldltnete,
that
riNavt
hatocaeucl
tlelledatvaul ihasetaeel eiolu se of Commons. This was not
similar
diel
eei
been
attemptbthoe hereditary
rdneedp
irt
retainedeasrhadsy t h
iene noe nutohsueesmadeHouse
o:
fft
The
mefimt r st
effectsoletnm
Peers. The great conflict of opinion would then
have taken place in the House of Lords and not '
ln
the House of Commons, which then would have
been the lower house indeed ; but the clause
struck out 'by the wisdom of Parliament. Now, dthis
bill passed, it would have a precisely similar effect. It
would impair the usefulness and efficiency of the house,
by closing the door to some of the ablest men of the Age,'
and at a time, too, when there was a well-founded de-
sire in the public mind to seek for law reform. (Hear.)
Much time in future sessions would have to be directed
to that important subject, and when those sessions ar-
rived who would be the most competent to deal with
the question, but the very men whom this bill would ex-
clude. The argument lie had heard in favour of this bill,
that the judges ought not to mix themselves up with the
heat and turmoil of a contested election. It was said
that his doing so would lower the dignity of the judicial
office, and something had been said about the im-
propriety of a judge partaking in the unseemly
jovialities which occasionally prevailed at a contested
election. He wished that indulging in such jovialities
was the only charge that could be brought against gen-
tlemen who occupied seats in the house ; but as for the
. argument as applied to this case, it was unworthy of notice.
In times gone by some of the judges of the law had
occupied seats in the house without in any way sullying
the judicial character ; and he could see no reason why
they should not do so again. Their presence never
failed to add to the efficiency of the house,
while, like the speaker who now filled the chair,

they always passed through the heat of a contested
election without in any way degrading or lowering
the judicial offices which they filled for the time being.
(Cheers.) Why should not their successors be permitted
to follow in their footsteps ? True, they had always
closed the door against the Judge of the Admiralty
Court, and it might seem inconsistent if they did not
extend their legislation to the Master of the Rolls, or
other equally eminent judicial functionaries, who were
eligible to seats if they could find a constituency to re-
turn them. But the fact was, this species of legislation
was founded in error, and as the time must come sooner or
later when the whole representative system would have
to be reconsidered, he hoped the house would seize the
opportunity for retracing its steps. (Hear, hear.) At
all events, do not let the house hurriedly pass the bill,
and he should be well satisfied with the result. He, for
one, should certainly vote against the third reading of
the bill. (Cheers.)
Lord HOTHAM replied, and quoted a number of
eminent legal authorities in favour of the bill.
After a few words from Mr. TiunrE,

The house divided, when there appeared—
For the third reading ,
Against it

123
224

Majority • 101
The bill was accordingly thrown out.
COMBINATION OF WORKMEN BILL.

On the order of the day for continuing the further
proceedings on the third reading of this bill, a large
number of petitions were presented in favour of the bill.
Lord PALMERSTON said he had no objection to the
principle of the bill, so far as it gave perfect freedom to
all parties to combine for the purposes authorised by the
existing act, but there were:words in the bill which he could
not assent to, because they might sanction a species of
intimidation which the framers of the bill had evidently
no wish to do. The words which he objected to were
these, "peaceably inducing or endeavouring to induce per-
sons to abstain from work." Under the authority of these
intimidation might be brought to bear upon parties who
were anxious to work without resorting to violence, or in
any way violating the law, and the consequence might be
that many poor persons might be seriously injured by
domineering persons in their own trade. (Hear, hear.)
He would therefore suggest that the bill should be read
a third time, and the further proceedings postponed for
a fortnight, to afford time for amending that part of the
bill to which he had referred. (Hear.)
This course was acceded to, and the bill having been
read a third time, the further proceedings were post-
poned until this day fortnight.
ABSCONDING DEBTORS (IRELAND) BILL.
The order of the day for the second reading of this
bill was read, for the purpose of being discharged.

HACKNEY CARRIAGES (METROPOLIS) BILL.
This bill was read a third time.
Sir D. NORREYS moved the insertion of the follow-
ing clause :—" And be it enacted that the Commis-
sioners of Police shall, subject to the approbation of
the Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury, cause to
be made and published a map of London, reduced from
the Ordnance survey of London to a scale of not less than
eight inches to one mile, and all disputes as to distance
shall be determined by reference to such map, or some
copy thereof duly authenticated by the seal of the com-
missioners, without any actual measurement of the dis-
tance being required ; and in case of dispute as to the
points of hiring or setting down, the first street or public
building marked on such map which shall be passed
after hiring, shall be taken to be the point of hiring, and
the last street or public building passed shall be taken
to be the point of setting down, and the fare shall be
calculated accordingly."
Mr. FITZROY opposed the clause on the ground of
the expense it would cause.
The clause was negatived without a division.
Mr. PIGOTT moved the following amendment to
clause 2, at the end of the clause, to add the words,
" Provided, however, that in case of the refusal or sus-
pension of any such license as aforesaid, it shall be law-
ful for the proprietor of any such stage or hackney car-
riage, or other persons applying for such license, or sub-
jected to such suspension, to appeal from the decision of
the Commissioners of Police to the Metropolitan Police
Magistrate for the time being sitting at the Police-office
at Bow-street."

Sir R. H. INGLIS seconded the amendment, as he
entirely concurred in the expediency of providing some
appeal.
After a few words from Mr. WHALLEY, who sup•
ported the amendment,
Mr. FITZROY opposed the amendment, as it would
make the bill absolutely nugatory if it was introduced.
After a few words from Lord D. STUART, the house
divided, when there appeared—

For the ainendnient
Against it

Majority

. 42
. 79

. 37

The amendment was accordingly negatived.
Alderman CUBITT moved an amendment with the
view of excluding the operation of the bill from the city
of London.
Sir B. HALL opposed the amendment.
After a few words from Mr. S. WORTLEY and Mr.
F. FRENCH,
Lord D. STUART rose ; but it being now six o'clock,
The SPEAKER declared the house to be adjourned.

STATE OF TRADE.

(Front the Mandtester Guardian of this day.)

MANCHESTER, May 31.—The transactions of to-day
have been on a very limited scale, both in yarns and
goods, for shipment and for home consumption ; partly
in consequence of the extent to which sellers and buyers
are already mutually engaged, but partly also as a result
of various in2uences which were either not felt in the
early part of last week, or not in the same degree as
now. The overland advices show the overthrow of the
reigning dynasty in China to be imminent ; so that pur-
chases for that quarter are out of the question. At Bombay
the prices of piece goods were rather lower ; and at Cal-
cutta both goods and yarns had in seine degree receded in
value, while the up-country advices continued unfavour-
able. We have consequently found no demand for those
important markets. Then, the very threatening aspect of
the ruptured relations between Turkey and Russia has quite
interrupted operations for the Levant ; while the danger
to European peace seen in the mutual attitudes of
Austria and Switzerland, tends generally to render
commercial men increasingly cautious. At the same
time, the American accounts contain nothing whatever
to impart the slightest impulse to the Liverpool market ;
for they report the price of cotton as stationary, though
firm, the estimates of the supply as ranging between
3,200,000 and 3,300,000 bales, whilst some look for
3,400,000, and they state that the weather was remark-
able favourable for planting. These causes have produced
an indisposition for business amongst buyers, which
was not observable a week ago ; and they are, therefore,
for anything they may want. But, on the other hand,
the easy position of spinners and manufacturers in re-
gard to engagements, and the persuasion they entertain
that the clouds in our political horizon will be dispersed,
cause them to feel no anxiety about further sales,
and therefore not at all inclined to lower their terms.

ROCHDALE, May 30.—The same inactivity continues
in the flannel market, and the manufacturers are more
engaged in fulfilling their old contracts than in entering
into new ones. In wool there has been very little doing,
but the dealers hold out for the old prices.

HER MAJESTY'S SUMMER CRUISE.—We understand
that the Royal yacht Victoria and Albert, Captain
Crispin, will be put into full commission at Portsmouth,
about the 10th June, when the complement officers,
lieutenants, and mates will be appointed, and the broad
pendant of the commodore, Lord A. Fitzclarence, will
be permanently hoisted.—Plymouth Mail.
ACCIDENT TO MR. COMMISSIONER PHILLIPS.—Yes.
tcrday an accident occurred to Mr. Commissioner
Phillips which might have been attended wiith serious
consequences. As the learned Commissioner was cross-
ing the Strand he was knocked down by a cab. He was
taken to the Insolvent Debtors' Court, and medical aid
instantly procured. It was found on examination that
he had not sustained any serious injury, and was at
once removed to his residence in Gordon-square.
DEATH OF A DISTINGUISHED OFFICER.—WO have to
record the demise of Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Fuller,
C. 8., an old Waterloo and Peninsular officer, who died
on the 27th instant, at Greenwich, aged 62. The de-
ceased was for many years connected with the 59th Foot,
with which he served during the greater part of the late
war. He was at the battle of Vittoria, the siege of San
Sebastian, the battle of Neve, where he was wounded,
the battle of Waterloo,storming the of Cambray, and
the capture of Paris. Ho afterwards proceed to India,
and was at the battle of Bliurtpore, under Lord Com-
berrnere. The deceased held three medals viz., one for
Waterloo, a war medal, and a medal for San Sebastian.
THE LADY FRANKLIN AND THE SOPHIA.—Theso two
vessels, recently employed in the search for Sir John
Franklin, are now lying in our harbour, the first named
one having arrived on Thursday morning, under the
command of Captain Penny, and the latter yesterday.
It was reported some weeks ago that they had been
purchased by Captain Penny for the Royal Arctic Com-
pany, to proceed to the Arctic Regions, but as this has
been contradicted, and as we have been unable as yet
to see the gallant voyager himself, we can do no more at
present than report their arrival here. Aberdeen,
Herald.
MELANCHOLY SUICIDE IN HEREFORD.—Great excite-
ment was created in this city on Wednesday morn-
ing by the report, which subsequent inquiries
proved to be too well founded, that a Miss Prince,
who resided at Putson, near this city, had com-
mitted suicide. A considerable degree of mystery
attaches to this melancholy event. Miss Prince was
an elderly lady, possessed of an ample fortune, whose
kindly disposition and unbounded generosity deserv-
edly won for her the respect and esteem of all who
knew her. It appears that on Wednesday evening Miss
Prince retired to rest at an early hour, her usual habit
being to rise at seven o'clock in the morning. Not
hearing her moving at eight the servant knocked at the
thed windowoori: bisuttr,esra wece
in receiving no answer, burst it open, when she
discovered that the bed not been slept in, and that
her n
hern
inight-clothes, apparently
htel sittingn!
herone
the:floor
restingn ear
awthgieatii,onl
otsiiii,ee.rd theendin
a Assistance
ewbail
A piece of new rope, skil-
fully
nngoose N
v,
fastened
a a r
w si
nt found oe
twoudni
adt
eel round u
thed
procured,hheerr e neck,
btchuk
et
y ,
life had evidently been extinct for some hours. Not the
slightestreasTohne cvaenrdbieetawssasig,ned for this lamentable oc-
currence.
Theheri maternaled t
ie
property,unc l uncle of teheemdme
committed
de-
stroyed herself while in a stateof .
81h:1:fir:imd thee
wbhyo m deceasedshsoilootiinng
temporary insanity.
himself many years ago in the same house.—Hereford
Times.